a speech made by master waller esquire in the honourable house of commons concerning episcopacie whether it should be committed or rejected. waller, edmund, 1606-1687. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67350 of text r14491 in the english short title catalog (wing w524). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67350 wing w524 estc r14491 13025004 ocm 13025004 96678 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67350) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96678) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e198, no 30) a speech made by master waller esquire in the honourable house of commons concerning episcopacie whether it should be committed or rejected. waller, edmund, 1606-1687. [2], 6 p. s.n.] [london? : iuly 3, 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. a67350 r14491 (wing w524). civilwar no a speech made by master waller esquire, in the honorable house of commons, concerning episcopacie, whether it should be committed or rejecte waller, edmund 1641 911 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a speech made by master waller esquire , in the honorable house of commons , concerning episcopacie , whether it should be committed or rejected . 〈…〉 a speech made by mr waller esquire , in the honourable of house of commons , concerning episcopacy , whether it should be committed or rejected . mr speaker , there is no doubt but the sense of what this nation hath suffered from the present bishops , hath produced these complaints , and the apprehension men have of suffering the like in time to come , make so many desire the taking away of episcopacy . but i conceive it is possible that we may now not take a right measure of the mindes of the people by these petitions , for when they subscribed them , the bishops were armed with a dangerous commission , of making new canons , imposing new oathes , and the like , but now we have disarmed them of that power : these petitioners lately ; did look upon episcopacy , as a beast armed with hornes and clawes , but now that we have cut and pared them , ( and may if we see cause , yet reduce it into narrower bounds ) it may perhaps be more agreeable ; howsoever if they be still in passion , it becomes us soberly to consider the right use and antiquity thereof , and not to comply further with a generall desire , then may stand with a generall good , we have already showed , that episcopacy , and the evils thereof , are mingled like water and oyle ; we have also in part severed them . but i beleeve you will finde that our lawes and the present government of the church are mingled like wine and water , so inseparable , that the abrogation of at least a hundred of our lawes is desired in this petition . i have often heard a noble answer of the lords commended in this house , to a proposition of like nature , but of lesse consequence , they gave no other reason of their refusall but this , nolumus mutare leges angliae : it was the bishops , was so answered then , and it would become the dignitie and wisedome of this house , to answer the people now with a nolumus mutare . i see some are moved with a number of hands against the bishops , which i confesse , rather inclines me to their defence , for i look upon episcopacy , as a counter-scarf , or outwork , which if it be taken by this assault of the people , and withall this mysterie once revealed , that we must deny them nothing when they aske it thus in troopes , we may in the next place , have as hard a taske to defend our propriety , as we have lately had to recover it from the prerogative . if by multiplying hands , and petitions , they prevail for an equality in things ecclesiasticall , this next demand perhaps may be leaegraria , the like equality in things temporall . the roman story tels us , that when the people began to flock about the senate , and were more curious to direct and know what was done , then to obey , that common-wealth soon came to ruine . their legem rogare grew quickly to be a legem ferre , and after , when their legions had found that they could make a dictator , they never suffered the senate to have a voyce any more in such election . if this great innovation proceed , i shall expect a flat and levell in learing too , as well as in church preferments . horos alit artes , for though it be true , that grave and pious men do study for learning sake , and imbrace vertue for it self , yet it is as true , that youth ( which is the season when learning is gotten ) is not without ambition , nor will ever take paines to excell in any thing , when there is not some hope of excelling others in reward and dignity . there are two reasons chiefly alleadged against our church government . first scripture , which ( as some men thinks ) points out another form . secondly , the abuses of the present superiors . for scripture i will not dispute it in this place , but am confident that when ever an equ all division of lands and goods shall be desired , there will be as many places in scripture found out , which seem to favour that , as there are now alleadged against the prelacy or preferment in the church , and as for abuses where you are now in the remonstrance told , what this and that poore man hath suffered by the bishops , you may be presented with a thousand instances of poor men , that have received hard measure from their land-lords , and of worldly goods abused , to the injury of others , and disadvantage of the owners , and therefore mr speaker my humble motion is , that we may settle mens ' mindes herein , and by a question declare our resolution to reform , that is , not to abolish episcopacy . finis . a petition delivered in to the lords spirituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester concerning episcopacy; to the high and honourable court of parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a75748 of text r205596 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.4[8]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a75748 wing a4077 thomason 669.f.4[8] estc r205596 99864933 99864933 160630 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a75748) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160630) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f4[8]) a petition delivered in to the lords spirituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester concerning episcopacy; to the high and honourable court of parliament. aston, thomas, sir, 1600-1645. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john aston, [london] : 1641. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the originals in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. a75748 r205596 (thomason 669.f.4[8]). civilwar no a petition delivered in to the lords spirituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester concerning aston, thomas, sir 1641 1090 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion apetition delivered in to the lords spiritvall and temporall , by sir thomas aston , baronet , from the covnty palatine of chester concerning episcopacy ; to the high and honourable court of parliament . the nobilitie , knights , gentry , ministers , freeholders , and inhabitants of the county palatine of chester , whose names are subscribed in the severall schedules hereunto annexed . humbly shew ; that whereas divers petitions have lately beene carryed about this countie , against the present forme of church government , ( and the hands of many persons of ordinary quality sollicited to the same , with pretence to be presented to this honourable assembly ) which wee conceiving not so much to ayme at reformation as absolute innovation of government , and such as must give a great advantage to the adversaries of our religion , wee held it our dutie to disavow them all . and humbly pray , that wee incurre no miscensure , if any such clamours have ( without our privitie ) assum'd the name of the county . wee , as others , are sensible of the common grievances of the kingdome , and have just cause to rejoyce at , and acknowledge with thankfulnesse , the pious care which is already taken for the suppressing of the growth of popery , the better supply of able ministers , and the remooving of all innovation ; and wee doubt not but in your great wisdomes , you will regulate the rigour of ecclesiasticall courts , to suit with the temper of our lawes , and the nature of free-men . yet when we consider , that bishops were instituted in the time of the apostles ; that they were the great lights of the church in all the first generall counsells ; that so many of them sowed the seeds of religion in their bloods , and rescued christianitie from utter extirpation in the primitive heathen persecutions ; that to them we owe the redemption of the puritie of the gospell wee now professe from romish corruption ; that many of them for the propagation of the truth , became such glorious martyrs ; that divers of them ( lately and ) yet living with us , have beene so great assertors of our religion against its common enemy of rome ; and that their government hath been so long approved , so oft established by the common and statute-lawes of this kingdome ; and as yet nothing in their doctrine ( generally taught ) dissonant from the word of god , or the articles ratified by law . in this case to call their gouernment a perpetuall vassalage , an intolerable bondage ; and ( prima facie & inaudita altera parte ) to pray the present removall of them , or ( as in some of their petitions ) to seeke the utter dissolution and ruine of their offices ( as antichristian ) wee cannot conceive to relish of justice or charitie , nor can wee joyne with them . but on the contrary , when wee consider the tenor of such writings , as in the name of petitions , are spread amongst the common people ; the tenents preached publiquely in pulpits , and the contents of many printed pamphlets , swarming amongst us ; all of them dangerously exciting a disobedience to the established forme of government , and their severall intimations of the desire of the power of the keyes , and that their congregations may execute ecclesiasticall censures within themselves , wee cannot but expresse our just feares , that their desire is to introduce an absolute innovation of presbyterall government , whereby wee who are now governed by the canon and civill lawes , dispensed by twenty-six ordinaries ( easily responsall to parliaments for any deviation from the rule of law ) conceive wee should become exposed to the meere arbitrary government of a numerous presbytery , who together with their ruling elders , will arise to neere forty thousand church governours , and with their adherents , must needs beare so great a sway in the common-wealth , that if future inconvenience shall be found in that government , wee humbly offer to consideration , how these shall be reducible by parliaments , how consistent with a monarchy , and how dangerously conducible to an anarchy , which wee have just cause to pray against , as fearing the consequences would prove the utter losse of learning and lawes , which must necessarily produce an extirmination of nobilitie , gentry , and order , if not of religion . with what vehemency of spirit , these things are prosecuted , and how plausibly such popular infusions spread as incline to a paritie , wee held it our dutie to represent to this honourable assembly ; and humbly pray , that some such present course be taken , as in your wisdomes shall be thought fit to suppresse the future dispersing of such dangerous discontents amongst the common people . wee having great cause to feare , that of all the distempers that at present threaten the wellfare of this state , there is none more worthy the mature and grave consideration of this honourable assembly , then to stop the torrent of such spirits before they swell beyond the bounds of government : then wee doubt not but his majesty persevering in his gracious inclination to heare the complaints , and relieve the grievances of his subjects in frequent parliaments , it will so unite the head and the body , so indissolubly cement the affections of his people to our royall soveraigne , that without any other change of government , he can never want revenue nor wee justice . wee have presumed to annex a coppy of a petition ( or libell ) dispersed , and certaine positions preacht in this county , which wee conceive imply matter of dangerous consequence to the peace both of church and state . all which wee humbly submit to your great judgements , praying they may be read . and shall ever pray , &c. subscribed to this petition , foure noblemen . knight baronets , knights and esquires , fourescore and odde . divines , threescore and ten . gentlemen , three hundred and odde . free-holders and other inhabitants above six thousand . all of the same county . printed for john aston . 1641. the order and form for church government by bishops and the clergie of this kingdome. voted in the house of commons on friday, july 16, 1641. : whereunto is added mr. grimstons and mr. seldens arguments concerning episcopacie. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1641 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a83753 wing e2631a estc r223388 43077488 ocm 43077488 151548 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83753) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151548) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2264:12) the order and form for church government by bishops and the clergie of this kingdome. voted in the house of commons on friday, july 16, 1641. : whereunto is added mr. grimstons and mr. seldens arguments concerning episcopacie. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. grimston, harbottle, sir, 1603-1685. selden, john, 1584-1654. [2], 8 [i.e. 6] p. s.n.], [london : printed anno, 1641. place of publication suggested by wing. imperfect: p. 2-3 are numbered 4-5. reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library, san marino, california. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. episcopacy. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the order and forme for church government by bishops and the clergie of this kingdome . voted in the house of commons on friday , july 16 , 1641. whereunto is added mr. grimstons and mr. seldens arguments concerning episcopacie . printed anno , 1641. the order for church-government in the house of commons , saturday 17 , july , 1641. imprimis . every severall shire of england and wal●● to be a severall circuite or diocesse , f●● the ecclesiastick jurisdiction except in yorkeshire which is to be divided into three . ii. a constant presbyterie of twelve choise divines to be selected in every shire or diocesse . iii. a constant president to be established as bishop over this presbyterie . iv. this bishop in each diocesse to ordaine s●●… spend , deprive , degrade , excommunicate by : a●● with the consent and assistance of seaven divines 〈◊〉 his presybyterie then present and not otherwise . v. the times or ordination throughout the land to be foure times every yeere , viz. 1 may , and 1 august , 1 novemb. & 1 february . vi. 6 every bishop constantly to reside within his diocesse , in some one prime , or chiefe city or towne within his diocesse , as in particular . vii . every bishop to have one speciall particular congregation , to be chosen out of the most convenient for distance of place , from his chiefe residence , and the richest in value that may be had : when he shall duely preach , ulesse he be lawfully hindred , and then shall take care that his cure be well suppplyed by another . viii . no bishop shall remove or bee translated from the bishopricke which he shall first undertake . ix . upon every death , or other avoidance of a bishop , the king to grant a conge d'elire to the whole cergie of that diocesse , and they to present three of the presbyters aforesaid , and the king to choose and nominate whom he please of them . x. the first resbyters of every shire to bee named by the parliament , and afterwards upon the death , or other avoidance of any presbyter , the remaining presbyters to choose another out of the parish ministers of that shire , and this to bee done within one month next after such death or avoidance . xi . no bishop or clergie-man to exercise or have any temporall office , or secular employment , but onely , for the present , to hold and keepe the probate of wills , untill the parliament shall otherwise resolve . xii . the bishop once a yeare ( at midsummer ) to summon a diocesan synod , there to heare , and by generall vote , to determine all such matter of scandall in life and doctrine among the clergie-men , as shall be presented unto them . xiii . every three yeares , a nationall synod to be , which for persons shall consist of all the bishops in the land , and of two presbyters to be chosen by the rest out of each presbytery , and of two clarkes to be chosen out of every diocesse , by the clergie thereof . xiv . this nationall synod to make and ordaine canons of the government of the church , but they not to bind untill they be confirmed by parliament . xv. every bishop to have over and above the benefice aforesaid , a certaine constant rent allowed and allotted proportionall to the diocesse wherein he is to officiate , that is to say , every presbyter to have a constant yearely profit above his benefice . xvi . as for the revenue of the bishops , deanes , and chapters , &c. a strict survey to be taken of all their rents and profits , and the same to be represented at the beginning of our next convention , and in the meane time no lease to be renewed , nor timber to be felled . mr. grimstons argument concerning bishops . i. that bishops jure divino , is of question . ii. that arch-bishops are not jure divino , is out of question . iii. that ministers are jure divino , there is no question . now if bishops which are questioned , whether jure divino , and arch-bishops which out of question are not jure divino ; suspend ministers that are jure divino , i leave it to you mr. speaker . mr. seldens answer . that the convocation is jure divino , is a question . ii. that parliament are not jure divino , is out of question . 3. that religion is jure divino , there is no question . now mr. speaker , that the convocation , which is questioned , whether jure divino , and parliaments , which out of question are not jure divino , should meddle with religion , which questionlesse , is jure divino , i leave to you , mr. speaker . mr. grimstons reply . but arch-bishops are no bishops . mr. seldens answer , that 's no otherwise true , then that judges are not lawyers , and aldermen not citizens . finis . the copie of tvvo letters vvritten by two friends, one to another, concerning a pretended dispute had betwixt doctor taylor with a young batchelour of divinitie attending him, and master alexander henderson, commissioner for the kirk of scotland at oxford. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a63735 of text r1773 in the english short title catalog (wing t307). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a63735 wing t307 estc r1773 12627663 ocm 12627663 64682 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a63735) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64682) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 336:15) the copie of tvvo letters vvritten by two friends, one to another, concerning a pretended dispute had betwixt doctor taylor with a young batchelour of divinitie attending him, and master alexander henderson, commissioner for the kirk of scotland at oxford. taylor, jeremy, 1613-1667. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], london : aprill the 11, 1643. an account of a dispute at oxford between dr. jeremy taylor, the kings's chaplain, and the best known of the scottish kirk commissioners about episcopacy. cf. madan. authorship uncertain; attributed to jeremy taylor by wing. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng taylor, jeremy, 1613-1667. henderson, alexander, 1583?-1646. episcopacy. a63735 r1773 (wing t307). civilwar no the copie of tvvo letters; vvritten by two friends, one to another, concerning a pretended dispute had betwixt doctor taylor with a young ba [no entry] 1643 1208 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the copie of tvvo letters ; vvritten by two friends , one to another , concerning a pretended dispute had betwixt doctor taylor with a young batchelour of divinitie attending him , and master alexander henderson , commissioner for the kirk of scotland at oxford . london , printed aprill the 11. 1643. sir , a few dayes ago there came to my hands a pamphlet intituled , mercurius aulicus , the weeke thereof ; wherein i found mention made of a certaine dispute made betwixt one doctor taylor with a batchelor of divinitie , and our good friend mr. alexander henderson . in reading over of which part of the paper , i find the expression and discourse of the businesse a little to mr. henderson his disadvantage , nor lacketh there divers who really think so , and make great brags therof : the man his worth i well know , and shall ever honour ; being of the mind that he may bee wronged in that printed relation . and because you are daily conversant with him , and cannot be ignorant of what have passed in that kind , i shall esteem it as none of the least of the obligements i owe to you , if by the first sure bearer you send me a true account how that businesse went for satisfying the iudgement of divers , and the curiositie of your very loving friend . london , 15. march . 1642. the answer to the said letter . sir , the 15. of march , there lately came to my hands , and i shall be glad to resolve your doubts , by shewing the true progresse so farre as i can remember unpartially . april the first . in this confused and miserable time of warre , while truth suffereth exile with peace , and all sinewes of humane societie are dissolved , you are more wise then to judge of your old acquaintance by the report of mercurius . i have inquired from those that were present , what did passe betwixt master henderson , and the doctor , and have learned that the doctor did begin indeed with much civility , saluting him , presenting him with a book , and speaking more of his reputation then he could willingly heare ; but without the smallest provocation , did suddenly grow to such procacitie , that as he boasted of his new arguments in his booke , which had not been heard of before , so spared he not to say , that our best arguments were swords and gunnes ; that master henderson had given proofe at aberdene , how much might be said in an evill cause . to which nothing was answered but that it beseemed him who was a young man to speake more modestly of a nationall kirk , and a nationall cause ; he replyed , that he was a presbyter , as he told before , that he was a doctor of divinitie , which could not be knowne by his booke , although printed in the yeare 1642. the other who is called a batchelour of divinitie added , let no man despise thy youth ; which speech had it been directed to the doctor , had not been non-sense . it is true , he came to master henderson on the 19 of feb. in the morning , but mercurius telleth not that this 19. of feb. was the lords day , a circumstance so considerable , that it made those who were present for the time , thinking it no iudaisme to keepe the sabbath , and preparing themselves after a long iourney for the kirk , weary of his discourse , in so much , that at last it was told the doctor , that it was the sabbath . but the doctor was so pregnant and confident , that he was readie to argue , that he was about a worke of the sabbath : it may be , because it is not unlawfull to fight on the sabbath day . had the doctor come in the termes of mercurius , desiring master henderson to give a reason either of his faith , or hope , or demands ; or had an amica collatio been his desire , he might have obtained all that he desired , and possibly more . but coming with faenum in cornu , and no word in his mouth , but dispute , dispute , concertation , concertation , such a way as was more sutable for schoole-boyes , then great divines . and wherewith mr. henderson , although the most part of his life conversant with vniversity men , had never been acquainted . it was told him , that in the synode which was expected , he and others might have disputing their fill , or if that failed , there were many learned men in england to answer his book , or if it pleased him to send to scotland , it would finde an answer there . but that master henderson was come to supplicate the kings majestie , not to answer bookes , nor to dispute propositions in the vniversitie . whether this humour in the doctor proceedeth from the condition of the times or some individuall cause , i dispute not . this i know , that a scripturient engine , may finde matter enough for exercise in gerson , bucerus , altare damascenum , the learned salmasius , and other moderne authors , which yet lye unanswered , but i confesse it is a more easie worke ferram contentionis reciprocare , by writing a new booke . had the doctor perused the paper exhibited in the late treatie , or the declaration of the nationall assembly of the kirk of scotland , for unitie of religion , and uniformitie of kirk government , with the reformed kirks , he would not have challenged us of any obtrusion or anrichristian usurpation , nor would he have compared our christian way of charitie , not of authoritie , of supplication , not of usurpation , with the obtruding of the service-booke , so full of popery upon the kirk of scotland , but this he and his fellow did retractate . not onely master henderson and many better then he , but the kirk of scotland , and all the reformed kirks at their first reformation , were resolved upon the question , that antichristian doctrine , worship , and government , should all downe together . and we wish that the kirk and kingdome of england were resolved also . but beside the will of god that scandalls must be ; and beside the judgement of god upon people for the abuse of the gospel ; the avarice and ambition of the corrupt clergie is a maine hinderance of the resolution which could it be as easily satisfied , as their arguments answered , it would be quickly resolved upon the question ; it is right that episcopacie goe downe , because it standeth not by divine right . finis . bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries, and episcopall government here in england. vvherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one, and antiquity of the other; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme, where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government. published for the common good. carleton, george, 1559-1628. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80351 of text r2006 in the english short title catalog (thomason e107_18). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80351 wing c585 thomason e107_18 estc r2006 99861308 99861308 113440 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80351) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113440) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 19:e107[18]) bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries, and episcopall government here in england. vvherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one, and antiquity of the other; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme, where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government. published for the common good. carleton, george, 1559-1628. [4], 4 p. printed for nath: butter, london : 1642. annotation on thomason copy: "july 5th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng episcopacy -history -17th century -early works to 1800. presbyterianism -history -17th century -early works to 1800. protestantism -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a80351 r2006 (thomason e107_18). civilwar no bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries, and episcopall government here in england.: vvherein i carleton, george 1642 1210 1 0 0 0 0 0 8 b the rate of 8 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bp carletons testimonie concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-covntries , and episcopall government here in england . vvherein is briefly discovered the novelty of the one , and antiquity of the other ; with a short taste of the inconveniences that attend the new plat-forme , where that is set up in the roome of the old primitive government . published for the common good . tolle episcopos , & tot erunt schismata , quot homines . london , printed for nath : butter . 1642. to the readers . if you are of those that are disaffected to the church-government by law established amongst us , i wish this small tract into your hands to choose , to be read and considered of by you with your most serious thoughts , that so it may help on your conversion . doe not cast it away ere you have perused it , because here a bishop speaks in his own cause . with the same reason a conformable man may cast away smectymnuus , because there so many presbyterians speak their own cause . reade it . the author ( however some of your perswasion beare the world in hand most injuriously , and most cunningly , that a rotchet must necessarily cover a papists heart ) was all his life , at flat defiance with rome ; and had he been called to the fiery tryall , doubtlesse he would have followed cranmer , ridley , latimer , hooper , those famous protestant bishops even to the stake , and sealed that doctrine with his bloud , which his tongue and pen published to the world . among other tracts of his now extant , he hath a book forth against pelagianisme and arminianisme . the book styled thankfull remembrances speaks likewise this bishop author ; a book which no friend to rome would certainly ever have written . let him be then your remembrancer , and unprejudiced by you , ( notwithstanding his lawne sleeves ) prevail so far with you to move you , if you finde he delivers truth to change your mindes in case you be now schismaticall in the point of church-government . this learned man was one of those sent by that blessed peace-maker , our late famous soveraigne king james to the synod of dort upon a friendly errand : i would to god this solid and honest piece of his might helpe to make faire accord at home in his own countrey , which so much needs pacification now in the church as well as the state . i shall not despaire , but that it may conduce somewhat toward the one , so parciali●y and all prejudicate opinions be laid aside . it was a good saying of a great scholar , amicus plato , &c. plato is our very good friend , so is socrates , and so aristotle , but truth is a much dearer friend . somewhat like this would you would say once and hold to it , amicus calvinus , &c. calvin is our very good friend , so is beza , and so cartwright , but truth is by much our dearer friend . were these your mindes and resolutions , you would no longer wish that yoake of discipline on your necks , which this honest bishop will tell you in the next leafe , the netherlanders groane under and would faine cast off . so i refer you to the bishop , i for my part have done with you , when i have assured you this is a true draught of learned carlton ; and onely farther ( which civility requires ) bid you farewell . bp carletons testimony concerning the presbyterian discipline in the low-countries , and episcopal government here in england . touching the point of their discipline in the low-countries , i can witnesse that they are weary of it , & would gladly be freed if they could . vvhen we were to yeeld our consent to the belgick confession at dort , i made open protestation in the synode , that whereas in the confession there was inserted a strange conceit of the parity of ministers , to be instituted by christ ; i declared our discent utterly in that point ; i shewed , that by christ a parity was never instituted in the church ; that he ordained 12. apostles , and also 70. disciples ; that the authority of the 12. was above the other ; that the church preserved this order left by our saviour . and therfore when the extraordinary authority of the apostles ceased , yet their ordinary authority continued in bishops who succeeded them , who were by the apostles themselves left in the government of the church to ordaine ministers , and to see that they who were so ordained , should preach no other doctrine ; that in an inferiour degree the ministers that were governed by bishops , who succeeded the 70. disciples ; that this order hath been maintained in the church , from the time of the apostles ; and herein i appealed to the judgement of antiquity , and to the judgement of any learned man now living , and craved herein to be satisfied , if any man of learning could speak to the contrary . a my lord of salisbury is my witnesse , and so are all the rest of our b company , who spake also in the cause . to this there was no answer made by any ; whereupon we conceived that they yeelded to the truth of the protestation . and somewhat i can say of mine owne knowledge , for i had conference with divers of the best learned in that synode , i told them that the cause of all their troubles was this , that they had no bishops amongst them , who by their authority might represse turbulent spirits , that broached novelties . every man had liberty to speak or write what he list , and as long as there were no ecclesiasticall men in authority to represse and censure such contentious spirits , their church could never be without trouble : their answer was , that they did much honour and reverence the good order and discipline of the church of england , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established amongst them ; but that could not be hoped for in their state . their hope was , that seeing they could not do what they desired , god would be mercifull to them if they did what they could . this was their answer , which i thinke is enough to excuse them , that they doe not openly aime at an anarchie , and popular confusion . the truth is , they groane under that burden , and would be eased if they could . this is well knowne to the rest of my associates there . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a80351e-420 a b. davenant . b. hall . b d. ward . d. goad . d. balcanquall . a strange prophecie, against bishops, prelates, and all other priests, which have not kept the faithfull order of priesthood; and also against the transgressors of righteousnesse in these times. together with the downe-fall and destruction of poperie, and the ruine of romes monarchall and tyrannicall government. prophetically declared, that in the yeares 1641, 1642, and 1643. the reformed churches in these westerne islands, should (both king and people) joyne with a religious consent to abolish them out of the church. written by hilgard a nunne, 1558. and since preserved by an antiquary in this kingdome, and now published for the instruction of the church of england. hilgard, a nun. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86348 of text r212753 in the english short title catalog (thomason e134_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86348 wing h1983 thomason e134_2 estc r212753 99871329 99871329 156396 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86348) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 156396) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 24:e134[2]) a strange prophecie, against bishops, prelates, and all other priests, which have not kept the faithfull order of priesthood; and also against the transgressors of righteousnesse in these times. together with the downe-fall and destruction of poperie, and the ruine of romes monarchall and tyrannicall government. prophetically declared, that in the yeares 1641, 1642, and 1643. the reformed churches in these westerne islands, should (both king and people) joyne with a religious consent to abolish them out of the church. written by hilgard a nunne, 1558. and since preserved by an antiquary in this kingdome, and now published for the instruction of the church of england. hilgard, a nun. [8] p. printed for john thomas, london : 1641. signatures: a⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng episcopacy -controversial literature -early works to 1800. prophecies -early works to 1800. a86348 r212753 (thomason e134_2). civilwar no a strange prophecie, against bishops, prelates, and all other priests, which have not kept the faithfull order of priesthood;: and also aga hilgard, a nun 1641 2038 4 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a strange prophecie , against bishops prelates , and all other priests , which have not kept the faithfull order of priesthood ; and also against the transgressors of righteousnesse in these times . together with the downe-fall and destruction of poperie , and the ruine of romes monarchall and tyrannicall government . prophetically declared , that in the yeares 1641 , 1642 , and 1643. the reformed churches in these westerne islands , should ( both king and people ) joyne with a religious consent to abolish them out of the church . written by hilgard a nunne , 1558. and since preserved by an antiquary in this kingdome , and now published for the instruction of the church of england . london , printed for john thomas . 1641. the preface to the reader . vvhether these or such like prophecies be of god , and proceed from the holy ghost or no , let the godly judge . but surely it is commonly seene , when god will shew his displeasure and indignation , and intendeth to bring to passe some great act , that all creatures doe prophecy before , and give warning , although it helpe but little . eve● so ●ouching the subversion of jerusalem , his prophets , and ●●ophecy it before but it availed not . christ himselfe had breathed it unto them . the apostles had warned them thereof . they heard voyces in the temple . they saw signes in the element . they heard battels in the clouds . mad men , and such as were out of their wits , did prophecy it unto them , but all these signes prevailed not , they saw it in act and yet it preuailed not . they might have remedied it , if they would have suffered the emperour to rule over them , but all prevailed nothing , for they were destroyed because they dispised gods word . even so shall it happen unto the papists also . it is prophecied unto them by daniel in the 7. and 8. chap. jt is prophecied unto them by zachariah in the 11. chap. it is prophecied by st. john in the revel. it is prophecied unto them by christ himselfe , matth. 24. it is prophecied unto them by st. paul . 2 thes. 2. and 1. tim. 4. it is prophecied unto them by st. pet. 2. it prevaileth not their owne bishops , abbots , monkes and nunnes prophecy unto them , but it prevaileth not . jt is prophecied unto them by astronomers . it is prophecied unto them by the common rumour with certaine proverbes . it is prophecied vnto them by visions and signes in the element , but all prevaileth not , they might turne it , if they would not presume to be aboue gods word and mens consciences , but would suffer god and his trueth to raigne over them and all mens consciences , but all prevaileth nothing , therefore must they be destroyed , there is no remedie , & that which they will not now , they must not see to their griefe at last , when all helpe is past . wherefore let no good christian grieue himselfe with them , but rather suffer and take patience , and pray to god that it would please him to revenge the blood of his saints , and speedily to deliver us from these cruell tyrants , & all their mischievous or rather hellish enchantments . thereby shall a man get a greater conquest over them , then by sword and armour . god knoweth well where such a titus is , as shall be the finall destruction of these arrogant rabbies , or contemptuous iewes also . to whom be all honour , praise , and glory , for euer and euer . amen . the prophecie of hilgard . all worldly princes and the common people also , shall fiercely fall upon you priests , which hitherto haue abused me . they will turne you away from them , and put you to flight . they shall take away your substance and riches , because that in your time , you have not kept the order of your priesthood well . these words will they speake by you . let us cast these oath-breakers , robbers , and people replenished with all kind of iniquity , forth of the holy catholique church : for the holy church is contaminated and polluted by them . and therefore will god suffer also such things to come over you . yea , the kings of the world , shall assist them with their earthly power and might that shall withstand you . your priestly dignity and annointing , they will esteeme as nothing worth , and to that purpose will they gather together in councell , that they may drive you out of their dominions , because you have driven away the most holy and innocent lambe from you , with your vngodly and abhominable workes . then shall the heavens raine downe divers plagues , which shall be as a revenge of god upon men . the miste shall cover the whole earth , so that all your grasse shall dry up , and your ornaments become pale . the deepe shall suffer earthquakes , and then shall appeare the very anger of god , and the rage both of heaven and earth . god will send a righteous and straight judgement against the transgressors of righteousnesse . and then shall we say altogether . how long shall we forbeare and suffer these ravening wolves ? they ought to have bin feeders of the soules , but they be destroyers of them . they bind and vnbind at their owne pleasure ( yet such power belongeth not unto them ) and as most fearefull beasts they utterly cast us away . and thus remaine we still in our misery and they in their sins , insomuch that all christendome perisheth through them . and whatsoever is right that write they not , but wrest , and onely doe that which is contrary to the law of god . they devoure us , as the wolfe devoureth the sheepe , they live continually in lust and gluttony , they bee very robbers of the church , and whatsoever they can catch or come by , they take and devoure it . they make us also with their occupation poore and beggerly . they damne themselves & desire to destroy us also . therefore will we judge them righteously , anb seperate them from vs , for they be rather seducers then teachers , &c. yet care they not for it , but remaine so still , seeking to make all kingdomes subject unto them . neverthelesse , for all this they must away , and leaue behind them all that they have , neyther shall they afterward rule any more ouer the people againe , with lands , possessions , vineyards , and other temporall goods , which worldly princes be appointed for . a pope should be a pope , a knight a knight , a gentleman a gentleman , wherefore all such things as they possesse vnrighteously , shall be taken away from them . &c. but against the same will the spiritualtie as heads of this world repine and rebell : to wit , the popes , cardinals , bishops , abbats , and other prelates . first with their curse , and with shutting up of the heavens , but the same will not serve , neither shall men feare it any whit . after that , they will get them to their armour and weapons , thinking therewith to defend themselves , but against the judgement of god they can doe nothing , for their time is come , &c. thus much prophecied the nunne hillgard . so ●o● must the bloody whore drinke of her owne challice , and the beast with the false prophets be cast down into the bottomlesse pit , where as is no rest night nor day , there to suffer paines eternally . and then will christ raise up faithfull shepheards to feed his flock . what these shall be , we find in the scriptures plainly enough declared , as they that came from him , and how may it faile , or what defect can be in such as god sendeth ? god is righteous , and also sendeth good shepheards when he seeth his time . they doe righteously , and as they teach , euen so they liue . these be the true seruants which christ speaketh of , which in due time set forth the gifts and glory or the father of the houshold , and not their owne traditions , whereof as yet the whole world is full . but the lord ( at his good pleasure ) for his sonne iesus christs sake , will scomme away all filthinesse and make his glory appeare . so be it the conclusion . divers other like prophecies there are no whit necessary to be written , because i hope there will amendment follow after this , except the readers be found to want the chiefe effects of their eies and eares : for whom would not this ancient , true , and faithfull declaration of the romish and babilonish strumpet , bring to conversion and knowledge ? shee is here so clerely set forth and painted with all her falsehood and colours , that it cannot be done more liuely . hath she not with her challice made drunke , and with her subtilty and deceit overcome emperors , kings , princes , lords ? and with her snares overthrowne all christendome ? let euery man marke it well . when did they any other thing but pole and shave , lye and deceiue , burne , and banne , continually increasing warres and murder ? untill such time as they were become heads of all kingdomes . &c. the same ( as aboue mentioned ) hath endured many yeares , but now will take an end . for the time of the whore is come about , and he commeth that speaketh in the apocalips , saying : i am alpha and omega , the beginning & the ending , the first & the last . blessed be they that follow his commandements , to the end that they may come to the tree of life , and and enter in at those straight gates of the celestiall ierusalem , out of which shall be secluded all vnbeleeuers , enchaunters , whores , murderers , idolators , and all such as loue and follow after lyes , whose portion is in the unquenchable lake that burneth with fire and brimstone . now hath jesus christ sent his angell againe , to shew the people that he is the very roote of david , and the cleere morning starre , and in none other is there any saluation , but in him onely , for it is written . there is no other name vnder heauen whereby we may be saved , but this onely . &c. now he that is faithfull still , he that is holy , let him become more holy , and continue to the end . and let him not long for the time approcheth . and thus let every man be warned , for when he knocketh , happy are they that open , but to those that doe not so , the danger is apparent : for unto such , both baptisme and all holy rites are ministred in vaine . wherefore let us beware of beeing christians onely in name , and let us pray god to blesse us , and to grant us his grace , and that he would vouchsafe to guide us aright by his holy spirit . amen . finis . the recantation and hvmble svbmission of two ancient prelates of the kingdome of scotland subscribed by their own hands and sent to the generall assemblie : as also the act of the said assemblie condemning episcopacy and other abuses which are contrary to the word of god and the laws of this church and kingdome. lindsay, alexander, ca. 1561-1639. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a58291 of text r17222 in the english short title catalog (wing r611). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a58291 wing r611 estc r17222 12863376 ocm 12863376 94711 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a58291) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94711) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 255:e172, no 18) the recantation and hvmble svbmission of two ancient prelates of the kingdome of scotland subscribed by their own hands and sent to the generall assemblie : as also the act of the said assemblie condemning episcopacy and other abuses which are contrary to the word of god and the laws of this church and kingdome. lindsay, alexander, ca. 1561-1639. grahame, george. church of scotland. general assembly. [2], 6 p. s.n.], [edinburgh? : 1641. the two prelates are alexander lindsay, bishop of dunkeld and g. grahame, bishop of orkney. cf. bm. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. a58291 r17222 (wing r611). civilwar no the recantation, and humble submission of two ancient prelates, of the kingdome of scotland: subscribed by their own hands; and sent to the lindsay, alexander 1641 2220 12 0 0 0 0 0 54 d the rate of 54 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the recantation , and hvmble svbmission of two ancient prelates , of the kingdome of scotland : subscribed by their own hands ; and sent to the generall assemblie . as also , the act of the said assemblie , condemning episcopacy and other abuse which are contrary to the word of god , and the laws of this church and kingdome . printed in the yeare , 1641. the bishop of dvnkell his recantation . be it known to all men , i mr. alexander lindsay minister at st. madois , forsomuch as i by my missive letter sent by me to the generall assembly of the kirke of scotland , holden at glasgow , the 21. of novemb. 1638. did freely submit my self , and dimit and lay down at the feet of the said assembly my pretended office of episcopacie , as pretended bishop of dunkell , and my letter promised and subscribed with ample form of dimission there anent , as the said assembly should subscribe . and now the said reverend assembly hath found and declared the said office of episcopacie as it hath been used and termed within the said kirke of scotland , to be abjured by the confession of faith of the said kirke subscribed in the yeers 1580. 1581 and 1590. and therefore hath declared and decerned the said office to be removed out of the said kirke of scotland . as also seeing the reverend assembly hath decerned me according to my said letter , to subscribe a more ample forme of dimission of the said pretended office , in presence of sir iohn moncreeffe , knight baronett , mr. robert murray minister at methven , mr. iohn robertson , minister at perth , mr. alexander petrye minister at kynde , and thomas durham burges of perth , commissioners appointed by them for that effect . therefore and for performance of my said letter , and in obedience to the ordinance of the said reverend assembly ; witt you me to have dimitted , quytclamed , and simpliciter overgives the foresaid pretended office of episcopacie , as pretended bishop of dunkell , with the whole title , style , name , and dignitie thereof : power of ordination , and jurisdiction , voice in parliament , and usurpation of the same in time coming . and faithfully promises , and by these presents bindes and oblidges me , never to exerce , nor use the said pretended office , in the said kirke of scotland ; nor no power of ordination , jurisdiction , voice in parliament , neither any other power ecclesiasticall , belonging , usurped , and acclamed to belong to the said pretended office . like as , according to the act of the said reverend assembly , i acknowledge the said office of episcopacy to be abjured in the f●●esaid confession of faith ; and therefore most justly ought to be removed out of the said kirke of scotland ; and these whole premisses i heartily acknowledge , as i will answer to god . in testimony hereof , i am content and consents , that these presents be insert , and registrate in the generall books of assembly , therein to remain ad 〈◊〉 rei memoriam . and to that effect constitutes my lawfull procurators , conjunctly and severally , promitter 〈◊〉 rato . in witnesse whereof ( written by robert re 〈…〉 , servant to pattrick rosse nottar in perth ) i have subscribed the same with my hand , as said is . at st. madois , the 24. of january 1639. before these witnesses , students in perth . mr. george paterson , mr. allexander dundie , george boswall , servant to . siriohn moncreeffe . the bishop of orknay his recantation . to all and sundry whom it effeeres ; to whose knowledge these presents shall come ; especially , to the reverend and honorable members of the future assemblie to be holden at edinburgh the 12. of august 1639. i mr. george grahame sometime pretended bishop of orknay , being sorrie and grieved at my heart , that i should ever for any worldly respect have embraced the order of episcopacy ; the same having no warrant from the word of god : and being such an order as hath had sensibly , many fearfull , and evill consequences in many parts of christendome ▪ and particularly , within the chur●h of scotland , as by dolefull , and deplorable experience this day is manifest , to have disclamed ▪ like as , i , by the tenour hereof , do altogether disclame , and abjure all episcopall power , and jurisdiction , with the whole corruptions thereof , condemned by lawfull assemblies within the church of scotland . in regard the same is such an order , as , is also abjured within the said church , by vertue of that nationall oath which was made in the yeer of god 1580. and 1581. promising and swearing by the great name of the lord our god , &c. that i shall never while i live , directly exerce any such power within the church ; neither yet shall i ever approve , or allow the same : not so much as in any private or publike discourse , but on the contrary , shall-stand and adhere to all the acts and constitutions of the late assemblie holden at glasgow ▪ the 21. of novemb. 1638. last by past : and shall concurre to the utter most of my power , sincerely and faithfully , as occasion shall offer in executing the said acts ; and advancing the work of reformation within this land ; to the glorie of god , the peace of the countrey , and the comfort and contentment of all good christians , as god shall be my help . in testimonie of which premisses , i have subscribed these presents with my hand ; at brecknesse in stromnes the 12. of februarie 1639. before these witnesses . mr. walter stewart minister at sowthronaldsay . mr. iames cheene minister at kirkwall . mr. robert person minister at firth . mr. patricke grahame sonne to the said bishop . minister at holme , the act of the generall assembly . the kings majestie having declared , that it is his royall will and pleasure , that all questions about religion and matters ecclesiasticall , be determined by the church : having also by publike proclamation indicted this free nationall assembly , for setling the present distractions of this church ; and for establishing a perfect peace , against such divisions and discords ) , as have been sore displeasing to his majestie , and grievous to all his good subjects . and now his majesties commissioner iohn e. of traquair , instructed and authorized with a full commission , being present and sitting in this assemblie , now fully conveened and orderly constitute , in all the members thereof , according to the order of this church having at large declared his majesties zeal to the reformed religion ; and his royall care , and tender affection to this church ; ( where his majestie had both his birth and baptisme ) his great displeasure at the manifold distractions , and divisions of this church and kingdome ; and his desire to have all our wounds perfectly cured , with a faire and fatherly hand . and although in the way approved by this church , tryall hath been taken in former assemblies before from the church registers to our full satisfaction . yet the commissioner making a particular inquirie , from the members of the assembly now solemnly conveened concerning the reall and true causes , of so many and great evils at this time past , and so sore troubling the peace of the church and kingdome . it was represented to his majesties commissioner by this assembly ; that besides many other , the maine and most materiall causes were , 1. first , the pressing of this church by prelates with a service booke , or booke of common prayer , without direction or warrant from the church , and containing besides the popish frame thereof , divers popish errours , and ceremonies ; and the seeds of manifold grosse superstitions , and idolatrie : with a book of canons , without warrant er direction from the generall assembly ; establishing a tyrannicall power over the church in the person of bishop ; and overthrowing the whole discipline and government of the church by assemblies ▪ with a book of consecration , and ordination , without warrant of authoritie civill or ecclesiasticall , appointing offices in the house of god , which are not warranted by the word of god ; and repugnant to the discipline and acts of our church : with the commission erected without the consent of the church , subverting the jurisdiction and ordinarie judicatories of this church ; and giving to persons meerly ecclesiasticall the power of both swords ; & to persons meerly civill , the power of the keyes and church censures . 2. a second cause was the articles of perth ( viz. ) observation of festivall dayes ; kneeling at the communion ; confirmation ; administration of the sacraments in private places which were brought in by a civill assembly ; and are contrary to the confession of faith 1590 as it was meant and subscribed in ann. 1580. and divers times since to the order and constitution of this church . 3. a third cause was , the change of the government of the church , from the assemblies of the church to the persons of church-men ; usurping the priority and power over their brethren , by the way , and under the name of episcopall government , against the confession , anno 1580. against the order set down in the book of policy ; and against the intentions and constitutions of this church from the beginning . 4. a fourth cause was , the civill places and power of church men , their sitting in session , counsell , and exchequer : their ridding sitting and voting in parliament ; and their sitting in the bench as justices of peace , which according to the constitutions of the church , are incompatible with their spiritual function , lifting up above their brethren , and worldly pomp , and do tend to the hinderance of the ministry . a fifth cause was , the keeping and authorizing of corrupt assemblies at linlithgow 1606. 1608. at glasgow 1610. at aberdene 1616. at st. andrews 1617. at perth 1618. which are all null and unlawful , as being called and constitute quite to ● order and constitutions of this church , received , and practised ever since the reformation of religion . and withall 〈…〉 ing to introduce novations within this church , against the order and religion established . a sixt cause was , the want of lawfull and free generall assemblies , rightly constitute of pastors , doctors , and elders yeerly or oftner pro re rata , according to the liberty of the church , expressed in the book of policy , and acknowledged in the act of parliament 1592. which his majesties commissioner having heard patiently , and examined particularly , and all objections to the contrary being answered to the full . the whole assembly with expresse consent of his majesties commissioner , in one heart and voice did declare that these & such other proceedings , from the neglect and breach of the n 〈…〉 all covenant of this church , and kingdom made in 〈…〉 have been indeed , the true and maine cause of all our evil 〈◊〉 and distractions . and therefore ordaines , according to the const●tutions of the generall assemblies of this church , and upon the grounds respective above specified , that the foresaid service booke , book of cannons , and ordination , and high commission be rejected still : that the articles of perth be no more practised : that episcopall government and the civill places and power of churchmen , be holden still as unlawfull in this church : that the above named pretended assemblies at linlithgow 1606. 1608. at glasgow 1610. at aberdean 1616. at st. andrews 1617. at perth 1618. be hereafter accounted as nul and of none effect ; and that for preservation of religion , and proventing all such evils in time coming , generall assemblies rightly constitute , as the perfect and competent . judge of al matters ecclesiasticall hereafter be kept yeerly and oftner as occasion and necessitie shall require . the necessitie being first remonstrate to his maiestie by humble supplication ; as also of these occasionall assemblies , that church sessions , presbyteries , and sinodall assemblies , constitute and ordained according to the book of policies , and constitutions of this church , be also hereafter kept as occasion and necessity shall require . finis . a draught of a speech concerning episcopacy by the lord viscount falkland, found since his death amongst his papers, written with his own hand. falkland, lucius cary, viscount, 1610?-1643. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a40796 of text r14178 in the english short title catalog (wing f319). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a40796 wing f319 estc r14178 12594464 ocm 12594464 64029 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40796) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64029) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 316:12) a draught of a speech concerning episcopacy by the lord viscount falkland, found since his death amongst his papers, written with his own hand. falkland, lucius cary, viscount, 1610?-1643. [2], 9 p. printed by leonard lichfield ..., oxford : 1644. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. a40796 r14178 (wing f319). civilwar no a draught of a speech concerning episcopacy, by the lord viscount falkland. found since his death amongst his papers, written with his own h falkland, lucius cary, viscount 1644 2755 2 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-02 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a dravght of a speech concerning episcopacy , by the lord viscovnt falkland . found since his death amongst his papers written with his own hand . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity , 1644. mr speaker , whosoever desires this totall change of our present government , desires it either out of a conceit that it is unlawfull , or inconvenient . to both these i shall say something . to the first , being able to make no such arguments to prove it so my selfe , as i conceive likely to be made within the walls of so wise a house , i can make no answer to them till i heare them from some other ; which then ( if they perswade me not ) by the liberty of a committee i shall doe . but this in generall ▪ in the meantime i shall say , that the ground of this government of episcopacy being so ancient , and so generall , so uncontradicted in the first and best times , that our most laborious antiquaries can find no nation , no city , no church , nor houses under any other , that our first ecclesiasticall authors tell us , that the apostles not only allowed but founded bishops , so that the tradition for some books of scripture which we receive as canonicall , is both lesse ancient , lesse generall , and lesse uncontradicted , i must ask leave to say , that though the mystery of iniquity began suddenly to worke , yet it did not instantly prevaile , it could not ayme at the end of the race , as soon as it was started , nor could antichristianisme in so short a time have become so catholique . to the second , this i say , that in this government there is no inconvenience which might not be sufficiently remedied without destroying the whole , and though we had not paird their nailes , or rather their tongues , i mean the high-commission , though we should neither give them the direction of strict rules , nor the addition of choyce assisters ( both which we may doe and suddenly i hope we shall ) yet the feare sunk into them of this parliament , and the expectation of a trienniall one , would be such bankes to these rivers , that we need feare their inundations no more . next i say , that if some inconvenience did appeare in this , yet since it may also appeare that the change will breed greater , i desire those who are led to change by inconveniences only , that they will suspend their opinions , till they see what is to be laid in the other ballance , which i will endeavour . the inconveniences of the change are double , some that it should be yet done , others that it should be at all done ▪ the first again double , because we have not done what we should doe first , and because others have not done what they should doe first . that which we should doe first , is to agree of a succeeding forme of government , that every man , when he gives his vote to the destruction of this , may be sure that he destroyes not that which he likes better then that which shall succeed it . i conceive no man will at this time give this vote , who doth not believe this government to be the worst that can possibly be devised ; and for my part if this be thus preposterously done , and we left in this blind uncertainty , what shall become of us , i shall not only doubt all the inconveniences which any government hath , but which any government may have . this i insist on the rather , because if we should find cause to wish for this back again we could not have it , the means being disperst , to restore it again would be a miracle in state , like that of the resurrection to nature . that which others should do first , is , to be gone . for if you will do this , yet things standing as they do , no great cause appearing for so great a change , i feare a great army may be thought to be the cause , and i therefore desire ( to be sure that newcastle may not be suspected to have any influence upon london ) that this may not be done till our brethren be returned to their patrimony . we are now past the inconveniences in poynt of time , i now proceed , and my first inconvenience of this change is the inconvenience of change it selfe , which is so great an inconvenience , when the change is great and suddain , that in such cases , when it is not necessary to change , it is necessary not to change . to a person formerly intemperate i have known the first prescription of an excellent physitian to forbeare too good a diet for a good while . we have lived long happily and gloriously under this forme of government , it hath very well agreed with the constitution of our lawes , with the disposition of our people , how any other will doe , i the lesse know , because i know not of any other , of which so much as any other monarchy hath had any experience , they all having ( as i conceive ) at least superintendents for life , and the meer word bishop , i suppose , is no mans aime to destroy , nor no mans aime to defend . next , sir , i am of opinion , that most men desire not this change , or else i am certain there hath been very suddenly a great change in men ; severall petitions indeed desire it , but knowing how concern'd and how united that party is , how few would be wanting to so good a worke , even those hands which values their number to others , are an argument of their paucity to me . the numberlesse number of those of a different sense appeare not so publiquely and cry not so loud , being persons more quiet , as secure in the goodnesse of their lawes , and the wisdome of their law-makers , and because men petition for what they have not , and not for what they have , perhaps that the bishops may not know how many friends their order hath , least they be incouraged to abuse their authority , if they knew it to be so generally approved . now , sir , though we are trusted by those that sent us , in cases wherein their opinions were unknown , yet truly if i knew the opinion of the major part of my town , i doubt whether it were the intention of those that trusted me , that i should follow my own opinion against theirs , at least let us stay till the next session , and consult more particularly with them about it . next , sir , it will be the destruction of many estates , in which many , who may be very innocent persons , are legally vested , and of many persons who undoubtedly are innocent , whose dependances are upon those estates ; the apostle saith , he that provides not for his family , is worse then an infidell , this belongs in some analogy to us , and truly , sir , we provide ill for our family the common-wealth , if we suffer a considerable part of it to be turned out of doores , so that , for any care is taken by this bill for new dwelling , ( and i will never consent they shall play an after game for all they have ) either we must see them starve in the streets before us , or to avoid that , must ship them some whether away like the moores out of spaine . from the hurt of the learned i come to that of learning , and desire you to consider , whether when all considerable maintenance shall be reduced to cure of soules , all studies will not be reduced to those which are in order to preaching ; the arts and languages and even eminent skill in controversies , to which great leasure and great meanes is required , much neglected , and to the joy and gain of our common adversary , syntagmes , postylles , catechismes , commentators , and concordances almost only bought , and the rest of libraries remain rather as of ornament , then as of use . i doe not deny but for all this want , the wit of some hath attempted both , and the parts of some few have served to discharge both , and those of calvin to advise about and dispatch more temporall businesse into the bargain , then all our privy-councell . yet such abilities are extreamly rare , and very few will ever preach twice a sunday and be any match for bellarmine ; nay i feare , sir , that this will make us to have sewer able even in preaching it selfe , as it is separated from generall learning , for i feare many whose parts , friends and meanes , might make them hope for better advancements in other courses , when these shall be taken away from this , will be lesse ready to imbrace it ; and though it were to be wisht , that all men should only undertake those embaflages with reference to his honour whose embassadors they are ; yet i doubt not but many who have entred into the church by the doore , or rather by the window , have done it after great and sincere service , and better reasons have made them labour in the vineyard then brought them thither at first ; and though the meer love of god ought to make us good , though there were no reward or punishment , yet it would be very inconvenient to piety , that hope of heaven and feare of hell were taken away . my next inconvenience i feare , is this , that if we should take away a government which hath as much testimony of the first antiquity to have been founded by the apostles , as can be brought for some parts of scripture to have been written by them , least this may avert some of our church from us , and rivit some of the roman church to her ; and as i remember , the apostle commands us to be carefull not to give scandall even to those that are without . sir , it hath been said , that we have a better way to know scripture then by tradition . i dispute not this , sir , but i know that tradition is the only argument to prove scripture to another , and the first to every mans selfe , being compared to the samaritan womans report , which made many first believe in christ , though they after believed him for himselfe , and i therefore would not have this so farre weakned to us , as to take away episcopacy as unlawfull , which is so farre by tradition proved to be lawfull . my next inconvenience that i feare , is this , having observed those generally who are against bishops ( i will not now speak of such as are among us , who by being selected from the rest are to be hoped to be freer then ordinary from vulgar passions ) to have somewhat more animosity against those who are for them , then vice versâ ; least when they shall have prevailed against the bishops , they be so farre enraged against their partakers , & will so have discouraged their adversaries , as in time to induce a necessity upon others at least of the clergy to beleive them as unlawfull as they themselves doe , and to assent to other of their opinions yet left at large : which will be a way to deprive us i think of not our worst , i am sure of our most learned ministers , and to send a greater colonie to new england , then it hath been said this bill will recall from thence . i come now from the inconveniences of taking away this government to the inconveniences of that which shall succeed it : and to this i can speake but by guesse , and groping , because i have no light given me what that shall be ; onely i hope i shall be excused for shooting at randome , since you will set me up no butt to shoot at . the first i feare the scotch government will either presently be taken , or if any other succeed for a while , yet the unity and industry of those of that opinion in this nation , assisted by the counsell and friendship of that , will shortly bring it in , if any lesse opposite government to it be here placed then that of episcopacy . and indeed , sir , since any other government then theirs will by no meanes give any satisfaction to their desire of uniformity ; since all they who see not the dishonour and ill consequences of it , will be unwilling to deny their brethren what they esteeme indifferent since our owne government being destroyed we shall in all likelyhood be aptest to receive that which is both next at hand and ready made : for these reasons i look upon it as probable ; and for the following ones , as inconvenient . when some bishops pretended to iure divino ( though nothing so likely to be beleived by the people as these would be , nor consequently to hurt us by that pretence ) this was cry'd out upon as destructive to his majesties supremacy , who was to be confessed to be the fountaine of jurisdiction in this kingdome . yet to iure divino that ecclesiasticall government pretends , to meet when they please , to treat of what they please , to excommunicate whom they please , even parliaments themselves : so farre are they from receiving either rules or punishments from them . and for us to bring in any unlimited , any independent authority , the first is against the liberty of the subject , the second against the right and priviledge of parliament , and both against the protestation . if it be said , that this unlimitednesse and independence is onely in spirituall things , i first answer that arbitrary government beeing the worst of governments , and our bodies being worse then our soules , it will be strang to set up that over the second , of which we were so impatient over the first . secondly , that m. sollicitor speaking about the power of the clergy to make canons to bind , did excellently informe us what a mighty influence spirituall power hath upon temporall affaires , so that if our clergy had the one , they had inclusively almost all the other . and to this i may adde , what all men may see , the vast temporall power of the pope allow'd him by such who allow it him only in ordine ad spiritualia : for the fable will tell you , if you make the lyon judge ( and the clergy assisted by the people is lyon enough ) it was a wise feare of the foxes , least he might call a knubbe a horne . and sure sir , they will in this case be judges , not only of that which is spirituall , but of what it is that is so : and the people receiving instruction from no other , will take the most temporall matter to be spirituall , if they tell them it is so . finis . the divine right of episcopacy demonstrated from calvin and beza together with a letter to a presbyterian minister. cunningham, alexander. 1690 approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35428 wing c7589 estc r24900 08648023 ocm 08648023 41528 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35428) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41528) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1254:15) the divine right of episcopacy demonstrated from calvin and beza together with a letter to a presbyterian minister. cunningham, alexander. calvin, jean, 1509-1564. bèze, théodore de, 1519-1605. 12 p. printed for randal taylor, london : 1690. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the divine right of episcopacy , demonstrated from calvin and beza . together with a letter to a presbyterian minister for union . licens'd , march the 10 th , 1689 / 90. london , printed for randal taylor , near stationers-hall . 1690. definitions . i. the power of ordination is that right which the governours of the chvrch have to separate persons whom they find duely qualified , unto the holy ministry of the gospel . ii. the power of iurisdiction is that right which the governours of the church have to make canons which are wanting , or to execute those already made , for the regulation of church-members . iii. the president bishop , is he , who from his pre-eminence to other ministers , is invested with a sixed power of (a) ordination , regulated by canons , and of (b) jurisdiction , ballanced by assisting ministers . iv. the angel of any church representative , is the bishop presiding over the other ministers , within the respective diocess , province , or patriarchate . postulatums . that the 70 disciples ( from among whom matthias was called , to be ordained one of the 12 apostles ) were persons in holy orders in the ministry . ii. that ( b ) timothy in the church of ephesus , and (a) titus in the church of crete , were pre-eminent to other ministers , invested with a fixed power of ordination , and jurisdiction , regulated by canons , and ballanced by assisting ministers . iii. that for the avoiding of schism , the primitive church retained the government of one single person , pre-eminent unto other ministers . iv. that the 7 angels of the 7 churches , written unto , in the book of revelation , are incouraged against all the devices of the ungodly , upon condition of their continuing faithful in their administrations . axioms . i. the regular call of any minister already ordained , is from an office of an inferiour , to that of a superior station . ii. the pre-eminence in any office , includes a proportioned jurisdiction , over the officers who are under them . iii. the divine right is manifest , in that ecclesiastical government which was instituted by christ , continued by his apostles , retained in the primitive church , and approved from heaven by revelation ; in subserviency to any end , wherein the well-being of christianity is concerned . iv. the want of that government in the church , which is of divine right , is pernicious to the gospel , and to the christian religion . proposition i. the twelve apostles were president bishops over the 70 disciples . demonstration . the president bishop is he , who being pre-eminent to other ministers , is invested with a fixed power of ordination , regulated by canons , and of iurisdiction , ballanced by assisting ministers ; ( by definition iii. ) but in respect to the 70 disciples , who were all in the holy ministry , ( by postulatum i. ) and from among whom matthias was called to be of the 12. ( by postulatum i. ) the sacred college of the apostles had a fixed pre-eminence ( by axiom i , ) invested with the power of ordination regulated by canons ; ( by postulatum i. and definition i. ) and of iurisdiction ballanced by assisting ministers ; ) by axiom ii. ) therefore the 12 apostles were president bishops over the 70 disciples , which was the thing to be demonstrated . proposition ii. timothy was a president bishop over the church of the ephesians ; and titus over the church of the cretians . demonstration . these are president bishops who are pre-eminent to other ministers , invested with a fixed power of ordination , regulated by canons ; and of iurisdiction , ballanced by assisting ministers ( by definition iii. ) but timothy in the church of ephesus , and titus in the church of crete , from their offices had a pre-eminence over other ministers , invested with a fixed power of ordination and iurisdiction , regulated by canons , and ballanced by assisting ministers ; ( by postulatum ii. ) therefore timothy was a president bishop over the church of the ephesians , and titus over the church of the cretians . which was to be demonstrated . proposition iii. the fathers of the primitive church were president bishops . demonstration . the primitive church retained the government of one single , person , pre-eminent unto other ministers ; ( by postulatum iii. ) but the pre-eminence in any office includes a proportioned iurisdiction over the officers who are under them ; ( by axiom ii. ) and the power of iurisdiction is fixed in the president bishop , ( by definition iii. ) therefore the fathers of the primitive church were president bishops . which was to be demonstrated . proposition iv. the president episcopacy is approved by christ in the book of the revelation . demonstration . the 7 angels of the 7 churches written unto by st. john , in the book of the revelation , are incouraged against all the devices of the ungodly , upon condition of their continuing faithful in their administrations ; ( by postulatum iv. ) but these angels were president bishops over other ministers within their respective churches ; ( by definition iv. ) therefore the president episcopacy is approved by christ , in the book of the revelation . which was to be demonstrated . corollary i. the president episcopacy is of divine right . demonstration . the divine right is manifest , in that ecclesiastical government which is instituted by christ , and continued by his apostles , retained in the primitive church , and approved by christ , by a revelation from heaven , for subserviency to any end , wherein the well-being of christianity is concerned ; ( by axiom iii. ) but the president episcopacy was instituted by christ ; ( by proposition i. ) continued by his apostles ; ( by proposition ii. ) retained in the primitive church ; ( by proposition iii. ) and approved by christ , by a revelation from heaven ; ( by proposition iv. ) for avoiding of schism wherein the well-being of christianity is concerned ( by postulatum iii. ) therefore the president episcopacy is of divine right . which was to be demonstrated . corollary ii. the want of the president episcopacy is prejudicial to the christian church . demonstration . the want of that government in the church , which is of divine right , is pernicious to the christian religion ; ( by axiom iv. ) but the president episcopacy , is that government in the church which is of divine right ; ( by the preceeding corollarie . ) therefore the want of the president episcopacy is prejudicial to the christian church . which was to be demonstrated . finis . a letter to a reverend minister of the gospel , of the presbyterian perswasion . reverend sir , when in the doctrinal truths of the reformed religion , and in the substantial parts of divine worship , all sober pretestants of episcopal and presbyterian perswasion , are firmly united together ; our sad divisions about ecclesiastical government ( which have these many years mischief'd us ) are certainly incosistent with the gospel of peace and love , subservient to popery which would swallow us up quick , and scandalous to all thinking men. let me therefore conjure you by the bleeding wounds of our holy mother who received us by one baptism , unto the profession of one lord , and one faith , that when the episcopal clergy are of so reconciling inclinations , you neglect not this opportunity of shewing your abhorrence of wilful separation . and that my fervent persuance after peace , may have the honour to contribute in any way for so happy an accommodation among christian brethren ; suffer me in all that tender compassion that becometh a minister of salvation by a dying saviour , to put you in remembrance of these three matters of fact. 1 st . that the representative church of scotland , never confest any divine right in presbytery . 2 ly . that the solemn league never ajbur'd the president bishop regulated by canons , and ballanced by assisting miisters . 3 dly . that the reverend ministers in england , for providing against violation of that covenant , petitioned for such an episcopacy as is liker to our present establishment , than any other seen by the christian world these thousand years . 1 st . the representative church of scotland , never confest any divine right in presbytery . since the blessed reformation ; we have but two of her confessions , the first whereof in k. i. i. his reign , avoweth in its 19 act about the notes of holy church , that that ecclesiastical discipline is rightly administred as god's word prescribes , whereby vice is repressed and virtue nourished . and lest it should be imagined that presbytery can only afford such a discipline ; in the 21 act it avoweth , that no polity can be appointed for all ages , times , and places . and after all , church government is thus left to be of human institution ; the civil magistrate is confest in the 25 article , to have the supream power to settle it . then for the other confession made at westminster , by being voiced unto by the commissioners which were sent from this place , and afterwards approved by the general assembly here , it 's adopted unto the national church of scotland : and it 's well enough known , that the 25 th . ch. thereof asserts the supream civil magistrate his power of establishing the external polity of the church : yea , and the general assembly here in the act of approbation of that confession , for all its protestation that the 31 ch . concerning synods and counsels , should not encroach upon the intrinsick power of the church , takes no notice if the presbyterian government hath a divine institution . 2 ly . the soelmn league did not abjure the president bishop , regulated by canons , and ballanced by assistant presbyters . for since the general assembly here in scotland , by her acts acknowledgeth , that the solemn league strikes against the same episcopacy , against which the national covenant was levelled ; then doubtless the single judgment of the royal martyr , ( the best protestant and casuist of his time ) about the sense of the national covenant , must weigh down the opinion of all the diffusive church of brittain , in this question ; and the world knows that his princely desire of a regulation , always hated the destruction of episcopacy . then for the church representative of both kingdoms , neither the synod of westminster in her directory for church government , nor the general assembly here convened , in her act of approbation of that directory , do any thing in condemnation of a president bishop . but , 3 dly , the reverend ministers of the presbyterian perswasion in england , petitioned an. 1661 , the late king charles the ii. for such an episcopacy , as is liker our present establishment in scotland , than any other that hath been seen by the christian church these thousand years . their petitions are printed in two papers of proposals , in which they insist upon the form of a synodical government , conjunct with a fixed presidency , according to arch-bishop vshers reduction ; and the last motive inducing them to desire such a government , is plainly this , in words . that it will save the nation from the violation of the solemn vow and covenant , without wronging the church at all , or breaking any other oath . now reverend brother , you know as well as my self , that the foresaid reduction by that most reverend primate of all ireland , is liker our present episcopal government , consider'd in its nature , than hath ever been seen in any national church since the blessed reformation : yea , so very like in the weekly session , monthly presbytery , and diocesan synod , that with a due modification , whereunto the regular clergy will be found complying , you should not be able to know the difference . therefore beseeching the author of peace , and lover of concord , that all of us of episcopal and presbyterian perswasion , having one lord , one faith , and one baptism , may be brought to be all of one mind and judgment , perfectly join'd together without all divisions in our lord iesus christ. i rest , though unknown as yet , reverend brother , your affectionate servant . edin . mar. 4. 1689. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35428-e110 calvin . instit. lib. 4. cap. 4 ▪ sect. 2. this is to be considered , that only the pastors , and not the whole multitude laid on hands on their ministers at ordinations . calvin . titus chap. 1. verse 5. we learn indeed from this place , that there was no such equality among the ministers of the church , but that some . one was pre-eminent in authority and council . (a) calvin 2 tim. chap. 1. verse 6. paul himself declares , that he alone , and no other ministers with him , laid on hands on timothy . (b) calvin . inst. lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 2. whatever parts the consul had in the senate , the same office did the bishop always sustain in the meeting of presbyters . beza , rev. 2. chap. 1. & v. 24. to the angel , that is , to the president , as whom it behoveth , especially to be admonished , touching those matters ; and by him both the rest of his fellow collegues , and the whole church likewise , vers . 24. but unto you , that is , unto you the angel the president , and the assembly of your collegues , and to the rest , that is , to the whole flock . calvin , luke 10. chap. 1. vers . 16. after the apostles had returned to christ , he sent out more secondary preachers : and this is the great commendation of the outward ministry ; that christ declares , that whatsoever honour is given to his faithful preachers , is given to himself . calvin . 1 tim. 1. chap , 18. v. (a) timothy was not one of the common ministry , but one next to the apostles , who in the frequent absence of paul , was in his place , tit. 1.5 . beside the ordinary office of pastors , titus had this charge , that he should constitute a certain form of church politie and discipline ; & likewise ordain ministers over the churches . calvin . inst. lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 2. presbyters out of their number in all the cities , chose one , to whom especially they gave the title of bishop ; lest from a parity , as useth to be , divisions might arise . ierom says , at alexandria from mark the evangelist to heraclas and dionysius , presbyters always placed one in a pre-eminent degree , whom they called a bishop . beza , rev. 2 chap. 26. v. my works , that is , he who shall faithfully perform the work laid upon him ; for he bespeaks the assembly of pastors in the person of the president , to whom he promiseth victory against all the wicked , if he rely and trust in the authority and power of that true and only head of the church . calvin , 1 tim. 3.13 . because in one or two centuries after the death of the apostles , it was the constant custom that from the order of deacons , the presbyters were chosen , therefore commonly they have exponed this place , of the advancement to a superior degree . see definition ii. & iii. calvin . inst. lib 4 cap. 6. sect . 1. we have not before touched upon the primacy of the roman see ; whence the papists strive to prove that the catholick church is only with them : because it hath not taken its original from christs institution , nor the custom of the ancient church , as the other offices have done , ( viz. bish. presb. & deacons , cap. 4. sect . 1. ) mentioned already . calvin . inst. lib. 4. cap. 8. sect . 2 for neither the light , and heat of the sun , meat or drink are so nourishing and sustaining this present life , as the apostolick and ministerial office , for preserving of a church upon earth . a paradox, in the praise of a dunce, to smectymnuus by h. p. peacham, henry, 1576?-1643? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56778 of text r4116 in the english short title catalog (wing p948). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56778 wing p948 estc r4116 12631602 ocm 12631602 64787 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56778) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64787) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e135, no 30) a paradox, in the praise of a dunce, to smectymnuus by h. p. peacham, henry, 1576?-1643? [2], 5 p. printed for thomas paybody ..., london : 1642. a satire on episcopacy. attributed to henry peacham. cf. nuc-pre 1956. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng smectymnuus. episcopacy. great britain -religion -17th century. a56778 r4116 (wing p948). civilwar no a paradox, in the praise of a dunce, to smectymnuus. by h. p. peacham, henry 1642 2854 12 5 0 0 0 0 60 d the rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a paradox , in the praise of a dunce , to smectymnuus . by h. p. london , printed for thomas paybody , in queenes head court in pater noster row . 1642. a paradox in the praise of a dvnce . when i undertook this subject and seriously bethought me of the title , ( as plinies advice to every author ) the praise of a dunce , i considered whether i were my selfe a dunce or no , then it had beene true , proprio laus sordet in ore . againe , qui alterum incusare vol●● scips●● intueri opertet . but when i saw that i had spent no small a time in the vniversity , published some usefull bookes ( as well in latine as english ) to the common-wealth , which have taken in the world , and i could never get any thereby , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as plutarch calls them , silken words , i concluded i was no dunce ; but the greatest reason of all that perswaded me was , that for all my paines i could never get any preferment , had i bin dunce , without question , i had long ere this , perhaps bin double or treble benefic'd , bin a lasie prebend , or deane of some cathedrall my selfe , or kept a fellowship with a good living to boote in some colledge or other , as long as i had lived . but to our purpose . there is no question , but a dunce deriveth his name from duns scotus , who was a tolerable writer in his time ; and no doubt but they deserve to be commended , for that they are pretenders to his knowledge and learning , and though they cannot attaine to the same , yet in rebus magnis est vol●isse satis . they commonly keepe good houses , and give entertainement to learned men , and so they do ( as erasmus saith ) sarcire officium hospitalitate . yea while they are in the vniversitie ; they are very beneficiall by bestowing suppers and break-fasts , ( besides their liberality in money ) upon such learned schollers as make their declamations and other exercises for them . they love and make much of their wives above other ( whom they choose commonly the handsomest in the whole country ) keeping them in their coaches , their taffata , or plush gownes , themselves clad in damaske , with their broad beavers , hats turnd up , or crushd close before like a court dripping-pan . they make good sport in their exercises , by speaking of false latine , making absurd arguments , to the exceeding recreation of others . and since taciturnitie , or silence is a vertue , they are to bee commended for their silence , for in learned company where matter of knowledge or learned discourse is offered , hee alwayes holds his peace . i remember in a christmasse time as i was at dinner in the company of one who was a doctor , and had some 800l . by the yeare in spirituall living , when a learned friend of mine a doctor of the civill law , told him that i was a stranger lately come from beyond the seas , and could speake little or no latine , and desired to speake to him in latine , which i did , the doctor by an interpreter , answered me , it was not the custome of england to speak latine in a christmasse time , and so drinking to me wee had no more discourse . he can in his preaching please both country and citie , and give them content . in the countrie he will never stand above three quarters of an houre , whereby young men of the parish have leasure enough in the afternoone to recreate themselves at any exercise they please : in the citie he will not stick to preach ( such as they are ) three or foure sermons in a day . learned b. andrewes when he was vicar of st. giles without criple-gate would often say , that if he preached twice in one day , his second sermon was rather a prating than a preaching , for indeed every sermon hee made was throughly studied , and fraught with abundance of reading and learning . the best schollers commonly are slovens in respect of one of them , they goe spruce and so neate , and whatsoever their doctrine or divisions be , if they be handsom men and weare pontificall beards , they are much commended by the faeminine auditory , for saith erasmus merily , in far . ep. foemina laudant concionem a vultu concionatoris , women commend a sermon from the preachers countenance . they never make any quarrell betweene our church and the church of rome , neither meddle th●y with controversie , or ever write against bellarmine , bucanu● , suarez , and the rest . he will hardly suffer any living to fall into the lapse , which rather than it should he will engrosse three or foure into his own hands . he seldom falleth out or quarrelleth with any man , now and then he will break priscians head till the bloud runs about his eares . againe though he be no scholler himselfe , he will provide of some more able than himselfe to preach , which as a foile sets him off the better . sometimes if he bee ambitious of popular applause , hee will turne schismaticke in some kind or other sowing his tares and cockle , in woods and corners , to the hazard of his eares ; this proceedeth both from want of learning , and want of wit , wherein hee is to bee pitied veritas non quaerit angulos . a dunce also makes us good sport with any of his works that he publisheth himself , or that is published by another , witnesse , epistolae obscurorum virorum , where you shall see duncery to the life , that if a man be extremely melancholique , let him read that book , and i will warrant it to cure him . if a dunce falls into a schollers company in travell upon the way , or meet at an inne at night , he is the most boone companion of the world , he will call for wine , and the best meate in the house ( for observe it , they are commonly the sons of wealthy men and left exceeding rich , which indeed maketh them dunces ) and in the end pay for all , which , who can deny but to bee a most honest and a generous part . hee commonly playeth well at bowles , and is so valiant that hee scornes to give ground to any man . hee hath an especiall care of the burning of pigges upon the spit , and the overbaking of pies in the oven , therefore by his good will , hee will make short work upon a sunday , and he thinks an homily well read to be sufficient . if he bee a separatist ( as many of them affecting singularity above the●● fellowes prove , ) he puts his auditors to little or no charge at al for his pulpit , a velvet cushion for his deske , or so rich a pulpit cloth as they have at st. martins in the fields , nor ever troubles he his officious clerke to waite at his opened pulpit dore for his comming in , for in plaine truth his preaching place or pulpit , is either a two-eard bucking-tub , or at the best the one halfe of a vinteners caske , without any dore at all . the bishop of his diocesse commonly beares with him and much delighteth in his company at publike entertainements and meetings . for many of them though they want learning , yet have they oft times good naturall wits , and ripe conceipts upon any occasion . as one came before bishop b. to bee examined and posed of the bishop for a living ( which was bestowed upon him ) when he came for his institution , and it fell out to be late at night , and at such a time the b. was writing of a letter , mr. b. quoth the bishop , you have picked out an ill time , for me to examine you in , neither am i at leasure to aske you many questions , come one quoth the bishop ; what is latine for this candlesticke , and if it please your lordship quoth the other , the candlesticke is latine of it selfe , so it was , indeed a latine candlesticke , the b. not knowing whether he spoke it out of simplicity , or in way of jest , gave him his institution , without further questioning . a dunce commonly will tell the people of their faults truly and roundly , or if they heare of any misbehaviour or abuse in a parish they will not stick ( though he leaves his text altogether ) to correct and ●ea●e it downe , and many times will tell such as are guiltie to their faces of such and such faults they have committed . one preached at barkeway , and after he had read his text told the people their towne consisted of many lordships , and how he was informed of one notable abuse amongst them in that parish , which was , if a cow or oxe of another mans were strayed away and hapned into any of their grounds , they would with a rie loafe hot out of the oven bend his hornes which way they listed , so that when the owner came to challenge his owne cow he knew not whether that were shee or no , for quoth hee my cowes hornes stood backward , these stand before and hang downe her forehead , surely this is not she ; and thus men were cozened of their cattell , but the truth was , none in the town knew this trick before , but after he had preached it amongst them , presently after they began to practise it . another came by chance as a stranger unto a shire towne that shall bee namelesse , some day or two before a visitation in the same town he sent to the arch-deacon residing then in the towne , that he might have leave to preach , which ( to gratifie him being a stranger and very formall in his habit ) was granted : upon the day , before the whole clergie , the arch-deacon , chancellor , and most of the officers of the spirituall court , hee went into the pulpit , after he had made his prayer , he read his text , come and see . my text divideth it selfe ( quoth he ) most naturally into two parts , the one is come , the other see , come i apply to our selves of the clergie , and see to the laitie : for the first , come i divide it into three parts , whither wee come , then who they be that come , then how they come : we come hither to a visitation , which is derived from an old latine verbe of the first conjugation visit● , visit-as , visitavi , withall he makes an obeisance to the arch-deacon , and to visite is a metaphor borrowed from the visiting of patients by the physitian , for they visit them to see whether they bee sicke or sound in the body , & these visitations to see whether the countrey men be sick or sound in the purse or no , &c. who they be that come , ( for ( quoth he ) i comprehend under the name of visitation all manner of your ecclesiasticall courts ) here come to your courts and visitations , swine , men presented for drunkennesse , goates and towne bulls , for lying with their owne maides , or their neighbours wives , and what become of them after they have dearely paid for their poundage in your spirituall ( or rather fleshly ) , courts , they run againe into other mens corne , and doe as much mischiefe as they did before , &c. how they come , your rich and double benefit'd parsons come a day or too before , and feast the arch-deacon chancellors , proctors , sparing neither for sack nor claret , the poore curate except his church-wardens be the more mercifull unto him to pay for his dinner , hee must fast and go home as he came : to be short , some come with money , and some come with none , if you do not beleeve me come and see . so he fell into his text againe , &c. now see for the lai●ie , i see a 〈◊〉 sit and stand at the nether end of this church , who if they had beene thriftie and good husbands when they were young , they might have had their places above and had heard me better : and i see a great fault in you inne-keepers of this ancient citie or town , who lodge a foot-man who hath travailed hard all day upon a mattris or a flock-bed at the best , if an horse man comes to your houses , riding upon an ambling nagge , or an easie trotting gelding you lay him upon the best feather bed you have , and sometimes 〈…〉 with this fault amended , the poore footeman hath more need of a feather bed than the other , after this manner he proceeded , till the glasse was run out , when he had made an end , and was come downe , the proctors , apparators , and other officers of the court , had like to have torne him in peeces , but the arch-deacon and chancellor would not suffer them , but cited him next morning to come before them , but after dinner he had taken his horse and was never heard of after . notable are the absurdities of dunsticall schoole-masters , as one at dunstable was so precise , that hee would not teach his schollers to say amo i love , but amo i am in charitie , quoth a boy wiser than him , then master i must construe , cum amarem eram miser , when i was in charity , i was a wretch . i had my selfe a schoole-master who is yet living , who i well remember construed unto mee maecenas atavis edite regibus , edite , set you forth maecenas the sports , atavis regibus , of ancient kings . one sir hugh a welchman who was a brownist or the l●ke , taught a schoole in gloustershire , who when he was accused before the major of the towne for teaching his boyes to speake false latine , and that they profited little or nothing , hee told their fathers , they should play at cat , or spanne counter with all the boyes in the countrey . your very dunce is commonly like ignoramus , an excellent sollicitor in law businesse , and many countrey parsons are fitter for pettifogging than for p●eaching . one , a dunce in graine after hee had read his text , fell a rayling against church government , for which his sermon he was cited before bish. barlow , whom upon his horse backe he met comming out of gate at buckden house , he riding upon a white gelding with a redde saddle and a yellow saddle cloth , how now mr. g. quoth the bishop , is this canonicall , a red saddle , and a yellow saddle cloth for a minister ? my l. quoth the parson , though you have canons for me , you have none for my horse . and the common reason why most of our dunces care not for learning , is because say they , scientia inflat , knowledge puffeth up : and in very truth as our times are , the matter is not great whither a man be learned or a dunce , for he may come to preferment as soone by the one as the other , though he were but a tradesman , or a mechanike . let not my reader be offended at what i have written , for like a suite in birchen lane , if any thing here fit him let him weare it . finis . the iudgement of doctor rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy more largely confirmed out of antiquity / by james archbishop of armagh. ussher, james, 1581-1656. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64660 of text r7442 in the english short title catalog (wing u186). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64660 wing u186 estc r7442 11976553 ocm 11976553 51794 this keyboarded and encoded edition 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64660) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51794) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 521:3) the iudgement of doctor rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy more largely confirmed out of antiquity / by james archbishop of armagh. ussher, james, 1581-1656. [2], 16 p. printed by g.m. for thomas dovvnes, and are to be sold by wiliam lee ..., london : 1641. first edition. reproduction of original in university of pennsylvania library. eng rainolds, john, 1549-1607. -judgement of doctor reignolds concerning episcopacy. episcopacy. a64660 r7442 (wing u186). civilwar no the iudgement of doctor rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy. more largely confirmed out of antiquity by james archbishop of armag ussher, james 1641 3768 23 210 0 0 0 0 618 f the rate of 618 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the iudgement of doctor rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacy . more largely confirmed out of antiquity by james archbishop of armagh . london , printed by g.m. for thomas dovvnes , and are to be sold by william loe at the turkes head in fleetstreet . 1641. the ivdgement of doctor rainoldes touching the originall of episcopacie . when a elders were ordain'd by the apostles in every church , b through every city , c to * feed the flocke of christ , whereof the holy ghost had made them over-seers : they to the intent they might the better doe it by common counsell and consent , did use to assemble themselves and meete together . in the which meetings , for the more orderly handling and concluding of things pertaining to their charge ; they chose one amongst them to be the president of their company and moderator of their actions . as in the church of ephesus , though it had d sundry elders and pastors to guide it : yet amongst those sundry was there one chiefe , whom our saviour calleth e the angell of the church , and writeth that to him , which by him the rest should know . and this is he whom afterward in the primitive church the fathers called bishop . for as the name of f ministers , common to all them who serve christ in * the stewardship of the mysteries of god , that is in preaching of the gospell , is now by the custome of our english speech restrained to elders who are under a bishop : so the name of g bishop common to all elders and pastors of the church , was then by the usuall language of the fathers appropriated to him who had the presidentship over elders . thus are certaine elders reproved by h cyprian ; for receiving to the communion them who had fallen ( in time of persecution ) before the bishop had advised of it with them and others . and i cornelius writeth that the catholick church committed to his charge had sixe and forty elders , and ought to have but one bishop . and both of them being bishops , the one of rome , the other of carthage , k doe witnesse of themselves that they dealt in matters of their churches governement by the consent and counsell of the company of elders , or the eldership , l as they both ( after s. m paul ) doe call it . thus farre , that reverend a doctor : whose observation touching the angell of the church of ephesus ( in the second of the revelation ) that he was the same with him whom afterwards in the primitive church the fathers called bishop , is clearely confirmed , both by the succession of the first bishops of that church , and by the testimony of ignatius , who ( within no greater compasse of time then twelve yeares afterwards ) distinguisheth the singular and constant president thereof , from the rest of the number of the presbyters , by appropriating the name of bishop unto him . as for the former : we finde it openly declared in the generall councell of chalcedon , by leontius bishop of magnesia ; that b from timothie ( and so from the daies of the apostles ) there had beene a continued succession of seven and twenty bishops ; all of them ordained in ephesus ▪ of which number the angell of the church of ephesus , mentioned in the revelation , must needs be one whether it were timothie himselfe , as c some conceive ; or one of his next successors , as others rather do imagine . for that timothie had been sometime d the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( which is the appellation which iustin martyr giveth unto him , whom other of the fathers do peculiarly tearme a bishop ) or antistes , or president of the ephesine presbytery , is confessed by beza himselfe : and that he was ordained the first bishop of the church of the ephesians , we doe not onely read in the subscription of the second epistle to timothie , and the ecclesiasticall history of e eusebius , but also in two ancient treatises concerning the martyrdome of timothie ; the one namelesse in the library of f photius , the other bearing the name of g polycrates , even of that polycrates , who was not onely himselfe bishop of this church of ephesus , but borne also within six or seven and thirty yeares after s. iohn wrote the forenamed epistle unto the angell of that church : as it appeareth by the yeares he was of , when he wrote that epistle unto victor bishop of rome , wherein he maketh mention of h seven kinsmen of his who had beene bishops ; he himselfe being the eight . i come now to the testimony of ignatius : whom i theodoret and k felix bishop of rome , and l iohn the chronographer of antioch report to have beene ordained bishop of antioch by s. peter ; and without all controversie did sit in that see , the very same time wherein that epistle unto the angell of the church of ephesus was commanded to be written . in the isle of patmos had s. iohn his revelation manifested unto him , m toward the end of the empire of domitian , as irenaeus testifieth ; or the foureteenth yeare of his governement , as n eusebius and hierom specifie it . from thence there are but twelve yeares reckoned unto the tenth of trajan : wherein ignatius , in that last journey which he made for the consummation of his glorious martyrdome at rome , wrote another epistle unto the selfe-same church of ephesus . in which he maketh mention of their then bishop onesimus : as it appeares both by o eusebius citing this out of it , and by the epistle it selfe yet extant . in this epistle to the ephesians , ignatius having acknowledged that their p numerous multitude was received by him in the person of their bishop onesimus , and q blessed god for granting unto them such a bishop as he was : doth afterwards put them in mind of their r duty in concurring with him , as he sheweth their worthy presbytery did , being s so conjoyned ( as he saith ) with their bishop , as the strings are with the harpe ; and toward the end exhorteth them to t obey both the bishop and the presbytery , with an undevided minde . in the same journey wrote ignatius also an epistle unto the church of smyrna ; another of those seven unto whom those letters are directed in s. iohns revelation ▪ wherein he also u saluteth their bishop and presbytery : exhorting all the people to x follow their bishop , as christ iesus did his father , and the presbytery , as the apostles ; and telling them that y no man ought either to administer the sacraments , or doe any thing appertaining to the church , without the consent of the bishop . and that polycarpus was then bishop , when s. iohn wrote unto the angell of the church in smyrna ; who can better informe us then irenaeus ? who did not onely know those worthy men , z who succeeded polycarpus in his see ; but also a was present , when he himselfe did discourse of his conversation with s. iohn , and of those things which he heard from those who had seene our lord iesus . polycarpus b saith he , was not onely taught by the apostles and conversed with many of those that had seene christ , but also was by the apostles constituted in asia bishop of the church which is in smyrna : whom we our selves also did see in our younger age for he continued long , and being very aged , he most gloriously and nobly suffering martyrdome departed this life . now being ordained bishop of symrna by the apostles ; who had finished their cours● and departed out of this life before s. iohn ( the last surviver of them ) did write his revelation : who but he could there be meant by the angell of the church in smyrna ? in which that he still held his episcopall office unto the time of his martyrdome ( which fell out lxxiiii yeares afterward ) may sufficiently appeare by this testimony , which the brethren of the church of smyrna , who were present at his suffering , gave unto him . c he was the most admirable man in our times , an apostolicall and propheticall doctor , and bishop of the catholick church which is in smyrna . whereunto we may add the like of polycrates bishop of ephesus , who lived also in his time and in his neighbourhood , affirming d polycarpus to have beene both bishop and martyr in smyrna . so saith he in his synodicall epistle , directed unto victor bishop of rome , about 27 yeares after the martyrdome of polycarpus ; he himselfe being at that time 65 yeares of age . about the very same time wherein polycrates wrote this epistle unto victor , did tertullian publish his book of prescriptions against hereticks : wherein he avoucheth against them , that e as the church of smyrna had polycarpus placed there by iohn , and the church of rome clement ordained by peter ; so the rest of the churches also did shew , what bishops they had received by the appointment of the apostles , to traduce the apostolicall seed unto them . and so before him did irenaeus urge against them f the successions of bishops , unto whom the apostles committed the charge of the church in every place . g for all the hereticks ( saith he ) are much later then those bishops , unto whom the apostles committed the churches . and , h we are able to number those who by the apostles were ordained bishops in the churches , and their successours unto our daies ; who neither taught nor knew any such thing as these men dreame of . for proofe whereof , he bringeth in the succession of the bishops of rome , from i linus ( unto whom the blessed apostles committed that episcopacie ) and anacletus ( by others called cletus ) and clement ( who did both see the apostles , and conferred with them ) unto k eleutherius ; who , when he wrote had the charge of that bishoprick in the twelfth place after the apostles ; concerning whom , and the integrity which then continued in each other succession from the apostles daies , hegesippus , who at the same time published his history of the church , saith thus . l soter succeeded anicetus , and after him was eleutherius . now , in every succession , and in every city , all things so stand , as the law and the prophets , and our lord doe preach ▪ when this m eleutherius ( as our bede relateth ) was bishop of the church of rome , lucius king of the brittaines sent an epistle to him ; desiring that by his meanes he might be made christian ▪ who presently obtained the effect of his pious request : and the brittaines kept the faith then received sound and undefiled in quiet peace , untill the times of dioclesian the emperour . by whose bloudy persecution the faith and discipline of our brittish churches was not yet so quite extinguished ; but that within ten yeares after ( and eleven before the first generall councell of nice ) three of our bishops were present and subscribed unto the councell of arles : n eborius of yorke , restitutus of london , and adelfius of colchester , called there colonia londinensium ▪ the first root of whose succession we must fetch beyond eleutherius , and as high as s. peter himselfe : if it be true , that he o constituted churches here , and ordained bishops , presbyters and deacons in them ; as symeon metaphrastes relateth out of some part of p eusebius ( as it seemeth ) that is not come unto our hands . but , to returne unto the angels of the seven churches , mentioned in the revelation of s. iohn : by what hath beene said , it is apparent , that seven singular bishops , who were the constant presidents over those churches , are pointed at under that name . for other sure they could not be , if all of them were cast into one mould , and were of the same quality with polycarpus , the then angell of the church in smyrna : who without all question was such , if any credit may be given herein unto those that saw him and were well acquainted with him . and as tertullian in expresse termes affirmeth him to have beene placed there by s. iohn himselfe ( in the testimony before alledged out of his q prescriptions : ) so doth he else-where , from the order of the succeeding bishops , not obscurely intimate , that the rest of that number were to be referred unto the same descent . r we have , saith he , the churches that were bred by john . for although marcion do reject his revelation ; yet the order of the bishops reckoned up unto their originall , will stand for iohn to be their founder . neither doth the ancient writer of the martyrdome of timothy ( mentioned by photius ) meane any other by those seven bishops , whose assistance he saith s. iohn did use , after his returne from patmos , in the governement of the metropolis of the ephesians , that is , of the churches of asia most properly so called , which in his time acknowledged the bishop of ephesus for their primate . s being revoked from his exile by the sentence of nerva , he betook himselfe to the metropolis of ephesus ; and being assisted with the presence of the seven bishops , he took upon him the government of the metropolis of the ephesians : and continued , preaching the word of piety , untill the empire of trajan . that he remained with the ephesians and the rest of the brethren of asia , untill the daies of trajan ; and that during the time of his abode with them , he published his gospell ; is sufficiently witnessed by t irenaeus . that upon his returne from the island , after the death of domitian , he applied himselfe to the government of the churches of asia , si confirmed likewise both by u eusebius , and by x hierom : who further addeth , that y at the earnest intreaty of the bishops of asia he wrote there his gospell . and that he himselfe also , being free from his banishment , did ordaine bishops in divers churches , is clearely testified by clement of alexandria ; who lived in the next age after , and delivereth it as a certaine truth , which he had received from those who went before him and could not be farre from the time wherein the thing it selfe was acted . z when s. iohn ( saith he ) domitian the tyrant being dead , removed from the island of patmos unto ephesus , by the intreaty of some he went also unto the neighbouring nations ; in some places constituting bishops , in others founding whole churches ▪ and thus much may suffice for the deduction of episcopacie from the apostolicall times . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64660e-130 a act. 14.23 . b tit. 1.5 . c act. 20.28 . * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , that is , to doe the duty of a pastor to it . d act. 20.17 . e rev. 2.1 . f 1. cor. 4.1 . * luke 12.42 . g 1. tim 3.2 . tit. 1.7 . act. 20.28 . h epist. 13. presbyteris & diaconis . i euseb. hist. eccles. 1.6 . c. 42. k cornelius cypriano ep. 46. cyprianus presbyteris & diaconis ep. 6. l cornelius ep. 46. apud cyprianum . m 1. tim. 4.14 . a d. rainold . conference with hart , chap. 8. divis 3. b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . concil chalcedon . act. 11. c 〈…〉 . in vit. polycarp . cap 7. d n●tandum est ex 〈◊〉 , timotheum in ephesino presbyterio 〈…〉 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( id est , antis●●●em ) ut vocat justinus . pez . annotat. in 1. tim. 5.19 . qui politicae causa reliquis fratribus in coetu praeerat ( qu●m iustinus {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} vocat ) peculiariter dici episcopus coepit . id. in philip . 1.1 . e euseb. hist. lib 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . f {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . & post . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . phot. b●bliothec . num . 254. g polycrat . de martyrio timothei : inter vitas sanctorum ▪ edit. lovanij anno 1485 ▪ h {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . polycrat . epist. ad victorem : apud euseb lib. 5. hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . i theodoret in dialogo 1. sive {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . k felix iii. in epist. ad zenonem . imp. recitat . in v. synodo constantinopol . act. 1. ( tomo 2. concilior . pag. 220. edit. binij , ann. 1606 ) l johan . mal●la antiochenus , chronic. lib. 10. m.s. m {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . iren. advers. haeres . lib. 5. cap. 30. euseb. lib. hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . n euseb. chronic. hieron. catal. scriptor . ecclesiast . in johanne . o euseb. lib. 3. hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . p {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ignat epist. ad e●h●s q {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ibid. r {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ibid. s {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ibid. t {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ibid. u {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . id. in epist. ad smyrn. x {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ibid y {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , &c. ibid. z {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . iren. advers haeres lib 3. cap. 3. euseb. lib. 4 hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . a iren. in epist ad florinum : ( apud euseb. lib. 5. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ) & ad victorem ( ibid. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ) b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . iren lib 3. cap. 3. ut suprà . c {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . smyrnens . eccle. . epist. encycl de martyrio polycarpi euseb. lib 4. hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . d {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . polycrat . epist. ad victorem : apud euseb. lib. 5. hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . e sicut smyrnaeorum ecclesia polycarpum ab johanne conlocatum resert ; sicut romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum edit : proinde ( or perinde ) utique 〈◊〉 ●●ceterae exhibent quos , ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos . apostolici seminis traduces habent . tertullian de praescript . cap. 32. vid. & ejusd lib. 4. contra marcion . cap. 5. f successiones episcoporum , quibus apostolicam quae in unoquoque loco est ecclesiam tradiderunt . iren. lib. 4. advers. haeres . cap. 63. g omnes enim ij valdè posteriores sunt , quàm episcopi , quibus apostoli tradiderunt ecclesias . id. lib. 5. cap. 20. h habemus annumerare eos qui ab apostolis instituti sunt episcopi in ecclesijs , & successores eorum usque ad nos ; qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt quale ab his deliratur . id. lib. 3. cap 3. i {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . id. ibid. & apud eu●eb lib 5. hist {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . k {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . & s. ibid. l {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hegesip. . apud euseb. lib 4. hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . m cùm eleutherius vir sanctus pontificatui romanae ecclesiae praeesset , misit ad eum lucius britannorum rex epistolam ; obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum christianus efficeretur . et mox effectū piae postulationis consecutus est : susceptamque fidem britanni usque in tempora diocletiani principis inviolatam integramque quietâ pace servabant . bed. hist. ecclesiast . anglor . lib. 1. cap. 4. n tom. 1. concilior . galiae , à sirmondo edit. pag. 9. o {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . metaphrast . commentar. de petro & paulo ; ad diem 29 iu●ij . p {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . ibid. q tertull. praescript . cap. 32. & , post eum , hieronymus in catal. script . ecclesiast . cap. 17. polycarpus , joannis apostoli discipulus , ab eo smyrnae episcopus ordinatus . r ha●emus & joannis alumnas ecclesias . nam etsi apocalypsim ejus marcion respuit ; ordo tamen episcoporum ad originem recensus , in joannem stabit auctorem . sic & caeterarum generositas recognoscitur . tertullian . advers. marcion . lib. 4. cap 5. s {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . phot. bibliothec num 254. t irenae . advers heraes . lib. 2 cap. 39. item lib. 3 . c 1. & 3. u euseb. lib. 3. hist. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . x hie●onym . in catal. script ecclesiast . cap 9. y id ibid. & praefat. in evangel matthaei ▪ z {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . clem. alexandrin . in lib de divite salvando ( qui falso origenis nomine habetur editus , ad calcem tomi 3. commentariorum michaelis ghislerij ) euseb. hist. lib 3. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . his maiesties paper containing severall questions propounded to the commissioners divines touching episcopacy. with an humble answer returned to his majesty by mr. marshall, mr. vines, mr. carill, and mr. seaman 4. october 1648. published by authority. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78955 of text r205221 in the english short title catalog (thomason e466_6). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78955 wing c2533 thomason e466_6 estc r205221 99864650 99864650 116882 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78955) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116882) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 74:e466[6]) his maiesties paper containing severall questions propounded to the commissioners divines touching episcopacy. with an humble answer returned to his majesty by mr. marshall, mr. vines, mr. carill, and mr. seaman 4. october 1648. published by authority. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. vines, richard, 1600?-1656. seaman, lazarus, d. 1675. caryl, joseph, 1602-1673. westminster assembly (1643-1652) [2], 10 p. printed by moses bell, london : 9 octob. 1648. another edition of: his majesties reason why he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the episcopall government. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78955 r205221 (thomason e466_6). civilwar no his majesties paper containing severall questions propounded to the commissioners divines touching episcopacy. with an humble answer returne england and wales. sovereign 1648 4199 4 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties paper containing severall questions propounded to the commissioners divines touching episcopacy . with an humble answer returned to his majesty by mr. marshall , mr. vines , mr. carill , and mr. seaman 4. october 1648. diev et mon droit london printed by moses bell , 9 octob. 1648. sir : i have received your letter of the 28. of september , for which i give you many thankes , and to satisfie you that the treaty goeth on ; i have sent you what hath passed here of late , which is as followeth : upon occasion of debate upon the proposition of the church , in which his majesty makes divers scruples of conscience , there was a concession that our ministers , ( that is , mr. marshall , mr. vines , mr. carill , and mr. seaman ) should attend his majesty , to remove such objections as he should please to make , and accordingly on munday morning they waited on his majesty , to whom the king delivered these inclosed questions ; whereunto they have returned this answer now also sent . these propositions of the church are still under debate , and will take up this weeke or more in the consideration of them : which being once granted ( as some are of opinion they will be ) we may thereby hope for a very speedy consent to all the rest . commend me to all my friends , whose names i purposely omit , and rest newport in the isle of wight , 4. of october , 1648. yours to command : w. m. charles r. i conceive that episcopall government is most consonant to the word of god , and of an apostolicall institution , as it appeares by the scripture , to have been practised by apostles themselves , and by them committed , and derived to particular persons as their substitutes or successors therein ( as for ordaining presbyters and deacons , giving rules concerning christian discipline , and exercising censures over presbyters and others ) and hath ever since to these last times been exercised by bishops in all the churches of christ , and therefore i cannot in conscience consent to abolish the said government ; notwithstanding this my perswasion i shall be glad to be informed , if our saviour and the apostles did so leave the church at liberty as they might totally alter or change the church government at their pleasure : which if you can make appeare to me , then i will confesse that one of my great scruples is cleane taken away : and then there only remaines ; that being by my coronation oath obliged to maintaine episcopall government , as i found it setled to my hands : whither i may consent to the abolishing thereof untill the same shall be evidenced to me to be contrary to the word of god . newport , 2. octob. 1648. an humble answer returned to your majesties paper delivered to us , octob. 2. 1648. may it please your majesty : we do fully agree without haesitation , that thes scriptures cited in the margent of your paper , acts 14. 23. acts 6. 6. 1 cor. 16. 1. 1 cor. 14. 1 cor. 5. 3. 3 john 9. 10. do prove , that the apostles did ordaine presbyters and deacons , give rules concerning christian discipline , and had power of exercising censures over presbyters and others ; and that these places of scripture , 1 tim. 5. 22. titus 1. 5. 1 tim. 5. 19. titus 3. 10. do prove , that timothy and titus had power to ordaine presbyters and deacons , and to exercise censures over others ; and that the second and third chapters of the revelations do prove , that the angels of the churches had power of governing of the churches , and exercising censures : but that either the apostles , or timothy and titus , or the angels of the churches were bishops , as bishops are distinct from presbyters , exercising episcopall government in that sense ; or that the apostles did commit and derive to any particular persons as their substitutes and successors , any such episcopall government ; or that this is proved in the least measure by the scriptures alleadged , we do as fully deny ; and therefore do humbly deny also , that episcopall government is therefore most consonant to the word of god , and of apostolicall institution , or proved so to be by these scriptures . none of these were bishops , or practised episcopall government , as bishops are distinct from presbytery ; neither is such an officer of the church as a bishop distinct from a presbyter , to be found in the new testament ( by which we humbly conceive , that our faith and conscience touching this point ought to be concluded : the name , office , and worke of bishop and presbyter being one and the same in all things , and never in the least distinguisht , as is cleerely evident , tit. 1. 5 , 7. for this cause left i thee in creete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine presbyters in every city , as i had appointed thee , for a bishop must be blamelesse . in which place the apostles reasoning were altogether invalid and inconsequent , if presbyter and bishop were not the same office , as well as they have the same name . the same is manifest , acts 20 17 , 28. and from miletus he sent to ephesus , and called the presbyters of the church , to whom he gave this charge , vers. 28. take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flocks over which the holy ghost hath made you bishops ; to feed and governe the church of god : where we observe , that the apostle being to leave these presbyters , and never to see their faces more , vers. 38. doth charge them with the feeding and governing of the church , as being bishops of the holy ghosts making : but that the holy ghost did make any superiour or higher kinde of bishops than these common presbyters , is not to be found in that , or any other text . and that under the mouth of two or three witnesses this assertion of ours may stand ; we adde to what we have already said , that in the first of peter 5. 1 , 2. the presbyters which are among you , i exhort , who am also a presbyter , feed the flock of god which is among you ; performing the office of bishops . where it appeares plaine to us , that under the words used in this place , is exprest whatsoever worke the presbyters do , more for the government or good of the church , otherwise than is there expresly enjoyned unto presbyters . by all which that hath been said , the point is rendered most cleare to the judgement of most men , both ancient and of latter times , that there is no such officer to be found in the scriptures of the new testament , as a bishop distinct from a presbyter : neither doth the scripture afford us the least notice of any qualification required in a bishop , that is not required in a presbyter ; nor any ordination to the office of a bishop , distinct from a presbyter ; nor any worke or duty charged upon a bishop , which presbyters are not enjoyned to do ; nor any greater honour or dignity put upon them . for that double honour which the apostles speake of , 1 tim. 5. 17. as due to presbyters that rule well , is with a note of especially affixed to that act or worke of labouring in the word of doctrine ; which is not that act wherein bishops have challenged a singularity or peculiar eminency above the presbyter . to that which your majesty doth conceive , that episcopall government was practised by apostles themselves ; we humbly answer , that the apostles , as they were the highest officers of the church of christ , so they were extraordinarie in respect of their commission and gifts , and office , and distinguished form all other officers , 1 cor. 12. 28. god hath set some in the church ; first apostles , secondly prophets , thirdly teachers ephefians . 4. 1. 1. christ gave some apostle , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pasters , and some teachers ; whereby the apostles are distinguisht from pastors , and teachers who are the ordinary officers of the church for preaching the word , and government : that they had power and authority to ordaine church-officers , and to excercise censures in all churches we affirme , and withall , that no other persons or officers of the church may challenge or assume to themselves such power in that respect alone , because the apostles practised it , except such power belong unto them in common , as well as to the apostles , by warrant of the scripture , for that government which they practised was apostolicall , according to that peculiar commission and authority which they had , and no otherwise to be called episcopall ; then , as their office was so comprehensive as they had power to doe the worke of any , or all other church-officers ; in which respect they call themselves presbyteri , deaconi , ( but never episcopi in distinct sence ) and therefore we humbly crave leave to say , that to argue the apostles to have practised episcopall government , because they ordained other officers , and exercised censures , is , as if we should argue a justice of peace to be a constable , because he doth that which a constable doth in some particulars . it s manifest that the office of bishops and presbyters were not distinct in the apostles , they did not act as bishops in some acts , and as presbyters in other acts ; the distinction of presbyters and bishops being made by men in after times . and whereas your majesty doth conceive , that the episcopall government , was by the apostles committed and delivered to particular persons , as their substitutes or successors therein ( as for ordaining presbyters and deacons , giving rules concerning christian discipline , and exercising censures over presbyters and others ) seeming by the alleadged places of scriptures to instance in timothy and titus , and the angels of the churches . we humbly answer ▪ 1 and first to that of timothy and titus , we grant , that timothy and titus had authority and power of ordaining presbyters and deacons , and of exercising censures over presbyters and others , though we cannot say they had this power as the apostles substitutes or successors in episcopall government , nor that they exercised the power they had , as being bishops in the sence of your majestie , but as extraordinary officers or evangelists , which evangelists were an office in the church , distinct from pastors and teachers , ephesians 4. 11. and that they were evangelists , it appeares by their being sent up and downe by the apostles , or taken along with them in company to severall churches , as the necessity and occasion of the church did require ; the one of them being expresly called an evangelist , 2 tim. 4. 5. and neither of them being anywhere in scriptures called bishop , neither were they fixed to ephesus and creet , as bishops in the churches committed to them , but removed from thence to other places , and never , for ought appeares in scriptures , returned to them againe : and it seemes cleare to us , that neither their abode at ephesus and creet was for any long time , nor so intended by the apostle , for he imployes them there upon occasionall businesse , and expresseth himselfe in such manner , ( i besought thee to abide still at ephesus , when i went into macedonia , that thou mightest charge some , that they teach no other doctrine , 1 timothy 13. for this cause left i thee in creet , titus 1. 5. as doth not carry the fixing or constituting of a bishop in a place as a perpetuall governour : and it is as manifest , that they were both of them called away from these places , 2 tim. 4. 9 do thy diligence to come to me shortly , titus , 3. 12. be diligent to come to me to nicapolis ; so that they may as well be called bishops of other citie , or church where they had any considerable abode , as they are pretended to have beene of ephesus and creet , as they are called by the postscripts of these apostles , the credit of which postscripts we cannot build upon in this point . 2 secondly , to that of the angels of the churches , the ministers of the churches are called stars and angels , which denominations are metaphoricall and a misterie , rev. el 1. 20. the mistery of the seaven starres , angells in respect of their mission or sending ; st●●●… in respect of their station and shining . and it seemes strange to us , that so many expresse testimonies of scriptures , and allegoricall denominations or mysteries should be opposed ; these angels being no where called bishops in vulgar acceptation ▪ nor the word bishop vsed in any of johns writings , who cals himself presbiter , nor any mention of superiority of one presbiter to another , but in diotrophes effecting it . and as to that which may be said that epistles are directed to one ; we answer that an number of persons are in the mysterious and prophetique writings exprest in singulars . and we humbly conceive that being written in an epistolary stile ( for they are as letters or epistles to the churches ) these writings are directed as letters to collective or representative bodies use to be ; that is to one , but are intended and meant to the body in meeting assembled ▪ which that they were so intended , is cleare to us , both because there were in ephesus bishops , and presbiters one and the same , to whom the apostle at his farewell commended the government of the church , and by divers expressions in these epistles , as revel. 2. 24. to you and to the rest in thyatira , by which distinction of you and the rest , we conceive the church-governments ( which were more then one ) and the people to be signified , and so cannot consent that any singular person had majority over the rest , or sole power of exercising church censures and government spoken of in these chapters . having thus ( as we humbly conceive ) proved by pregnant places of scripture compared together , that the apostles themselves did not institute or practise episcopall government , nor commit and derive it to particular persons as their substitutes or successors therein . we shall in further discharge of our duty to , and for , the more cleere and full satisfaction of your majesty in this point , briefely declare into what officers hands , the ordinary and standing offices of the church were transmitted and derived by , and from the apostles . the apostles had no successors in eundem gradum : the apostolicall office was not derived by succession , being instituted by christ , by extraordinary and speciall commission ; but for the ordinary and standing use and service of the church , there were ordained only two orders of offices , viz. bishops and deacons , which the apostle expresseth , phil. 1. 1. to all the saints in christ jesus which are at phillipi , with the bishops and deacons ; and only of them doth the apostle give the due characters of officers : i tim. 3. 2. 8 : from both which places of scripture we conclude with ancient expositors both greeke and latine , that bishops are the same with presbiters , and besides presbiters , there is no mention of any other order , but that of deacons ; of both which orders there were in the apostles times , in one city more then one , as in philippi and ephesus . and we humbly offer to your majesty as observable ; that though one order might be superiour to another order , yet in the same order of officers , there was not any one superiour to others of the same order ; no apostle was above an apostle , no evangelist above an evangelist , no presbiter above a presbiter , no deacon above a deacon : and so we conclude this part , that since church officers are instituted and set in the church by god , or christ jesus ; and that ordination by or in which the office is conveyed is of no other officers but of presbyters and deacons ; therefore there are no other orders of ordinary and standing officers in the churches of christ . as for the ages immediately succeeding the apostles , we answer , first , our faith reacheth no further then the holy scriptures ; no humane testimony can beget any more then an humane faith . secondly , we answer , that it is agreed upon by learned men , as well such as contend for episcopacy as others ; that the times immediately succeeding the apostles , are very darke in respect of the history of the church . thirdly , that the most unquestionable record of those times , gives cleare testimony to our assertion , viz. the epistle of clement to the corinthians , who reciting the order of church officers , expresly limits them to two bishops , and deacons ; and they whom in one place he call'd bishops , he alwaies afterwards nameth presbyters . the epistles of ignatius pretend indeed to the next antiquity , but are by some suspected as wholly spurious , and proved by videlius to be so mixed , that it is hard if not impossible to know what parts of them are genuine . besides bishop vsher in his last observations on them . cap 18. page , 238. confesseth that of the twelve of his epistles , six are counterfeit , the other fix mixt , and none of them in every respect accompted sincere and genuine . fourthly , we grant that not long after the apostles times , bishops in some superiority to presbiters , are by the writers of those times reported to be in the church , but they were set up not as a divine institution , but as an ecclesiasticall , ( as afterwards both arch-bishops and patriarkes were , ) which is cleare by doctor reynolds his epistle to sir francis knowles , wherein he shewes out of bishop jewell , that ambrose , chrysostome , jerome , augustine , and many more holy fathers , together with the apostle paul , agree that by the word of god there is no difference between a presbyter and a bishop ; and that medina in the councell of trent affirmes not only the same fathers but also another jerome ; theodoret , primatius , sedulius , and theophilact , to be of the same judgement : and that with them agreed occuminius , anselme arch-bishop of canturbury , and another anselme ; gregory and gratian , and after them many others ; that it was inrol'd in the canon law for sound and catholique doctrine , and publiquely taught by learned men , and adds , that all who have laboured in the reformation of the church for these five hundred yeeres , have taught that all pastors , be they instituted bishops or priests , have equall authority and power by gods word . the same way goes lumbard master of the sentences , and father of the schoole-men , who speaking of presbyters and deacons , saith the primitive churches had those orders only ; and that we have the apostles precept for them alone ; with him agree many of the most eminent of that kinde , and generally all the cannonists ; to these we may adde sextus senensis , who testifies for himselfe and many others , and cassander who was called by one of the germane emperours , as one of singular ability and integrity , to informe him and resolve his conscience in questions of that nature , who saits it is agreed among all in the apostles times , there was no difference betwixt a bishop and a presbiter . for a conclusion we adde , that the doctrine which we have here in propounded to your majesty concerning the identity of the order of bishops and presbiters , is no other then the doctrine published by king henry the eight , 1543. for all his subjects to receive , seen and allowed by the lords both spirituall and temporall , with the nether house of parliament : of these two orders only ( so saith his booke ) that is to say , priests and deacons , the scripture maketh expresse mention , and how they were confer'd of by the apostles by prayer , and imposition of their hands ; by all which it seems evident that the order of episcopacie , as distinct from presbiters , is but an ecclesiasticall institution , and therefore not unalterable . lastly we answer , that that episcopall government which at first obtained in the church did really and substantially differ from episcopall government , which the honourable houses of parliament desire the abolition of . the bishop of these times was one presiding in , and joyning with the presbytry of his church ruling with them , and not without them , either created and made by the presbiters chusing out one among themselves , as in rome and alexandria , or chosen by the church , and confirmed by three or more of his neighbours of like dignity within the same precinct . lesser townes and villages had and might have had bishops in them as well as populous and eminent cities , untill the councell of sardis decreed that villages and small cities should have no bishops , least the name and authority of a bishop might thereby come into contempt ; but of one claiming as his due and right to himselfe alone , as a superiour order or degree , all power about ordination of presbiters and deacons , and all jurisdictions either to exercise himselfe , or deligate to whom he will of the laity or clergy , as they distinguish according to the judgement and practice of these in our times ; we reade not till the latter and corrupter ages of the church . by all which it appeares , that the present hierarchy , ( the abolition whereof is desired by the honourable houses may accordingly be abolished ; ) and yet possibly the bishops of these primitive times might be , they are so far differing one from another . in answer to that part of your majesties paper , wherein you inquire whether our saviour and his apostles did so leave the church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the church-government at their pleasure ; we humbly conceive , that there are substantials belonging to church-government , such are appointed by christ and his apostles , which are not in the churches liberty to alter at pleasure : but as for arch-bishops &c. we hope it will appeare unto your majesties conscience , that they are none of the church governours appointed by our saviour and his apostles ; we beseech your majesty , rather to looke to the originall of them then succession . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a78955e-290 act. 14. 23 acts 6. 6 1 cor. 16. 1 1 cor. 14. 1 cor 5. 3 3 joh. 9. 10 1 tim. 5. 22. titus 1. 5 rev. 2. 3 chap. 1 tim. 5. 19. tit. 3. 10 his maiesties reason vvhy he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the episcopall government. delivered by him in writing to the divines that attend the honorable commissioners of parliament at the treaty at newport octob. 2. 1648. with the answer of the said divines delivered to his majestie in writing. october 3. 1648. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79056 of text r205219 in the english short title catalog (thomason e466_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79056 wing c2738 thomason e466_5 estc r205219 99864649 99864649 116881 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79056) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 116881) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 74:e466[5]) his maiesties reason vvhy he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the episcopall government. delivered by him in writing to the divines that attend the honorable commissioners of parliament at the treaty at newport octob. 2. 1648. with the answer of the said divines delivered to his majestie in writing. october 3. 1648. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. vines, richard, 1600?-1656. seaman, lazarus, d. 1675. caryl, joseph, 1602-1673. westminster assembly (1643-1652) [2], 14 p. printed by william wilson, london : 1648. the divines are stephen marshall, richard vines, joseph caryl and lazarus seaman. cf. thomason catalogue. annotation on thomason copy: "8ber [i.e. october] ye 9th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79056 r205219 (thomason e466_5). civilwar no his maiesties reason vvhy he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the episcopall government. delivered by him in writing to the divines t england and wales. sovereign 1648 4117 1 20 0 0 0 0 51 d the rate of 51 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-11 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties reason vvhy he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the episcopall government . delivered by him in writing to the divines that attend the honorable commissioners of parliament at the treaty at newport octob. 2. 1648. with the answer of the said divines delivered to his majestie in writing . october 3. 1648. london printed by william wilson , 1648. his majesties reason why he cannot in conscience consent to abolish the episcopall government . charles r. i conceive that episcopall government is most consonant to the word of god , and of an apostolicall institution , as it appears by the scripture to have bin practised by apostles themselves , and by them committed , and derived , to perticular persons , as their substitutes , or successors therein ( as for ordeyning presbyters , & deacons , giving rules concerning christian discipline , and exercising censurs over presbyters and others ) and hath ever since till these last times been exercised by bishops in all the churches of christ ; and therefore i cannot in conscience consent to abolish the sayd government . notwithstanding this my perswasion , i shall be glad to be informed , if our saviour , and the apostles did so leave the church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the church government at their pleasure , which if you can make appeare to me , then i will confesse that one of my great scruples is cleane taken away , and then there only remaines ; that being by my coronation oath obleiged to maintaine episcopall government , as i found it setled to my hands , whether i may consent to the abolishing thereof , untill the same shall be evidenced to me to be contrary to the word of god . newport 2. octob. 1648. the answer of the divines to his majesties reason , why he cannot in conscience consenr to the abolishment of episcopall government . may it please your majesty , we do fully agree without hesitation , that these scriptures cited in the margin of your paper , act. 14. 23. acts 6. 6. 1 cor. 16. 1. 1 cor. 14. 1 cor. 5. 3. 3 iohn 9 & 10 do prove that the apostles did ordeine presbyters and deacons , give rules concerning christian discipline , and had power of exercising censures over presbyters , and others . and that these places of scripture , 1 tim. 5. 22. tit. 1. 5. 1 tim. 5. 19. titus 3. 10. do prove that timothy and titus had power to ordeine presbyters and deacons , and to exercise censures over presbyters and others . and that the second , and third chapters of the revelation do prove ; that the angels of the churches had power of governing of the churches , and exercising censures . but that either the apostles , or timothy and titus , or the angels of the churches were bishops , as bishops are distinct from presbyters , exercising episcopall government in that sense . or that the apostles did commit and derive to any particular persons as their substitutes , and successors , any such episcopall government : or that this is proved in the least measure by the scriptures alleaged , we do as fully deny . and therefore do humbly deny also , that episcopall government is therefore most consonant to the word of god , and of apostolicall institution , or proved so to be by these scriptures . none of these were bishops , or practised episcopall government , as bishops are distinct from presbyters . neither is such an officer of the church as a bishop distinct from a presbyter to be found in the new testament ( by which wee humbly conceive , that our faith , and conscience touching this poynt ought to be concluded . ) the name office , and worke of bishop and presbyter being one and the same in all things , and never in the least distinguisht , as is clearly evident , titus 1. 5. 7. for this cause left i thee in creete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine presbyters in every city ; as i had appointed thee . for a bishop must be blamelesse , in which place the apostle his reasoning were altogether invalid , and inconsequent ; if presbyter and bishop were not the same office , as well as they have the same name . the same is manifest , acts 20 17. 28. and from miletus hee sent to ephesus , and called the presbyters of the church , to whom hee gave this charge , verse 28. take heede therefore unto your selves , and to all the flock over which the holy ghost hath made you bishops , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to feede and governe the church of god . where wee observe , that the apostle being to leave these presbyters , and never to see their faces more verse 28. doth charge them with the feeding and governing of the church ; as being bishops of the holy ghosts making . but that the holy ghost did make any superiour , or higher kinde of bishops , than these common presbyters is not to bee found in that , or any other text . and that under the mouth of two or three witnesses this assertion of ours may stand ; we adde to what we have already said , that in the 1 pet. 5. 1. 2. the presbyters which are among you , i exhort , who am also a presbyter . feed the flock of god which is among you , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} performing the office of bishops , where it appears plaine to us , that under the words {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} & {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} used in this place , is expressed whatsoever work the presbyters are to do . neither can bishops , so called , as above presbyters , do more for the government and good of the church otherwise , then is there expressely injoyned unto presbyters . by all which that hath been said the point is rendered to be most cleare to the judgement of most men , both ancient , and of later times . that there is no such officer to be found in the scriptures of the new testament , as a bishop distinct from a presbyter : neither doth the scripture afford us the least notice of any qualification required in a bishop , that is not required in a presbyter , nor any ordination to the office of a bishop , distinct from a presbyter : nor any work or duty charged upon a bishop , which presbyters are not enjoyned to do : nor any greater honour or dignity put upon them . for that double honour which the apostle speaks of 1 tim. 5. 17. as due to presbyters that rule well , is with a note of ( especially ) affixed to that act or work of labouring in the word and doctrine , which is not that act wherein bishops have challenged a singularity , or peculiar eminency above the presbyters . to that which your majesty doth conceive , that episcopall government was practised by apostles themselves . we humbly answer , that the apostles as they were the highest officers of the church of christ : so they were extraordinary in respect of their commission , gifts , and office , and distinguisht from all other officers , 1 cor. 12. 28. god hath set some in the church , first apostles , secondarily prophets , thirdly , teachers , ephes. 4. 11. christ gave some apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers . where the apostles are distinguished from pastors and teachers , who are the ordinary officers of the church for preaching the word , and government . that they had power and authority to ordaine church officers , and to exercise censures in all churches , we affirm , and withall , that no other persons , or officers of the church may challenge or assume to themselves such power in that respect alone , because the apostles practised it . except such power belong unto them in common , as well as to the apostles , by warrant of the scripture . for that government which they practised was apostolicall , according to the peculiar commission , and authority which they had , and no otherwise to be called episcopal , than as their office was so comprehensive , as they had power to do the work of any , or all other church officers , in which respect they call themselves presbyteri , diaconi , ( but never episcopi in distinct sense ) and therefore we humbly crave leave to say , that to argue the apostles to have practised episcopall government , because they ordeined other officers , and exercised censures , is , as if we should argue a justice of peace to be a constable , because he doth that which a constable doth in some particulars . it s manifest that the office of bishops and presbyters were not distinct in the apostles . they did not act as bishops in some acts , and as presbyters in other acts. the distinction of presbyters and bishops being made by men in after times . and whereas your majesty doth conceive that the episcopall government was by the apostles committed and derived to particular persons , as their substitutes , or successors therein , as for ordeining presbyters and deacons , giving rules concerning christian discipline , and exercising censures over presbyters and others . seeming by the alledged places of scripture , to instance in timothy , and titus , and the angels of the churches . we humbly answer , and first , to that of timothy and titus . we grant that timothy and titus had authority , and power of ordaining presbyters and deacons , and of exercising censures over presbyters , and others : though we cannot say they had this power as the apostles substitutes , or successors in episcopal government ; nor that they exercised the power they had , as being bishops in the sense of your majesty , but as extraordinary officers , or evangelists , which evangelists were an office in the church distinct from pastors , and teachers , eph. 4. 11. and that they were evangelists , it appears by their being sent up and downe by the apostles , or taken along with them in company to severall churches , as the necessity , and occasion of the churches did require ; the one of them being expressely called an evangelist , 2 tim. 4. 5. and neither of them being anywhere in scripture called bishop . neither were they fixed to ephesus , and creet , as bishops in the churches committed to them : but removed from thence to other places , and never , for ought appears in scripture , returned to them againe . and it seems cleare to us , that neither their abode at ephesus and creet , was for any long time , nor so intended by the apostle . for he imploys them there upon occasionall businesse , and expresses himselfe in such manner , ( i besought thee to abide still at ephesus when i went into macedonia , that thou mightst charge some , that they teach no other doctrine , 1 tim. 1. 3. for this cause left i thee in greete , tit. 1. 5. ) as doth not carry the fixing , or constituting of a bishop in a place as a perpetuall governour . and it is as manifest , that they were both of them called away from these places , 2 tim. 4. 9. do thy diligence to come to me shortly , tit. 3. 12. be diligent to come to me to nicopolis . so that they may as well be called bishops of other cities , or churches , where they had any considerable abode , as they are pretended to have beene of ephesus and greete . as they are called by the poscripts of those epistles , the credit of which postscripts we cannot build upon in this point . secondly , to that of the angels of the churches . the ministers of the churches are called starres , and angels , which denominations are metaphoricall , and in a mystery , rev. 1. 20. the mystery of the seven starres , angels , in respect of their mission , or sending . starres in respect of their station , and shining . and it seems strange to us , that to so many expresse testimonyes of scripture , an allegoricall denomination , or mystery should be opposed . these angels being no where called bishops in vulgar acceptation , nor the word bishop used in any of johns writings , who cals himselfe presbyter . nor any mention of superiority of one presbyter to another , but in diotrephes affecting it . and as to that which may be said , that the epistles are directed to one , we answer , that a number of persons , are in the mysterious , and prophetick writings expressed in singulars , and we humbly conceive , that being written in an apostolary style , ( for they are as letters or epistles to the churches , ) these writings are directed as letters to collective representative bodies use to be . that is , to one , but intended & meant to that body in meeting assembled ; which that they were so intended is cleare to us , both because there were in ephesus bishops and presbyters , one and the same , to whom the apostle at his farewell commendeth the government of the church : and by divers expressions in these epistles , as rev. 2. 24. to you and to the rest in thyatyra ▪ by which distinction of you and the rest , we conceive the particular governours , ( which were more then one ) and the people to be signified . and so cannot consent that any singular person had majority over the rest , or sole power of exercising church censures , and government spoken of in these chapters . having thus ( as we humbly conceive ) proved by pregnant places of scripture compared together , that the apostles themselves did not institute , or practise episcopall government , nor commit and derive it to particular persons , as their substitutes , or successors therein . wee shall in farther discharge of our duty to , and for the more cleare , and full satisfaction of your majesty in this point , briefely declare into what officers hands the ordinary and standing offices of the church were transmitted , and derived by & from the apostles . the apostles had no successors in eundem gradum : the apostolicall office was not derived by succession , being instituted by christ by extraordinary & special commission . but for the ordinary and standing use and service of the church , there were ordained only two orders of officers , viz. bishops and deacons , which the apostle expresseth , phil. 1. 1. to all the saints in christ jesus which are at philippi , with the bishops and deacons ; and onely of them doth the apostle give the due characters of officers , 1 tim. 3. 2. 8. from both which places of scripture we conclude with ancient expositors both greek and latin , that bishops are the same with presbyters , and besides presbyters , there is no mention of any other order but that of deacons . of both which orders in the apostles times , there were in one city more then one , as in philippi and ephesus . and we humbly offer to your majesty as observable ; that though one order might be superiour to another order , yet in the same order of officers , there was not any one superiour to others of the same order : no apostle was above an apostle ; no evangelist above an evangelist ; no presbyter above a presbyter ; no deacon above a deacon . and so we conclude this part , that since church officers are instituted , and set in the church by god , or christ jesus , and that ordination by , or in which the office is conveyed , is of no other officers , but of presbyters and deacons . therefore there are no other orders of ordinary and standing officers in the churches of christ . as for the ages immediatly succeeding the apostles , we answer . first , our faith reaches no farther than the holy scriptures . no humane testimony can beget any more than a humane faith . secondly , we answer , that it is agreed upon by learned men , as well such as contend for episcopacy , as others , that the times immediately succeeding the apostles are very dark in respect of the hystory of the church . thirdly , that the most unquestionable record of those times gives cleare testimony to our assertion , viz. the epistle of clements to the corinthians , who reciting the orders of church officers , expresely limits them to two , bishops and deacons , and them , whom in one place he calls bishops ; he alwayes afterwards nameth presbyters . the epistles of ignatius pretend to the next antiquity , but are by some suspected as wholly spurious , and proved by vedelius to be so mixed , that it is hard , it not impossible , to know what part of them are genuine : besides , bishop vsher in his late observations on them chap. 18. page 138. confesses , that of the twelve of his epistles , six are counterfeit , the other sixe mixt , and none of them in every respect to be accounted sincere and genuine . fourthly , we grant , that not long after the apostles times , bishops in some superiority to presbyters are by the writers of those times reported to be in the church ; but they were set up not as a divine institution , but as an ecclefiasticall , as afterwards both arch bishops , and patriarchs were ; which is cleare by doctor reinolds his epistle to sir francis knowles , wherein he shewes out of bishop jewel , that ambrose , chrysostome , jerome , augustine , and many more holy fathers , together with the apostle paul agree , that by the word of god there is no difference between a bishop and a presbyter . and that medina in the councell of trent affirmes not onely the same fathers , but also another jerome , theodoret , primasius , sedulius , and theophytact , to be of the same judgement . and that with them agree oecumenius ; anselme archbishop of canterbury , and another anselme , gregory and gratian , and after them many others ; that it was inrolled in the canon-law for sound and catholick doctrine ; and publikely taught by learned men . and addes , that all who have laboured in the reformation of the church for these 500. years have taught that all pastors , be they entituled bishops , or priests , have equal authority and power by gods word . the same way goes lumbard master of the sentences , and father of the schoolmen , who speaking of presbyters , and deacons , saith , the primitive church had those orders onely , and that we have the apostles precept for them alone . with him agree many of the most eminent in that kind , and generally all the canonists . to these we may adde sextus senensis , who testifies for himself , and many others . and cassander , who was called by one of the germame emperours as one of singular ability , and integrity , to inform him , and resolve his conscience in questions of that nature ; who said , it is agreed among all , that in the apostles times , there was no difference betweene a bishop , and a presbyter . for a conclusion , we adde , that the doctrine which we have herein propounded to your majesty concerning the identity of the order of bishops and presbyters , is no other then the doctrine published by king henry the 8. 1543. for all his subjects to receive , seen and allowed by the lords both spiritual and temporal , with the nether house of parl. of these two orders onely ( so saith the book ) that is to say , preists and deacons , scripture maketh expresse mention , and how they were conferred of the apostles by prayer , and imposition of hands . by all which it seems evident , that the order of episcopacie , as distinct from presbytery , is but an ecclesiasticall institution , and therefore not unalterable . lastly ; we answer . that episcopall government which at first obteined in the church , did really and substancially differ from the episcopall government , which the honorable houses of parliament , desire the abolition of . the bishop of those times was one presiding , & joyning with the presbytery of his church , ruling with them , and not without them . either created , and made by the presbyters choosing out one amongst themselves , as in rome & alexandria , or chosen by the church , and confirmed by three , or more of his neighbours of like dignity within the same precinct ; lesser towns , and villages had , and might have bishops in them , as well as populous and eminent cities , untill the councel of sardis decreed , that villages , and small cities should have no bishops , least the name , and authority of a bishop might thereby come into contempt . but of one claming as his due , and right to himselfe alone , as a superior order , or degree , all power about ordination of presbyters , and deacons , and all jurisdiction , either to exercise himselfe , or delegate to whom he will of the laity or clergy , ( as they distinguish ) according to the judgement and practice of those in our times , wee read not till in the latter and corrupter ages of the church . by all which it appears , that the present hierarchy , the abolition whereof is desired by the honourable houses , may accordingly be abolished , and yet possibly the bishop of those primitive times be . they are so farre differing one from another . in answer to that part of your majesties paper , wherein you require whether our saviour and his apostles did so leave the church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the church government at their pleasure . we humbly conceive that there are substantials belonging to church government , such as are appointed by christ and his apostles , which are not in the churches liberty to alter at pleasure . but as for arch-bishops , &c. we hope it will appear unto your majesties conscience , that they are none of the church governours appointed by our saviour and his apostles . and we beseech your majesty to look rather to the originall of them , then succession . octob , 3. 1648. imprimatur , ja: cranford . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a79056e-130 acts 14. 23. acts 6. 6. 1 cor. 16. 1. 1 cor 14. 1 cor. 5. 3. 3 john 9. 10. 1 tim. 5. 22. titus 1. 5. revel. 2. 3. c. 1 tim. 5. 19. titus 3. 10. his majesties proclamation in scotland: with an explanation of the meaning of the oath and covenant. by the lord marquesse, his majesties high commissioner. set forth by the kings speciall licence proclamations. 1638-12-08 scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1639 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a68712 stc 22001.5 estc s100073 99835925 99835925 158 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a68712) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 158) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1025:10, 1291:10) his majesties proclamation in scotland: with an explanation of the meaning of the oath and covenant. by the lord marquesse, his majesties high commissioner. set forth by the kings speciall licence proclamations. 1638-12-08 scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) hamilton, james hamilton, duke of, 1606-1649. explanation of the meaning of the oath and the covenant. aut [2], 14; [2], 17, [1] p. printed by robert young, his majesties printer for scotland. 1639. are sold at the starre on bread-street hill [by r. young], london : [1639] against acknowledging the glasgow assembly. dated on b4v: given .. the eighth day of december .. 1638. "an explanation of the meaning of the oath and covenant. .. london, printed by his majesties printer for scotland, anno dom. 1639" by james hamilton, duke of hamilton, has separate title page and pagination; register is continuous. the title page verso has the duke's arms. variant: lacking the arms. a variant of the edition with "sold at the gun in ivie-lane" in imprint; bookseller's name from stc. identified as stc 22001 on umi microfilm reel 1291; the "explanation" separately identified as stc 12727 on reel 1025. reproductions of the originals in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery ("early english books, 1475-1640"), and the british library ("early english newspapers"). appears at reel 1025 (part 2 only) and at reel 1291 (same copy filmed twice). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -history -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-08 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an explanation of the meaning of the oath and covenant . published by the l. marques , his majesties high commissioner in scotland , by the kings speciall command . printer's device of robert young r y יהוה ivstvs vivet fide devs providerit london , printed by his majesties printer for scotland , anno dom. 1639. coat of arms of the duke of hamilton honi soit qvi mal y pense throvghe whereas some have given out , that by the act of councell , which explaineth the confession of faith lately commanded to be sworne by his majesty , to be understood of the confession of faith , as it was then professed and received , when it was made , and that in that confession , defence both of the doctrine & discipline then established is sworn , at which time episcopall government being ( as they say ) abolished , it must needs follow , that the same government is by this late oath abjured . and understanding that even amongst those who continue together still at glasgow , under the name of a generall assembly , though but a pretended and unlawfull one , this objection is held to be of some moment , and used by them to the great disturbance of the peace of this church and kingdome , and to the great disquieting of the mindes of such his majesties good subjects as have taken the said oath , and yet never meaned nor do mean to abjure episcopall government ; and to perswade others , that if they shall take the same oath thus explained by the said act of councell , by so doing they must likewaies abjure the said government : we james marquesse of hamiltoun , his majesties high commissioner , wondring that any such scrupulous misconstruction should be made of his majesties gracious and pious intentions , and being desirous to remove all doubts from the minds of his majesties good subjects , and to keep them from being poysoned by such as by forced and forged inferences would make them beleeve , that they had actually by taking that oath sworn that which neither virtually nor verely they have sworn , or ever intended to swear , or was required by authority to be sworn by them , either directly or indirectly : considering that all oathes must be taken according to the minde , intention , and commandement of that authority , which exacteth the oath ; and that we , by speciall commandement from his sacred maiestie , commanded the said oath to be administred , we do hereby freely and ingenuously professe and declare our mind and meaning herein , as we have constantly heretofore done since our coming into this kingdome about this imployment ; viz. that by any such words or act of councell we never meaned or intended that episcopall government should be abiured , nor any thing else which was established by acts of parliament , or acts of the church of this kingdome , which are now in force , and were so at the time of the taking of the said oath . nor indeed could we have any other intention or meaning , being clearly warranted and expresly commanded by his maiesties instructions , to exact the said oath , and take order that it should be sworn throughout the kingdome in that faire and lawfull sense , and none other . neither in this point did we deliver our own words , or his maiesties minde ambiguously or doubtfully , so as any other sense , to our thinking , could be picked or wrung out of either the one or the other ; for we do attest the lords of the councell , whether we did not to many , or all of them upon severall occasions in conference with them ever since our coming into this kingdom , constantly declare unto them , that his maiesties resolution was not to suffer episcopall government to be abolished : we attest all the lords of session , whether before our tendering of that oath to them , or their lordships taking of it , we did not fully and freely declare to them , that his maiesties minde in commanding us to see this oath taken , and our own minde in requiring them to take it , was onely to settle and secure the religion and faith professed in this kingdome , but was not to be extended to the abiuring of episcopall government , or any other thing now in force by the laws of this church and state at the time of administring this oath , which their lordships , being the reverend and learned judges of the lawes , knew well could not be abiured ; after which perspicuous predeclaration of our minde , their lordships undoubtedly in that same sense and none other took the said oath . and now , good reader , having heard his maiesties minde and intention , and in pursuance of them , the mind of his maiesties high commissioner concerning this oath , though reasons to repell the former obiection seem to be needlesse ( the known minde of the supreme magistrate who urgeth an oath , being to be taken for the undoubted sense of it ) yet forasmuch as that obiection hath of late bin mainly urged for alienating the mindes of many of his maiesties good subiects , and well affected to that government , from adhering unto it , be pleased to know , that the former obiection hath neither show nor force of reason in it , and that by the said oath and that explanation set down in the act of councell , episcopall government neither was nor possibly could be abiured , and that for many reasons , but especially these five , which we having seen and approved , have caused to be here inserted , and leave them to thine impartiall consideration . first , god forbid it should be imagined that his majesty should command his subjects to take an oath which in it self is absolutely unlawfull : but for a man to swear against a thing which is established by the laws of the church and kingdome in which he liveth ( unlesse that thing be repugnant to the law of god ) is absolutely unlawfull , untill such time as that kingdome and church do first repeal these laws : and therefore episcopall government not being repugnant to the law of god , nay being consonant unto it , as being of apostolicall institution ( which shall be demonstrated if any man please to argue it ) and standing fully established , both by acts of parliament , and acts of generall assembly at the time when this oath was administred ; to abjure it before these acts be repealed , is absolutely unlawfull , and against the word of god : and it is to be hoped no man will conceive that his majestie meaned to command a thing absolutely unlawfull . and if it should be said , as it is said by some , ( who not being able to avoid the force of reason , do betake themselves to pitifull shifts and evasions ) that these acts of parliament and assembly establishing episcopall government , were unlawfully and unduely obtained : certainly if they have any reasons for this their bold assertion , which is of a more dangerous consequence then that it ought to be endured in any well setled church or common-wealth ; these reasons may be presented lawfully to these judicatories to entreat them to reduce the saids acts , if there shall be strength and validity found in them . but to hold , that untill such time as these judicatories shall repeal the saids laws , they either ought to be , or can possibly be abjured , is a wicked position , and destructive of the very foundation of justice both in church and common-wealth . secondly , it cannot be imagined that this oathshould oblige the now takers of it farther then it did oblige the takers of it at first : for doctrine and points of faith it did oblige them then , and so doth it us now , perpetually , because these points in themselves are perpetuall , immutable and eternall : but for points of discipline and government , and policie of the church , that oath could binde the first takers of it no longer then that discipline and government should stand in force by the laws of this church and kingdome , which our church in her positive confession of faith printed amongst the acts of parliament , artic . 20.21 . declareth to be alterable at the will of the church it self , and so repealable by succeeding acts , if the church shall see cause . when a king at his coronation taketh an oath to rule according to the laws of his kingdome , or a judge at his admission sweareth to give judgement according to these laws , the meaning of their oaths cannot be that they shall rule or judge according to them longer then they continue to be laws : but if any of them shall come afterwards to be lawfully repealed , both king and judge are free from ruling and judging according to such of them as are thus lawfully repealed , notwithstanding their originall oath . since therfore if the first takers of that oath were now alive , they could not be said to have abjured episcopall government , which hath been since established by the lawes of this church and kingdome , especially considering that this church in her confession holdeth church government to be alterable at the will of the church : certainly we repeating but their oath , cannot be said to abiure that government now , more then they could be said to do it if they were now alive and repeating the same oath . thirdly , how can it be thought that the very act of his maiesties commanding this oath should make episcopall government to be abiured by it , more then the covenanters requiring it of their associats , in both covenants the words and syllables of the confession of faith being the same ? now it is wel known that many were brought in to subscribe their covenant , by the solemn protestations of the contrivers & urgers of it , that they might subscribe it without abiuring of episcopacie , and other such things as were established by law , since the time that this oath was first invented and made ; and the three ministers in their first answers to the aberdene quaeres have fully and clearly expressed themselves to that sense , holding these things for the present not to be abiured , but only referred to the triall of a free generall assembly : and likewaies the adherers to the last protestation against his majesties proclamation , bearing date the 9. of september , in their ninth reason against the subscription urged by his maiesty , do plainly averre , that this oath urged by his maiesty doth oblige the takers of it , to maintain perth articles , and to maintain episcopacy . why therefore some men swearing the same words & syllables should have their words taken to another sense , & be thought to abiure episcopall government , more then others who have taken the same oath in the same words , must needs passe the capacity of an ordinary understanding . fourthly , it is a received maxime , and it cannot bedenied , but that oaths ministred unto us must either be refused , or else taken according to the known mind , professed intention , and expresse command of authority urging the same : a proposition , not onely received in all schools , but positively set down by the adherers to the said protestation totidem verbis in the place above cited . but it is notoriously known even unto those who subscribed the confession of faith by his majesties commandment , that his majestie not only in his kingdomes of england and ireland , is a maintainer and upholder of episcopall government according to the laws of the said churches and kingdomes , but that likewaies he is a defender , and intends to continue a defender of the same government in his kingdome of scotland , both before the time , and at the time when he urged this oath , as is evident by that which is in my lord commissioner his preface , both concerning his majesties instructions to his grace , and his graces expressing his majesties mind , both to the lords of councell , and to the lords of session ; and the same likewaies is plainly expressed and acknowledged by the adherers to the said protestation in the place above cited : their words being these ; and it is most manifest that his majesties mind , intention , and commandment , is no other but that the confession be sworn , for the maintenance of religion as it is already or presently professed ( these two being co-incident altogether one and the same , not only in our common form of speaking , but in all his majesties proclamations ) and thus as it includeth , and continueth within the compasse thereof , the foresaids novations and episcopacie , which under that name were also ratified , in the first parliament holden by his majesty . from whence it is plaine , that episcopacie not being taken away or suspended by any of his majesties declarations , as these other things were which they call novations , it must needs both in deed , and in the judgment of the said protesters no waies be intended by his majestie to be abjured by the said oath . now both the major and that part of the minor which concerneth episcopall government in the church of scotland , being cleerly acknowledged by the protesters , and the other part of the minor concerning that government in his other two kingdomes being notoriously known , not only to them , but to all others who know his majesty , how it can be imagined that his majesty by that oath should command episcopacy to be abjured , or how any one to whom his majesties mind concerning episcopall government was known , could honestly or safely abjure it , let it be left to the whole world to judge , especially considering that the protesters themselves in that place above cited , by a dilemma , which we leave to themselves to answer , have averred , that when that act of councell should come out , yet that it could not be inferred from thence that any such thing was abjured . fifthly and lastly , if the explanation in that act of councell be taken in that not only rigid but unreasonable and senselesse sense which they urge , yet they can never make it appear , that episcopall government at the first time of the administring of that oath was abolished : the very words of that confession of faith , immediately after the beginning of it , being these , received , beleeved , defended by many and sundry notable kirks and realms , but chiefly by the kirk of scotland , the kings majestie and three estates of this realme , as gods eternall truth & only ground of our salvation , &c. by which it is evident , that the subscription to this confession of faith is to be urged in no other sense then as it was then beleeved and received by the kings majestie , and the three estates of this realme at that time in being ; and it is well known , that at that time bishops , abbots and priors made up a third estate of this realm , which gave approbation to this confession of faith : and therefore it is not to be conceived , that this third estate did then abjure episcopacie , or that episcopacie was at the first swearing of that confession abolished . but say that at that time it was abolished by acts of generall assembly , yet was it not so by any act of parliament , nay by many acts of parliament it was in force , because none of them was repealed ; some whereof are annexed in the sheet immediatly after these reasons , which we pray the reader carefully to peruse and ponder : and at the very time of the taking of this oath and after , bishops , whose names are well known , were in being . now it is to be hoped that in a monarchy or any other well constituted republick , that damnable jesuiticall position shall never take place , that what is once enacted by a monarch & his three estates in parliament , shall ever be held repealed or repealable by any ecclesiasticall nationall synod . by all which it is evident , that the explanation of that act of councell so groundlesly urged , can induce no man to imagine that by the confession of faith lately sworn by his majesties commandment , episcopall government , which then did , and yet doth stand established by acts of this church and kingdome , either was , or possibly could be abjured . and having now ( good reader ) heard his majesties minde in his instructions to us , our minde in requiring in his majesties name this oath to be taken , and these few reasons of many which do evidently evince the inconsequence of that sense which without any show of inference is put upon it by those , who would go on in making men still beleeve , that all which they do or say is grounded upon authority , though they themselvs do well know the contrary ; we suppose that all they who have taken this oath will rest satisfied that they have not abjured episcopal government , and that they who shall take it , will take it in no other sense . which timely warning of ours , we are the more willing to give , because we are given to understand , that even they who were wont to call the takers of this oath ( notwithstanding of that explanation by act of councell ) perjured and damned persons , and in their pulpits called the urging of it the depth of sathan , do now mean to take it themselves , and urge others to take it in that sense which they make men beleeve ( though wrongfully ) that act of councell makes advantageous to their ends . but we do in his majesties name require that none presume to take the said oath , unlesse they be required so to do by such as shall have lawfull authority from his majestie to administer it unto them : being confident , that none either will or can take the said oath or any other oath in any sense , which may not consist with episcopall government , having his majesties sense , and so the sense of all lawfull authority fully explained to them . that episcopall jurisdiction was in force by acts of parliament , and no wayes abolished nor suppressed in the year 1580. nor at the time of reformation of religion within the realm of scotland , doth evidently appeare by the acts of parliament after mentioned . first by the parliament 1567. cap. 2. whereby at the time of reformation the popes authority was abolished , it is enacted by the said act , that no bishop , nor other prelate in this realm , use any jurisdiction in time coming by the bishop of romes authority . and by the third act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , that all acts not agreeing with gods word , and contrary to the confession of faith approved by the estates in that parliament , to have no effect nor strength in time to come . whereby it is evident , that it was not the reformers intention to suppresse episcopacie , but that bishops should not use any jurisdiction by the bishop of rome his authority ; and seeing they did allow episcopacie to continue in the church , that they did not esteeme the same contrary to gods word and confession foresaid : as appeares more clearly by the sixth act of the said parliament , which is ratified in the parliament 1579. cap. 68. whereby it is declared , that the ministers of the blessed evangel of jesus christ , whom god of his mercie hath now raised up amongst us , or hereafter shall raise , agreeing with them that now live in doctrine or administration of the sacraments , and the people of this realme that professe christ as he is now offered in his evangel , and do communicate with the holy sacraments , as in the reformed kirks of this realme they are publickly administrate , according to the confession of the faith , to be the only true and holy kirk of jesus christ within this realme ; without any exception by reason of policy and discipline , declaring only such as either gain-say the word of the evangel according to the heads of the said confession , or refuse the participation of the holy sacraments as they are now ministrate , to be no members of the said kirk so long as they keep themselves so divided from the society of christs body . whereby it is manifest , that it was not the said reformers minde to exclude any from that society by reason of discipline , and that they did not at that time innovate or change any thing in that policy they found in the said kirk before the reformation . this is likewaies evident by the oath to be ministred to the king at his coronation , by the eighth act of the said parliament , wherby he is to swear to maintain the true religion of jesus christ , the preaching of his holy word , and due and right ministration of the sacraments now received and preached within this realm , and shall abolish and gain-stand all false religion contrary to the same ; without swearing to any innovation of policie and discipline of the kirk . secondly , it doth evidently appear by these subsequent acts of parliament , that by the municipall law of this realm archbishops and bishops was not only allowed in the kirk , but also had jurisdiction and authority to govern the same . first , by the 24 act of the said parliament , whereby all civill priviledges granted by our soveraigne lords predecessors to the spirituall estate of this realm , are ratified in all points after the form and tenor thereof . and by the 35. act of the parliament 1571. whereby all and whatsoever acts and statutes made of before by our soveraigne lord and his predecessors anent the freedome and liberty of the true kirk of god , are ratified and approved . by the 46. act of the parliament 1572. whereby it is declared , that archbishops and bishops have the authority , and are ordained to conveen and deprive all inferiour persons being ministers , who shal not subscribe the articles of religion , and give their oath for acknowledging and recognoscing of our soveraigne lord and his authority , & bring a testimoniall in writing thereupon within a moneth after their admission . by the 48. act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , that archbishops and bishops have authority at their visitations to designe ministers gleibes . by the 54. act of the said parliament , whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to nominate and appoint at their visitations , persons in every parochin for making and setting of the taxation , for upholding and repairing of kirks and kirk-yards , and to conveene , try , and censure all persons that shall be found to have applied to their own use the stones , timber , or any thing else pertaining to kirks demolished . by the 55. act of the parliament 1573. whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to admonish persons married , in case of desertion , to adhere , and in case of disobedience , to direct charges to the minister of the parochin to proceed to the sentence of excommunication . by the 63. act of the parliament 1578. whereby bishops , & where no bishops are provided , the commissioner of diocesses , have authority to try the rents of hospitals , and call for the foundations thereof . by the 69 act of the parliament 1579. whereby the jurisdiction of the kirk is declared to stand in preaching the word of jesus christ , correction of manners , and administration of the holy sacraments ; and yet no other authority nor office-bearer allowed and appointed by act of parliament , nor is allowed by the former acts ; but archbishops and bishops intended to continue in their authority , as is clear by these acts following . first , by the 71. act of the same parliament , whereby persons returning from their travels are ordained , within the space of twenty dayes after their return , to passe to the bishop , superintendent , commissioner of the kirks where they arrive and reside , and there offer to make and give a confession of their faith , or then within fourtie daies to remove themselves forth of the realme . by the 99. act of the parliament 1581. whereby the foresaids acts are ratified and approved . by the 130. act of the parliament 1584. whereby it is ordained , that none of his maiesties lieges and subiects presume or take upon hand to impugne the dignity and authoritie of the three estates of this kingdome , whereby the honour and authority of the kings maiesties supreme court of parliament , past all memorie of man , hath been continued , or to seek or procure the innovation or diminution of the power and authoritie of the same three estates , or any of them in time coming under the pain of treason . by the 131. act of the same parliament , whereby all iudgments and iurisdictions as well in spirituall as temporall causes , in practice and custome during these twenty four years by-past not approved by his highnesse and three estates in parliament , are discharged : and whereby it is defended , that none of his highnesse subiects of whatsoever qualitie , estate , or function they be of , spirituall or temporall presume , or take upon hand to convocate , conveen , or assemble themselves together for holding of councels , conventions , or assemblies , to treat , consult , or determinate in any matter of estate , civill or ecclesiasticall ( except in the ordinary iudgements ) without his maiesties speciall commandement ; or expresse licence had and obtained to that effect . by the 132. act of the said parliament , authorizing bishops to try and iudge ministers guilty of crimes meriting deprivation . by the 133. act of the same parliament , ordaining ministers exercing any office beside their calling to be tried and adiudged culpable by their ordinaries . by the 23. act of the parliament 1587. whereby all acts made by his highnesse , or his most noble progenitors anent the kirk of god , and religion presently professed , are ratified . by the 231. act of the parliament 1597. bearing , that our soveraigne lord and his highnesse estates in parliament , having speciall consideration of the great priviledges and immunities granted by his highnesse predecessors to the holy kirk within this realme , and to the speciall persons exercing the offices , titles , and dignities of the prelates within the same : which persons have ever represented one of the estates of this realm in all conventions of the saids estates ; and that the saids priviledges and freedomes have been from time to time renewed and conserved in the same integritie wherein they were at any time before . so that his maiestie acknowledging the same to be fallen now under his maiesties most favourable protection , therefore his maiesty with consent of the estates declares , that the kirk within this realme , wherein the true religion is professed , is the true and holy kirk : and that such ministers as his maiestie at any time shall please to provide to the office , place , title , and dignitie of a bishop , &c. shall have vote in parliament , sicklike and al 's freely as any other ecclesiasticall prelate had at any time by-gone . and also declares , that all bishopricks vaicking , or that shall vaick , shall be only disponed to actuall preachers and ministers in the kirk , or such as shall take upon them to exerce the said function . by the second act of the parliament 1606. whereby the ancient and fundamentall policie , consisting in the maintenance of the three estates of parliament , being of late greatly impaired and almost subverted , especially by the indirect abolishing of the estate of bishops by the act of annexation : albeit it was never meaned by his maiestie , nor by his estates , that the said estate of bishops , being a necessary estate of the parliament , should any wayes be suppressed ; yet by dismembring and abstracting from them of their livings being brought in contempt and poverty , the said estate of bishops is restored , and redintegrate to their ancient and accustomed honour , dignities , prerogatives , priviledges , lands , teindes , rents , as the same was in the reformed kirk , most amply and free at any time before the act of annexation ; rescinding and annulling all acts of parliament made in preiudice of the saids bishops in the premisses , or any of them , with all that hath followed , or may follow thereupon , to the effect they may peaceably enioy the honours , dignities , priviledges , and prerogatives competent to them or their estate since the reformation of religion . by the 6. act of the 20. parliament , declaring that archbishops and bishops are redintegrate to their former authority , dignity , prerogative , priviledges and iurisdictions lawfully pertaining and shall be known to pertain to them , &c. by the 1. act of the parliament 1617. ordaining archbishops and bishops to be elected by their chapters , and no other wayes , and consecrate by the rites and order accustomed . finis . [two discourses] concerning episcopacy the former made by the lord viscount falkland ; and the later by william chillingworth. falkland, lucius cary, viscount, 1610?-1643. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a40803 of text r24319 in the english short title catalog (wing f327). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a40803 wing f327 estc r24319 08121723 ocm 08121723 40908 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40803) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40908) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1229:5) [two discourses] concerning episcopacy the former made by the lord viscount falkland ; and the later by william chillingworth. falkland, lucius cary, viscount, 1610?-1643. chillingworth, william, 1602-1644. 14 p. printed for william nealand, london : 1660. first two words of title cropped. missing words supplied from wing. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. eng episcopacy. a40803 r24319 (wing f327). civilwar no two discourses concerning episcopacy; the former made by the right honorable, the late lord viscount falkland. and the later by his friend, falkland, lucius cary, viscount 1660 4945 13 0 0 0 0 0 26 c the rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-11 aptara rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion concerning episcopacy ; the former made by the right honorable , the late lord viscount falkland . and the later by his friend , mr. william chillingworth . published according to the original copies . london , printed for william nealand , bookseller in cambridge ; and are to be sold there , and at the crown in duck-lane , 1660. a speech concerning episcopacy . mr. speaker , whosoever desires this totall change of our present government , desires it either out of a conceit that is unlawfull , or inconvenient . to both these , i shall say something . to the first , being able to make no such arguments to prove it so my self , as i conceive likely to be made within the walls of so wise a house , i can make no answer to them , till i hear them from some other ; which then ( if they perswade me not ) by the liberty of a committee , i shall do . but this in generall . in the mean time , i shall say , that the ground of this government of episcopacy , being so ancient , and so generall , so uncontradicted in the first and best times , that our most laborious antiquaries can find no nation , no city , no church , nor houses under any other ; that our first ecclesiasticall authors tell us , that the apostles not onely allow'd but founded bishops ( so that the tradition for some books of scripture , which we receive as canonicall , is both lesse ancient , lesse generall , and lesse uncontradicted , ) i must ask leave to say , that though the mysterie of iniquity began suddenly to work , yet it did not instantly prevail ; it could not ayme at the end of the race , as soon is it was started ; nor could antichristianism in so short a time have become so catholique . to the second , this i say , that in this government there is no inconvenience which might not be sufficiently remedied without destroying the whole ; and though we had not par'd their nails , or rather their tongues , ( i mean the high-commission , ) though we should neither give them the direction of strict rules , nor the addition of choyce assiste●s ( both which we may do , and suddenly i hope we shall ; ) yet the fear sunk into them of this parliament , and the expectation of a trienniall one , would be such banks to these rivers , that we need fear their inundations no mo●e . next i say , that if some inconvenience did appear in this , yet since it may also appear , that the change will breed greater , i desire those who are led to change by inconveniences onely , that they will suspend their opinions , till they see what is to be laid in the other ballance , which i will endeavour . the inconveniences of the change are double , some that it should be yet done , others , that it should be at all done . the first again , double , 1. because we have not done what we should do first ; and 2. because others have not done what they should do first ; that which we should do first , is , to agree of a succeeding form of government , that every man , when he gives his vote to the destruction of this , may be sure that he destroy ; not that , which he likes better than that which shall succeed it . i conceive no man will at this time give this vote , who doth not believe this government to be the worst that can possibly be devised ; and for my part , if this be thus proposterously done , and we left in this blind uncertainty ( what shall become of us ! ) i shall not onely doubt all the inconveniences , which any governmentment hath , but which any government may have . this i insist on the rather , because if we should find cause to wish for this back again , we could not have it , the means being disperst . to restore it again would be a miracle in state , like that of the resurrection to nature . that which others should do first , is , to be gone . for if you will do this , yet things standing as they do , no great cause appearing for so great a change , i fear a great army may be thought to be the cause . and i therefore desire ( to be sure that newcastle may not be suspected to have any influence upon london , ) that this may not be done , till our brethren be returned to their patrimony . we are now past the inconveniences in poynt of time ; i now proceed . and my first inconvenience of this change , is , the inconvenience of change it self , which is so great an inconvenience , when the change is great and suddain , that in such cases , when it is not necessary to change , it is necessary not to change . to a person formerly intemperate , i have known the first prescription of an excellent physitian , to forbear too good a diet for a good while . we have lived long happily , and gloriously , under this form of government ; episcopacy hath very well agreed with the constitution of our laws , with the disposition of our people : how any other will do , i the lesse know , because i know not of any other , of which so much as any other monarchy hath had any experience ; they all having ( as i conceive ) at least superintendents for life : and the meer word bishop , i suppose , is no man's aime to destroy , nor no man's aim to defend . next , sir , i am of opinion , that most men desire ast not this change , or else i am certain there hath been very suddenly a great change in men . severall petitions indeed desire it , but knowing how concern'd and how united that party is , how few would be wanting to so good a work , even those hands which value their number to others , are an argument of their paucity to me . the numberlesse number of those of a different sense , appear not so publiquekly and cry not so loud , being persons more quiet , as secure in the goodnesse of their lawes , and the wisdom of their law-makers ; and because men petition for what they have not , and not for what they have , perhaps that the bishops may not know how many friends their order hath , lest they be incouraged to abuse their authority , if they knew it to be so g●nerally approved . now , sir , though we are trusted by those that sent us , in cases wherein their opinions were unknown ; yet truly if i knew the opinion of the major part of my town , i doubt whether it were the intention of those that trusted me , that i should follow my own opinion against theirs . at least , let us stay till the next session , and consult more particularly with them about it . next , sir , it will be the destruction of many estates , in which many , who may be very innocent persons , are legally vested , and of many persons who undoubtedly are innocent , whose dependances are upon those estates . the apostle saith , he that provides not for his family , is worse then an infidel , this belongs in some analogy to us ; and truly , sir , we provide ill for our family ( the common-wealth ) if we suffer a considerable part of it to be turned out of doors . so that , fo● any care is taken by this bill for new dwelling , ( and i will never consent they shall play an after-game , for all they have ) either we must see them starve in the streets before us , or ( to avoid that ) we must ship them some-whither away , like the moors out of spain . from the hurt of the learned i come to that of learning ; an i desire you to consider , whether , when all considerable maintenance shall be reduced to cure of souls , all studies , will not be reduced to those which are in order to preaching ; the arts and languages , and even eminent skill in controversies ( to which great leasure and great means is required ) much neglected , and ( to the joy and gain of our common adversary , ) syntagms , postills , catechisms , commentators , and concordances , almost onely bought , and the rest of libraries remain rather as of ornament , then as of use . i do not deny but for all this want , the wit of some hath attempted both , and the parts of some few have served to discharge both , as those of calvin , to advise about , and dispatch more temporall businesse into the bargain , than all our privy-councell ; yet such abilities are extreamly rare , and very few will ever p●each ●●●ce a sunday , and be any match for bellarmine . nay i fear , sir , that this will make us to have fewer able even in preaching it self , as it is separated from generall learning , for i fear many whose parts , friends , and means , might make them hope for better advancements in other courses , when these shall be taken away from this , will be less ready to imbrace it ; and though it were to be wisht , that all men should onely undertake those embassages , with reference to his honour whose embassadors they are ; yet i doubt not but many , who have entred into the church by the door , ( or rather by the window , ) have done it ( after ) great and sincere service ; and better reasons have made them lab●ur in the vineyard , than brought them thither at first : and though the meer love of god ought to make us good , though there were no reward or punishment , yet it would be very inconvenient to piety , that hope of heaven and fear of hell were taken away . the next inconvenience , i fear , is this ; that if we should take away a government which hath as much testimony of the fi●st antiquity to have been founded by the apostles , as can be brought for some parts of scripture to have been written by them , lest this may avert some of our church from us , and rivet some of the roman church to her ; and ( is i remember ) the apostle commands us to be carefull , not to give scandall even to those that are without . sir , it hath been said , that we have a better way to know scripture than by tradition ; i dispute not this , sir , but i know that tradition is the onely argument to prove scripture to another , and the first to every mans self , being compared to the samaritan woman's report , which made many first believe in christ , though they after believed him for himself . and i therefore would not have this so far weakned to us , as to take away episcopacy as unlawfull , which is so far by tradition proved to be lawfull . the next inconvenience that i fear , is this : having observed those generally who are against bishops ( i will not now speak of such as are among us , who by being selected from the rest , are to be hoped to be freer then ordinary , from vulgar passions ) to have somewhat more animosity against those who are for them , then vice versâ ; lest when they shall have prevaild against the bishops , they be so far encouraged against their partakers , and will so have discouraged their adversaries , as in time to induce a necessity upon others , at least of the clergy , to believe them as unlawfull as they themselves do , and to assent to other of their opinions yet left at large . which will be a way to deprive us , i think , of not our worst , i am sure of our most learned ministers ; and to send a greater colonie to new england , then it hath been said , this bill will recall from thence . i come now from the incoveniences of taking away this government , to the inconveniences of that which shall succeed it : and to this i can speak but by guesse , and groping , because i have no light given me what that shall be ; onely i hope i shall be excused for shooting at random , since you will set me up no butt to shoot at . the first , i fear the scotch government will either presently be taken ; or if any other succeed for a while , yet the unity and industry of those of that opinion in this nation , assisted by the counsell and friendship of that , will shortly bring it in , if any lesse opposite government to it be here placed than that of episcopacy . and indeed sir , since any other government than theirs will by no means give any satisfaction to their desire of uniformity ; since all they who see not the dishonour and ill consequences of it , will be unwilling to deny their brethren what they esteem indifferent ; since our own government being destroyed , we shall in all l●kelyhood be aptest to receive that which is both next at hand and ready made : for these reasons i look upon it as probable ; and for the following ones , as inconvenient . when some bishops pretended to iure divino ( though nothing so likely to be believed by the people , as those would be , nor consequently to hurt us by that pretence ) this was cry'd out upon as destructive to his majestie's supremacy , who was to be confessed to be the fountain of jurisdiction in this kingdom . yet to iure divino the scotch ecclesiasticall government pretends , to meet when they please , to treat of what they please , to excommunicate whom they please , even parliaments themselves ; so far are they from receiving either rules or punishments from them . and for us to bring in any unlimited , any independent authority , the first is against the liberty of the subject , the second against the right and priviledge of parliament ; and both against the protestation . if it be said , that this unlimitednesse and independence is onely in spirituall things ; i answer first , that arbitrary government being the worst of governments , and our bodies being worse than our souls , it will be strange to set up that over the second , of which we were so impatient over the first . secondly , that m. sollicitor speaking about the power of the clergy , to make canons to bind ; did excellently inform us ; what a mighty influence spiritual power hath upon temporal affairs . so that if our clergy had the one , they had inclusively almost all the other . and to this i may adde , ( what all men may see , ) the vast temporall power of the pope allow'd him by such who allow it him onely in ordine ad spiritualia : for the fable will tell you , if you make the lyon judge ( and the clergy , assisted by the people , is lyon enough ) it was a wise fear of the foxe's , lest he might call a knubb a horn . and sure , sir , they will in this case be judges , not onely of that which is spiritual , but of what it is that is so : and the people receiving instruction from no other , will take the most temporal matter to be spiritual , if they tell them it is so . the apostolical institution of episcopacy ; demonstrated by mr. william chillingworth . sect. 1. if we abstract from episcopal government all accidentals , and consider onely what is essential and necessary to it ; we shall find in it no more but this . an appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the churches , within a certain precinct or diocesse ; and furnishing him with authority ( not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by laws , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants ) to the intent that all the churches under him may be provided of good and able pastors : and that both of pastours and people , conformity to laws , and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by law appointed . sect. 2. to this kind of government i am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to apostolick institution ; or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of primitive discipline ; or to any law or precept of our lord and saviour jesus christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end ; for obedience to our saviour , is the end for which church-government is appointed . but if it may be demonstrated ( or made much more probable than the contrary ) as i verily think it may : i. that it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the church by the apostles . ii. that it is as comply●ble with the reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in church or state , or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce , as any other kind of government : and iii. that there is no law , no record of our saviour against it : then i hope it will not be thought an unreasonable motion , if we humbly desire those that are in authority , especially the high court of parliament , that in may not be sacrificed to clamour , or over-borne by violence : and though ( which god forbid ) the greater part of the multitude should cry , crucifie , crucifie ; yet our governours would be so full of justice and courage , as not to give it up , untill they perfectly understand concerning episcopacy it self , quid mali fecit . sect. 3. i shall speak at this time onely of the first of these three points : that episcopacy is not repugnant to the government setled in the church for perpetuity by the apostles . whereof i conceive this which follows is as clear a demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . that this government was received universally in the church , either in the apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this government do themselves confesse it . sect. 4. petrus molinaeus in his book de munere pastorali , purposely written in defence of the presbyterial-government , acknowledgeth : that presently after the apostles times , or even in their time ( as ecclesiastical story witnesseth ) it was ordained , that in every city one of the presbytery should be called a bishop , who should have pre-eminence over his colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . and truely , this form of government all chuches every where received . sect. 5. theodorus beza in his tract , de triplici episcopaius genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . for having distinguished episcopacy into three kinds , divine , humane , and satanical , and attributing to the second ( which he calls humane , but we maintain and conceive to be apostolical ) not onely a priority of order , but a superiority of power , and authority over other presbyters , bounded yet by laws and canons provided against tyranny : he clearely professeth that of this kind of episcopacy , is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of bishops ( or presidents , as iustin martyr calls them ) in ignatius , and other more ancient writers . sect. 6. certainly from * these two great defenders of the presbytery , we should never have had this free acknowledgement , ( so prejudicial to their own pretence , and so advantagious to their adversaries purpose ) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth en●orced them to it . it will not therefore be necessary , to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymous author of the catalogue of testimonies , for the equality of bishops and presbyters , who affirms , that their disparity began long after the apostles times : but we may safely take for granted that which these two learned : adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation layd by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstructure ; that seeing episcopal government is confessedly so ancient and so catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be apostolique . sect. 7. for so great a change , as between presbyterial government and episcopal , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time . had episcopal government been an aberration from ( or a corruption of ) the government left in the churches by the apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many ages after . variâsse debuerat error ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . had the churches err'd , they would have varied : what therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by error , but tradition . thus tertullian argues very probably , from the consent of the churches of his time , not long after the apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . but that in the frame and substance of the necessary government of the church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the apostles times ; and so universal , as received in all the churches ; this is clearly impossible . sect. 8. for what universal cause can be assigned or faigned of this universal apostasie ? you will not imagine that the apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any will or testament , when they were dying . this were to grant the question ; to wit , that the apostles , being to leave the government of the churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or fore-seeing by the spirit of god , the distractions and disorders , which would arise from a multitude of equals , substituted episcopal government instead of their own . general councells to make a law for a generall change , for many ages there was none . there was no christian emperour , no coercive power over the church to enforce it . or if there had been any , we know no force was equal to the courage of the christians of those times . their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learnt to fight for christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to dye for him . ) therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . sect. 9. what device then shall we study , or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the presbyters and other christians then , being the apostles schollers , could be generally ignorant of the will of christ , touching the necessity of a presbyterial government ? or , dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the world over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? imagine the spirit of diotrephes had entered into some , or a great many of the presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides that , the contag●on of this ambition , should spread it self and prevail without stop or controul , nay , without any noyse or notice taken of it , through all the churches in the world ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogs so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? sect. 10. but let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the presbyters and people then , were not so good christians as the presbyterians are now ; that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of christ's church commanded by christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny that they were men as we are . and if we look upon them but as meer naturall men , yet knowing by experience how hard a thing it is , even for policy arm'd with power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time , to gain upon the liberty of any one people ; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that among all the christian presbyteries in the world , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversenesse from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much with any one , as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the kingdom of jesus christ , and the liberty of christians . sect. 11. when i shall see therefore all the fables in the metamorphosis acted and prove stories ; when i shall see all the democracies and aristocracies in the world lye down and sleep , and awake into monarchies : then will i begin to believe that presbyterial government , having continued in the church during the apostles times , should presently after ( against the apostles doctrine and the will of christ ) be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transformed into episcopacy . in the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and in humane reason impossible ; i hope i shall have leave to conclude thus ; episcopal government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the church , presently after the apostles times . between the apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . and therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . and therefore episcopacy , being confessed to be so ancient and catholique , must be granted also to be apostolique , quod erat demonstrandum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a40803e-150 ast see the collection of petitions for episcopacy ; printed for will . shears . notes for div a40803e-1170 * to whom two others also from geneva may be added : daniel chami●rus ( in panstratia , tom . 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. §. 24. ) and nicol. vedelius ( exercitat . 3. in epist. ignatii ad philadelph . cap. 14. & exercit. 8. in epist. ad mariam , cap. 3. ) which is fully also demonstated in d. hammonds dissertations against blondel ( which never were answerd , & never will ) by the testimonies of those who wrote in the very next age after the apostles . an humble remonstrance to the high court of parliament, by a dutifull sonne of the church hall, joseph, 1574-1656. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a02549 of text r210029 in the english short title catalog (stc 12675). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a02549 stc 12675 estc r210029 99835823 99835823 48 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02549) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1142:07) an humble remonstrance to the high court of parliament, by a dutifull sonne of the church hall, joseph, 1574-1656. [4], 43, [1] p. printed by m[iles] f[lesher] for nathaniel butter in pauls church-yard at the pyde-bull neare st. austins gate, london : 1640 [i.e. 1641] dutifull sonne of the church = joseph hall. printer's name from stc. the publication year is given according to lady day dating. the first leaf is blank. b3r has catchword "hath". f4r has a 2.5mm gap between the "g" in "righteous" and the "i" in "finis". variant: the gap is 1mm (a resetting found in most copies of stc 12676). other sheets from stc 12676 may be found mixed in. reproductions of the originals in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery and the british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. a02549 r210029 (stc 12675). civilwar no an humble remonstrance to the high court of parliament, by a dutifull sonne of the church. hall, joseph 1641 6985 5 5 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-08 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an humble remonstrance to the high covrt of parliament , by a dutifull sonne of the chvrch . london , printed by m.f. for nathaniel butter in pauls church-yard at the pyde bull neare st. austins gate . 1640. an hvmble remonstrance to the high court of parliament . most honourable lords , and yee the knights , citizens and burgesses , of the honourable house of commons ; lest the world should think the presse had of late forgot to speake any language other then libellous , this honest paper hath broken through the throng , and prostrates it selfe before you : how meanly soever , and unattended , it presents it selfe to your view , yet it comes to you on a great errand , as the faithfull messenger of all the peaceable and right-affected sonnes of the church of england ; and in their names , humbly craves a gracious admittance : had it regarded the pomp and ostentation of names , it might have gloried in a train past number ; it is but a poore stock that may be counted ; millions of hands ( if that tumultuary , and under-hand way of procured subscriptions could have reason to hope for favour in your eyes ) shall at your least command , give attestation to that , which this scroll doth in their names humbly tender unto you . ye are now happily ( through gods blessing ) met in a much-longed-for parliament ; it were but a narrow word to say that the eyes of all us the good subjects of the whole realme are fixed upon your successe ; certainly there are not more eyes in these three interessed kingdomes , then are now bent upon you ; yea all the neighbour churches and kingdomes , if i may not say the whole christian world , and , no small part beyond it , look wishly upon your faces , and with stretched-out necks gaze at the issue of your great meeting ; neither doubt wee but since soveraigne authority hath for this purpose both summoned , and actuated you , you will not faile to produce something worthy of so high an expectation . yee are the sanctuary , whereto now every man flees , whether really , or pretendedly distressed ; even a ioab or adonijah will bee also taking hold of the hornes of the altar : your noble wisedomes know how to distinguish of men and actions , and your inviolable justice knowes to award each his owne . many things there are doubtlesse , which you finde worthy of a seasonable reformation , both in church and state . neither can it be otherwise , but that in a pamperd full body , diseases will grow through rest . ponds that are seldome scoured will easily gather mud ; metals , rust ; and those patients that have inured themselves to a set course of medicinall evacuations , if they intermit their springs and falls , fall into feverous distempers ; not , that supreme , and immediately-subordinate authority hath in the meane time been wanting to its charge ; surely , unlesse wee would suppose princes to be gods , wee cannot think they can know all things : of necessity they must look with others eyes , and heare with others eares , and be informed by others tongues , and act by others hands ; and when all is done , even the most regular , and carefullyinquisitive state is not like the sunne , from whose light and heat nothing is hid . it cannot be expected that those constellations which attend the southerne pole , should take view of our hemisphere , or intermixe their influences with those above our heads ; every agent is required , and allowed to work within the compasse of its own activitie : yee therefore , who by the benefit of your dispersed habitations , enjoy the advantage of having the whole kingdome , and all the corners of it within your eies , may both clearly see all those enormities , wherewith any part is infested , ( unknown to remoter intelligence ) and can best judge to apply meet remedies thereunto . neither can it be , but that those eies of yours , which have been privately vigilant , within the places of your severall abodes , must needs ( not without much regret ) in this your publique meeting , take notice of the miserable disorders of so many vicious and misaffected persons , as have thrust themselves upon your cognizance . whiles the orthodoxe part in this whole realme , hath ( to the praise of their patience ) been quietly silent , as securely conscious of their own right , and innocence , how many furious and malignant spirits every where have burst forth into sclanderous libels , bitter pasquines , railing pamphlets ? ( under which more presses then one have groaned ) wherein they have indeavoured , through the sides of some misliked persons , to wound that sacred government , which ( by the joynt-confession of all reformed divines ) derives it selfe from the times of the blessed apostles , without any interruption , ( without the contradiction of any one congregation in the christian world ) unto this present age ; wherein , as no doubt their lewd boldnesse hath been extremely offensive to your wisedomes , and piety , so may it please you to check this daring , and mis-grounded insolence of these libellers , and by some speedy declaration to let the world know , how much you detest this their malicious , or ignorant presumption ; and by some needfull act to put a present restraint upon the wilde and lawlesse courses of all their factious combinations abroad , and enterprises of this kinde . and if you finde it passe for one of the maine accusations against some great persons , now questioned before you , that they endeavoured to alter the forme of the established government of the common-wealth ; how can these pamphleters seem worthy of but an easie censure , which combine their counsels and practises , for the changing of the setled form of the government of the church ? since , if antiquity may be the rule , the civill politie hath sometimes varied , the sacred , never ; and if originall authority may carry it ; that came from arbitrary imposers , this , from men inspired , and from them in an unquestionable clearnesse derived to us : and if those be branded for incendiaries , which are taxed of attempting to introduce new formes of administration , and rules of divine worship into our neighbour church , how shall those boute-feux of ours escape , that offer to doe these offices to our owne ? the severall , and daily variable projects whereof , are not worthy of your knowledge , or our confutation ; let me have leave to instance in two , the prime subjects of their quarrell , and contradiction ; leitourgie , and episcopacy . the liturgie of the church of england hath been hitherto esteemed sacred , reverently used by holy martyrs , daily frequented by devout protestants , as that , which more then once hath been allowed and confirmed by the edicts of religious princes , and by your own parliamentary acts ; and but lately , being translated into other languages , hath been entertained abroad , with the great applause of forraigne divines and churches ; yet , now , begins to complain of scorn at home : the matter is quarrelled by some , the form by others , the use of it by both : that which was never before heard of in the church of god , whether jewish , or christian , the very prescription of the most holy devotion offendeth . surely , our blessed saviour , and his gracious fore-runner , were so farre from this new divinitie , as that they plainly taught that , which these men gain-say ; a direct forme of prayer ; and such , as that part of the frame prescribed by our saviour , was composed of the formes of devotion then formerly usuall ; and gods people ever since moses his daies , constantly practised it ; and put it over unto the times of the gospel ; under which , whiles it is said that peter and john went up to the temple at the ninth houre of prayer , we know the prayer wherewith they joyned was not of an extemporary , and sudden conception , but of a regular prescription ; the formes whereof are yet extant , and ready to be produced ; and the euangelicall church , ever since , thought it could never better improve her peace , and happinesse , then in composing those religious models of invocation and thanksgiving ; which they have traduced unto us : and can ye then with patience think , that any ingenuous christian should be so farre mis-transported , as to condemne a good prayer , because , as it is in his heart , so it is in his book too ? far be it from me to dishearten any good christian from the use of conceived prayer , in his private devotions ; and upon occasion also , in the publique ; i would hate to be guilty of pouring so much water upon the spirit , to which i shall gladly adde oyle rather ; no , let the full soule freely poure out it self in gracious expressions of its holy thoughts , into the bosome of the almighty : let both the sudden flashes of our quick ejaculations , and the constant flames of our more fixed conceptions mount up from the altar of a zealous heart , unto the throne of grace ; and if there be some stops or solecismes in the fervent utterance of our private wants , these are so far fro being offensive , that they are the most pleasing musique to the eares of that god , unto whom our prayers come : let them be broken off with sobs , and sighes , and incongruities of our delivery , our good god is no otherwise affected to this imperfect elocution , then an indulgent parent is to the clipped , and broken language of his deare childe , which is more delightfull to him then any others smooth oratory ; this is not to be opposed in another , by any man that hath found the true operation of this grace in himselfe : but in the meane time , let the publique formes of the sacred church-liturgie have its due honour ; let this , by the power of your authoritie be re-inforced , as that which being selected , out of ancient models , ( not romane , but christian ) and contrived by the holy martyrs , and confessors of the blessed reformation of religion , hath received abundant supply of strength , both from the zealous recommendation of foure most religious princes , and your own most firme and peremptory establishment ; amongst which powerfull inducements , that is worthy of no sleight consideration , which i humbly tender unto you , from the judgement of the learnedst king that ever sate upon this throne , or ( as i verily think ) since solomons time , upon any other ; king iames of blessed memory , who ( however mis-alledged by some , as letting fall disgracefull speeches concerning this subject ) after a solemne hearing of those exceptions , which were taken by some against this open forme of common-prayer , ( as it is called in queen elizabeths act for uniformity ) shuts up in his proclamation given at westminster , the fifth of march , in the first yeare of his raigne , with these words ; and last of all , we admonish all men , that hereafter they shall not expect or attempt any farther alteration into the common and publike forme of gods service , from this , which is now established ; for that , neither will we give way to any , to presume , that our own judgement having determined in a matter of this weight , shall be swayed to alteration , by the frivolous suggestion of any light spirit ; neither are we ignorant of the inconveniences that doe arise in government , by admitting innovation in things once setled by mature deliberation : and how necessary it is to use constancy in the upholding of the publique determinations of states ; for that such is the unquietnesse , and unstedfastnesse of some dispositions , affecting every yeare new formes of things , as , if they should be followed in their unconstancie , would make all actions of state , ridiculous and contemptible ; whereas the stedfast maintaining of things , by good advise established , is the weale of all common-wealths . thus , that great oracle of wisedome , and learning , whom i beseech you suppose , that you still heare directing this prudent and religious advise to your present eares ; and consider how requisite it is for you , out of the reason both of state , and pietie , to rest in that his sound , and exquisite judgement . as for those particularities of exceptions which have been taken by some at certain passages of that book , they have more then once received full satisfaction , by other pens : let me onely say thus much , that were the readers but as charitable , as the contrivers were religiously devout ; those quarrels had either never been raised , or had soone died , alone : oh suffer not then , i beseech you , this holy form of gods service , to be exposed to the proud contempt of ignorant , and ill-affected persons ; maintain , and beare up the pious acts of your godly predecessors , yea , make good your owne : and if our holy martyrs heretofore went to heaven with a litany in their mouth ; let not an ill advised newfanglenesse be suffered to put scorn upon that , wherein they thought themselves happy . as for that forme of episcopall government , which hath hitherto obtained in the church of god , i confesse , i am confounded in my selfe , to heare with what unjust clamours , it is cried down abroad , by either weak , or factious persons ; of either , or both which , i may well take up that word of our saviour , father forgive them , for they know not what they doe : surely , could those look with my eies , they would see cause to be thoroughly ashamed of this their injurious mis-conceit ; and should be forced to confesse , that never any good cause had more reason to complain of a wrongfull prosecution ; were this ordinance meerly humane , and ecclesiasticall , if there could no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding ancient , of more then 1500 yeares standing , and that it hath continued in this iland , since the first plantation of the gospel , to this present day , without contradiction : a man would think this were enough plea to challenge a reverent respect , and an immunity from all thoughts of alteration ; for , even nature if selfe teaches us to rise up before the hoare-head ; and hath wrought in us a secret honour , even to the very outward gravity of age ; and just policie teaches us , not easily to give way to the change of those things , which long use , and many lawes have firmly established , as necessary , or beneficiall . yea , the wisedome of the ancient grecians went so farre , as to forbid the removall of a well setled evill ; but , if religion teach us better things , and tell us , that nothing morally evill , can be setled well : and being , however , setled , had the more need to be ( after too long delay ) removed ; yet right reason , and sound experience informe us , that things indifferent , or good , having been by continuance , and generall approbation well rooted in church , or state ; may not upon light grounds be pulled up : but , this holy calling fetches its pedegree higher , even from no lesse , then apostolicall ; ( and therefore , in that right , divine ) institution ; for , although those things which the founders and prime governours of the euangelicall church did , as men , went no further then their own persons , yet , what they did as apostles , is of an higher and more sacred consideration ; and , if as apostolike men , they did , upon occasion , enact some temporary things , which were to die with , or before them , yet , those things which they ordained for the succeeding administration of the church which they should leave behinde them , in all essentiall matters , can be no otherwise construed , then as exemplary , and perpetuall . now if to this text , we shall adde the undoubted commentary of the apostles own practises , and to this commentary , we shall super-adde the unquestionable glosse of the cleare practise of their immediate succeslors , in this administration , continued in christs church to this very day ; what scruple can remain in any ingenuous heart ? but , if any one resolve to continue unsatisfied , in spight of reason , and all evidence of history , and will wilfully shut his eies , with a purpose not to see the light , that man is past my cure , and almost my pity : the good god of heaven be mercifull to such a mis-zealous obstinacy : certainly , except all histories , all authors faile us , nothing can be more plain then this truth ; out of them , we can , and doe shew , on whom the apostles of christ laid their hands , with an acknowledgement and conveyance of imparity and jurisdiction ; we shew what bishops so ordained lived in the times of the apostles ; and succeeded each other , in their severall charges , under the eies and hands of the then living apostles ; we shew who immediately succeeded those immediate successors , in their severall sees , throughout all the regions of the christian church ; and deduce their uninterrupted line , through all the following ages , to this present day ; and if there can be better evidence under heaven , for any matter of fact , ( and in this cause , matter of fact so derived , evinceth matter of right ) let episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of gods church ; but if these be ( as they are ) certain and irrefragable ; alas , what strange fury possesseth the minds of ignorant , unstable men , that they should thus headily desire , and sue to shake off so sacred , and well grounded an institution ! but i hear what they say ; it is not the office of episcopacy that displeases , but the quality : the apostles bishops , and ours , were two ; theirs was no other then a parochiall pastor , a preaching presbyter without inequalitie , without any rule over his brethren ; ours claims an eminent superiority , whether in a distinct order , or degree ; and a power of ordination , jurisdiction , unknown to the primitive times . alas , alas , how good people may be abused by mis-information ! heare , i beseech you , the words of truth and confidence ; if our bishops challenge any other spirituall power , then was by apostolique authority delegated unto , and required of timothy , and titus , and the angels of the seven asian churches , ( some whereof are known to us by name ) let them be disclaimed as usurpers ; and if we doe not shew , out of the genuine and undeniable writings of those holy men , which lived both in the times of the apostles and some yeares after them , and conversed with them , as their blessed fellow-labourers , a cleare and received distinction , both of the names and offices of the bishops , presbyters , and deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings , in gods church , with an evident specification of the duty and charge belonging to each of them ; let this claimed hierarchy , be for ever hooted out of the church : and if the bounty of religious princes have thought meet to grace this sacred function , with some accession of titles , and maintenance ; far be it from us to think , that the substance and essentiall parts of that calling is ought impaired , or altered , by such gracious munificence ; and , although ( as the world goes ) these honors cannot ballance the contempt of those eminent places ; and that portion ( which is now made hereditary to the church ) cannot , in the most of these dignities , ( after all deductions ) boast of any superfluity , yet ( such as they are ) if any man have so little grace , and power of selfe-government , as to be puffed up with pride , or transported to an immoderation in the use of these adventitious favours ; the sin is personall , the calling free ; which may be , and is managed by others , with all humble sociablenesse , hospitall frugality , conscionable improvement of all meanes and opportunities to the good of gods church . i may not yet dissemble , that , whiles we plead the divine right of episcopacy , a double scandall is taken , by men , otherwise not unjudicious , and cast upon us from the usuall suggestions of some late pamphleters ; the one , that we have deserted our former tenet , not without the great prejudice of soveraignty ; for , whereas we were wont to acknowledge the deriving of our tenure , as in fee , from the beneficent hand of kings , and princes ; now as either proudly , or ungratefully casting off that just dependence , and beholdingnesse , we stand upon the claime of our episcopacy , from a divine originall ; the other , that , whiles we labour to defend the divine right of our episcopacy , we seeme to cast a dangerous imputation upon those reformed churches , which want that government ; both which , must be shortly cleared . the former had never been found worth objecting , if men had wisely learned to consider , how little incompatiblenesse there is in this case , of gods act , and the kings ; both of them have their proper object , and extent : the office is from god ; the place , and station , and power , wherein that office is exercised , is from the king ; it is the king that gives the bishoprick , it is god that makes the bishop ; where was it ever heard of , that a soveraigne prince claimed the power of ordaining a pastor in the church ? this is derived from none , but spirituall hands : on the other side , who but princes can take upon them , to have power to erect , and dispose of episcopall sees , within their own dominions ? it is with a king , and a bishop , as with the patron , and the incumbent : the patron gives the benefice to his clerk , but pretends not to give him orders , that this man is a minister , he hath from his diocesan ; that he is beneficed , he hath from his patron ; whiles he acknowledgeth his orders from the reverend hands of his bishop , doth he derogate ought from the bounty of a patrons free presentation ? no otherwise is it with episcopacy ; which thankfully professes to hold at once from god and the king ; its calling , of god , its place and exercise of jurisdiction , of the king : and , if it be objected , that both some former , and modern divines , both abroad ▪ and at home , borrowing s. ieromes phrase , have held the superiority of bishops over presbyters , to be grounded rather upon the custome of the church , then any appointment of christ , i must answer ; first , that we cannot prescribe to other mens thoughts ; when all is said , men will take liberty , ( and who can hinder it ? ) to abound in their own sense : but secondly , if they shall grant ( as they shall be forced ) that this custome was of the church apostolicall , and had its rise , with the knowledge , approbation , practise of those inspired legates of christ , and was from their very hands recommended to the then present , and subsequent church , for continuance ; there is no such great dissonance in the opinions , as may be worthy of a quarrell . the second , is intended to raise envy against us , as the uncharitable censurers , and condemners of those reformed churches abroad , which differ from our government : wherein , we do justly complain of a sclanderous aspersion cast upon us ; we love and honour those sister-churches , as the dear spouse of christ ; we blesse god for them ; and we doe heartily wish unto them that happinesse in the partnership of our administration , which , i doubt not , but they doe no lesse heartily wish unto themselves . good words , you will perhaps say , but what is all this faire complement , if our act condemne them , if our very tenet exclude them ? for , if episcopacy stand by divine right , what becomes of those churches that want it ? malice and ignorance are met together in this unjust aggravation : first , our position is onely affirmative ; implying the justifiablenesse , and holinesse of an episcopall calling , without any further implication : next , when we speak of divine right , we meane not an expresse law of god , requiring it upon the absolute necessity of the being of a church ( what hinderances soever may interpose ) but a divine institution , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; every church therefore , which is capable of this forme of government , both may , and ought to affect it , as that , which is , with so much authority derived from the apostles , to the whole body of the church upon earth ; but , those particular churches , to whom this power and faculty is denied , lose nothing of the true essence of a church , though they misse something of their glory and perfection , whereof they are barred , by the necessity of their condition ; neither are liable to any more imputation , in their credit , and esteeme , then an honest , frugall , officious tenant , who , notwithstanding the profer of all obsequious services , is tied to the limitations and termes of an hard landlord . but so much we have reason to know , of the judgement of the neighbour churches , and their famous divines , that , if they might hope to live so long , as to see a full freedome of option tendred unto them , by soveraigne authority , with all sutable conditions , they would most gladly embrace this our forme of government ; which differs little from their owne , save , in the perpetuity of their ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or ) moderator-ship , and the exclusion of that lay-presbyterie , which never , till this age , had footing in the christian church . neither would we desire to choose any other judges of our calling , and the glorious eminence of our church , so governed , then the famous professors of geneva it selfe ; learned lectius for a civilian , and for a divine , fredericus span●emius , the now renowned pastor , and reader of divinitie in geneva ; who in his dedicatory epistle before the third part of his dubia euangelica , to the incomparable lord primate of ireland , doth zealously applaud , and congratulate unto us , the happy , & ( as he conceiveth ) flourishing estate of our church , under this government , magnifying the graces of god in the bishops thereof , and shuts up with fervent prayers to god for the continuance of the authority of the prelates of these churches . oh then , whiles geneva it self praiseth our government , and god for it , and prayes for the happy perpetuation of it , let it not be suffered , that any ignorant or spightfull sectaries , should openly in their libels curse it , and maliciously brand it , with the termes of unlawfull , and antichristian : your wisdomes cannot but have found abundant reason to hate , and scorn this base and unreasonable suggestion ; which would necessarily inferre , that not christ , but antichrist , hath had the full sway of all gods church upon earth , for these whole sixteen hundred yeares ; a blasphemy which any christian heart must needs abhorre ; and who that ever hath looked into either books , or men , knows not , that the religious bishops of all times , are , and have been they , which have strongly held up the kingdome of christ , and the sincere truth of the gospel , against all the wicked machinations of satan , and his antichrist ? and even amongst our owne , how many of the reverend , and learned fathers of the church , now living , have spent their spirits , and worne out their lives in the powerfull opposition of that man of sin . consider then i beseech you , what a shamefull injustice it is , in these bold sclanderers , to cast upon these zealously-religious prelates , famous for their workes ( against rome ) in forraigne parts , the guilt of that , which they have so meritoriously and convincingly opposed . if this most just defence may satisfie them , i shal for their sakes rejoyce ; but , if they shall either with the wilfully-deafe adder stop their eares , or against the light of their owne consciences , ( out of private respects ) beare up a known error of uncharitablenesse , this very paper shall one day be an evidence against them , before the dreadfull tribunall of the almighty . what should i urge in some others , the carefull , peaceable , painfull , conscionable managing of their charges , to the great glory of god , and comfort of his faithfull people ? and , if whiles these challenge a due respect from all well-minded christians , some others heare ill , ( how deservedly , god knows , and will in due time manifest ) yet , why should an holy calling suffer ? why should the faults ( if such be ) of some , diffuse their blame to all ? farre , far we know is this , from the approved integrity of your noble justice , whiles in the mean time , ( unlesse your just check doe seasonably remedy it ) the impetuous and undistinguishing vulgar are ready so to involve all , as to make innocence it self a sin ; and ( which i am amazed to think of ) dare say , and write , the better man , the worse bishop . and now , since i am faln upon this sad subject , give me leave i beseech you , to professe , with how bleeding an heart , i heare of the manifold scandals of some of the inferiour clergy , presented to your view , from all parts ; it is the misery , and shame of this church , if they be so foul as they are suggested ; but , if i durst presume so far , i should , in the bowells of christ , beseech you , ( upon the finding of so hateful enormities ) to give me leave to put you in mind , of the charitable example of our religious constantine , in the like case ; you cannot dislike so gracious a patterne ; i plead not for their impunity , let them ( within the sphere of their offence ) beare their own sin ; but oh , forbid to have it told in gath , or published in the streets of ascalon ; your wisedomes well see , under what malignant eyes we are , of opposite spectators ; what a death it is , to think of the sport , and advantage these watchfull enemies will be sure to make of our sins , and shame ? what exprobrations , what triumphs of theirs , will hence ensue ? these , and all other our cares are now securely cast upon your exquisite prudence , and goodnesse ; the very mention of our feares , whiles ye sit , had need to crave pardon of presumption ; but withall , to take down the insolence of those envious insulters , it may please you to give me leave to tell them , that , however , in so numerous a multitude , there be found some foully vicious , ( as there is no pomegranate wherein some grains are not rotten , and even in twelve there is one iudas ) yet , upon a just survay , it will be found , that no one clergy in the whole christian world , yeelds so many eminent scholars , learned preachers , grave , holy , and accomplished divines , as this church of england doth at this day ; and long , and ever may it thus flourish , as it surely shall ( through gods blessing ) whiles the bountifull incouragements of learning , and ingenuous education are happily continued to it ; and the more , when those luxuriant boughes of disorder and debauchednesse , are through just censures seasonably lopped off . but stay ; where are we , or what is this we speak of , or to whom ? whiles i mention the church of england , as thinking it your honour , and my own , to be the professed sons of such a mother , i am now taught a new divinity , and bidden to ask , which church we mean ? my simplicity never thought of any more churches of england but one ; now this very dayeswiser discovery tels us of more ; there is a prelaticall church ( they say ) for one ; and , which is the other ? surely it is so young , that as yet , it hath no name ; except we shall call it indefinitely , as the jews were wont to style the creature they could not abide to mention , that other thing ; and what thing shal that be , think we ? let it be called , if you please , the church antiprelaticall ; but leave england out of the style ; let it take a larger denomination , and extend to our friends at amsterdam , and elsewhere , and not be confined to our england : withall , let them be put in mind , that they must yet think of another subdivision of this division ; some there are ( they know ) which can be content to admit of an orderly subordination of severall parishes to presbyteries , & those again to synods ; others are all for a parochiall absolutenesse , and independence ; yea , and of these , there will be a division , in semper divisibilia ; till they come to very atomes : for to which of those scores of separated congregations , knowne to be within and about these walls will they be joyned ? and how long without a further scissure ? oh god ; where doe men stay , when they are once past the true bounds ? but if it be so , that the prelaticall part must needs make up one divident member of this english church ; tell me , brethren , i beseech you , what are the bounders of this church ? what the distinction of the professors and religion ? and , if the clients of the prelacy , and their adherents , ( whose severall thousands are punctually calculated ) be they who make up this prelaticall church , what grounds of faith , what new creed doe they hold , different from their neighbours ? what scriptures , what baptisme , what eucharist , what christ , what heaven , what meanes of salvation other then the rest ? alas , my brethren , whiles we doe fully agree in all these , and all other doctrinall and practicall points of religion ; why will ye be so uncharitable , as by these frivolous and causlesse divisions , to rend the seamlesse coat of christ ? is it a title , or a retinue , or a ceremony , a garment , or a colour , or an organ-pipe , that can make us a different church , whiles we preach and professe the same saving truth , whiles we desire ( as you professe to doe ) to walk conscionably with our god , according to that one rule of the royall law of our maker ; whiles we oppose one and the same common enemy , whiles we unfainedly indeavour to hold the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace ? oh consider , i beseech you in the feare of god , consider , whether these be the thoughts of the sons of peace , and such as are sutable to the charge , and legacy of our deare saviour , and think seriously from what spirit they proceed ; for us , we make no difference at all ( in the right and interest of the church ) betwixt clergy and laity , betwixt the clergy and laity of one part , and another ; we are all your true brethren ; we are one with you , both in heart and brain ; and hope to meet you in the same heaven ; but if yee will needs bee otherwise minded , we can but bewaile the churches misery , and your sin ; and shall beseech god to be mercifull to your willing and uncharitable separation . howsoever , i have freed my soule before my god , in the conscience of this just expostulation , and faithfull advise . what remains , but that i poure out my heart in my fervent , and dayly prayers to the father of all mercies , that it would please him to inspire this great counsell , with all wisedome from above ; and crown this great meeting with the blessing of all happy successe , so as it may produce much glory to his own name , much complacency and contentment to his deare anointed , comfort to all good hearts , terror to his enemies , seasonable restraint to all insolence and faction , prevention of all innovations ; and lastly , a firm peace and settlement to this church and common-wealth , and to all other his majesties dominions ? which god grant for the sake of the son of his love , jesus christ the righteous . amen . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02549e-130 jacobus lectius pre●er . theol. l ● . vide episc. by divine right . fol. ult. obversatur mihi crebro grata ista ecclesiarum vestrarum facies , ista in publicis pietatis exercitiis reverentia , &c. et quamvis omnia illa regna abundent praesulibus eruditissimis , & theologis summis , &c. sive prolixi nostri erga ecclesias omnes britanicas affectus , quarum praesules amplissimos , pastores fidos , greges florentes in domino suspicimus & amplexamur , &c. quo deo sua semper apud vos constet gloria , serenissimo regi vestro suum jus , praesulibus sua authoritas pastoribus suus honor , eccles●is vestris omnibus sua sanctitas , sua tranquillitas , &c. epist. dedic. 3. part is dub. euang. anno 1638. et nostris pinguescunt monstra ruinis . jos. isc . bishop wrens petition to the parliament in defence of episcopacie in the behalf of himself and the rest of the bishops wherein he endeavours to ebreviate and lessen the libertie of the subject : being his sole resolution to extenmate the priviledge of parliament : as also how his most expeciall intents wren, matthew, 1585-1667. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67149 of text r9031 in the english short title catalog (wing w3679). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67149 wing w3679 estc r9031 12531911 ocm 12531911 62775 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67149) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62775) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 249:e131, no 32) bishop wrens petition to the parliament in defence of episcopacie in the behalf of himself and the rest of the bishops wherein he endeavours to ebreviate and lessen the libertie of the subject : being his sole resolution to extenmate the priviledge of parliament : as also how his most expeciall intents wren, matthew, 1585-1667. [6] p. printed for thomas bates, london : 1642. illustrated t.p. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng wren, matthew, 1585-1667. church of england -history. episcopacy -history. a67149 r9031 (wing w3679). civilwar no bishop wrens petition to the parliament, in defence of episcopacie. in the behalf of himself and the rest of the bishops. wherein he endeavo wren, matthew 1642 934 7 0 0 0 0 0 75 d the rate of 75 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bishop wrens petition to the parliament , in defence of episcopacie . in the behalf of himself and the rest of the bishops . wherein , he endeavours to ebreviate and lessen the libertie of the subject ; being his sole resolution to extenuate the priviledge of parliament . as also , how his most especiall intents contain ( in the ensuing petition ) the corroborating of prelaticall primacie . with many reasons inducing him to the presentation of the same to the right honourable the high court of parliament . portrait portrait london , printed for thomas bates . 1642. bishop wrens petition to the parliament , in defence of episcopacie . humbly sheweth . that although many invective aspersions of scandalous pamphlets , and illicite rumours have been , and daily are published , to the epedemicall spectacle of the world against me . yet notwithstanding , i have buried all those abuses in the sepulchre of patience and lenitie , presenting my self once more to the clement judgement and mature deliberation of your honours ; imploring nothing but justice . as for those libels which have approbriously been cast upon me in particular ; and in generall , against the most and greatest peers in the land , to the intollerable abuse of us all espe●●●lly of such as have any adherence or else that do appear of episcopall government ▪ or puri 〈…〉 on . which government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ited with the first point of protestant religion , yea instituted by christ himself and the apostles , and have ever since successively continued , being the next antiquity to apostolicall men though the abusive detractions of the brownists and separatists in our time have derogated the classicall authentick and approved authoritie therof , they have beene the sole men that have opposed the episcopal hierarchy , & although they have externally denyed ( all innovations ) ( as they call them ) in their common appellation : yet principally they have and doe make daily more inovations themselvs ; betwixt both which , there is a repugnant authority as for the former it tended only to the honour and glory of god , the decency of the church , and the credit of the king and kingdome , but for the latter nothing but schismaticall 〈…〉 sions , and confusive distractions are introduced by them . i therefore implore your honour with all humility , maturely to consider all their proposterous actions , they have contaminated the purity of religion so much , that it is almost become leprous , they swarme so promiscuously in our streets , that like the egyptian locusts they eat up the sanctity of our church government ; yea withall , they are now grown so licentious , that they will not be curbed by humane reason , nor disapproved , although confuted by the holy scripture . the fervency of my desire , is , therfore that the church may be purgel from such opposite enemies to true religion , and that the fountain of piety may not be corrupted by such turbulent obstacles : & withall ▪ i beseech your honors to consider the abuse intollerably offered , and promiscuously intended against scientiall learning , that it may not be so defaced and discountenanced by the ignorants , but rather that you would bee pleased to advance it to its perfect lustre , dignity , and irradiation , it being the prime supporter of all true loyalty and obedience , order , rule , regularity , & obsequious civility in all states : for the defective derogation from the duties of our religion , will incontinently prove a consumption vnto any kingdome , and that basis of church-government , and foundation of piety , which if not first rooted and grounded in christ , is not only weak of it self , and infirm , but likewise debilitates , a whole nation . if it be so , then they consequently do promerrit the strict execution of justice , that would bring the church to a distructive anarchy , the deniall of episcopacie is the abridgment of sacred piety , the dispossessing of the church of that primogeniture and predominant head , which should govern , guide , and direct it . the refusall of justice in conducting the taking away of equity , in patrocinating & the excluding those 1. & absolute institutions of the church are such obst●uctions beyond the limit of any former authors , and the wounds of our prelaticall property lets out the very life blood of the people ▪ the reformation whereof must necessarily bee a worke of much consequence . but god be praised , the defence is not desperate beyond cure , we serve one god , we beleeve in one christ , and we all acknowledge and professe one gospell , the difference is only de natura , we vary but in the ceremonies ; to reduce which to the primitive practice , was all our former endeavors , and cannot effectually be inacted without our assertions , and your mutuall concurrence : the condoleable disrespect of our function , the divisions and various distractions of the schismaticks , the almost anarchicall government of the church , the languishing impurity of religion , hath at this time respectively induced me to present this humble petition unto your honours favourable respects , imploring your favour to concur unanimously in this petitory construction , and your petitioner shall be ever bound to pray , &c. finis . of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises one whereof goes under the name of iames, arch-bishop of armagh. milton, john, 1608-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50915 of text r23425 in the english short title catalog (wing m2133). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50915 wing m2133 estc r23425 12763534 ocm 12763534 93535 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50915) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93535) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 254:e164, no 19) of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises one whereof goes under the name of iames, arch-bishop of armagh. milton, john, 1608-1674. [10], 9-24 p. printed by r.o. & g.d. for thomas underhill..., london : 1641. attributed to john milton. cf. blc. the second of milton's pamphlets written in support of the five protestant ministers in the smectymnuus controversy. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng smectymnuus. episcopacy -early works to 1800. a50915 r23425 (wing m2133). civilwar no of prelatical episcopacy, and vvhether it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to tha milton, john 1641 7795 4 25 0 0 0 0 37 d the rate of 37 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 chris scherer sampled and proofread 2002-09 chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of prelatical episcopacy , and vvhither it may be deduc'd from the apostolical times by vertue of those testimonies which are alledg'd to that purpose in some late treatises : one whereof goes under the name of iames arch-bishop of armagh . london , printed by r. o. & g. d. for thomas underhill , and are to be sold at the signe of the bible , in wood-street , 1641. of prelaticall episcopacy : epyscopacy , as it is taken for an order in the church above a presbyter , or as wee commonly name him , the minister of a congregation , is either of divine constitution , or of humane . if onely of humane , we have the same humane priviledge , that all men have ever had since adam , being borne free , and in the mistresse iland of all the british , to retaine this episcopacy , or to remove it , consulting with our owne occasions , and conveniences , and for the prevention of our owne dangers , and disquiets , in what best manner we can devise , without running at a losse , as wee must needs in those stale , and uselesse records of either uncertaine , or unsound antiquity , which if we hold fast to the grounds of the reformed church , can neither skill of us , nor we of it , ( so oft as it would lead us to the broken reed of tradition . if it bee of divine constitution , to satisfie us fully in that , the scripture onely is able , it being the onely book left us of divine authority , not in any thing more divine then in the all-sufficiency it hath to furnish us , as with all other spirituall knowledge , so with this in particular , setting out to us a perfect man of god accomplish't to all the good workes of his charge . through all which booke can be no where , either by plaine text , or solid reasoning found any difference betweene a bishop , and a presbyter , save that they be two names to signify the same order . notwithstanding this clearnesse , and that by all evidence of argument , timothy , and titus ( whom our prelates claim to imitate onely in the controuling part of their office ) had rather the vice-gerency of an apostleship committed to them , then the ordinary charge of a bishoprick , as being men of an extraordinary calling , yet to verify that which saint paul foretold of succeeding times , when men began to have itching eares , then not contented with the plentifull and wholsom fountaines of the gospell , they began after their owne lusts to heap to themselvs teachers , and as if the divine scripture wanted a supplement , and were to be eek't out , they cannot think any doubt resolv'd , and any doctrine confirm'd , unlesse they run to that indigested heap , and frie of authors , which they call antiquity . whatsoever time , or the heedlesse hand of blind chance , hath drawne down from of old to this present , in her huge dragnet , whether fish , or sea-weed , shells , or shrubbs , unpickt , unchosen , those are the fathers . seeing therefore some men , deeply conversant in bookes , have had so little care of late to give the world a better account of their reading , then by divulging needlesse tractats stuff't with specious names of ignatius , and polycarpus , with fragments of old martyrologies , and legends , to distract , and stagger the multitude of credulous readers , & mislead them from their strong guards , and places of safety under the tuition of holy writ , it came into my thoughts to perswade my selfe , setting all distances , and nice respects aside , that i could do religion , and my country no better service for the time then doing my utmost endeavour to recall the people of god from this vaine forraging after straw , and to reduce them to their firme stations under the standard of the gospell : by making appeare to them , first the insufficiency , next the inconvenience , and lastly the impiety of these gay testimonies , that their great doctors would bring them to dote on . and in performing this i shall not strive to be more exact in methode , then as their citations lead mee . first therefore concerning ignatius shall be treated fully , when the author shall come to insist upon some places in his epistles . next to prove a succession of 27. bishops from timothy , he cites one leontius bishop of magnesia , out of the 11. act of the chalcedonian councell : this is but an obscure , and single witnesse , and for his faithfull dealing who shall commend him to us , with this his catalogue of bishops ? what know wee further of him , but that he might be as factious , and false a bishop , as leontius of antioch that was a hunderd yeares his predecessor ? for neither the praise of his wisedome , or his vertue hath left him memorable to posterity , but onely this doubtfull relation , which wee must take at his word ; and how shall this testimony receive credit from his word , whose very name had scarse been thought on , but for this bare testimony ? but they will say hee was a member of the councell , and that may deserve to gaine him credit with us . i will not stand to argue , as yet with faire allowance i might , that wee may as justly suspect , there were some bad and slippery men in that councell , as we know there are wont to be in our convocations . nor shall i neede to plead at this time , that nothing hath been more attempted , nor with more subtilty brought about , both anciently by other heretiks , and modernly by papists , then to falsifie the editions of the councels , of which wee have none but from our adversaries hands , whence canons , acts , and whole spurious councels are thrust upon us , and hard it would be to prove in all , which are legitimat against the lawfull rejection of an urgent , and free disputer , but this i purpose not to take advantage of , for what availes it to wrangle about the corrupt editions of councells , when as we know that many yeares ere this time which was almost 500. years after christ , the councels themselves were fouly corrupted with ungodly prelatisme , and so farre plung'd into worldly ambition , as that it stood them upon long ere this to uphold their now well-tasted hierarchy by what faire pretext soever they could , in like manner as they had now learnt to defend many other grosse corruptions by as ancient , and suppos'd authentick tradition as episcopacie . and what hope can we have of this whole councell to warrant us a matter 400. years at least above their time concerning the distinction of bishop and presbyter , whenas we find them such blind judges of things before their eyes in their decrees of precedencie between bishop , and bishop , acknowledging rome for the apostolick throne , and peter in that see for the rock , the basis , and the foundation of the catholick church , and faith , contrary to the interpretation of more ancient fathers ; and therfore from a mistaken text did they give to leo as peters successor a kind of preheminence above the whole councel , as euagrius expresses ( for now the pope was come to that height , as to arrogate to himselfe by his vicars incompetible honours ) and yet having thus yeilded to rome the universall primacie for spirituall reasons , as they thought , they conclude their sitting with a carnall , and ambitious decree to give the second place of dignity to constantinople from reason of state , because it was new rome , and by like consequence doublesse of earthly priviledges annext to each other city , was the bishop therof to take his place . i may say againe therfore , what hope can we have of such a councell , as beginning in the spirit , ended thus in the flesh . much rather should we attend to what eusebius the ancientest writer extant of church-history , notwithstanding all the helps he had above these , confesses in the 4. chap. of his 3. book , that it was no easie matter to tell who were those that were left bishops of the churches by the apostles , more then by what a man might gather from the acts of the apostles , and the epistles of st. paul , in which number he reckons timothy for bishop of ephesus . so as may plainly appeare , that this tradition of bishoping timothy over ephesus was but taken for granted out of that place in st. paul , which was only an intreating him to tarry at ephesus , to do somthing left him in charge . now if eusebius a famous writer thought it so difficult to tell who were appointed bishops by the apostles , much more may we think it difficult to leontius an obscure bishop speaking beyond his own diocesse : and certainly much more hard was it for either of them to determine what kind of bishops those were , if they had so little means to know who they were ; and much lesse reason have we to stand to their definitive sentence , seeing they have bin so rash to raise up such lofty bishops and bishopricks out of places in scripture meerly misunderstood . thus while we leave the bible to gadde after these traditions of the ancients , we heare the ancients themselvs confessing , that what knowledge they had in this point was such as they had gather'd from the bible . since therfore antiquity it selfe hath turn'd over the controversie to that sovran book which we had fondly straggl'd from , we shall doe better not to detain this venerable apparition of leontius any longer , but dismisse him with his list of seven and twenty , to sleep unmolested in his former obscurity . now for the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , it is more likely that timothy never knew the word in that sense : it was the vanity of those next succeeding times not to content themselves with the simplicity of scripture phrase , but must make a new lexicon to name themselves by , one will be call'd {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or antistes , a word of precedence , another would be term'd a gnostick as clemens , a third sacerdos , or priest , and talks of altars ; which was a plaine signe that their doctrine began to change , for which they must change their expressions : but that place of justin martyr serves rather to convince the author , then to make for him , where the name {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the president , or pastor of the brethren ( for to what end is he their president but to teach them ) cannot be limited to signifie a prelaticall bishop , but rather communicates that greek appellation to every ordinary presbyter : for there he tells what the christians had wont to doe in their severall congregations , to read , and expound , to pray and administer , all which he saies the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , or antistes did . are these the offices only of a bishop , or shall we think that every congregation where these things were done , which he attributes to this antistes , had a bishop present among them ? unlesse they had as many antistites as presbyters , which this place rather seems to imply , and so we may inferre even from their own alledg'd authority , that antistes was nothing else but presbyter . as for that namelesse treatise of timothy's martyrdome , only cited by photius that liv'd almost 900. yeares after christ , it hansomely follows in that author , the martyrdome of the seven sleepers , that slept ( i tell you but what mine author sayes ) three hundred seaventy , and two years , for so long they had bin shut up in a cave without meat , and were found living . this story of timothy's ephesian bishopricke as it follows in order , so may it for truth , if it only subsist upon its own authority , as it doth , for photius only saith he read it ; he does not averre it . that other legendarie piece found among the lives of the saints , and sent us from the shop of the jesuites at lovain , does but bear the name of polyerates , how truly who can tell ? and shall have some more weight with us , when polycrates can perswade us of that which he affirms in the same place of eusebius 5. book , that st. john was a priest , and wore the golden brestplate : and why should he convince us more with his traditions of timothy's episcopacie , then he could convince victor bishop of rome with his traditions concerning the feast of easter , who not regarding his irrefragable instances of examples taken from philip , and his daughters that were prophetesses ; or from polycarpus , no nor from st. iohn himselfe , excommunicated both him , and all the asian churches for celebrating their easter judaically : he may therfore goe back to the seaven bishops his kinsmen , and make his moane to them that we esteem his traditionall ware , as lightly as victor did . those of theodoret , felix , and iohn of antioch are autorities of later times , and therfore not to be receiv'd for their antiquities sake to give in evidence concerning an allegation , wherin writers so much their elders , we see so easily miscarry . what if they had told us that peter , who as they say left ignatius bishop of antioch , went afterwards to rome , and was bishop there , as this ignatius , and irenaeus , and all antiquity with one mouth deliver , there be never the lesse a number of learned , and wise protestants who have written , and will maintain , that peters being at rome as bishop cannot stand with concordance of scripture . now come the epistles of ignatius to shew us first , that onesimus was bishop of ephesus ; next to assert the difference of bishop and presbyter , wherin i wonder that men teachers of the protestant religion , make no more difficulty of imposing upon our belief a supposititious ofspring of some dozen epistles , whereof five are rejected as spurious , containing in them herefies and trifles , which cannot agree in chronologie with ignatius , entitling him arch-bishop of antioch theopolis , which name of theopolis that city had not till iustinians time long after , as cedrenus mentions , which argues both the barbarous time , and the unskilfull fraud of him that foisted this epistle upon ignatius . in the epistle to those of tarsus he condemns them for ministers of satan , that say christ is god above all . to the phillippians them that kept their easter , as the asian churches , and polycarpus did , and them that fasted upon any saturday , or sunday , except one he counts as those that had slain the lord . to those of antioch he salutes the sub-deacons , chaunters , porters , and exorcists , as if these had bin orders of the church in his time : those other epistles lesse question'd are yet so interlarded with corruptions , as may justly indue us with a wholsome suspition of the rest . as to the trallians he writes that a bishop hath power over all beyond all government , and autority whatsoever . surely then no pope can desire more then ignatius attributes to every bishop , but what will become then of the archbishops and primates if every bishop in ignatius judgement be as supreme as a pope ? to the ephesians , neare the very place from whence they fetch their proof for episcopacy , there stands a line that casts an ill hue upon all the epistle , let no man erre , saith he , unlesse a man be within the rays , or enclosure of the altar , he is depriv'd of the bread of life . i say not but this may be stretch'd to a figurative construction , but yet it has an ill look , especially being follow'd beneath with the mention of i know not what sacrifices . in the other epistle to smyrna wherein is written that they should follow their bishop as christ did his father , and the presbytery as the apostles : not to speak of the insu●●e , and ill-layd comparison , this cited place lyes upon the very brimme of a noted corruption , which had they , that quote this passage , ventur'd to let us read , all men would have readily seen what grain the testimony had bin of , where it is said , that it is not lawfull without a bishop to baptize , nor to offer , nor to doe sacrifice . what can our church make of these phrases but scandalous : and but a little further he plainly falls to contradict the spirit of god in salomon , judge by the words themselvs . my son , saith he , honour god & the king ; but i say , honour god and the bishop as high-priest , bearing the image of god according to his ruling , and of christ , according to his priesting , and after him honour the king . excellent ignatius ! can ye blame the prelates for making much of this epistle ? certainly if this epistle can serve you to set a bishop above a presbyter , it may serve you next to set him above a king . these , and other like places in abundance through all those short epistles must either be adulterat , or else ignatius was not ignatius , nor a martyr , but most adulterate , and corrupt himselfe . in the midst therfore of so many forgeries where shall we fixe to dare say this is ignatius ? as for his stile who knows it ? so disfigur'd and interrupted as it is , except they think that where they meet with any thing found , and orthodoxal , there they find ignatius , and then they beleeve him not for his own authority , but for a truths sake , which they derive from els where : to what end then should they cite him as authentick for episcopacie , when they cannot know what is authentick in him , but by the judgement which they brought with them , & not by any judgement which they might safely learne from him . how can they bring satisfaction frō such an author , to whose very essence the reader must be fain to contribute his own understanding . had god ever intended that we should have sought any part of usefull instruction frōignatius , doubtles he would not have so ill provided for our knowledge , as to send him to our hands in this broken and disjoynted plight ; and if he intended no such thing , we doe injuriously in thinking to tast better the pure euangelick manna by seasoning our mouths with the tainted scraps , and fragments of an unknown table ; and searching among the verminous , and polluted rags dropt overworn from the toyling shoulders of time , with these deformedly to quilt , and interlace the intire , the spotlesse , and undecaying robe of truth , the daughter not of time , but of heaven , only bred up heer below in christian hearts , between two grave & holy nurses the doctrine , and discipline of the gospel . next follows irenaeus bishop of lions , who is cited to affirm that polycarpus was made bishop of smyrna by the apostles : and this it may seem , none could better tell then he who had both seen and heard polycarpus : but when did he heare him ? himselfe confesses to florinus , when he was a boy . whether that age in irenaeus may not be liable to many mistakings ; and whether a boy may be trusted to take an exact account of the manner of a church constitution , and upon what terms , and within what limits , and with what kind of commission polycarpus receiv'd his charge , let a man consider , ere he be 〈◊〉 . it will not be deny'd that he might have seen polycarpus in his youth a man of great eminence in the church , to whom the other presbyters might give way for his vertue , wisdome , and the reverence of his age and so did amcetus bishop of rome , even in his own city , give him a kind of priority inadministring the sacrament ; as may be read in eusebius : but that we should hence conclude a distinct , and superior order from the young observation of irenaeus , nothing yet alledg'd can warrant us , unlesse we shall beleeve such as would face us down , that calvin , and after him beza were bishops of geneva , because that in the unsetl'd state of the church , while things were not fully compos'd , their worth , and learning cast a greater share of businesse upon them , and directed mens eyes principally towards them , and yet these men were the dissolvers of episcopacie . we see the same necessity in state affaires brutns that expell'd the kings out of rome , was for the time forc't to be as it were a king himself , till matters were set in order , as in a free common-wealth . he that had seen pericles lead the athenians which way he listed , haply would have said he had bin their prince , and yet he was but a powerfull and eloquent man in a democratie , and had no more at any time then a temporary , and elective sway , which was in the will of the people when to abrogate . and it is most likely that in the church they which came after these apostolick men being lesse in merit , but bigger in ambition , strove to invade those priviledges by intrusion and plea of right , which polycarpus , and others like him possest from the voluntary surrender of men subdu'd by the excellencie of their heavenly gifts , which because their successors had not , and so could neither have that autority , it was their policy to divulge that the eminence which polycarpus and his equalls enjoy'd , was by right of constitution , not by free wil of condiscending . and yet thus farre irenaeus makes against them as in that very place to call polycarpus an apostolicall presbyter . but what fidelity his relations had in generall , we cannot sooner learn then by eusebius , who neer the end of his third book , speaking of papias a very ancient writer , one that had heard st. iohn , and was known to many that had seen , and bin acquainted with others of the apostles , but being of a shallow wit , and not understanding those traditions which he receiv'd , fill'd his writings with many new doctrines , and fabulous conceits , he tells us there , that divers ecclesiasticall men , and irenaeus among the rest , while they lookt at his antiquity , became infected with his errors . now if irenaeus were so rash as to take unexamin'd opinions from an author of so small capacity , when he was a man , we should be more rash our selves to rely upon those observations which he made when he was a boy . and this may be a sufficient reason to us why we need no longer muse at the spreading of many idle traditions so soon after the apostles , whilst such as this papias had the throwing them about , and the inconsiderate zeal of the next age , that heeded more the person , then the doctrine , had the gathering them up . where ever a man , who had bin any away conversant with the apostles , was to be found , thether slew all the inquisitive eares , the exercise of right instructing was chang'd into the curiosity of impertinent fabling : where the mind was to be edified with solid doctrine , there the fancy was sooth'd with solemne stories : with lesse fervency was studied what saint paul , or saint iohn had written then was listen'd to one that could say here hee taught , here he stood , this was his stature , and thus he went habited , and o happy this house that harbour'd him , and that cold stone whereon he rested , this village wherein he wrought such a miracle , and that pavement bedew'd with the warme effusion of his last blood , that sprouted up into eternall roses to crowne his martyrdome . thus while all their thoughts were powr'd out upon circumstances , and the gazing after such men as had sate at table with the apostles ( many of which christ hath profest , yea thoughthey had cast out divells in his name , he will not know at the last day ) by this meanes they lost their time , and truanted in the fundamentall grounds of saving knowledge , as was seene shortly by their writings . lastly for ireneus , wee have cause to thinke him lesse judicious in his reports from hand to hand of what the apostles did , when we find him so negligent in keeping the faith which they writ , as to say in his third booke against heresies , that the obedience of mary was the cause of salvation to her selfe , and all mankind , and in his fift booke , that as eve was seduc't to fly god , so the virgin mary was perswaded to obey god , that the virgin mary might be made the advocate of the virgin eve . thus if irenaeus for his neerenesse to the apostles , must be the patron of episcopacy to us , it is no marvell though he be the patron of idolatry to the papist , for the same cause . to the epistle of those brethren of smyrna , that write the martyrdome of polycarpus , and stile him an apostolicall , and propheticall doctor , and bishop of the church in smirna , i could be content to give some credit for the great honour , and affection which i see those brethren beare him , and not undeservedly if it be true which they there say that he was a prophet , and had a voyce from heaven to comfort him at his death , which they could heare , but the rest could not for the noise , and tumult that was in the place , and besides if his body were so pretious to the christians , that hee was never wont to pull off his shooes for one or other that still strove to have the office , that they might come to touch his feet , yet a light scruple or two i would gladly be resolv'd in ; if polycarpus ( who , as they say , was a prophet that never faild in what he foretold ) had declar'd to his friends , that he knew by vision , hee should die no other death then burning , how it came to passe that the fire when it came to proofe , would not doe his worke , but starting off like a full saile from the mast , did but reflect a golden light upon his unviolated limbes exhaling such a sweet odour , as if all the incense of arabia had bin burning , in so much that when the bill-men saw that the fire was overaw'd , and could not doe the deed , one of them steps to him , and stabs him with a sword , at which wound such abundance of bloud gusht forth as quencht the fire . by all this relation it appeares not , how the fire was guilty of his death , and then how can his prophesie bee fulfill'd ? next how the standers by could be so soone weary of such a glorious sight , and such a fragrant smell , as to hasten the executioner to put out the fire with the martyrs blood , unlesse perhaps they thought , as in all perfumes , that the smoake would bee more odorous then the flame ? yet these good brethren say he was bishop of smyrna . no man questions it , if bishop , and presbyter were anciently all one , and how does it appeare by any thing in this testimony that they were not ? if among his other high titles of propheticall , apostolicall , and most admired of those times , he bee also stil'd bishop of the church of smirna in a kind of speech , which the rhetoricians call {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , for his excellence sake , as being the most famous of all the smyrnian presbyters , it cannot bee prov'd neither from this nor that other place of irenaeus , that hee was therefore in distinct , and monarchicall order above the other presbyters , it is more probable , that if the whole presbytery had beene as renowned as he , they would have term'd every one of them severally bishop of smyrna . hence it is that wee read sometimes of two bishops in one place , and had all the presbyters there beene of like worth , we might perhaps have read of twenty . tertullian accosts us next ( for polycrates hath had his answer ) whose testimony , state but the question right , is of no more force to deduce episcopacy , then the two former . he saies that the church of smirna had polycarpus plac't there by iohn , and the church of rome clement ordain'd by peter , and so the rest of the churches did shew , what bishops they had receiv'd by the appointmēt of the apostles . none of this will be contradicted , for we have it out of the scripture that bishops or presbyters , which were the same , were left by the apostles in every church , and they might perhaps give some speciall charge to clement , or polycarpus , or linus , and put some speciall trust in them for the experience they had of their faith , and constancy ; it remaines yet to be evinc't out of this and the like places , which will never be , that the word bishop is otherwise taken , then in the language of saint paul , and the acts , for an order above presbyters . we grant them bishops , we grant them worthy men , we grant them plac't in severall churches by the apostles , we grant that irenaeus , and tertul : affirme this , but that they were plac't in a superiour order above the presbytery , shew from all these words why we should grant . 't is not enough to say the ap : left this man bishop in rome , & that other in ephesus , but to shew when they alterd their owne decree set downe by st. paul , and made all the presbyters underlings to one bishop . but suppose tertullian had made an imparity where none was originally , should hee move us , that goes about to prove an imparity betweene god the father , and god the sonne , as these words import in his booke against praxeas . the father is the whole substance , but the son a derivation , and portion of the whole , as he himselfe professes because the father is greater then me . beleeve him now for a faithfull relater of tradition , whom you see such an unfaithfull expounder of the scripture . besides in his time all allowable tradition was now lost . for this same author whom you bring to testifie the ordination of clement to the bishoprick of rome by peter , testifies also in the beginning of his treatise concerning chastity , that the bishop of rome did then use to send forth his edicts by the name of pontifex maximus , and episcopus episcoporum chief priest , and bishop of bishops . for shame then doe not urge that authority to keepe up a bishop , that will necessarily ingage you to set up a pope . as little can your advantage bee from hegesippus an historian of the same time not extant , but cited by eusebius , his words are , that in every city all things so stood in his time as the law , and the prophets , and our lord did preach . if they stood so , then stood not bishops above presbyters , for what our lord , and his disciples taught , god be thanked , we have no need to goe learne of him : and you may as well hope to perswade us out of the same author , that james the brother of our lord was a nazarite , and that to him only it was lawfull to enter into the holy of holies , that his food was not upon any thing that had life , fish , or flesh , that he us'd no wollen garments , but onely linnen , and so as he trifles on . if therefore the tradition of the church were now grown so ridiculous , & disconsenting from the doctrine of the apostles , even in those points which were of lest moment to mens particular ends , how well may we be assur'd it was much more degenerated in point of episcopacy , and precedency , things which could affor'd such plausible pretenses , such commodious traverses for ambition , and avarice to lvrke behind . as for those brittaine bishops which you cite , take heed what you doe , for our brittaine bishops lesse ancient then these , were remarkable for nothing more then their poverty , as sulp severus , and beda can remember you of examples good store . lastly ( for the fabulous metaphrastes is not worth an answer ) that authority of clemens alexandrinus is not to be found in all his workes , and wherever it be extant , it is in controversie , whether it be clements or no ; or if it were it sayes onely that saint iohn in some places constituted bishops : questionlesse he did , but where does clement say he set them above presbyters ? no man will gaine-say the constitution of bishops , but the raising them to a superiour , and distinct order above presbyters , seeing the gospell makes them one and the same thing , a thousand such allegations as these will not give prelaticall episcopacy , one chapell of ease above a parish church . and thus much for this cloud i cannot say rather then petty-fog of witnesses , with which episcopall men would cast a mist before us , to deduce their exalted episcopacy from apostolick times . now although , as all men well know , it be the wonted shift of errour , and fond opinion , when they find themselves outlaw'd by the bible , and forsaken of sound reason , to betake them with all speed to their old starting hole of tradition , and that wild , and overgrowne covert of antiquity thinking to farme there at large roome , and find good stabling , yet thus much their owne dêify'de antiquity betrayes them , to informe us that tradition hath had very seldome or never the gift of perswasion ; as that which church histories report of those east , and western paschalists formerly spoken of will declare , who would have thought that polycarpus on the one side could have err'd in what he saw saint iohn doe , or anicetus bishop of rome on the other side , in what he or some of his friends might pretend to have seene saint peter , or saint paul doe , and yet neither of these could perswade either when to keep e●ster ; the like frivolous contention troubled the primitive english churches , while colmanus 〈◊〉 wilfride on either side deducing their opinion 〈◊〉 the one from the undeniable example of saint iohn , and the learned bishop anatolius , and la●●● the miraculous columba the other from saint peter , and the nicene councell could gaine no ground each of other till king oswy perceiving no likelihood of ending the controversie that way , was faine to decide it himselfe good king , with that small knowledge , wherewith those times had furnisht him . so when those pious greek emperours began , as cedrenus relates , to put downe monks , and abolish images , the old idolaters finding themselves blasted , and driven back by the prevailing light of the scripture , sent out their sturdy monks call'd the abramites , to alledge for images the ancient fathers dionysius , and this our objected irenaus , nay they were so high flowne in their antiquity , that they undertooke to bring the apostles , and luke the evangelist , yea christ himselfe , from certaine records that were then current , to patronize their idolatry , yet for all this the worthy emperour theophilus , even in those darke times chose rather to nourish himselfe , and his people with the sincere milke of the gospell , then to drinke from the mixt confluence of so many corrupt , and poysonous waters , as tradition would have perswaded him to by most ancient seeming authorities : in like manner all the reformed churches abroad unthroning episcopacy doubtlesse were not ignorant of these testimonies alledg'd to draw it in a line from the apostles dayes , for surely the author will not thinke he hath brought us now any new authorities , or considerations into the world , which the reformers in other places were not advis'd of , and yet we see , the intercession of all these apostolick fathers could not prevaile with them to alter their resolved decree of reducing into order their usurping , and over provender'd episcopants : and god hath blest their worke this hunder'd yeares , with a prosperous and stedfast , and still happy successe . and this may serve to prove the insufficiency of these present episcopall testimonies not only in themselves , but in the account of those ever that have beene the followers of truth . it will next behoove us to consider the inconvenience we fall into , by using our selves to bee guided by these kind of testimonies . he that thinks it the part of a well learned man , to have read diligently the ancient stories of the church , and to be no stranger in the volumes of the fathers shall have all judicious men consenting with him ; not hereby to controule , and new fangle the scripture , god forbid , but to marke how corruption , and apostacy crept in by degrees , and to gather up , where ever wee find the remaining sparks of originall truth , wherewith to stop the mouthes of our adversaries , and to bridle them with their own curb , who willingly passe by that which is orthodoxall in them , and studiously cull out that which is commentitious , and best for their turnes , not weighing the fathers in the ballance of scripture , but scripture in the ballance of the fathers , if wee therefore making first the gospell our rule , and oracle shall take the good which wee light on in the fathers , and set it to oppose the evill which other men seek from them , in this way of skirmish wee shall easily master all superstition , and false doctrine ; but if we turne this our discreet , and wary usage of them into a blind devotion towards them , and whatsoever we find written by them , wee both forsake our owne grounds , and reasons which led us at first to part from rome , that is to hold to the scriptures against all antiquity ; wee remove our cause into our adversaries owne court , and take up there those cast principles which will soone cause us to soder up with them againe , in as much as beleeving antiquity for it self in any one point , we bring an ingagement upon our selves of assenting to all that it charges upon us . for suppose we should now neglecting that which is cleare in scripture , that a bishop and presbyter is all one both in name , and office , and that what was done by timothy , and titus executing an extraordinary place , as fellow labourers with the apostles , and of a universall charge in planting christianity through divers regions , cannot be drawne into particular , and dayly example , suppose that neglecting this cleerenesse of the text , we should by the uncertaine , and corrupted writings of succeeding times , determine that bishop and presbyter are different , because we dare not deny what ignatius or rather the perkin warbeck of ignatius sayes , then must we bee constrain'd to take upon our selves a thousand superstitions , and falsities which the papist will prove us downe in from as good authorities , and as ancient , as these that set a bishop above a presbyter . and the plaine truth is that when any of our men of those that are wedded to antiquity come to dispute with a papist , and leaving the scriptures put themselves without appeale to the sentence of synods , and councells , using in the cause of sion the hir'd souldjary of revolted israel , where they give the romanist one buff● , they receive two counterbuffs . were it therefore but in this regard , every true bishop should be afraid to conquer in his cause by such authorities as these , which if we admit for the authorities sake , we open a broad passage for a multitude of doctrines that have no ground in scripture , to break in upon us . lastly i doe not know , it being undeniable that there are but two ecclesiasticall orders , bishops , and deacons mention'd in the gospell , how it can be lesse then impiery to make a demurre at that , which is there so perspicuous , confronting , and parallelling the sacred verity of saint paul with the offalls , and sweepings of antiquity that met as accidentally and absurdly , as epicurus his atoms to patch up a leucippean ignatius , enclining rather to make this phantasme an expounder , or indeed a depraver of saint paul , then saint paul an examiner , and discoverer of this impostorship , nor caring how slightly they put off the verdit of holy text unsalv'd , that sayes plainely there bee but two orders , so they maintaine the reputation of their imaginary doctor that proclaimes three : certainly if christs apostle have set downe but two , then according to his owne words , though hee himselfe should unsay it , and not onely the angell of smyrna , but an angell from heaven should beare us downe that there bee three , saint paul has doom'd him twise , let him be accur'st , for christ hath pronounc't that no tittle of his word shall fall to the ground , and if one jot be alterable it is as possible that all should perish ; and this shall bee our righteousnes , our ample warrant , and strong assurance both now , and at the last day never to be asham'd of , against all the heaped names of angells , and martyrs , councells , and fathers urg'd upon us , if we have given our selves up to be taught by the pure , and living precept of gods word onely , which without more additions , nay with a forbidding of them hath within it selfe the promise of eternall life , the end of all our wearisome labours , and all our sustaining hopes . but if any shall strive to set up his ephod , and teraphim of antiquity against the brightnesse , and perfection of the gospell , let him feare lest he and his baal be turn'd into bosheth . and thus much may suffice to shew that the pretended episcopacy cannot be deduc't from the apostolicall times . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50915e-120 2 tim. 4. pag. 4. 1 tim. 1. 3. pag. 5. p euseb. l. 6. 〈◊〉 page 8 , p. 13. p. 16. the bishop of armaghes direction, concerning the lyturgy, and episcopall government being thereunto requested by the honourable, the house of commons, and then presented in the year 1642. directions propounded and humbly presented to the high court of parliament, concerning the booke of common prayer and episcopall government. udall, ephraim, d. 1647. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64711 of text r220173 in the english short title catalog (wing u5b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64711 wing u5b estc r220173 99831597 99831597 36061 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64711) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36061) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2046:42) the bishop of armaghes direction, concerning the lyturgy, and episcopall government being thereunto requested by the honourable, the house of commons, and then presented in the year 1642. directions propounded and humbly presented to the high court of parliament, concerning the booke of common prayer and episcopall government. udall, ephraim, d. 1647. ussher, james, 1581-1656, attributed name. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], london : printed, for the general good, 1660. not in fact by james ussher, bishop of armagh, but by ephraim udall. originally published in 1641 as: directions propounded and humbly presented to the high court of parliament, concerning the booke of common prayer and episcopall government. this edition has a woodcut ornament of a tudor rose on title page. caption title on p. 1 reads: bishop of armaghs direction. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. eng church of england. -book of common prayer -early works to 1800. church of england -government -early works to 1800. church of england -liturgy -early works to 1800. episcopacy -liturgy -early works to 1800. a64711 r220173 (wing u5b). civilwar no the bishop of armaghes direction, concerning the lyturgy, and episcopall government. being thereunto requested by the honourable, the house udall, ephraim 1660 1500 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bishop of armaghes direction , concerning the lyturgy , and episcopall government . being thereunto requested by the honourable , the house of commons and then presented in the year 1642. london , printed , for the general good , 1660. bishop of armaghs direction . to satisfie your demands both concerning the liturgy , and episcopall government . 1. first for the book of common prayers , it may be alledged that god himselfe appointed in the law a set forme of benediction , as numb. 6. ver. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. 2. that david appointed set psalmes to be sung upon special occasions , as the title of them sheweth . 3. that the prophet joel appointed a set forme of prayers to be used by the priests at a solemne fast , joel 17. 4. that christ not only commanded us to pray after such a manner , mat. 6. 9. but to use a set form of words , luke 11. and the 2. when you pray , say , our father , &c. 5. the spirit of god is no more restrained by using a set form of prayers , then by singing set hymes or psalms in meeter , which yet the adversaries of our common prayers practise in their assemblies . 6. of all prayers , premeditated are the best , eccles. 5. 2. and of premeditated prayers , those which are allowed by publick authority , are to be preferred before those which are to be uttered by any private spirit . 7. all the churches in the christian world , in the first and best times , had their set form of lyturgy , whereof most are extant in the writings of the fathers at this day . 8. let our service-book be compared to the french , dutch , or any other lyturgy prescribed in any of these former churches , and it will appear to any indifferent reader , that it is more exact and compleat than any of them . 9. our service-book was penned and allowed of , not only by learned doctors , but glorious martyrs , who sealed the truth of the reformed religion with their blood . yet it cannot be denyed that there are quaedam in pulchro corpore , and it were to be wished , so it were to be done without much noise . 1. that the calender in part might be reformed , and the lessons taken out of the apocrypha might be struck out , and other lessons taken out of the canonical scripture appointed to be read in places of them ; for besides that there is no necessity in reading any of the apocrypha , there are some of the chapters repugnant to the doctrine of the holy scripture , as namely in some chapters of tobit . 2. that in the psalms , epistles , gospels , and all sentences alledged out of the holy scripture , the last translation of king james his bible may be followed ; for in the former there be many passagaes not agreeing to the original , as might be proved by many sentences . 3. that in the rubrick , wherein of late the word priest hath been put instead of minister , it may be expunged , and the word minister restored , which is less offensive , and more agreeable to the language of all the reformed churches , and likewise some clauses which seem surreptitiously to have crept into it , be expunged , as namely after the communion . 4 every parishioner shall communicate , &c , and shall after receive the sacrament , and other rights according to the order in the book appointed , which words can carry no good sense in a protestant cure , nor those added after private baptism : that it is certain by gods word , that children being baptised have all things necessary for salvation , and be undoubtedly saved . 5. that in the hymes instead of the song of the three children , some other were placed out of the canonical scripture , and that a fitter psalm were chosen at the churching of women for these verses : he will not suffer thy foot to be moved : and the sunne shall not burn thee by day , nor the moon by night : seem not to be pertinent . 6. that in the prayers and collects some expressions bettered , as where it is said , almighty god which only worketh great things , &c. and let thy mercy lose them for the , &c. and from all fornication and all other deadly sins , as if all sinnes were not deadly . and that among all the changes and chances , &c. and in the visitation of the sick , i absolve thee from all thy sins , &c , 7. that in the singing of psalms , either of hymns , rymes , or other superfluous words , as i have said , and for why : and homely phrases , as thou shalt feed them with brown bread : and take hand out of thy lap , and give thy foes a rap , and mend this geere , and the like , may be corrected , or at least , a better translation of the psalms in meeter appointed in place of the old . for episcopal governmen , tit may be alledged that in the old law , the priests were above the levites . that in the law the apostles were above the seventy disciples . that in the subscription of st. paul's epistles , which are part of the canonical scriptures : it is said that timotheus ordained the first bishop of the church of the christians . that episcopal ordination and jurisdiction hath express warrant in holy scriptures ▪ as namely titus the 1. and the 5. for this cause left i thee in creet , that thou shouldest set in order things that are wanting , and ordain presbyters , that is , ministers in every city , as the first of timothy , the 5. 22. lay hands suddenly on no man ; and verse 19. against a presbyter or minister receive not an accusation but under two or three witnesses . the angels to whom the epistles were endorsed , two or three of the apocalyps , are by the unanimous consent of all the best interpreters , both ancient and later , expounded to be the bishops of these cities . eusebius , and other ecclesiastical writers affirm , none contradicting them , that the apostles themselves chose james bishop of jerusalem ; and that in all the apostolick see there succeeded bishops , which continued in all the christian world , and no other goverement heard of in the churches for 1500 years and more , than by bishops , and the canons both general and provincial consisted of bishops . that so many acts of parliament and laws of the kingdome , and statutes of the colledges of both universities , have relation to bishops . that the removing of them , especially there having been no other government ever setled in the kingdome , will breed an infinite confusion , and no reformation in the church ; yet it will be wished that in some things our government might be reduced to the constitution and practise of the primitive church , especially in these particulars . 1. that bishops did ordinarily and constantly preach , either in the metropolitan churches , or in the parochial churches in the visitations . 2. that they might not ordain any ministers without the consent of three or four at the least grave learned presbyters . 3. that they might not suspend any minister ab officio & beneficio , at their pleasures by their sole authority , and not but for such crimes only , as the antient lawes of this kingdome appointed . 4. that none might be excommunicated but by the bishop himself , with the consent of the pastor in those parishes the delinquent dwelleth , and that for heynous and scandalous crimes joyned with obstinacy and wilfull contempt of the churches authority ; and that for non-appearance upon ordinations , some lesser punishment might be inflicted . 5. that bishops might not demand benevolence from the clergy , nor exact allowance for their diet in their visitations , nor suffer their servants to exact undue fees at ordinations and constitutions . 6. that bishops and officials might be subjected to the censure of provincial synods and convoations . finis . a christian beleefe concerning bishops this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32888 of text r33290 in the english short title catalog (wing c3940). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32888 wing c3940 estc r33290 13119344 ocm 13119344 97815 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97815) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1547:16) a christian beleefe concerning bishops northbrooke, john. spiritvs est vicarius christi in terra. 1 broadside. s.n.], [london : 1641. "partly extracted from john northbrooke's spiritvs est vicarius christie in terra. a breefe and pithie summe of the christian faith"--nuc pre-1956 imprints. place of publication suggested by wing. creased with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng episcopacy. bishops. church polity. presbyterianism -apologetic works. a32888 r33290 (wing c3940). civilwar no a christian beleefe, concerning bishops. [no entry] 1641 844 9 0 0 0 0 0 107 f the rate of 107 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a christian beleefe , concerning bishops . i a beleeve , b that the office of a bishop is a worthy office , and warrantable by the word of god , c approved of by the apostles , d and instituted of god himselfe : e having the charge of one particular church , f or congregation , under each of them , g which they are h set over , i to feede ; k that is , to preach the gospel to them : l instructing and m teaching them , not by the traditions of the fathers , n but by the holy scriptures , o and shewing them good examples , by leading p unreproovable lives , and q performing such offices of the r ministeriall function , as becommeth s such faithfull guides ; having regard to their t bishoprick , ( which is the u great charge of their w pastorall office ) x over which they are set . and i y beleeve , that our z praelaticall bishops , a who are lifted up to a b ruling power , and a c lording hierarchie , are d not called of god , nor of e divine institution , but f anti-christian , g ethnicall , and h diabolicall ; and i suffered to be k in the church , l by the good will and pleasure of almightie god , as a m punishment for our sinnes , and a token of gods displeasure : and therefore n the people of god ought to pray , o that they may be cast out of the church , and onely p preaching presbyters may remaine , to q divide the word of god , and open and r interprete it to the people . and i s beleeve , that the t temporall magistrates are appointed of god , to punish sinne u upon all evill doers , whether clergie , or laytie ; and the government of the church doth pertaine to the w church , or x congregation , with the y laytie , and their z assistance , and not to the sole a prelates . the church hath foure offices . first , to keepe the canonicall scriptures . secondly , to publish the same . thirdly , to keepe it cleare from the counterfeit apocrypha , and all ●ounterfeit and corrupt bookes . fourthly , to make it the rule of their actions . the churches authoritie doth consist ●hiefely in foure things . first , to choose and ordaine ministers , according to the order of the apostles . secondly , to teach by lawfull ministers , so made . thirdly , to minister the sacrament by tho●e ministers , using su●● , time as shall be thought most expedient for the s●me . fourthly , to examine the doctrines , whether they be of god , or not ; ●nd that must be done by the scriptures . john northbrooke , preacher of gods ●ord , cantabr . cyprianus ad cornaelium , liber primus . sacerdos dei evangelium tenens , & christà praecepta custodiens , occidi potest , non pot●st vinci . the faithfull beleever , that will imitate christ the high-priest , in holding the gospel , and keeping the commandements , may well be killed , but conquered he cannot be . printed in the yeere 1641. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32888e-30 a acts 8. 13. b 1 tim. 3. 1. c phil. 1. 1. d acts 20. 28. e revel. 2. 1. f psal. 68. 26. g 2 cor. 4. 5. h acts 20. 28. i rom. 1. 15. k 2 tim. 4. 1. l 1 cor. 2. 16. m math. 15. 3. n 2 tim. 3. 15. o 1 tim. 3. 2. p 2 cor. 8. 11. q eze. 44. 13. r rom. ●● 7. s isay 51. 18. t acts 1. 20. u 2 tim. 4. 1. w ephes. 4. 11. x hosea 7. 12. y acts 27. 25. z 2 tim. 4. 10. a 1 tim. 3. 6. b hosea 4. 18. c 1 peter 5. 3. d 1 thess. 5. 24. e 1 pet. 39. f 2 thess. 2. 3. g mark . 10. 42. h 2 tim. 3. 10. i 1 tim. 4. 10. k acts 19. 29. l 2 thess. 2. 4. m amos 8. 11. n john 17. 9. o 1 cor. 15. 24. p 2 cor. 4. 5. q 1 cor. 3. 14. r 1 cor. 14. 5. s john 2. 22. t rom. 13. 2. u rom. 13. 1. w 1 tim. 5. 16. x psal. 58. 1. y 1 tim. 5. 19. z acts 20. 17. a 1 pet. 5. 3. episcopal admonition by the right reverend father in god, dr. joseph hall, late lord bishop of exeter, sent in a letter to the house of commons, april 28, 1628. hall, joseph, 1574-1656. 1681 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45237 wing h382 estc r229 13649325 ocm 13649325 100968 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45237) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100968) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 789:22) episcopal admonition by the right reverend father in god, dr. joseph hall, late lord bishop of exeter, sent in a letter to the house of commons, april 28, 1628. hall, joseph, 1574-1656. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for c.g., london : 1681. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -bishops -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2005-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2006-04 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion episcopal admonition by the right reverend father in god , dr. joseph hall , late lord bishop of exeter , sent in a letter to the house of commons , april 28. 1628. gentlemen , for god's sake be wise in your well meant zeal : why do you argue away pretious time that can never be revoked or repaired ? wo is me , while we dispute our friends perish , and we must follow them ; where are we , if we break ( and i tremble to think ) we cannot but break if we hold so stiff . our liberties and proprieties are sufficiently declared to be sure and legal ; our remedies are clear and irrefragable : what do we fear ? every subject sees the way now chalked out for future justice , and who dares henceforth tread besides it ? certainly , while parliaments live , we need not misdoubt the violations of our freedoms and rights : may we be but where the law found us , we shall sufficiently enjoy our selves and ours ; it is no season to search for more : oh let us not whilst we over-rigidly plead for an higher strain of safety , put our selves into a necessity of ruine and utter despair of redress . let us not in the suspitions of evils that may be , cast our selves into a present confusion . if you love your selves and your country , remit something of your own terms ; and since the substance is yielded by your noble patriots , stand not too vigorously upon points of circumstance . fear not to trust a good king , who after the strict laws made , must be trusted with the execution . think that your country , nay , and christendome , lies on the mercy of your present resolutions . relent , or farewel welfare . from him whose faithful heart bleeds in a vowed sacrifice for his king and country , exeter . london , printed for c. g. 1681. plain dealing being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. gordon, john, m.d. 1689 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41557 wing g1285 estc r34919 14908527 ocm 14908527 102857 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41557) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102857) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1571:6) plain dealing being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there. gordon, john, m.d. [8], 28 p. printed, and are to be sold by richard baldwin ..., london : 1689. attributed to john gordon, m.d., by halkett & laing, citing david laing as authority; this gordon is to be identified with sir john gordon in munk's roll of physicians ...--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -establishment and disestablishment. presbyterianism. episcopacy. church and state -presbyterian church. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion plain dealing : being a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergies proceedings in the latter reigns . with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there . licensed , september 11. 1689. london , printed , and are to be sold by richard baldwin near the black bull in the great old-bailey . 1689. to the right honourable and truely religious lady jane countess of sutherland . madam , the publication of this little piece ( at this juncture ) was not the effect of my forwardness , but of that deference i owe to several good men , and well-wishers of the present government , by whose importunity i was induced to take this task upon me , without prejudice to the rights of more abler men , to whose elaborate works on the same subject , as ( 't is here limited ) this essay has the honour to lead the way . those gentlemen my good friends had very good reason to be moved , when they heard the good measures of the government misrepresented to strangers by the artifices of designing men , having no less in their aim than to divide the common interest of protestants . they unanimously concurred in their judgments that it was expedient to put a stop to the spreading of this contagion , and urged me with motives that were too weighty for me to resist , having all the inclination imaginable to shew my zeal for our religion and liberties within my sphere . herein is contained a true ( tho a general ) account of the matter of fact to undeceive strangers of their mistakes , whose different opinions as to church government , and other circumstances , ought not to remove their christian charity towards one another , but ( being concerned in one bottom ) to promote the common interest and salvation of mankind , ( laying aside all prejudice , animosity and rancour , ) tho it should tend to the removal of any earthly thing most dear to them , that proves a stumbling-block or occasion of offence to either strong or weak brethren , imitating the apostles precept , acts 15. concerning the difference of the circumcision . and the apostle paul's resolution in the like case , romans , chap. 14. & 15. and in 1 cor. 8. last verse , if meat make my brother to offend , i will not eat flesh while the world standeth , lest i make my brother to offend . which no doubt is preceptive to the christian world , who pretend not to infallibility . but being 't is come this length , the dedication for its patronage and encouragement is due to your ladiship ; chiefly for three reasons . because , first , that your ancestors and relations had not only a great share in the reformation , but also ever since were great promoters of the protestant reformed religion in scotland , and protectors of its ministers and professors , and your charity upon that account to suffering ministers and professors , having been very considerable . secondly , that without any flattery , i dare say , ( and all those who have the honour to know your ladiship , will confirm my assertion ) that none understands the matter in hand better than your self . thirdly , that your honourable husband , your self , eldest son , and most of all your relations , were chiefly concerned in the last efforts , and great enterprize made , and the signal deliverance wrought of late for these oppressed nations , of which god was pleased to make our present gracious king his glorious instrument : ( and for which your endeavours , i hope your family will meet with its due reward . ) your ladiship must not expect a fine stile of language , it being sufficient that the matter of fact is true , tho design honest , and the language intelligible . madam , i might have been more plain , particular , and ad homines , but declin'd that method , designing to give offence to no good christian , be his profession what it will , if his principles be good ; i don't value how evil or byassed men may criticise upon this matter ; provided , that moderate good men may be pleased , and that the honest design of this little plain piece may be any ways serviceable to the present government , your ladiships honourable family , and other good subjects ; which that it may , and that , as god in his infinite wisdom has made our gracious king his glorious instrument of our redemption , from our fears of popery and slavery , as the effects thereof ) so the same almighty god would be pleased to settle the imperial crown of this kingdom upon the heads of king william and queen mary in peace and truth , and be so transmitted from them after they have lived a long , happy life here ( and received crowns of glory hereafter ) to their posterity and lawful successors for ever . and that your ladiship and honourable family may live happily under their auspicious reign , is and shall be the constant prayer of , to the reader . candid reader , i was desired to write the parts of particular ministers acted upon the last theatres of government , but judged this not to be a fit time , so that i hope you will excuse my writing of this in so general terms , and also for laying down some general hypotheses and propositions , argumentandi causa , ( which perhaps the more strict on either side will not allow ) being no divine ▪ myself , yet a well-wisher of the government , as well as of moderation and christian charity amongst all those of the reformed protestant religion , whose circumstantial differences occasioning some heats and animosities , i wish god will be pleased to remove to the common good of both . please to be as impartial and moderate in your reading and censures of this little plain piece , as i have been in exposing particular mens faults to publick view , and you will not only be more able to make a judgment of the thing , but also the impressions received of a violent procedure in church affairs in scotland will be removed , and if this moderate and general account do not perswade you to the contrary opinion , there will be a necessity to expose particulars and particular persons to more publick view , which i desire altogether to decline . i did design to add to this piece the objections made against the setling of the presbyterian government in scotland , with the answer to these objections ; with a list of the reformers from popery in scotland , and those that suffered martyrdom upon that account ; but being importuned not to put either of them to a publick view , i have laid it by for the present , but if this have a kind reception , i shall publish the other . a moderate general review of the scots prelatical clergy's proceedings in the later reigns : with a vindication of the present proceedings in church affairs there . it being too much spread abroad ( whether out of ignorance of the matter of fact , or design of an intriguing party to divide the interest of protestants , i will not divine ) that the present procedure in scotland tends to the oppression or persecution of the episcopal ministry there : but whatever be an evil parties design in it , sure i am , these surmises tend to load the good and unanimous designs of the present government with unjustifiable things : and to remove these mistakes which might give encouragement to an evil designing party , ( who are always like the salamander in the fire , and love to fish in muddy waters , acting both in different elements for the same ends ) or discouragement to the good party , whose different opinions about circumstances , ought not to divide them in the main . i shall first state it as my hypothesis ( as many learned moderate divines under both governments do ) that church government , whether it be this , or that , is a matter indifferent ; there being no platform of government left in the church , either by christ or his apostles , or their disciples , further than appointing bishops in every church ( which word in the common acceptation in the originals and translations , by both parties is understood to be overseers , without mentioning any preheminence to them over their brethren ) these being presbyters , and their deacons and elders ; so that church government in this case would seem to be left indifferent ; and every nation or people link'd together in one body or society , in their own civil government ( whether monarchical , democratical , aristocratal , &c. ) have it left in their option ( being free from engagements either to the one or the other ) to settle that church government , which the major part of that people or society judges most suitable to the word of god , and the general inclination and genius of the people . this being granted in the general ; in the next place let us consider , that when that nation in particular , as generally all europe were enslaved to the romish bondage , there was no other , and could no other government be , but prelacy suitable to that of their universal bishops , whose vassals they , as well as all other prelats were ( as they called them ) who assume to themselves always the title of head of the church , and christ's vicars upon earth , which all those of the reformed protestant religion , episcopal or presbyterial , look upon as blasphemous ; and therefore the pope is called by them all antichrist , and no doubt he is . but when that peoples eyes came to be opened to see clearly , the fundamental errors which that church maintained for several ages , and the many cheats , villanies , and wickedness committed by that clergy in general , they began to be reformed in their lives and manners , by the indefatigable pains and labour of some few presbyters , who suffered several kinds of martyrdoms and other cruelties therefore , by the popish clergy : and the romish clergies barbarous cruelties in those times towards those valiant champions in christ's cause , did at last animate the people to prosecute a general reformation in that nation , and their reformation being by presbyters , it seems gave the rise there , to that denomination of presbyterian . and the romish clergies cheatry , and wickedness in their lives and conversation , and cruelty towards those reformers , and those of the reformed religion , occasioned the peoples general hatred at the very order of bishops : and besides , that the bulk of the scots clergies opinion , being , that a well constitute presbyterian government is both more agreeable to the word of god , and general inclination and genius of the people , than any other . and though superintendants were appointed there at the beginning of the reformation ( the generality of the people not being as yet well reformed ) the reformers that they might prevail the more readily in moderation with the generality of the people ; especially considering the nearer they came to the last settlement ( being governed in civil matters by a popish king regent and queen ) in the infancy of their reformation , the easier the work appeared to be ; yet the presbyterian was the first established government , being fully settled in the year 1592. by a general meeting of the estates , and confirmed by parliament , and continued so till the year 1606. after that king james came to the imperial crown of england , when he endeavoured to make an union between the two nations , setled an episcopal government there , ( though contrary to the inclinations of the people and clergy in general ) expecting thereby to unite them as well in trade as in church government ; and the hopes of an union in trade , and other things beneficial to scotland , moved many of those who were presbyterially inclined , to go beyond their inclinations , and opinion , alongst with that settlement for present . but that settlement by bishops in scotland being all ( it seems ) that the then english clergy and others designed ( and in which settlement many eminent men of that kingdom were too precipitant , to their regret afterwards when they could not help it ) that being done the union was blown up , though i am of opinion , as are many eminent men of both nations , and well-wishers to the present government , that neither england or scotland can ever be truly happy , till there be an union in parliaments , as well as in trade : for though england be more opulent and powerful by sea and otherwise , ( by reason of their trade ) yet when england has a powerful enemy in the front , scotland might prove as dangerous , if not a fatal back-door to england ; and it 's not to be doubted if there were an union , but the product and export of scotland to other foreign countries at present might be of equal gain to england to what scotland might expect by an union in trade from england ; which could be made appear to a demonstration . but this not being hujus loci , i hope to be excused for this digression from the thing proposed , there being some sympathy between the one and others interest ; and to come to the point in hand , when there is any revolution in the state of that kingdom , as of late , and they are so happy as to have a king and governours that design nothing more than the tranquillity and happiness of the people , the people eagerly in their reformation desire to establish that church government which their clergy and people in general are of opinion is most consonant to the word of god , and their own inclination . and to make it clear that the first reformers were not at all for establishing the order of bishops , mr. knox being in exile in england , by reason of the clergies great persecution in king james the fifth's time in scotland , king edward the sixth , having a great esteem for mr. knox , he proffer'd him a bishoprick in england ; but he thanked that good king heartily , and refused it . and a long time after that kingdom was turned to the christian faith , they had no bishops , nor does any of our own or foreign historians assert that there was any that had the title of bishop in that church before paladius in the fifth century ; nor was this paladius either a diocesian or provincial bishop , adrian in the ninth century , being the first diocesian , nor was there any archbishop , primate or metropolitan to consecrate diocesian bishops till the year 1436. that patrick graham was made archbishop of st. andrews , and yet 1200 years before this there was a church in scotland , ruled by monks and presbyters , and not to mention many other eminent men , that treat upon that subject , of undoubted credit , i cite only fordon lib. 3. cap. 8. ante paladii adventum habebant scoti fidei doctores de sacramentorum administratores , presbyteros solummodo vel monachos ritus sequentes ecclesiae primaevae : and beda , baronius , and all others confirm that paladius was the first that was called bishop in that kingdom ; attamen s●●●l christiani prima●●i , saith another , so that long before there was any order of prelatical bishops allowed in scotland , even after paladius time , there was a church there ; and tho foreign and domestick authors ( favouring prelacy ) write upon this subject , and name many bishops to have been in scotland before and after paladius ; yet none of these authors dare have the confidence to say , that these bishops had any medling in state affairs till that nation was enslaved to the church of rome , and even when that was , the kings and church of scotland in general would never own the pope so much , or subject themselves to him , as other princes and churches did . look but the 43 cap. p. 6 th . k. ja. 3.39 cap. par. 4. k. ja. 4 th , 85 cap. par. 11. k. ja. 3 d. 4 cap. par. 1. k. ja. 4.119 . cap. par. 7. k. ja. 5 th , &c. which were but confirmations of k. ja. 1 st . acts cap. 13. parl. 1 st . cap. 14. &c. and there and elsewhere much more you will find to prove how little respect our kings had to the pope's thunders in the time of scotland's greatest devotion to rome . and a king who would rule wisely , and to the general satisfaction of the people ( in which case they can and will serve him faithfully ) will give liberty of conscience to his people in innocent or indifferent matters , which are perhaps matters indifferent to himself : and no good man dare not but attribute the epithetes of a heroick mind , as well as of a calm well disposed spirit to our present gracious king and queen , who condescend indulgently to any thing may make their people happy , so far as they are rightly informed ; and i am hopeful will verify seneca's saying in time , mens regnum bona possidet : besides , that the constitutions of bishops in scotland and england , are not the same thing , and in their dependance have not the equivalent power or influence in their publick and private managements in relation to the state ; for in england , the laws there seem to secure bishops so in their offices and benefices ( when ordained and consecrated ) that though they should not go along with the court in disagreeable things , without a new law , or ranversing the old in a parliamentary way , they cannot be put from their benefices , though they should be suspended from their offices . but in scotland that order depended so intirely upon court favour ; that the governours could , and actually have , without any supervenient law or statute turned out bishops , tam ab officio quàm à beneficio , of which there could be many instances given , but the matter of fact being so well known , we need not trouble the reader with them here . but certain it is , that the difference of these two constitutions is an encouragement to the one to own what is good , and is a bait to the other to maintain even more dangerous things than the doctrine of non-resistance it self if required : and to make a parallel between the english and scots bishops in many things , but particularly in their practices ; would be but a reproach to our nation , to render in publick , were it not that it clearly appears in matters of fact , whether it be the fault in the constitution of scots bishops , or the bishops own natural temper . that the old scots proverb holds true , that lordships changes manners ; for be they habit and repute never so good and moderate men when only in the state of ministers , yet when once bishops or prelats , for the most part they become like that emperor who was very good till he became emperor , and had power to do evil , whose answer upon a question of the alteration of his different temper and practices is well known to all versant in history , and there was one of the popes who proved to be of the same temper also . but now to come to give an account of some particular practices of their late bishops in scotland in the last two reigns , which generally created an irreconcileable hatred in mens minds to the order it self ( though church government were a matter indifferent to clergymen and laicks ; ) and the first step was , that when the general assembly of divines in scotland , who were not only very active to crown king charles the second at scoon in 1650. but also , great instruments to restore him to the imperial crown in the year 1660. and that the presbyterian government was confirmed act 16. par. 1. ch. 2 d. they looking upon mr. james sharp as one of the most violent presbyterians in the english time , of great credit with the presbyterian clergy , and of no less fame for his almost violent zeal that way , which all the presbyterian party there , solemnly swearing to stand by the church of scotland , as it was then established in a presbyterial government , was intrusted by them in the year 1661. as their commissioner to the king , to have that government continued : but the promise and fair prospect of an archbishoprick prevailed with his judgment , and gave him a new light , for which he was tainted with that epithet of the betrayer of the church of scotland , and his brethren , who being a politick man , failed not to contrive , and ( with other politicians in the state , and laxer clergy who looked for benefices ) to concert the new establishment of the order of bishops in its full extent , after the form almost of the old popish order , and abolishing the presbyterian government in the year 1662. it was no doubt a failure in some of the presbyterian ministers , then ( many of which were great eminent and loyal men , though refusing benefices from the late king ) to desert their churches and vocations in the publick assemblies , until they had been forced from them ( as no doubt they would have been without compliance . ) but certain it is , that when some of them left their charges , and others were forced to quit the same immediately thereafter , by imposing new engagements to that government , contrary to their former solemn oaths , and vows ( though it be much my opinion , that no oaths ought to be imposed in point of government , except that of allegiance to the king in his political government of the church , as well as in the civil state ; because good men need not to be loaded with oaths , and evil men will never keep oaths when they find opportunity to break them to any earthly advantage ) , which others imbraced for love of the benefices , and the ministers that either quit or were put from their charges , were not only restrained from preaching and praying in any publick meetings to their congregations , or privately in their houses , ( though they expected nothing for their labours ) by imposition of arbitrary penalties , and contriving penal and sanguinary laws , equivalent to that which was made against papists , seminary priests , and jesuits ad terrorem , 2 act. sess . 3. parl. 1 st . ch. 2 d. &c. acts 5. and 7. par. 2 d. sess . 2 d. acts 9. and 17. par. 2 d. sess . 3 d. but several more severe acts were made in parliaments 1685. and 1686. and though none of those laws were once put in execution against papists , priests , jesuits , &c. yet how violently were they put in execution against those poor ministers , their flocks and families , for the one's preaching , and the other's hearing of the word of god , without mixture or the least grains of schism or disloyalty ? which oppression ( meerly for the difference of opinion ) tended to so great a persecution ( which verified that old saying , that oppression makes a wise man mad ) that it put the people in such a terrible consternation , that this persecution or oppression ( call it what you will ) forced the people in the year 1666. to gather together and rise in arms in defence of their preacher's , religion and liberty , against those persecuting clergymen ; who not only contrived , but forced the statesmen and the king's privy-council to stretch these penal and sanguinary laws , against both their religion and liberty in which they were educated : and what devastation , forfaultures , cruelties and bloodshed followed thereupon in that poor kingdom for several years is so generally known , that it 's needless to relate it here , and the late king charles , who had nothing of violence in his nature , considering the common evil their divisions occasioned , ( with the concurrence , and by a representation of some honest men then in the civil government ) did give a little respite by a toleration to some ministers to preach in several congregations , but the regular clergy were so exasperated against this indulgence , that they themselves made terrible clamours and complaints to the king and clergy of england ( who were not so immoderate , nor so immoral in their actions against dissenters , nor so vitious and scandalous in their lives and conversations ) and to the officers of state , and the privy council in scotland , not only against those poor people , but also against any that favour'd or pitied them , alledging it was a schism in the church , that the ministers preached rebellion , which the council found frequently upon tryal to be false , and that those that gave any dissent to their violence against these people were disloyal . and many that were vitious and the most scandalous of their inferior clergy , not agreeing with the abstemious lives and the singular examples of those godly ministers , made it their business to harrass and malign them and the people , to the government ; till they got their point wrought so far as to remove this liberty which the king graciously granted , and procured an army of wild highlanders to be sent to those countries in anno 1677. which army committed the greatest barbarities and unnatural things that ever was heard tell of in a christian nation , by their oppressions , robberies , plunders , rapines , &c. making no distinction of persons or sexes . this being with great difficulty represented again to the king , he out of his wonted clemency , caused remove his army , and those poor people , though left in a manner desolate , having got the least respite ( their religion and profession being dearer to them than their lives ) they frequenting those meetings again without tumult or uproar , where they thought they had the word of god truly and more purely preached to them : the episcopal clergy ( being again allarm'd ) made the greatest clamour that could be , and made their interest at court to send arms again ( as they alledged , to suppress them ) upon which violent persons did get commissions , when other moderate men that had commissions laid them down ; and others refused them upon such cruel expeditions ) and raised regiments of foot , horse , and dragoons , and many of them , who having neither principles of religion nor humanity , were sent thither with those troops , and treated the people in a most barbarous manner , which forc'd those poor oppressed people to guard their meetings with armed men , till they fell in blood with those cruel mercenary souldiers in the year 1679. which cruelty and persecution increased their number the more ; which verifies that old saying , cinis & sanguis martyrum semen ecclesiae , for the more they were oppressed and persecuted , the more their number increased . and were there not then some of the greatest personages in that kingdom in disgrace with the king by the instigation of that clergy , and some other ministers of state , not only for their dissents to their violent proceedings against protestants ; but also for complaining of some other mismanagements in state ? but god has at this time been pleased to honour them , so as to put them in capacity to be most instrumental in setling the present government , i hope upon sure and lasting foundations . but not to make a greater digression , then was the duke of monmouth sent generalissimo to scotland to suppress those protestants ; yet he was to be over-ruled by the clergy , and the king's council ; who notwithstanding of his limited commission did , and for his favour shewn to those poor people ( who he knew suffered meerly upon the account of their religion and stricter lives ) was by the clergy and the violent party , their adherents , put in disgrace with the king , as other great persons were , and how many families of all ranks and degrees were then and since destroyed by this oppression and clergy's persecution ? how many were tortured without mercy ? how many were banish'd , drown'd , beheaded , shot , &c. many of them without the liberty of once calling upon god before their death , is incredible ; but all europe knows it , and it cannot be denied . and who knowing , or in the least understanding the affairs of scotland in those times , will deny but that these cruel proceedings against the presbyterian ministers and their hearers , ( by banishments , imprisonments , forfaultures , intercommonings , or outlawries , deaths , &c. ) were the very things that forc'd many of the vulgar sort of professors to fly to the hills and mountains , where ( though no doubt they had opportunity to hear some good ministers preach ) yet popish emissaries , trafficking priests , &c. being never idle , and never neglecting occasions by the divisions of those of the reformed religion , to propagate their hellish designs , were not wanting to be there as wolves in sheeps clothing , or devils in angels shapes , to seduce those of meaner capacities to imbibe some dregs of the jesuitical principles , which brought many of those poor innocents to end their days in misery . but that , when the late king james was dealt with ( for reasons best known to his cabin councellors ) to grant a general toleration , doubtless out of no respect to the presbyterian party ; they did , it 's true , take hold of that opportunity and freedom to preach the gospel , and no further , ( when in the mean time the episcopal clergy did give their thanks to the late king , for his liberty and toleration to papists , quakers , and all other sects ) of which they were hindred before by the episcopal clergy , their procurement ; and they no doubt had reason to thank the late king , or any , for the liberty it self ( having by it received a glimps of the gospel by their freedom to preach it ) though they desponded of its long continuance , but expected a greater persecution thereafter , which they preached to their hearers , and no doubt their prophetick sentences had been fulfilled , had not god in his mercy prevented it , by preparing a fit and glorious instrument to preserve his people from the designed overflowing deluge of popery and slavery . and what good protestant would not thank a turk or pagan , nay , the pope himself for life , liberty , and freedom of the reformed religion ; much more a native prince , especially considering what is before related about a 26 years oppression or persecution from those called the regular clergy then , and by their instigation ; for from that clergy they could expect no good tidings : for some of them had the impudence to say in pulpit , that rome should have it e're jack presbyter should have it ; this is a matter of fact , for who would not rather receive a favour ( in the acceptance innocent ) from a professed enemy , than be oppressed or cruelly used by a counterfeit false friend or unnatural relation , judge ye ? and whether these proceedings against those poor protestants , does not too much imitate the romish clergy and missionaries imposition on magistrates and governors to be their executioners , let any indifferent man judge : so that any impartial unbyassed person indued with common sense and reason ( considering what is said ( which is but a specimen of a system that could be written on this unpleasant subject to any good protestant , were it not to vindicate the generality of the nation , unjustly aspersed of purpose to make the government unfavourable to strangers , who know no better ) may conclude that this persecuted people , as well as the generality of the scotch nation , have reason not to continue the order of bishops there ; for if the practices of particular bishops in scotland , were rendred publick , none would tax or reproach that kingdom with violence , inhumanity , persecution , or rashness in their present management of church affairs ; especially considering how great instruments most of the episcopal clergy have been of late , by their connivance , forwardness , or contrivance to encourage the ministers of the late government to encroach so much upon the religion , laws , liberties , and properties of the protestant subjects , we shall only instance two ; so ex ungue leonem . the first is , of their behaviour in the parliament 1686. when there was no less design than to rescind the penal laws , fram'd and enacted against papists , seminary priests and jesuits , hearers and sayers of mass ad terrorem , to hinder the growth of popery in that nation , which was the only legal bulwark and security of the protestant religion , these all the bishops ( excepting three ) concurred to remove ; by removing of which laws , all persons lax in their principles , or evil-designing men would be left loose , and at their full liberty to act in the matters of religion as they pleased , and in which case a prevailing party might easily impose whatever they pleased , the power being in their hand , and the prerogatives screwed up above the highest note in the scale of musick : but god who did not design to destroy that nation ( meerly by his providence as the execution of his eternal decrees ) wonderfully prevented all those hellish designs beyond humane expectation , and disappointed the actors . the next was that when all rational foreseeing men had a jealousie of a popish contrivance , to impose a prince of wales to deprive the lawful heirs of their rightful succession , and men having searched more narrowly into the affair , they were fully convinc'd in their minds of a popish imposture , the whole bishops of scotland ( when in the mean time they could see no less than the persecution of their honest brethren in england for religious matters ) they ( some of them no doubt , for worldly interest , whither that would drive them , god knows , and others in compliance , for fear of suspension from , or loss of their offices and benefices ) did make the most solemn , though the most unreasonable , unchristian address , and disagreeable to the pretended character that ever was upon the birth of a supposed prince of wales ; and what expressions are in that address ( so generally known ) cannot but be nauseous to any good protestant to rehearse , in which they called that prince , the darling of heaven , &c. but to come in the next place to the late procedure of the convention , their committees during their adjournments , and the parliament now sitting , in relation to church affairs , i shall give an impartial account of the particulars , so much as is needful . and first , when the nobility and gentry of scotland that were here in january last 1689. did give their advice to the then prince of orange ( now our gracious king ) what methods to take in relation to the settlement of the scotch nation then in great confusion , having no government , by reason of the late king's desertion of the government ; the king did follow their advice ; and albeit that some alledged a general proclamation , to be published in ordinary times and accustomary places , for calling the ensuing general meeting of the estates , would be the best method to call them together , for reasons neither fit nor necessary to be inserted here ; yet his majesty , to a general satisfaction , did take very knowing mens advice to dispatch his circular letters , which he did by vertue of the trust they reposed in him , and the advice given by the gentry and nobility of scotland to such as had right to represent the nation in a general meeting , not omitting the then bishops , their order being as then established by a standing law , which his majesty would not transgress . and when those representatives of the nation did meet freely , frequently , and fully in a general meeting , by virtue of our now gracious king's warrant before explained , had the bisshops then behaved themselves as became persons of their profession , pretended honour & character , if they thought not the call sufficiently warrantable , they ought either not to present themselves at that general meeting , or when they did appear by vertue of that general warrant , they might have protested and deserted the meeting , as in their opinion not legal , before it were constituted so by the general meeting it self : otherwise , to have complyed fully upon their meeting , and not only to have acknowledged their faults , errors , and mismanagements in the late government , but also to have gone on honestly , and vigorously with the other estates , in prosecution of the good designs of their meeting . first , by concurring to heal the breaches made in the hedges of religion , and removing the encroachments made upon its laws . secondly , by restoring the wholsom laws , liberties & properties of the estates & their fellow-subjects , so much encroached upon by popish emissaries , and any other wickedly designing party in any of the later reigns , but contrary to this , being it seems conscious to themselves of some guilt , they did all bandy together , not only with those that were too active to carry on the mischief in the later governments , but also with a new designing party who had no principles , not only to vindicate all the evils that were done in the late government , but also to bring the nation under more slavery than ever ; the particulars thereof are too generally known . and considering their profession by their actions , contraria juxta se posita clariùs elucescunt . i will not be too opinionative to assert , that the generality of people in that nation , or the major part of this great and wise council of the nation did incline to continue the establishment of that hierarchy , they finding it in a manner very improbable , if not altogether impossible , ( considering all that is said , and much more might be said ) to reconcile the ignorance , debauchery and persecuting humour of the most part of the prelatical party in scotland , with the singular , exemplary strict , and orderly lives and conversations of the presbyterian clergy , and most of their adherents : but sure i am , that clergy's former and later behaviour were the reasons that induc'd that great and wise meeting of the estates so suddenly to tender that order of bishops as a grievance of the nation to his majesty , in their preliminaries , in order to be abolished in the next parliament , now sitting , and to vindicate that nation , the general meeting of the estates , and the present parliament , from all aspersions which are industriously spread abroad , loading them with a persecution of the episcopal ministry there . take this for truth , of which no intelligent man in britain can be ignorant . that the first act the estates made , was to secure their own sitting . the second material to our purpose was their declaring themselves a free estate , and a legal meeting , and declaring that they would not separate , but continue to sit by frequent meetings , till they had restored and secured their religion , laws , liberties , and properties ; as well as that of their fellow subjects so much encroached upon , and till they had established the government of the church and state. both which acts the bishops voted in and approved of . and this being done with several other things , establishing the legality of the meeting , &c. too tedious to rehearse here , being intended but an abbreviat ; who would think that the reverend protestant fathers of the church of scotland would have stood in the way of any proposition that might tend to the security of the protestant reformed religion , restoring the wholsom laws , and securing the liberties and properties of the subject ? yet with the next breath , they were not only for continuing profess'd papists in chief commands of strong fortresses , and in the army , expecting their greater security that way , as it seems they had reason , considering their former deportment ; and the then present circumstances of the nation ; but were also for recalling home the late king , which they alledged they looked upon to be the only way to secure religion , to give the standing laws their lustre ( no doubt there is something understood there , & latuit anguis in herba ) and to secure the liberty and property of the people ; these were their very express●ons . but as i doubt not , that there is any good christian , but is heartily grieved for the bigottry of the lat● k●ng's religion , his evil council and mismanagement of affairs in state and church , and encroachments up ●n all that was dear unto us , which brought him to his low estate , much more brittish inhabitants , and m●st of al● t●e s●ot●h pro●e●●ants , who can endure no government ●ut a monarchical ; whose love to that governm●nt is such , that they did always undergo great burthens , and did peaceably forbear many faults and infirmities in several of their kings for many ages , as unquestionable good historians make appear : yet to give a call to the late king in his and our present circumstances , to return with a french , irish , and other cruel popish crew , were either to make him more miserable , who could not but be utterly destroyed in the attempt , or the protestants in britain most miserable , by reducing of them all to popery and slavery , or to the french most unchristian cruelty , and untolerable heavy yoke , and our foreign protestant allies and their confederates , though of different religions , more uneasie , if not in hazard to be destroyed by the french ambition and slavery , which is more untolerable beyond doubt than that of the turks and tartars , his dear confederates ; but it seems our bishops when they desired to recall a popish king did not mind , or rather did not value the verity of claudian's remarque , in case the late king did return with the least favour of a reeling populace , — componitur orbis regis ad exemplum — and a little after , mobile mutatur semper cum principe vulgus . and who doubts , but that if the late king returned by force , the fate of all those of the reformed religion ( if real protestants ) whether episcopal or presbyterial , would be sudden in the execution , and if invited home , were his promises never so fair and specious , the same fate would no doubt befall them in a short time : and the mobile is not always to be trusted for a bulwark in every exigence . but to the next matter of fact. upon the day of april , the estates having fully considered that it would be dangerous , to have the government longer unsetled , and having upon good grounds , too tedious to relate here , resolved to declare the crown vacant , and the late king james's right , &c. forfaulted , the bishops not only urged frivolous arguments , but also voted against it ; notwithstanding their chearful voting affirmativè to the former acts. and there being an act ordaining the clergy not to pray for the late king james , &c. as king and prince , their right being forfaulted , and the crown declared vacant , the bishops all removed without any compulsion , except 2 , or 3 , who were the most moderate ; and one of those being desired at the rising of the meeting to say prayers , he , that he might not omit his pretended allegiance to king james in his prayers , omitted to say prayer in common form , or extempore , but only repeated the lord's prayer , desiring it seems to give offence to none : but a person present alledged , that several persons used to conclude their prayers with the lord's prayer , and so did that bishop ; for he suspected it should be his last prayer in that place . at the next sitting of the estates it was moved , that , considering the bishops behaviour in the later governments , their behaviour in that general meeting , ( where notwithstanding their being present , and voting in several acts affirmativè , which they contraveen'd contrary to their profession ) their order should be declared a grievance to the nation ; which motion being remitted to the consideration of the grand committee , they at their next meeting brought it in as their opinion , that the bishops were one of the greatest grievances of the nation : which opinion the whole meeting after serious consideration approved of , and voted them out of doors . after which , all the bishops withdrew themselves in cabals with several disaffected people , called several of their inferior clergy together , prompting them to disobedience in the present juncture : which principles many of the episcopal clergy did then vent too much in their preachings and publick prayers . the estates having emitted a proclamation proclaiming william and mary then king and queen of england , king and queen of scotland , without a contradictory vote , and only one non liquet ; and another proclamation enjoyning the clergy after the proclamation to read the declaration , and to pray for king william and queen mary ; and in doing of which , many did comply , but several refused ; yet all , even those of the episcopal clergy ( though not complying with this ) who would live peaceably and regularly as subjects , the estates took into their particular protection , putting forth another proclamation , prohibiting all or any of the subjects whatsoever to trouble or molest any of them in their lives or estates . and none will be so impudent as to alledge in publick , that any either of the bishops , or their inferiour clergy , whether complying or not , were ever troubled in their persons or estates since the said prohibition , and few even before , by the unruly rabble , unless it be those whose deportment no good men can vindicate , and those moderate men of untainted lives and conversations of the episcopal communion , who have chearfully complyed with the estates , and present government , will declare how they were caressed by the presbyterian party in this juncture , and others who might be nice and scrupulous in some points , christianly exhorted and invited to joyn with them without engagements , further than reading the declaration , and praying for king william and queen mary ; and i have reason to think that the present wise parliament will impose nothing capable to trouble their consciences in their complyance with the present government . and truly it would seem to be no small reproach to the scotch bishopsto hear those who were lately their inferior clergy now declare in the pulpit and elsewhere , how these many years by-past , they themselves have groaned under their bishops tyranny and oppression of several kinds . but after the bishops were declared a grievance to the nation for many undeniable good pregnant reasons , and now voted out of doors , the estates took many calm methods by exhortations , &c. with their clergy , to have their deportment suitable to their profession in the present juncture ; but several of them continued so obstinate , and endeavoured to seduce others to the defaming of the government in publick and private ; so that they were necessitated to deprive some of them ( though they indulged some eminent men till they advised better ) and ordered presbyterian ministers to preach in their churches : and sure i am notwithstanding the frequent complaints given in to the estates , of the episcopal clergy's and their parties meeting in cabals with papists and other disaffected people , to the contempt of the present government ; yet that they were so tender of their character , as ministers of the gospel , that none of them were once prosecuted by the estates , their committees , the privy council , or the present parliament , since their deprivation , except one minister , who was accused to have spoken some treasonable words ; and how tenderly they dealt with him in his misbehaviour and infirmities , for fear of bringing a reproach upon any that preached the gospel , whether6 of one order or another , is well known ; and it is too publick , how one of those deserting ministers wives , and others of that perswasion , who converse with papists ( as the effects of their cabals ) were apprehended , endeavouring to get into the castle of edenburgh ( with fresh meat , and other provisions ) when it was block'd up , and declared treason to converse with , or assist any therein ; and yet how tenderly they were proceeded against , is generally known ; there are many others of their evil practices in the late conjuncture , might be spoken of , too tedious to the reader ; but to conclude with the episcopal clergy's behaviour in scotland of late , who have been more active , or like to be found more guilty in a correspondence with , and assisting the lord dundee and his party , now in rebellion , and committing most inhumane actions , than several of those who are called the regular clergy ? which must be publick to their shame ; besides , that the late bishop of galloway is certainly concluded to be with the late king james in person in ireland . and as a further evidence of the estates , the present parliament , the council , and other people of scotland , their favourable deportment and lenity towards the episcopal clergy there , it 's undeniable that both the bishops and their inferiour clergy , who by their ill deportment and late obstinacy , deprived themselves of their benefices , do walk and travel in town and country , on foot , in coach , and upon horseback , at their pleasure , and live peaceably in their houses without any trouble or molestation whatsoever : and it will be found unquestionably true , that neither the episcopal clergy , nor any other , who have been grievous and great persecutors and invaders of the religion , and encroachers upon the laws , liberties , and properties of their fellow subjects in the late government , were in the least fear of their lives or estates in that kingdom , since the first general meeting of the estates ; notwithstanding of the great clamours and false aspersions , of purpose and industriously invented and spread abroad by some persons for their own ends , being either afraid to abide the test of the law by way of moderate justice , or being uneasie to themselves , and troublesom to others under any government , were it never so good and easie , but where they have a power to gratifie their lusts and voracious appetite , and to do mischief to others . and as for that allegeance that the bishops , whose order is abolished in scotland , and their inferiour clergy , who have deserted their charge , out of an ill principle , for the most part have not a livelyhood or subsistence , it must be very gross and ridiculous ; for it 's well known , that both the bishops and those of their clergy , who have deserted their charges had opulent benefices , and are rich ( though not to satisfaction ) or might have been so in a cheap country , where , with the least management , the half or third part of their yearly benefices might maintain them and their families very well ; for it 's known generally there , that several ministers with lesser benefices than any that quit their charge now , have made good fortunes for their children ; and it 's hardly known that ever their charity or pious acts was the occasion of their poverty , though they have had examples enough from many of their good english brethren clergy-men ; and if they lived too sumptuously , sibi imputent . and certain it is , that their presbyterian brethren , when they labour'd under the greatest poverty and affliction in the world , by the scots episcopal or regular clergy ( call them what you please ) their immediate procurement , none of them pitied their distress , or relieved them in their wants in the name of disciples , ( when it must be confess'd they were sheltered and connived at , not only in england and ireland , but caressed abroad in holland , and elsewhere ) though there is good reason to believe that these ministers and other presbyterians both pity these called lately the regular clergy , for their miscarriages , and pray for their reformation ; which god grant . but i conclude this point with a good church of england man's saying , that the bishops of england were like the kings of judah , and the bishops of scotland like the kings of israel ; for that there were several good bishops in england , but never one good bishop in scotland . and though this be a general rule or maxim of the scots bishops , yet no general rule wants its exceptions , there being some few eminent men of that order in scotland , who disssented from , and disapproved of their violent procedures , and inhumane and unchristian-like practice ; but this was rara avis in hisce terris . and i sum up all with a saying of a great father in the church , that whoever is of a persecuting spirit , whatever he profess outwardly , is of the devil ; which made persius in the like case in his satyrs , make that imprecation to tyrants in general , or persecutors , which is the same thing upon the matter ; both being tyrants : summe parens divum , saevos punire tyrannos haund alia ratione velis , &c. and tho tyrants or persecutors may have a time allotted them to diffuse their venom to the terror or affliction of others ; yet they will meet with their correction or judgments here or hereafter , when the oppressed and afflicted shall be released . and now being that the order of prelatical bishops is abolished in scotland by an act of parliament ; it is not once to be supposed that any other government can be established there in the church but a presbyterian ; the model thereof i submit interim , to the consideration and the final and unanimous resolution of a just and wise king ( who favoured the peoples general inclination ) and this wise , loyal and free parliament . and to make it evident to all unbyassed men , that it is not only the general inclination of the people , to have the presbyterian government established ; but also , that that kingdom can never be in peace , without the establishment of it : though i might urge many , yet i only offer two undeniable proofs . first , there being 32 shires or counties , and two stewartries ( comprehending the whole body of the nation ) that send their commissioners or representatives to parliaments , and all general meetings of the estates or conventions ; of these 34 districts or divisions of the kingdom , there are 17 of them entirely presbyterians ; so that where you will find one there episcopally inclined , you 'll find 150 presbyterians . and the other 17 divisions , where there is one episcopally inclined , there are two presbyterians . secondly , make but a calculation of the valued rent of scotland , computing it to be less or more , or computed argumentandi causa , to be three millions , and you will find the presbyterian heritors , whether of the nobility or gentry , to be p●oprietors and possessors of two millions and more ; so that those that are episcopally inclined cannot have a third of that kingdom ; and as for the citizens or burgesses , and commonalty of scotland , they are all generally inclined to the presbyterian government except papists , and some remote , wild , and barbarous highlanders , who have not a true notion of a deity , acknowledge neither king nor superiour , but the chief of their tribe , and have little subsistence but by rapin and plunder , and who ought to be subdued and reduced by force , and garrisons placed amongst them ; without which , they can never be kept in order , or obliged to serve the precepts of law or gospel . all which is true , and can be made appear to a demonstration . finis . the censors censured, in a brief discourse to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church : written in the year 1651, but not printed till now. edmonds, hugh. 1661 approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a37900 wing e178a estc r36147 15612637 ocm 15612637 104118 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37900) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104118) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1590:40) the censors censured, in a brief discourse to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church : written in the year 1651, but not printed till now. edmonds, hugh. [6], 14 p. printed for phil. stephens ..., london : 1661. "to the reader" signed: hugh edmonds. reproduction of original in the sion college library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -government. church of england -apologetic works. episcopacy. presbyterianism -controversial literature. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the censors censvred , in a brief discourse : to which is adjoyned the authors letter to an anti-episcopal minister concerning the government of the church . written in the year 1651. but not printed till now . london : printed for phil. stephensat the kings armes over against middle temple gate in fleetstreet , 1661. to the reader , courteous reader , although the many books which have been already printed in defence of episcopacy , may seem not only to forestal the credit , but to evacuate the use of future impressions , about the same subject ; yet considering the messe of confederate brethren , who are sworn to oppose it , which ( being an oglio of all sects ) is of far greater dimension then the defendant party . i presumed it would not amount to the reckoning of a vanity to enter with my unkeen weapon into the same field : which ( though unworthy to be mustered with those forces of wit , that fight for victory ) may serve ( like the attendants of an army ) to face the enemy . it is the fate of truth for its naked simplicity to be as little known , as trusted , with earthly inhabitants : whereas errour , clothed with glosing variety , finds not only acceptation , but maintenance in the hearts of most . what gangrenes of heresies , and fretting sores of schismatical opinions have infested the body of our national church ? since bishops ( the ministerial preservers thereof in soundnesse of doctrine ) were first divorced from their office , as the history of former ages can yield no examples to parallel , so ( being by satans subtilty heightned to an exquisite degree of wickednesse ) the possible corruption of succeeding times , will want invention to excel . such was the sudden growth of greedy innovations in the black art of enmity , against their ancient guides , that experience hath proved them to be a true exception to the philosophers saying , nemo repente fit turpissimus . and if their master , who raised them to the pinacle of preferment , had not thrown them down headlong by a timely temptation , they would have all turned conceited monarchs , and not lookt over , but for the kingdomes of the earth . it will be as much shame hereafter to report , as it is now grief to remember the fiery generation of those meteors o● men , which ( rising by the fall of our great stars ) have vapoured from the regions both of pulpit and presse , into the houses of the honourable , and musty cottages of the basest people , deluding them into such a lamentable deviation from their right principles , that the greatest part of them ( like benighted drunkards ) are not yet able to finde the way home . the consideration whereof doth offer us so much occasion , to pity the dangerous estate of their diseased souls , that i could wish no better successe to attend this work , then that , by detecting the malignant distemper of their faults , it may become a direction for their recovery . but knowing that habituated crimes will not readily yield to a seperation from the subjects that possesse them , and that custome in sin , ( holding reason in bondage to the dominion of sense ) doth seldome nauseate the sinner to a detestation thereof . i am disposed to doubt , that the event will be unanswerable to the scope of my desire . however the chiefest part of this book being written in time of persecution , when tyranny had stated the tribes of all honest men in a fitter capacity of receiving wrongs then giving reasons , i shall not now disown the exposing thereof to publick view , though it happen to make a fermentation of humours in the cholerick stomacks of our english pharisees . for being set forth with the same intention wherewith it was first penned , more to declare my willingnesse to approve , then ability of mind to defend the right of episcopal government . it may not be coujectured to be composed with confidence to confute those that deny , but out of love to confirm them who believe the same . to thee therefore , gentle reader , whosoever thou art of this number , do i principally dedicate this my labour , wherein if thou apprehend nothing deserving thy condemnation , but the truth of my affection to the welfare of the church , it will be applause enough to satisfie the expectation of thy well-wishing friend , hugh edmonds . the censors censured . as in natural , so in bodies politique , there are no distempers more smartly afflicting , than those which invade the most noble parts , and amongst the many causes , which work a solution of unity , in a civill constitution of government , the corrupt humours of a brain-sick clergy are the most intrinsecal . the truth whereof , though we have by the sad experiences of our own past miseries been better taught to bewail , than dispute ; yet being farther instructed by the present discovery of their propagated mischiefs ( notwithstanding the bountiful rayes of mercy diffused amongst them from our englands sun ) we cannot but account it a pitifull folly to commiserate them , who think it a virtue to be cruel to themselves ; for they , whom neither the sense of their own sin , nor apprehension of the kings pardon can reform , must needs be not onely the charity , which submitteth to the worst of governours , and it may be justly feared , that no true concordance will inhabit the centre , whilest such heteroclites are left to lurk in the circumference of the church , who will rather professe themselves st. peters animals by standing out in their own conceit , than st. pauls souls in stooping to the authority of their lawful superiours , neither can they be well thought fit trustees for the securitie of the gospels treasure , who having once shipwrackt their allegiance to the king , are still bankrupt of faith and honesty . those are the old stocks , whereupon satan hath graffed the variety of sects , which hath been the shame , and is yet the grief of englands church , whose first non conformity to canonical orders , hath been the very originals , whereunto the many copies of obstinate fanaticks , that are now extant , have their true reference , who following the tracts of st. judes murmurers , in admiration of some mens persons for advantage sake , do dissociate themselves from the community of saints , not only in opinion , but practise , than which nothing can be more destructive to the concord and peaceable unanimity of spiritual congregations ; for as in physical compositu●s , a violent disunion of integrable parts breeds a more dangerous shisme in the body , than a humerous distemper ; so in ecclesiastical corporations , an actual seperation from the catholick fellowship of beleevers in gods service is a greater pandor to confusion , than the scandal of a speculative distraction . it is time therefore for our seminary presbyters , who have been the protoplastiques of a rebellious generation , both in church and state , to make a confession of their past faults , as well as their present faith to the king. they are now sufficiently read in the book of their own consciences to know , nemo periculosius peccat , quam qui peccata defendit , to apologize for sin is more damnable , than to act it , and not to retract inexcusable errours , doth as much unqualifie a delinquent for mercy , as the perpetration thereof can adapt him to justice . repentance , though it may be too soon ended , can never bee too late begun ; he , that lives like st. lukes judge on the bench , neither fearing god , nor regarding man , may have the grace to die like the jewes theef on the crosse , with profession of both ; for that power which expresly denyeth forgivenesse to one sin onely , doth implicitely conceede a possibility of pardon to all others . on this consideration it would be worth their paines to translate their petition for presbytery into a suit for indempnity , and publickly to acknowledge his majesties declaration which is the proof of his grace , to be an argument of their guilt , who ( like cunning fencers , that aim at the legs , when they intend to veny the pate ) under a reformative pretence of destroying those revenous beasts , which worry the people , begg'd leave of their master to hunt the kingdome , which being granted , they took liber●y of themselves to make him their chief game : for it is well known from dan to beersheba , that the credit of their false doctrine was the very leaven wherewith the people were first moulded into a sowre lump of armed malice against their sovereigne . and i may truly say , it was the unlucky boutefen , which not only yielded smoak to smother all treaties into a nullity of successe , but that gave light also to clear the way for more active instruments then themselves to take off the head of our eternally renowned saint charles , together with the government from his soulders ; for although they entred not the stage with those miscreants that personated pilate in the fifth act ; yet because they appeared with others who playd the parts of annas and caiphas , in the first scene of the tragedy , we may justly christen them the grandfathers in law of that bloudy fact , which being unmatchable in humane stories , may be in some sort compared to the crafty complement of the cruel wolfe in the fable , who told the sheep , da mihi potum , & ego mihi dabo cibum , meaning to eat him up for his courtesie . a fact , which as former ages have not been so learnedly wicked to invent , so i hope the future will be more honestly wise than to imitate ; a fact , which may schoole our kings of england into a use of the italians prayer , to be delivered from their friends whom they trust , as well as from their enemies whom they fear , and inform the people with the spaniards soul , rather to sheath their swords in one anothers bowels upon private quarrels , than to draw them against their sovereign in open war. but , if the recognition of such an execrable murder be not caution enough for subjects to restrain them from rebellion , let the memorable example of the amalekites punishment be their exhortation to obedience , 2 sam. 1. 13 , 14. who ( though a stranger to sauls kingdome , and by them requested to conclude his pain with the inference of death ) was by davids command for touching the lords anointed , instantly condemned to loose his life . if kings lives then are so precious in gods account , that they may not be touched in the heat of proclaimd hostility , what a cursed sin must that be , which justifieth those who take them away in cold bloud ? by these animadversions i hope the whole host of spirituall officers , who have fought against the regiment of the church , will be victoriously fens'd into a unanimous iudgement , that it is far better for them to have the apostles doctrine in their hearts , then the scots discipline in their hands , to be content with that estate wherein they have been , then to covet that wherein they ought not to be , to submit to the king in causes ecclesiastical , rather then by calling his power in question , to abuse their own authority in the gospel , to give caesar his , will be no substraction from their due , had not our saviour paid for himself and peter , it might be doubted , whether the clerks of this age ( like the old egyptian priests ) would not plead their estates untributary , as well as their offices unsubj●ct to the king. with what tenure of spiritual power they are invested jure divino , none but those laicks whom the popes mandate hath screen'd from the sun-shine of gods word , can be ignorant . the officious acts of jehoiada to jehoash , and nathan to david , are not only presidents to warrant the right , but boundaries to limit the extent of their claim ; they must instruct kings as the one , and may reprove them as the other did , which was not executed by an excommunicative scourge to make david do pennance for his offence , but with the monition of a meek spirit , to give him a penitent sense thereof ; for as the act of reproof argued the king to be gods subject : so the mode of reproving maintain'd him to be the proph●ts sovereign . and thus i believe azariah withstood vzziah by no other force , save that of the tongue , whose aim was to strike at the fact , not the person of the king , to induce him into a consciousnesse of his fault , not to require his submission to punishment , which , because immediately inflicted of god ▪ supposeth him priviledg'd not to receive it from man : so that rebus sic stantibus , our ministerial guides have little reason , and lesse grace to pride themselves in their ghostly authority of reb●●ing kings , such verbal reprehensions being no more then religious servants ( not adventuring beyond the sphear of their calling ) may lawfully practise towards their ungodly masters ; for as it is the resolve of divines , that in case of neccessity quil●bet christianus est sacerdos , so it is not only the liberty , but the duty of every one in gods case boldly to reprove an offending brother , as i think my self bound to tell the associated brethren , that they have highly wronged the majesty of god & the king , both by their orall and manual prolusions to introduce a new fangled government in the church , & that it will be more safe for them to observe the duty of looking into their own , then the false commission of overseeing their superiours actions , the performance whereof might happily make that saying ex culpa sacerdotum ruina populi , to be as well known to themselves , as felt by others , and convert the hypocrisie , which some do , into the sincerity of obedience , which all should professe ; for though none of them be puritanized into donatisme , but can protest it their necessary obligation to reverence the kings person , yet most are so far sublimated from the drosse of superstition , that they cannot without defiling their consciences vaile to the train of his ceremonious titles , they can easily concoct supream governours , dryly swallowed , but with the sawce of ecclesiastical causes it quite nauseates their stomacks , and the name of head is more offensive to their palates , then perfumes are to the nostrils of those that are grieved with an histerical passion ; a monstrous straw for such mighty men to stumble at , which may be put in the same ballance with that of their schismatical predecessours in the conference at hampton court , who were scandalized with the word absolution in the liturgy , but well content with the term remission of sins . what difference there is betwixt supream governour and head in a notional acception , is more fit for grammatical criticks , then politick christians to inquire , as they are complicated in one subject , and determined to a constant onenesse both of action and end , they must by the rules of honesty as well as art , be construed synonymous , and in a promiscuous manner adjudged to contract their literal variety into an identity of sense . indeed we cannot deny but the title of supream head was first given to king henry the eight by the pope , who being by his own institution in the world ( as the soul is in the body by gods creation ) totus in toto , and not onely singulis , but universis major , cannot be supposed to part with a piece of himself but for his own ends ; yet we conceive it no trespasse against any canon , either of scripture or reason , to convert that to a good use , which was first bestowed to an ill purpose , but for presbyters to take that away for the better esteem of their own authority , which was given by the pope , to disgrace the kings jurisdiction in the church , is no lesse unreasonable to devise , then irreligious to practise . that great bulwark of objection , ( christ is the sole head of the church , ergo no other can have the title ) which hath been presumed too strong for an army of schoolmen to beat down , must necessarily yield upon terms to our side . for although as the church is internally considered in respect of the kingdome of grace , and our saviour christ as lord thereof , by right of redemption , ruling the hearts of the faithful by his spirit , there is no subjection allowable , nor headship to be attributed but to him only ; yet as he is king by right of creation , loving an imperial sovereignty over all his creatures , and the church in a militant condition , which ( by reason of an inseperable commixture of good and bad , and common relation of the inward and outward man ) doth necessarily require an external policy to maintain a uniformity and order in the worship of god , so he hath ordained his vicegerent on earth to whom both clergy and laity must be subject . and in this qualification of sense kings may be truly stiled supream heads in causes ecclesiastical , within their dominions ; thus samuel called saul the head of the tribes of israel , 1 sam. 15. 17. which in eodem signo rationis doth imply all persons , as well ecclesiastical as civil in that commonwealth , to be his subordinate members . and that the priests were subject in their very offices to the supreame power of their magistrates , 2 chron. 8. solomons acts in ordering their courses , and appointing the levites to their charges , ( who in manifestation of their duty are said not to depart from the commandement of the king ) do sufficiently evidence , whose authority likewise to punish sins of the first table , that refer to religion as well as those of the second , which belong to humane society . gods own prescript laws to moses , deut. 13. deut. 17. levit. 17. are the authentique seals to confirm , whereunto we may annex that fact of our saviour christ himself , chastising the jewish pedlers , by vertue of his divine royalty , for profanation of the temple , as an exemplary proof beyond all exception . having pickt out the pith of their divinity in the former objection , there resteth one hard argument more a break , wherein lies the marrow of their logick , if the power , say they , in ecclesiastical matters be proper to the supream magistrate as a magistrate , then it should belong to all magistrates , and consequently to the heathen : the definition of a magistrate being one in christian and heathen princes ; but this would be both sinful and ridiculous to assert , ergo that cannot lawfully be maintained . truly this is a witty sophisme , which deserves the reply of an ingenious respondent in the philosophers school , salse profecto , sed falso quidem . i presume the same learning which qualified them to oppose others , may enable them to answer themselves in this point ; for if their consequence be good , baals priests had as much right to the service of the temple , as the levitical clergy-men , neither can our protestant ministers have a better title to the dispensation of christs ordinances , then the officers of the romish church do now claim . therefore if they will honestly defend their own as we do the kings authority in the church , they must acknowledge their argument to be contrary to the principles of art , as their opinion is to the precepts of religion ; for when a restrictive term is adjoyned to an equivocal subject ( as magistrate is ) to argue from an indefinite to a universall , is an illegal consequence , the reason is , because what is attributed by such a note of limitation , is not an absolute but a comparate propriety , which doth convenire subjecto mediante alio , as the power of the king in c●uses eccl●siastical is not proper to him , simply secundum naturam , but relatively as he is a true christian magistrate ; according to which univocation , if their argument had been formed , the consequence would be logically true . but as we do appropriate this power onely to kings truly christian , so i must acquaint them that the heathen subjects had such a reverend respect to the authority of the supream magistrate in matters of their idolatrous religion , that aristotle , polit. l. 3. could say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the king is lord and ruler of things that pertain to the gods. to conclude , i wish those men , who ( like the first matter have an indifferency to all forms , and are so unfixedly disposed ●n religion , ●hat they can be content with the sichemites , to ●e circumcised for their advantage , would ( not for wra●h but for conscience sake ) give a seasonable testimony of their obedience by a willing conformity to the kings power in ecclesiastical causes , that the church may be no longer grieved with the rapine of forreign wolves , or 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 , but that sound doctrine may flourish within her gates , and true discipline be established in her borders , to which end the lord send us a speedy restauration of our ancient government by the hands of zerubbabel and joshua , the king and the bishop , that as we are baptized in one faith , so we may be subject to one rule , & as we are of one body , we may be all of one mind , to worship god both in the purity and beauty of holinesse , and to preserve the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace . amen . finis . the qvestion concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56256 of text r19874 in the english short title catalog (wing p418). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 21 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56256 wing p418 estc r19874 12731718 ocm 12731718 66500 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56256) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66500) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 254:e162, no 4) the qvestion concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated parker, henry, 1604-1652. [4], 12 p. printed for robert bostock, london : 1641. "the epistle dedicatory" signed: h. p. attributed to henry parker. cf. blc. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. great britain -religion -17th century. a56256 r19874 (wing p418). civilwar no the question concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated. parker, henry 1641 3815 1 5 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the qvestion concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated . london , printed for robert bostock , 1641. to the most reverend and gracious father in god , my lord primate of ireland . my lord , in a discourse lately written concerning puritans , i had occasion offred me to declare my opinion against the divine right of episcopacie . those reasons which i then urged , seemed weak to your grace , as i have heard , which was a great discouragement to me : but i thought it not fit to desert so well a seeming cause , and to resigne my judgement presently upon a meere discouragement . i have since summoned up some more deep and retired thoughts , that i might gain a more just cause to retract my error , or to cleere the truth , and persist in my assurance . the question of episcopacie , i think , i have now rightly stated , and if i am not deceived , i have let in such light upon it , that judicious men will now more easily ransack the profundity of it . certainly the matter of it self is of great difficulty , and of great moment in these times , and it was not any confidence in my own wit that first ingaged me in it , but the knowledge of my candor , and freedome from private respects . no man living , i conceive , can be more dispassionate , or more disinteressed in this case then i am , the heat of my own mind could never yet thrust me into any faction , or make me turbulent in the world , neither has any impression from without either by hope of gain , or fear of dammage stirr'd up sleeping passion in me . of my selfe i rather wish well then ill to episcopacie , because it is so antient a government ; and for my own interest i have found more friendship then enmity from bishops , so that i am certain , there is nothing but the simple love of truth , as it is truth , is the bias of my actions at this time . as for the presbyteriall discipline also , i have so laid open my opinion concerning that , that if i have erred therein , i am sure the world can charge me of nothing else but error . had all men which have formerly treated of this subject , been as unswayde by private interests as i am , this controversie had not bin so long protracted as it is ; but your grace knowes well , that scarce any but bishops have maintained bishops hitherto ; nor scarce any opposed them , but such as have found some opposition from them ; my lord , i now begge your gracious favour to lay aside your palle , and to put on the same impartiall man in perusing these papers , as i now am whilst my pen is upon them : for i know there is none has a more cleere spirit , and lesse liable to the grosse dampe of worldly respects then your self . let this my humble addresse be a testimony at this time that i am not a prejudging , factious enemy to all bishops , and let your gracious acceptance of the same be as strong a crisis that your grace is not a prejudging factious enemie to all which maintaine not bishops . your graces in all observance most humbly devoted , h. p. the question concerning the divine right of episcopacie truly stated . the question about episcopacie hath never yet been truly stated , nor the chief points of it methodically distributed , and this is the cause that it is now become so intricate and involved to the great disturbance of the world ; for satisfaction therefore herein , the first thing to be questioned is the quid esse of episcopacy , and what is separable from the order of it , as it is now constituted in england . according to bishop bilson , there are foure things necessary in religion . 1. dispensing of the word . 2. administring of the sacraments . 3. imposing of hands in ordination . 4. guiding of the keyes . the first two of these being the ordinary means of salvation , he attributes generally to all ministers : the other two respect the clensing and governing of the church , and are committed ( as he saith ) to bishops onely , and not ; to all presbyters equally , least by a parity of rule confusion follow , and ruine upon confusion . it seems then , that the end of religion is , that god be duly served , and the end of churchpolicie , that religion be wisely maintained . and for the wise maintenance of religion , it behooveth not only that some peculiar chosen men be separated & dedicated to officiate before god , and to direct and assist others in the offices of devotion , but also that all anarchy and confusion be avoided amongst those that are so chosen into the priesthood . thus farre there needs no dispute : the main branches then of this controversie are three . 1. who are designed by god to be governours over the priesthood for avoiding of confusion . 2. what proportion of honour , revenue , power in ecclesiasticall and in temporall affairs is due to those governours . 3. what are the proper , distinct offices of that government to be executed & undergone . as to the first main branch , the first question is , who is supreme head of the church under christ : whether the prince as bishop gardiner first held under h. 8. or the bishop of rome , as sir thomas more held , or the aristocracy of bishops , as dr. downing holds , or the democracie of presbyters and lay-elders , as calvin taught ; if scripture be expresse in any precept to this purpose , or any canon extending to all places and times , we must look no farther : but if no such expresse rule be , nor no necessity of any such , nor divines were ever yet agreed upon any such , it seems that under the king , that junto of divines , statesmen , and lawyers in parliament , which hath a legislative power over the state , hath the same over the church . and if the king have not the same supreme power in spirituall as in temporall things , it is either for want of sanctity in his person , or for want of capacity in his judgement : but that the prince is more then temporall , and of sanctity competent for supremacie of rule in the church is sufficiently evinced by bilson , hooker , &c. against calvin , and the papists , and presbyterians both ; and that defect of judgement is no bar in the church more then in the state , is apparent ; for if the king be unlearned , yea , an infant , lunatick , &c. yet by his counsels and courts of law , warre and policie , he may govern the common-wealth well enough ; and it little skilleth whether he be lawyer , souldier , or polititian : and there is the same reason in the church . and if we admit the king to be supreme head of the church , i think no man will deny but that the fittest policie for him to govern the church by , will be the same pattern by which he governeth the state , making as little difference between them as may be ; for it is the same body of men now , of which both state and church are compacted , and so it was not in the apostles times ; and the same body hath the same head now , as it had not in the beginning : for tiberius was then the head of the christians , but the enemy of christian religion . so the main {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} remaining is , whether the king having power to chuse subordinate officers and counsellors in the church , may or ought to chuse such as are meerly spirituall or meerly temporall , or a mixture of both . the papists hold no governours over the clergy competent , neither supreme , nor subordinate , but such as are meerly spirituall : the protestants every where almost but in england , incline to a mixt government in the church , though they exclude the king quatenus king : in the mean while , we in england admit of the king for our supreme governour , but doubt of any subordinate mixt government . 't is not my taske at this present to dispute the conveniency of a mixt government , and an association of spirituall and lay rulers : but i think the presbyterians have sufficiently asserted it though to another purpose . and it seems to me , that the apostolicall form of government , as to the supremacy of it , is not now in force , because there is not the same reason , that head being then wanting in the church which is since supplied ; but as to any constitution in the subordinate wheels of government , if the laity had then any motion or influence therein , i think the same reason still remaines , and the same form ought still to be in force . in the second branch : be the subordinate governours of the church mixt or simple , either according to the popish or presbyterian discipline : the question is , whether or no , such ecclesiasticall governours ought to be vested , and dignified with temporall honours above the judges of the land , and equall with the peeres of the realme , and whether or no they ought to enjoy temporall revenues proportionable to that honour , and power in secular affairs correspondent to those revenues ; and if so , whether by divine or humane constitution . also if these differences were added ( as bishop bilson acknowledgeth ) rather for the honour of the calling , then for any necessity of gods law , it is next to be questioned , whether or no a parliament hath not now power and cause to reduce these additions of episcopacy into more modest limits , for it seems that from adam till christ , no such grandour and splendor was in church-men , nor from christ to constantine , and from constantine to the reformation , we know how they were abused to the mischief of the church , and decay of religion ; and in the reformation , we know all nations besides us did utterly remove them : and we know that the church in england is now much impoverished by many impropriations and commendams , &c. now deteined by bishops and cathedrals , besides that which it suffers by lay-men ; and it seems strange that the pastors of the flock should be starved , that prelates should abound , and swim in too great excesse : and that the meer livelyhood of holy preachers should be held lesse necessary then the proud pomp of unusefull ( nay as some think ) mischievous dominators . as to the third branch : if the end of episcopacy ( as bishop bilson holds ) be to prevent the confusion of parity in the church , we are first to question , whether ordination by imposition of hands , and guiding of the keyes be necessary to episcopacy , and so necessary , as that confusion cannot be prevented without them : all wise men will allow some authority requisite , whereby ministers may be duly elected , and their true qualifications of learning and integrity tried , and that being rightly elected , they may be further consecrated by prayer and the solemnity of hands , and being consecrated , that they may be further instituted , and designed to some particular charge . the presbyterians do not dislike such authority , nor are negligent in the same : the question is therefore onely , to whom this authority may be committed , whether to bishops onely , or to some such judicatory as the presbyterians use , or some other of humane institution . as for example , if the vniversities , or some select committee therein , be intrusted to try the sufficiency of scholars , and to give orders , and upon the vacancy of a rectory to present three , &c. to the king , and the king out of those three to present two , &c. to the parish , and the parish out of two to chuse one for their pastour , the question onely is , whether such election , ordination , presentation , and induction , be not as legall , and religious , as if it were by bishops , and be not far more politike in preventing simony , and in better satisfying the right of the flock , whose soules are mainly concerned , and whose tithes are to that purpose contributed . and now it seemes s. ierome allowes no further use of bishops to have been of old : for he sayes plainly , that a bishop differs from a presbyter in no act exceptâ ordinatione : and as for the power of the keyes , that has been alwaies held common to the whole clergie : but we wil not stand upon this , we will freely grant an authority necessary as well to superintend over ministers in their charges , as to place them therein , and when b. bilson appropriates to bishops the guiding of the keyes , we will understand not the meere power of them , but the government of that power : we will admit also under this terme of guiding the keyes to be comprehended 1. the power of making ecclesiasticall canons . 2. of giving judgement , and executing according thereto . 3. of issuing the sentence of excommunication . 4. of deciding controversies . and the question now is , whether the keyes may not be so guided by some other ecclesiasticall judges and magistrates besides bishops , if the king thinke fit to designe them , for first , the legislative power of the church was never yet only committed to bishops , the whole clergie , and the king were never yet excluded from synods , and councels , neither are the acts of synods and councels binding to any nation unlesse the secular states ratifie them . and i think , there is no question of the validity of such canons as are now made in those protestant countries , where bishops have no command , or being at all . and secondly , spirituall jurisdiction is not only appropriated to bishops , but to lay-men under bishops , canonists and civilians are held more able and knowing herein than bishops , and bishops are held lesse fit by reason of their more sacred imployments : so the question here will be only this , whether or no the jurisdiction of lawyers , and such like , as now execute justice in the spirituall courts under bishops will be as competent under the king without bishops as it is now under bishops immediately . some say , that chancellours &c. are not meere lay-men , no matter : for by the same reason any others to whom such ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be committed by the king shall be held sacred , and if they are not meere lay-men , yet they are not meere bishops ; if they are preferred to some equality with the clergie , yet they are not preferred above the clergie , and this preferment is no other , but such as may be bestowed upon any other lay-man , that is not otherwise insufficient . and even amongst presbyterians there is a forme of jurisdiction , and i think not held vaine , or unlawfull by any : and even in cases of heresie , blasphemie , &c. which are most spirituall , if none can so rightly judge what is heresie , blasphemy , &c. as spirituall governours , yet this proves not any necessity of bishops , for the fact may be tryed , & execution awarded by others , and nothing but an assistance of councell from spirituall men will be needfull . in the third place also , if excommunication be still held of necessity , and all other temporall authority defective without it , if it be concluded to be perpetuall , notwithstanding the decay of prophecy , and the supply of other christian jurisdiction , and if it be to be extended also to all persons in all cases as our christian court now extends it ( which seemes to me a strange , obscure , unproved thing ) yet the only question is , whether it may not continue in the church , and be still ordered and guided without episcopacy : for it seemes that the presbyterians , though they use not excommunication for such violent , rigorous purposes as the papists doe , yet they are more severe in it then ever the fathers were before the law or under the law : and yet notwithstanding , their authority of using it , is not excepted against by their enemies . and fo●rthly , if it be granted that bishops were first introduced for the preventing of schismes and factions in the church , as being held the fittest meanes for to procure the decision of controversies , and the determination of disputes in religion : yet the question is whether discord and division may not be prevented , and difficulties of dispute as conveniently resolved by some other as by episcopall authority : for it seemes there is great difference inter ecclesiam constitutam , and ecclesiam constituendam , and between a church whose supreme governor is ill affected to it , & a church whose prince is an indulgent father to it : so that episcopacy cannot be now of the same use , as it was at first in the infancy of the persecuted church . and it seemes that amongst all other protestants both calvinists and lutherans where bishops rule not , controversies are not so manifold , nor innovations in religion so easie to be induced , nor factions in the church so dangerously maintained , as they are in england under the sway of bishops . it seemes also in all great emergent occasions of division and dissention in points of doctrine , that if our two famous vniversities were consulted , and in case of disagreement there , if london , as our third oracle should arbitrate by a junto of all her divines , the decision would be farre more honorable and satisfying to all , than if any one bishop , or any province , or nation of bishops should attempt to give the like . and to conclude this point , the solemn use of synods , councels , and parliaments does not at all depend upon episcopacy , so that it seemes as to this purpose no necessity can be alledged for the government of bishops , as bishops are now qualified in england . these branches if they were thus orderly discussed by moderate , conscionable , & learned divines , many incomparable advantages in probabilitie would arise thereby : for first , the very foundations of popery would be laid open and naked , the very center of that tyrannous united empire which has subjugated the world so long under such base slavery , would be ript up , and all its infernall mysteries discovered to the sun . secondly , that unpolitike axiome , no bishop , no king , whereby bishops have alwayes imbarqued princes in their warres , would appeare to be sophisticate , and a meere color without all substance of reason . thirdly , many great fruits of peace and unity both ecclesiasticall and civill would redound to our whole nation . those many mischiefs which attend episcopacy , against which the complaints are so grievous and universall would be remedied . that new module of government which so many have so variously phansied , and proposed in these latter times would open it self , and offer it self to us of its own accord . the pattern of the state would be sufficient to present to us a fit & harmonious pattern for the church : and the body and head of both church and state would appeare to be the self same . the king should be the same in both , and councels and courts govern under him by the same commission in both . a power to ordain fit ministers , and to put a finall end to controversies and dissentions might be committed to the vniversities , and some gentle influence by votes affirmative or negative might be also allowed therein to the laytie . the power of making articles and orders for decency and peace in the church might remaine unalter'd in the kings clergie , and parliament : able civill and canon lawyers might still sit in their tribunals taking cognizance of such cases , as are truly ecclesiasticall , and have not been by usurpation of the hierarchy wrongfully wrested out of the temporall courts : and the spirituall sword of excommunication might still be gently weelded in the same hands as it has been , when it is necessary . an assistance of godly divines in all cases of conscience might be allotted to the k. and all his judges and magistrates upon occasion , without wholly drawing them from their charges , and this would be no lesse effectuall , then that of the greatest prelates . the inconveniences of the presbyterian discipline also which is not so adequate and conformable to monarchy would be rectified . and lastly , the bleeding church which had so great a part of her patrimony torn from her by hen. 8. by the addition of episcopall and cathedrall livings might be healed up , and restored to her antient grace and vigour . finis . to the high and honourable court of parliament. the humble petition of sundry of the nobles, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and divers thousands of the inhabitants of the county palatine of chester, whose names are subscribed to the several schedules hereunto annexed. in answer to a petition delivered on to the lords spirituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester, concerning episcopacie. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a94441 of text r205594 in the english short title catalog (wing t1396d). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a94441 wing t1396d estc r205594 45578469 ocm 45578469 172383 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a94441) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172383) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2628:5) to the high and honourable court of parliament. the humble petition of sundry of the nobles, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and divers thousands of the inhabitants of the county palatine of chester, whose names are subscribed to the several schedules hereunto annexed. in answer to a petition delivered on to the lords spirituall and temporall, by sir thomas aston, baronet, from the county palatine of chester, concerning episcopacie. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london? : 1641] imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the jesus college (university of cambridge) library. eng aston, thomas, -sir, 1600-1645. episcopacy. cheshire (england) -religion -17th century. great britain -religion -17th century. broadsides -england -17th century. a94441 r205594 (wing t1396d). civilwar no to the high and honourable court of parliament, the humble petition of sundry of the nobles, knights, gentry, ministers, freeholders, and di [no entry] 1641 2789 7 0 0 0 0 0 25 c the rate of 25 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-09 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the high and honourable court of parliament . the humble petition of sundry of the nobles , knights , gentry , ministers , freeholders , and divers thousands of the inhabitants of the county palatine of chester , whose names are subscribed to the several schedules hereunto annexed . in answer to a petition delivered in to the lords spirituall and temporall , by sir thomas aston , baronet , from the county palatine of chester , concerning episcopacie . humbly shew ; that whereas divers petitions , by the practise of the prelates and our present diocesan , have been lately posted about this county for the continuance of our present exorbitant hierarchie and church-government , under which the whole kingdome hath long time groaned , and the hands of many persons of sundry qualities ( sollicited to the same by the prelates agents ) with intent to be preferred to this honourable house , which we conceiving , not so much to ayme at our church and prelates reformation , as at the maintenance of their absolute jurisdiction and innovations both in religion and government , which will give the greatest advantage to the adversaries of ou● religion : we hold it our duties to disavow them all , especially that lately tendred to the lords spirituall and temporall , by sir thomas aston baronet . and hu●bly pray , that we incurre no mis-censure , if any such scattered papers have ( without our privitie ) surreptitiously assumed the name of our county . we , ( as all other counties of this realme ) are deeply sensible of the many common and heavie grievances ( under which the whole three kingdomes suffer ) occasioned by the prelates , and have just cause to rejoyce at , and acknowledge with thankfullnesse , the pious care already taken by your honours for the suppressing of the growth of popery ; the better supply of able ministers in all places to instruct the people ; removing of all innovations , and for your indeavours to suppresse and remove our lordly prelates , the sole authors of all our present miseries , innovations , and most professed enemies of the gospell : and we doubt not but in your great wisdomes you will not only regulate the rigour of their exorbitant ecclesiasticall courts , but likewise wholly extirpate them , as neither suiting with the temper of our laws , nor the nature of free-men . and when we consider , that diocesan lordly bishops , superiour to presbyters , were neither instituted , nor heard of , in the time of the apostles , who alwayes ordayned a sundry bishops in every particulor congregation , and those all equall in authority ; not one bishop over many hundred churches , and he paramount his fellow presbyters : that our b church of england ( with that of scotland ) from the first plantation of the gospell here , in the apostles dayes , for some hundred of yeares after had no bishops at all to governe it . that c all ancient authors and historians unanimously record , that our archbishops and bishops , succeeded the heathenish arch-flammines and flammines here planted in times of paganisme , both in their institution , jurisdiction and seas ; and so are onely of ethnicall or diabolicall , not apostolicall institution . that they were the greatest fire-brands of contention , and authors of d all the schismes in the first generall councels , and primitive-church . that so many of them have sowed the tares of heresie , popery , schisme , rebellion , sedition , e opposed , excommunicated , dethroned , yea murthered christian kings , emperours , and raysed up many bloody warres to the effusion of much christian blood , in all kingdomes , where they have swayed ; preserved and rescued popery and heresie from utter extirpation in this and former ages ; exceeded the primitive persecuters in martyring and shedding the blood of gods deare saints . that to them we owe the corruption of the purity of the gospell we now professe , with romish errors and superstitions , as your honou●s have already unanimously voted . that many of them for the propagation of popery , and suppressing of the truth ( especially the arch-prelate of canterbury , william laud , accused by your honours , and committed to the tower of london for * high treason against his majesty , our laws , and established religion ; bishop wren , bishop mountague , bishop pierce , bishop goodman , and others now in question before this honourable assembly ) are like to become glorious martyrs in the roman calendar . that ( not divers , but ) most of them lately , and yet living with us , have been very great oppugners of our religion , indeavouring to reduce or captivate it to the common enemie of rome . and that their tyrannicall , papall , lordly government hath been so long oppugned by f infinite godly martyrs and writers both at home and abroad ; established ( through their own over-swaying power , and undermining subtiltie ) by the common and statute laws of the kingdome made onely in times of popery , but oft exploded or restrained by sundry laws and statutes since the time of reformation , though with little good successe : and as yet there is nothing in their doctrine ( generally taught , when they rarely preach ) but what is dissonant from the word of god , or the articles ratified by law . in this case , not to call their government , a perpetuall vassalage , an intollerable bondage . and ( prima facie , though not , inaudita altera parte , of whom your honours have heard so much evill already in the committees for religion ; for the high commission , bishop wren , bishop peirce , the ministers londoners , and other counties petitions against prelacie ) not to pray the removall of them , and not to seek the utter desolation and ruine of their offices as ●●●hristian ( as divers counties else have done in their petitions to your honours , ) we cannot conceive but to relish of injustice , and uncharitablenesse , both to the so●●●● bodies and estates of us and our posteritie ; nor can we joyne with them who petition for their continuance . but on the contrary , when we consider the tenor of such writings and books as by the prelates and their agents have been lately spread among the people with their publike allowance ( as the prelates new canons , oath , and act for a malevolent benevolence , for non payment whereof every minister shall at first bout be ipso facto deprived , without the benefit of any appeale , bishop mountagues , dr. heylins , dr. pocklingtons , shelfords , doves , reeves , francis salis , franciscus de sancta clara , their late books , with others : and our prelates letters in nature of commissions , for the collecting of the late lone for the maintenance of the warres against the scots , which bishop peirce affirmed in sundry speeches to the clergie of his diocese , to be bellum episcopale , the bishops warre , using it as the chiefe motive why they should liberally contribute towards it . when we againe ponder the tenents preached publiquely in pulpits , and the contents of many printed pamphlets swarming every where amongst us , * against the frequencie power and use of parliaments ; the right and liberties of the subjects , the propriety of their goods ; in advancing the exorbitant jurisdiction of prelates , their inj●nctions and courts under the name of the church ; their asserting of his majesties absolute power both over the laws , goods , lives and liberties of the subject , and the like ; all of them dangerously tending to the introduction of a lawlesse tyrannie , and arbitrarie form of government both in church and state ; to rob his majestie of the hearts and loyall affections of his people : and then further consider , not onely the bishops severall usurpations of the sole power of the keyes , and ordination , but likewise their intimations of their desire of the full power of the sword , that they in their severall courts ( as they doe in all their high-commissions ) may execute both ecclesiasticall and civill censu●es within themselves . we cannot but expresse our just feares , that their intention is to introduce an absolute innovation of tyrannicall and papall government : whereby we who are now governed only by the common and statute laws of this realme made in parliament , shall be governed ( as our anti-petitioners confesse we are ) only by the canon and civill laws ( which the now g archbishop of canterbury professed he would introduce and governe us by ) made and dispensed only by twenty-six ordinaries and their under-officers ( or rather only by one over-potent arch-prelate ) not easily responsible to parliaments , for their deviations from the rules of law , so long as they enjoy such ample lordly revenues , continue lords in parliament , lords of the privie counsell , and greatest swaying officers in the realme , h able to dissolve even parliaments themselves in case they attempt to question them ( as we know by many late experiments ; ) whereas if we were governed ( as was the i primitive church ) by a numerous presbytery and ruling elders , ( farre lesse in power , though more in number ) according to the laws of god , and those this honourable assembly ( not the convocation , or every bishop in his diocese at his meere pleasure ) shall prescribe ; we dare assure our selves , no such inconveniences shal be found in that government , equivalent to those of episcopacie ; which how corrigible they have been by parliaments and councels , how ill consistent with a monarchie ; and how dangerously conducible to an anarchie ; their incorrigiblenesse , treasons , rebellions , conspiracies , with the warres and tumults occasioned by them in all former ages , and now , abundantly manifest . and therfore we have just cause to pray against their continuance , as fearing their consequences would prove the utter losse of pietie , libertie , unitie , peace , laws , and divine learning , and necessarily produce an extermination , if not of nobilitie , gentrie , and order , yet certainly of religion , and all true pietie . with what vehemencie and arrogancie of spirit the prelates and their instruments have prosecuted all good ministers and people of all sorts , even to the losse of members , blood , libertie , life , goods , fortunes : and how many thousands of his majesties good subjects they have driven out of the realme into forraigne parts ; and how plausible your honourable proceedings in this present session of parliament against their innovations , canons , exorbitances , ( yea , and their very callings too ) have been to the whole kingdome ( who daily blesse god for them ) we need not represent to your honours . and therfore humbly pray , that some present speedie course may be taken , as in your wisdomes shall be thought fit , to suppresse all lordly prelates ; together with the importing , printing and dispersing of all popish and arminian bookes , and the calling in and burning of those forenamed , ( especially of the late canons , oarh , and act for the benevolence ) which have produced dangerous discontents both in the clergie and common people , we having great cause to feare , that of all the distempers which at present threaten the welfare of this state , there is none more worthy the mature and grave consideration of this honourable assembly , then to stop the torrent of such ambitious spirits , as lye masked under our lordly prelates white rochets , before they swell beyond the bounds of government , and drown his majesties three whole kingdomes in a deluge of blood , and utter desolation . then we doubt not but his majestie , persevering in his gracious inclination to heare the complaints , and relieve the grievances of his subjects in frequent parliaments , it will so unite the head and the bodie ( severed principally by the practises and continuance of the prelates ) and so indissolublie cement the affections of the people to our royall soveraigne ; that without any future government at all by bishops , he shal be a more absolute and happy prince then any of his predecessors , and shall never want revenue , and honour , nor his people justice . we have presumed to annex a copy of severall petitions exhibited to your honours against the prelates this parliament , and of sundry positions preached by their instruments in this and other counties , which we conceive imply matter of dangerous consequence to the peace both of church and state : together with a briefe remonstrance of sundry grievances , innovations and persecutions , under which we of this county ( especially those of the city of chester ) have miserably suffered , by meanes of our now bishop , and the high-commissioners at yorke . all which we humbly submit to your grave judgements , praying that they may be read , and redressed . subscribed to this petition , eight noblemen . knight baronets , knights and esquires , ninescore and nineteen . divines , one hundred and forty ; not one of them a maker , taker , or approver of the new &c. oath and canons . gentlemen , seven hundred fifty seven . freeholders and other inhabitants , above twelve thousand . all of the same mind , and county , and not one of them a popish recusant . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a94441e-30 a acts 11. 30. c. 14. 23. c , 15. 2. 4 , 6. 22 , 23. c. 16. 4. c. 20. 17. 28. c. 21. 17 , 18. c. 22. 5. phil. 1. 1. 1 tim. 5. 17. c. 3. 1. to 9. c. 4. 14. tit. 1. 5 , 6 , 7. iam. 5. 14. 1 pet. 5. 1 , 2 , rev. 4. 10. c. 5. 11. 14. c. 7. 11. 13. c. 11. 16. c. 19. 4. if than it be of divine and apostolicall institution , that there should be many bishops and presbyters in every particular church ; then it is point blank against it , to erect one bishop over many churches , and one archbishop over many bishops , one patriarch over them and one pope superiour to them all : and if one mans possessing of a plurality of churches hath been ever held infamous and unlawfull in all ages , because he cannot discharge their cure , much more must one bishops superintendencie over many hundreds or thousands of churches , which he cannot duly governe and instruct , be more unlawfull . b see bishop vsher do brit. eccles. primordiu c. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 6 , 7 , 8. c. 16. pag. 800. fordon scotchton l. 3. c. 8. major de gest. scoter . l. 2. c. 2. c bishop vsher de brit. eccles. primordiu c. 5. p. 56 , 57 , 58 , 59. d cent. magd. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. cap. 8. e see baleus de vitis pontificum . the imperiall history . morney his mystery of iniquity . the english and french book of martyrs , holingshead , speed , and goodmans catalogue of bishops . * see his articles . f see catalogus testium veritatu : flagellum pontificu the last edition , and a catalogue of testimonies in all ages , &c. lately printed . * see the archbishops articles , n. 2. g see the archbishops articles art . 1. h archbishops articles , ar. 13. i see the answer to an humble remonstrance . gersonius encerus de gobernat . ecclesiae . ( k ) archbishops charges art. 14. mr. nathanael fines speech in parliamett , febr. 9. p. the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated by will. chillingworth ... chillingworth, william, 1602-1644. 1664 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32851 wing c3884a estc r20665 15586544 ocm 15586544 103987 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32851) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103987) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1589:2) the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated by will. chillingworth ... chillingworth, william, 1602-1644. [2], 5 p. printed by e. cotes ..., london : m.dc.lxiv [1664] imperfect: faded and stained with loss of print; text begins on signature aaa. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. church polity. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-10 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated . by will. chillingworth master of arts of the university of oxford . london , printed by e. cotes dwelling in aldersgate-street . anno dom. m.dc.lxiv . the apostolical institution of episcopacy demonstrated . sect . i. if we abstract from episcopal government all accidentals , and consider only what is essential and necessary to it ; we shall finde in it no more but this : an appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the churches , within a certain precinct or diocess ; and furnishing him with authority ( not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by laws , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants ) to the intent that all the churches under him may be provided of good and able pastors : and that both of pastors and people , conformity to laws , and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by law appointed . sect . ii. to this kind of government , i am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to apostolick institution ; or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of primitive discipline ; or to any law or precept of our lord and saviour jesus christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end ; for obedience to our saviour , is the end for which church-government is appointed . but if it may be demonstrated ( or made much more probable than the contrary ) as i verily think it may : i. that it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the church by the apostles . ii. that it is as complyable with the reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in church or state , or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce as any other kind of government : and , iii. that there is no law , no record of our saviour against it : then , i hope , it will not be thought an unreasonable motion , if we humbly desire those that are in authority , especially the high court of parliament , that it may not be sacrificed to clamour , or over-born by violence : and though ( which god forbid ) the greater part of the multitude should cry , crucifie , crucifie ; yet our governours would be so full of justice and courage , as not to give it up , until they perfectly understand concerning episcopacy it self , quid mali fecit ? sect . iii. i shall speak at this time only of the first of these three points : that episcopacy is not repugnant to the government setled in the church for perpetuity by the apostles . whereof i conceive this which follows is as clear a demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . that this government was received universally in the church , either in the apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this government do themselves confess it . sect . iv. petrus molinaeus in his book de munere pastorali , purposely written in defence of the presbyterial-government , acknowledgeth : that presently after the apostles times , or even in their time ( as ecclesiastical story witnesseth ) it was ordained , that in every city one of the presbytery should be called a bishop , who should have pre-eminence over his colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . and truly , this form of government all churches every where received . sect . v. theodorus beza in his tract , de triplici episcopatûs genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . for , having distinguished episcopacy into three kinds , divine , humane , and satanical ; and attributing to the second ( which he calls humane , but we maintain and conceive to be apostolical ) not only a priority of order , but a superiority of power and authority over other presbyters , bounded yet by laws and canons provided against tyranny : he clearly professeth that of this kind of episcopacy , is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of bishops ( or presidents , as iustin martyr calls them ) in ignatius , and other more ancient writers . sect . vi. certainly , from * these two great defenders of the presbytery , we should never have had this free acknowledgement , ( so prejudicial to their own 〈◊〉 , and so advantagious to their adversaries purpose ) had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth enforced them to it . it will not therefore be necessary , to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymous author of the catalogue of testimonies , for the equality of bishops and presbyters , who affirms , that their disparity began long after the apostles times : but we may safely take for granted that which these two learned adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation laid by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstructure ; that seeing episcopal government is confessedly so ancient and so catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be apostolique . sect . vii . for so great a change , as between presbyterial government and episcopal , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over in a little time . had episcopal government been an aberration from ( or a corruption of ) the government left in the churches by the apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many ages after . variâsse debuerat error ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . had the churches err'd , they would have varied : what therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by error , but tradition . thus tertullian argues very probably , from the consent of the churches of his time , not long after the apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . but that in the frame and substance of the necessary government of the church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the apostles times ; and so universal , as received in all the churches ; this is clearly impossible . sect . viii . for , what universal cause can be assigned or faigned of this universal apostasie ? you will not imagine that the apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any will or testament , when they were dying , this were to grant the question ; to wit , that the apostles , being to leave the government of the churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or foreseeing by the spirit of god , the distractions and disorders , which would arise from a multitude of equals , substituted episcopal government instead of their own . general councels to make a law for a general change , for many ages there was none . there was no christian emperour , no coercive power over the church to enforce it . or , if there had been any , we know no force was equal to the courage of the christians of those times . their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learnt to fight for christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to die for him . ) therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . sect . ix . what device then shall we study , or to what fountain shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the presbyters and other christians then , being the apostles schollers , could be generally ignorant of the will of christ , touching the necessity of a presbyterial government ? or , dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the world over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? imagine the spirit of di●trephes had entred into some , or a great many of the presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides , that the contagion of this ambition , should spread it self and prevail without stop or controul ; nay , without any noise or notice taken of it , through all the churches in the world ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogs so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? sect . x. but let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the presbyters and people then , were not so good christians as the presbyterians are now ; that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of christ's church commanded by christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny , that they were men as we are . and if we look upon them but as meer natural men ; yet , knowing by experience , how hard a thing it is , even for policy arm'd with power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time , to gain upon the liberty of any one people ; undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that , among all the christian presbyteries in the world , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversness from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much with any one , as to oppose this pretended universal invasion of the kingdom of jesus christ , and the liberty of christians . sect . xi . when i shall see therefore all the fables in the metamorphosis acted and prove stories ; when i shall see all the democracies and aristocracies in the world lye down and sleep , and awake into monarchies : then will i begin to believe that presbyterial government , having continued in the church during the apostles times , should presently after ( against the apostles doctrine and the will of christ ) be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transformed into episcopacy . in the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and , in humane reason , impossible , i hope i shall have leave to conclude thus : episcopal government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the church , presently after the apostles times . between the apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . and therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . and therefore episcopacy , being confessed to be so ancient and catholique , must be granted also to be apostolique , quod erat demonstrandum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a32851-e110 * to whom two others also from geneva may be added : daniel chamierus ( in panstratia , tom . 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. sect. 24. ) and nicol. vedelius ( exercitat . 3. in epist. ignatii ad philadelph . cap. 14. & exercit. 8. in epist. ad mariam , cap. 3. ) which is fully also demonstrated in d. hammond's dissertations against blondel ( which never were answered , and never will ) by the 〈◊〉 of those who wrote in the very next age after the apostles . lex talionis, or, the author of naked truth stript naked fell, philip, 1632 or 3-1682. 1676 approx. 90 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41074 wing f644 estc r20137 12676598 ocm 12676598 65573 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41074) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65573) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 353:21) lex talionis, or, the author of naked truth stript naked fell, philip, 1632 or 3-1682. gunning, peter, 1614-1684. lloyd, william, 1627-1717. [2], 42 p. printed for henry brome ..., london : 1676. "first ascribed to dr. peter gunning; afterwards to dr. william lloyd; but on better grounds, it is ascribed to rev. philip fell, fellow of eton college"--halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng croft, herbert, 1603-1691. -naked truth. church of england -apologetic works. episcopacy -history of doctrines. 2003-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-10 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lex talionis : or , the author of naked truth stript naked . london , printed for henry brome at the gun at the west end of st. pauls . mdclxxvi . imprimatur . g. jane r. p. d. hen. episc. lond. à sacris domesticis . lex talionis : or , the author of naked truth stript naked . to the chapter concerning the articles of faith. i have perused the pamphlet which you sent of naked truth , and whereas you require me to give you my opinion of it , though i might refer you to the printed discourse of that worthy person who has animadverted upon it ; yet because this would look like an artificial excusing of pains , and seem only more civilly to disobey , i will trouble you with the cursory reflections which i made upon a hasty view of the aforesaid book ; wherein i shall chiefly aim at two things not particularly designed in the printed answer : first , to shew that this humble moderator ( as he stiles himself ) who pretends in his title to give the true state of the primitive church , is utterly ignorant of ecclesiastical antiquity , and grosly mistaken in the representations he makes thereof . and then secondly , whereas he boldly avers to the lords and commons , to whom he has the confidence to dedicate his libel , that there is nothing therein contained which is contrary to the known laws of the land ; i shall evidence that several things therein contained are as contrary to the known laws as his printing without licence confestly was : and that the book is pernicious , and tending to the disturbance of the establish'd constitution of the church and state. as to the book considered in the gross , my first reflexion about it was , whether it could be the work of the same person , several things being so well , and more so very ill said ; therefore if it hapned to have one single author , it either seem'd the exercise of wit of some sceptic and atheistical derider of religion , who desired to make sport with holy things , and say pro and contra , all that occurr'd to his mind : or else that it was wrote in the different intervals of a craz'd enthusiast , and therefore not unseasonably introduced by a declaration of being the product of fasting and prayer , and seeking of god , venerable words which have not left off to abuse the world : or lastly , ( which seems most probable ) that it was wrote by some ambitious discontented person of the church of england , who not preferred according to his merit , or what may be greater than that , his expectation , his mind being leaven'd with spite and anger , cavils at the present constitution of the church ; and he having in ill humour left off studying , writes out of memory imperfect shreds of antiquity , and yet not able to cast away at once the principles formerly imbib'd , sometimes speaks in favour to conformity , and quarrels the disobedience of dissenters . but to pass from conjectures to that which is more certainly before us . at the first setting out our author tells us , that the primitive church received the apostles creed , as the sum total of faith necessary to salvation . and then disputes , why is it not now so ? which involving an intimation that in the church of england it is not thought so , can only tend to sedition , being an odious suggestion ▪ and absolutely false : and it is known , that scarcely any thing is more particularly insisted on by our church against the papists than their making new articles to the creed . but it seems the fault will rather lie upon us , that with the primitive church , we think the whole creed necessary : for we are bid remember and observe , that the treasurer to candace his creed was only , i believe that iesus christ is the son of god ; and no more that this purch●sed the kingdom of heaven , &c. that is , the articles of the death of our saviour , his resurrection , and ascension ; at least , those of the catholick church , the communion of saints , the forgiveness of sins , and resurrection of the body , are if not superfluous , yet unnecessary speculations . how well this sutes with the close of the athanasian creed , our author would do well to consider : if it shocks it , then he must confess that he has said something contrary to the known laws of the land : the liturgy ( of which that makes a part ) being confirmed by several acts of parliament , and in particular the late one of uniformity . moreover , the statute of primo eliz. which established the oath of supremacy , determining the limits of heresie to be , not only what has been ordered or judged to be so , by the authority of the canonical scriptures , but also by the first four general councils , or any of them ; he may bethink himself , whether the system of what is to be held de fide , by the law of the land , is so narrow as is here pretended . but our author says , philip required no more ●of the eunuch than this short confession , that i believe that iesus christ is the son of god , and that there is no assurance nor great probability that he was more fully instructed ; which is plainly to contradict the text of s. luke , who tells us , that philip ( from the place of isaiah which the eunuch was reading ) began at the same scripture , and preached unto him jesus ; which certainly expresses a greater compass of particularities than is in the short system here proposed . yet farther , it would be considered whether our authors argument be good ; philip required no more , but baptized him on this ; and had the eunuch departed this life in the same instant that philip parted from him , i believe i have better assurance that thi● faith would have saved the eunuch , than any man hath that he was ever taught more ; therefore that confession here required , is a sufficient summary of faith. for sure there is more required as necessary to be known of a man , than of a child in christ. such a knowledge as perswades to the undertaking the covenant and duties of the gospel , may entitle unto baptism ; but yet neither involves the knowledge of the whole gospel , nor supersedes the necessity of it . as to the event of the eunuchs condition had he departed this life immediately after baptism , it is as much to the purpose as if one should say , that if an infant immediately after baptism should depart this life , he would be saved even without the eunuchs creed , therefore even that may well be spared . but after a complaint of the mischiefs arising from the establishment of new and many articles of faith , and requiring all to assent unto them : ( which let them who are guilty of doing answer for it ) the author goes on to say , that for his part he thinks nothing can be more clearly deduced from scripture , nothing more fully expressed in scripture , nothing more sutable to natural reason , than that no man should be forced to believe . whereby he means , or else he can mean nothing , ( for what appears not is as if it were not ) that no man should be forced to declare his belief of any thing . now since the scripture under the severest penalties requires the confession of christ before men , it is not sure contrary to scripture , that persons should be forced to declare their belief ; and if so , will not be thought unsutable to natural reason neither . but now let us see whether this assertion of our author be not contrary to the law of the land , notwithstanding the assurance we have from him who tells us , there is not a word in his discourse against it . the oath of soveraignty , enjoyned by the statute before mentioned , primo eliz. commands the subject to testifie and declare in his conscience , that the kings majesty is the only supreme governour of this realm , and of all other his highness dominions and countries , as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal , &c. so likewise the other tertio iacob . i truly and sincerely acknowledge , profess , testifie , and declare in my conscience before god and the world , &c. and the act of uniformity commands the abjuring of the covenant , and assenting and consenting to every thing contained in the liturgy . and after this , let my author consider with what duty and good manners he concludes , thus you see how impertinent , how irrational , how impious it is to require a man to believe ( that is , profess his belief of ) any thing more than is clearly contained in scripture . the truth is , we , dull as we are , do not at all see this impertinence and unreasonableness , notwithstanding the beautiful illustrations of the eye and the candle , the hammer and the beating out the brains . st. paul hath taught us that heresie is a work of the flesh , and we know pride , and prepossession , and interest are of more concernment therein than want of faculties and apprehension . the thing complained of is , that men turn away their faces , shut their eyes , and will not lay their heads to consider what is set before them : and if the immorality of error be once cured , there will be a speedy account of its misadventures in speculation and theory . the will of man has an higher pretence to freedom than the intellect ; tyranny can make me suffer , but cannot oblige me to approve , much less to chuse : and yet it is not impertinent or irrational to require men to will , and , what is more than that , actually to perform their duty : nor can any sufficient cause be rendred , why perverse and stubborn men should not be made to learn it and consider it too ; which plainly is their duty , and previous to the performance of it . the scripture indeed commands to speak the truth in love , to instruct the brother in the spirit of meekness ; and the same scripture has made the greatest christian monarch , and his meanest vassal brethren ; but notwithstanding that , he bears not the sword in vain ; and in love and meekness , and with the greatest kindness and charity , is obliged to cut off the evil doer . the question , to what purpose is force ? would indeed do well in the mouth of a ranter or anabaptist , and i might answer thereto , that it is ordained by god to punish the rebellion of such a question by sharp severities ; but i shall content my self to repeat the apostles words , just now recited , the magistrate bears not the sword in vain ; there is a purpose why fo●ce should be used , and all sober men understand it , though our author knows not of it . what is added of the scripture rule of faith being compleat and full is seriously to be considered : but he who straitens the credenda into one short proposition of the eunuchs creed , may in likelihood be as blameable in diminishing from it , as any can be by adding to it . though , by the way , our author is to know , that the explication of faith , is not the extending or making new articles of it . and what he says of requiring men to believe with divine faith what they add to the scripture , is to make their words equal with god● : if this refer to the church of england , first he proceeds on a false supposal , that there is somewhat added , when there is not any thing added ; and secondly , it is notorious , they have never pretended that any thing ought to be believed , as scripture , or with divine faith , but scripture . so that the exaggerations of impertinent , irrational , and impious , fall to the ground , unless they may chance to rest upon the head of him who to seditious and uncharitable purposes produces them . the next paragraph desires it may be soberly considered , that the trinity , incarnation , resurrection are things far above the highest reason , yet believed , because god , who cannot lie , hath declared them : and that it is strange that any one should take upon him to declare one tittle of them more than god hath declared . but i desire to be allowed to put in a caveat , that men should not be suffered to declare several ( not tittles , but ) articles , less than god hath declared ; that our authors direction concerning the quashing the whole debate of the omoo●sios and omoiousios may not be admitted ; and for quietness sake we may not be latitudinarian arians , and theists ; pretend to admit the scripture-doctrines in our own extravagant sense , and therefore to be liable to no controul ▪ or farther rendring a reason of the faith that is in us . it is easie to say , that the bishops who contended in this great controversie were more zeal●us th●n dis●re●t : but they who have read the history of those times ( which it is plain our author never did ) know very well that the orthodox , if they were defective in any thing , offended in permitting by their lenity arius to infect the world and form his party , before ever they took notice of him : and the discreet advice here given by silence to prevent the malice , rancor , persecution , and war , which fell upon the orthodox ▪ might as well have been given to the christians , during the ten persecutions ; and doubtless might have preserved many thousand lives , and damned as many souls . the instance here mentioned of the resurrection falls very pat to the purpose ; the scripture hapning to afford a parallel of what our author thinks so adviseable . the resurrection ( he tells us ) whereby men shall rise with the same body , when one body may be eaten and converted into several bodies , is far above the highest reason and sharpest understanding ; yet was believed by hymeneus and philetus , because god had declared it : yet they by keeping within the bounds which god had declared , and referring it to that which was perfectly true , the first resurrection from the death of sin , destroyed the faith of some : and it is to be hoped that st. paul was not more zealous than discreet , because he was so earnestly concerned against them . there is no arian nor socinian who professes not to believe in jesus christ the son of god , or allows him not to be god ; but our author must hold us exc●sed , if we expect farther satisfaction in so weighty a concern , and examine how these gentlemen stand affected to the tenure by which he holds his godhead , and the shiboleth of his eternal generation , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i am no friend to the unravelling of mysteries , and making them so evident as to forfeit their nature ; yet i must not be so much a socinian , notwithstanding our authors opinion concerning the procession of the holy ghost , of i will send the comforter : or of the sacrament , this is my body : to believe every one orthodox who admits those words to be scripture , and declaratory of truth . he says indeed , that we have no other s●fe way to speak of divine matters , but in scripture l●ng●age , ●psissi●is verbis , with the very same words . how then i pray comes it about that we may speak of them in dutch , or french , or english ? they are none of them the ipsissima verba , the original hebrew or greek . it were easie to shew how much of our creed the socinian would have us cashier on this account , and how pestilent consequences have been drawn from these unhappy premises . nay , let us give even the socinians their due , they in their sober moods are not so extravagantly mad as is our author . volkelius in his fifth book and seventh chapter says , sacris voluminibus ob ipsorum perfectionem , nihil nec adjiciendum nec subtrahendum , hoc tamen non eo consilio à nobis dictum existimari velim quasi omnes dictiones , omnes sententias , omnesque collectiones iisdem literis ac syllabis in s. scriptura non expressas ob hoc ipsum repudi●mus . nam vel dictio aut phrasis aliqua subaudiri , vel sententia aliqua si non verbis , reipsâ tamen in s. literis contineri potest , vel denique ex iisdem colligi . id autem qualecunque est perinde habendum existimamus , ac ●i disertissimè scriptum extaret . neque enim in sola verba sed praecipuè in verborum sententiam animum intendere debemus . such is the perfection of the holy scripture that nothing is to be added to , or taken from it . this we say , not that we reject all words , sentences , and inferences , which are not there in the same letters and syllables . for many times words and phrases are to be understood ; and divers things , though not verbally , yet really may be be contained in the scripture , or inferred from it . all which we take to be the same thing , as if it were most expresly written , for we must not consider naked words , but the meaning of them . thus much a soberer man ( i am sorry to add , a better principled christian ) is this socinian , than our pretender to naked truth ▪ but he is so liberal as to give a reason of h●s opinion : if in divine matters we once give way to humane deductions , a cu●ning sophis●er may soon lead a weak disputant into many errors . truly very well urged ; whose fault is it that men are weak disputants , or being so , that they will meddle with controversie ? st. paul has abundantly provided in the case , him that is weak in the faith receive ; but not to doubtful disputations . men of parts and learning will comprehend a deduction as perfectly as the text it self : and they who are deficient either in natural or acqui●ed knowledge , will understand neither one or other ; whereof we have an example here before us . and now a mighty heat is struck upon the sudden against school-divinity , as the greatest plague to christian religion . in which career our author , to shew his learning , tells us , that the school at alexandria was the first divinity-school he reads of . he might have better told us of the school of one tyrannus , where st. paul read his lectures . certainly the angelical , the irrefragable , the subtil , and most founded doctors would have been very proud of s●ch antiq●ity as the age of pantenus : but peter lombard , it is likely , would not have taken it well to be robb'd of his mastership ; and to be made an usher , nay , school-boy to pantenus . well , we will pass this over ; the school of alexandria , we are told , was set up by pantenus . our author might more ●easonably have said , that it was set up by st. mark ; had he ever heard of e●sebius his relation , he could not have been so grosly ignorant . in this very account here pointed to , he expresly says , that this school was in pantenus his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there was of ancient custom , settled with them a school of the holy scriptures . now pantenus lived in the time of commodus , and what could then be said to have been from ancient times , will bid fair to be almost as old as christianity it self . our author goes on with the same ill stars , and the very next period is a new misadventure : from this school , says he , sprung forth t●at damnable heresie of the arians . what shall we say if arius were neither bred up at all , nor was a professor in this school ▪ but an afri●an by birth , and a plain parish priest of alexandria ? nay farther , what shall we say i● this school was employed in an honest catechism-lecture , or exposition of the scripture , and had nothing more to do with teaching school-divinity than in teaching anatomy or mathematicks ? will not this gentleman , whoever he is , appear a wonderful meek writer ; fitter to deal in a romance than church history ? of his country and employment epiphanius informs us , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; he was of libya by his country ; and being made a priest in alexandria , was preferred to the church called baucalis . and that we may be more assured of the nature of his employment , epiphanius presently reckons up the other churches of that great city , and recites the names of several of the rectors of them . that this school was for catechizing , st. ierom is most express , who in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers , says that clement , after pantenus ; alexandriae ecclesiasticam scholam tenuit , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 magister fuit ▪ clement after pantenus kept the ecclesiastical school at alexandria , and was catechist there . we see then what a goodly bracelet of ●alse pearls our author has hung together upon a string in hopes to adorn himself with them . one would now have the curiosity to ghess what should come into his head positively to assert so many false and extravagant things . was pantenus a heretick , or noted for a great sophister and man of notions , and thereby obnoxious to have the great plague to christian religion , school-divinity fathered upon him ? nothing of all this : he is by eusebius ( l. 5. c. 10. ) stiled , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a most famous man , and said to have shewed so much , and such divine zeal for the word of god , as to have gone and preached the gospel unto the indians : and that after his return he was made master of this school ; where partly by words , partly by writing he expounded the treasures of divine knowledge . but secondly , had this school at any time been so unfortunate as to have bred up notorious hereticks , or perverse disputers that did mischief in the church ? nothing of this neither ; it was the happy nursery of the most eminent propagators of the christian faith , and at this time when arianism entred the world , merited this character , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it continues to our times , and is celebrated for persons powerful in the word , and study of divine things . what then could be the matter that should hare and lead a poor innocent man into such a maze of falsehoods ? why surely no more than this : he had heard from the parson of the parish , or some other good body in discourse , that the arian heresie took its rise from alexandria ; that it supported it self much with quirks of philosophy , and sophistical nicities ; and that there was a divinity-school at alexandria , and a notable man , one pantenus , had been master of it ; and now if this were put together , and all the heresies of the world laid upon the back of this pantenus and school-divinity , it would make a very pretty story , and look like a learned account of antiquity . just as if a stranger sho●ld have heard , that there was a mischievous fanatical rebellion , which overr●n the whole nation , and was the cause of the destruction of so many tho●sands of christians both body and soul , fomented and carried on at westmi●ster in england ; and likewise that there was a famous school , and one dr. lambert osbaston , a noted man ▪ had been master of it ▪ and then should tack all this together , and say , that westminster school was a seminary of fanaticism and rebellion , and that dr. lambert osbaston was the first and chief promoter of it . now this ridiculous fable is far more probable than that which our author obtrudes upon us , in that several of the ringleaders in the la●e rebellion , as sir arthur haslerig , sir harry vane , scot , and others , were really scholars to dr. osbaston , and governours of that school ; nothing of which nature can be truly suggested of the other . but our author goes on , and has certainly made a vow not to say one true word in this whole paragraph , and keeps it most religiously . his following period runs thus : the heresies before thi● were so gross and sensual , that none took them up but dissolute or frantick people , and soon vanisht : but after this school-subtil way of arguing was brought into christianity , heresie grew more refined , and so subtil , that the plain pious fathers of the church knew not how to lay hold of it , &c. but now what will become of us , if there were refined , and spiritual heresies before ? nay , in a manner if this very heresie were so ? what if they were followed by men neither dissolute , nor frantick ? nor did soon vanish ? and that the fathers of the church were not so plain men , but that they knew how to encounter this school-divinity monster ? has not our author the worst luck of any man that ever put pen to paper ? as to the sensuality and grossness of heresie ; no● to look higher than the confines of this age we talk of , surely neither novatianism , nor the heresie of sabellius , or paulus samosatenus , of which arianism was but an off-set , were gross or sensual : nor were novatus , tatian , tertullian , and origen , who were all very considerable men , and fell into heresie before this time , ever noted for being frantick or dissolute people . but on the contrary , their very severity of life , and zeal for vertue , were the prime occasion of their heresies . nor did their heresies soon vanish , but continued for several ages , some in their own , others under new names and titles . and whosoever reads the controversies of those times will find that the pious fathers of the church were not quite baffled by school-distinctions and evasions ; nor did these sophisters , proud of their conquest , triumph and carry away a specious appearance of truth : but the advantage of arius was quite of another kind in application and address . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he was of taking and pleasant conversation , always glozing and flattering , as epiphanius tells us ; then adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he addrest to each particular ●ishop with insinuating arts and flatteries , whereby he drew in many to be partizans with him . and , as sozom●n expresses it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . his party finding it their interest to prepossess in their behalf the bishops of each city , they sent their ●gents to them , with confessions of their faith .... w●●●h practice turned mightily to their advantage . but th●●r chief advantage lay in their court insinuations , first with constantines sister during his life ; and after with constantius his sons after his death ; and when the aria●s had the suffrage of an emperour on their side , we need not imp●te it to sophistry that they prevailed . our author , having not as he thinks fully enough discovered to us the mysteries of his knowledge , goes on , with the same ausp●ces of ignorance and error , to acquaint us farther : that this great bane of the church took its rise from hence : many of the primitive doctors and fathers , being converted from heathenism , and having by lo●g and great industry acquired much knowledge in natural philosophy , antiquity , his●ory , and subtil logick or sophistry , were very unwilling to abandon quite these their long studied and dearly beloved sciences , falsly so called ; and therefore translated them into christianity , &c. and now we know perfectly the true cause of all the heresies that ever came into the church . i will adventure notwithstanding all this to add one more to the number , and say , in opposition to what is here averred , that christianity received more advantage from philosophy than ever it did damage from it . it is true , as tertullian tells us , that the philosophers were the patriarchs of hereticks , but it is as true , they were the champions of christian truth . he must be a stranger to every thing that relates to the church , who know not how much religion ows to iustin mart●r , athenagoras , ammonius , pantenus , clemens of alexandria , and ( notwithstanding all his misadventures ) to origen himself . the last and most dangerous attempt against christianity was the setting up heathen morality , gilded over with magick against christian ethicks ; laboured by apollonius tyanaeus , porphyry , iamlichus , plotinus , hierocles , simplicius , and several others : and had not the good providence of god raised up the before mentioned , and other eminent christian philosophers , to attaque them in their strengths , and fight them with their own weapons ; it is to be feared our holy faith would not have had so easie , or so clear a victory over the world. but because our author has so particular a pique against sophistry , i shall desire him at his leisure to read the twenty ninth chapter of the seventh book of eusebius's ecclesiastical history , the title of which chapter is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . how paulus samosatenus , baffled and confuted by one malchion a priest , who had been a sophister , was deposed . and sure the sophister may be allowed to have done no small service , who baffled and confuted that so considerable heretick . but the stop put to the donatists schism , by the interposition of the civil magistrate is a great mote in our authors eye , and one way or other he will be sure to remove it . first , he tells us , it is well known the donatists were a sect very turbulent in behaviour . alas , our author has a confessors memory , and has quite forgot the unpeaceable temper of our dissenters , and how naturally conventicles mustered themselves into armies : but which way the enforcing a confession of faith comes to be our case , he will do well to interpret himself . if he speaks against the penal laws ; and the tendering of the oath of supremacy to recusants thereby directed , be the enforcing a confession of faith which he speaks against ; there is again somewhat contained in his book which is contrary to the known laws of the land. fearing the success of this answer , he offers another , which is , that for ought any body knows these seeming converted donatists were only hypocrites , who for the love of the world , more than for the love of the truth , forsook their heretical profession ; or if their hearts were really changed as to belief , it is evident they were worldly still , and not one step nearer heaven . first , if for ought any body knows these donatists were only hypocrites , for ought any body knows they were sincere ; and charity obliges to the better side . as to the carnality of their hearts , it is gods , and not our authors , prerogative to judge of them ; in the mean time , it is surely of some good effect , to have set the understanding right , though a thorough reformation be not made on the aff●ctions . the ill luck is , the reasoning of our author herein , if it prove any thing , is as valid against the secular m●gistrates restraining immorality and vice , as well as error . for men may be hypocrites , and carnal in their hearts ; may design and wish murder , fraud , and theft , though for fear they dare not act them . our author has more solutions in his budget , and is very liberal of them , for he goes on , and says , that though we farther grant the pruning of the magistrates sword did really correct the viciousness of the tree , yet we must not dò evil that good may come of it . that is , to punish hereticks is in its self , and in its nature evil . this , i confess , comes home to the point , and would have superseded the former : but the proof is wanting , and must ever be ; for the assertion is false , as we have shewed above : and is contrary not only to all the imperial laws , made against hereticks , as also the ecclesiastical of this national church ; but the municipal , against which our author gave the parliament his engagement that he had not spoken a word . but the illustration of this his position is wonderfully pleasant , i mean the instance of peter's cutting off malchus his ear , for which he is sharply reproved , and threatned with perishing by the sword , &c. as if because st. peter , a private man , might not use the sword against the magistrate , the magistrate might not neither against a private man. but lastly , if none of all the answers will conclude , there is one in reserve that infallibly will do the feat , it is th● turkish and mr. hobbes's appeal to fate : they who are ordained to eternal life will believe , and the rest are hardned , the sharp●st sword in this world will not enter the hard heart more than an adamant . and so farewel to all exhortations and instructions ; to all threats , rewards , and punishments : nay , to all arguments and discoursings . our author was predestined to talk absurdly , and the sharpest reason in this world will no more enter the hard head than an adamant . our good man recapitulates the whole matter , and would have us not mistake him . all this he says in reference to compelling men to believe or conform , reserving to the magistrate power to punish evil doers , not evil believers . i pray sir remember once more your promise to the parliament ; whatever shift you will make to palliate the matter concerning there not being laws to compel men to believe , i am sure there are laws enough which would fain by penalties compel men to conform ; and here you tell us , that all this long discourse is levelled against them . what pity it is that great wits , and men who speak untruth , have not better memories ? whatever punishment they are worthy of who disobey the laws ; they deserve much greater who stand in defiance , and dispute against them ; but what shall we say of him who at once denies and boasts his guilt , robs in the midst of an assize , and while he does so , cries out unto the judge , and desires him to take notice that he does no harm ? to the appendix . our author having abridged the articles of faith into his eunuchs creed , one would have hoped his comment would have bore some proportion to his text , but he has not yet shewed all his learning , and profound knowledge in church affairs ; and therefore we are blest with his bounty in an appendix . and first , his instances of the millenary error , infants communicating , the cro●s and chrism , have ( if one mark it ) a mighty neighbourhood with the articles of faith ▪ and the first reformers by discarding the use of most , and taking away the abuse of all of them , have discovered their shyness , and timorousness to reject that authority which they had long reverenced : and in modesty some of them admitting the authority of the f●thers and councils , for three or four of the first centuries , some admitted five or six , whereby they were reduced sometimes to great streights in their disputations . a heavy charge indeed upon the first reformers , that they had a reverence for fathers and councils ; and the instances brought are wonderfully proper to demonstrate the streights to which protestants are likely to be brought in their disputations , the most of them being equally rejected by all with whom they have occasion to dispute . not to wast time with such a tri●●er , i leave the question proposed to the papists , by what r●le they reject some things , and retain others ? at their best leisure to resolve : and to that offered to the evangelical , by what rule they submit to the authority of some centuries , and refuse others ? without his help i shall frame a ready answer . our rule we borrow from tertullian , illud verum quod primum : and add , th●t in all concerns of religion we make our resort and utmost appeal to scripture ; but own also a great deference to antiquity ; but by antiquity ▪ mean not , as our author fondly imagines ( who talks of sacred things , as if he had newly put off his apron ) the opinion of three or four write●s of all the first ages ; no● of all of any one ; ●ut the uniform concur●ence both of times and persons . now , why the la●er centuries should not be lookt upon with the same reverence as the forme● , is in it self evident , they having not the like stamp and character of antiquity . besides , our controversies being chiefly with the papists , whose exorbi●ancies breaking in upon the world most notoriously abo●t the sixth century , we think upon the common rules of judiciary proceeding , we have all reason to decline the testimony of obnoxious persons and times . i am weary of pursuing step by step insolent impertinencies ; and therefore for this time shall l●t pass the pygmy and the giant ▪ the charge upon iren●us , papias , st. aust●● , and lactan●ius ; with the good character of our authors own zeal , sincerity , and eminent parts , it being , as he says , possible , nay , ( what you will wonder at , having seen his discoveries in the stripping of truth ) probable that there may be in the world another who has more natural understanding , and more acquired learning than himself . and shall proceed to his next stage of councils , where we are told roundly , that all the evangelical doctors grant , that the later general councils have erred . i beg our authors permission to differ from him herein ; and humbly conceive that he will scarce meet with a considerable number , who allow any of the later councils to be general : and if they say any have erred , they shew reasons how they came to do so , without destroying the credit due to the decisions of the church ; or our saviours promise , that the gates of hell should not prevail against her . and therefore the rest of his harangue about councils , being most of it false , and all of it impertinent , i shall say no more of it . to the chapters of ceremonies . our author begins this chapter with his wonder , why any one of tolerable discretion should be so eager either for , or against ceremonies . what , in the mean time , is to be done with men of our authors kidney , men of intolerable discretion , wiser tha●●heir superiours , than the church wherein they live ? le● them who are against ceremonies answer for their eagerness ; there are others who find great reason to be eager for them . when a king of spain pressed a general of his to pass over a punctilio of honour which belonged to hi● 〈◊〉 , saying , that it was but a ceremony : he replied smartly ▪ that nothing differenced the king from him but ceremony . when our author shall have planted his levelling , quaker●gospel ; and perswaded princes to relinquish their ensigns of royalty ; the sages of the l●w to sit upon the bench i● cuerp● ; the lord mayor of lo●don with his fraternity to part with their liveries , and unaccountable formalities ; nay , that his lordship should quit but his chain and great horse : or lastly , that our author , with all his self-denial , should condes●end so far , that he will be pleased to sit below his kitch●n ▪ maid at table , or light his plough-boy up to bed ; we will endeavour to think as slightly of ceremonies in religion ( where sure , if any where , there should be awe and reverence ) as he would have us . not long since our neighbours of holland refused to strike sail to his majesties flag , upon which a bloudy war ensued . shall we borrow now our authors rhetorical apostrophe , and cry out , my fathers , my fathers , so much christian bloud spilt , so many orphans , so many widows made , so much treasure spent , and all for a ceremony ? i pray mount a turnip cart , and preach to the heathen world the spirit of the hat , and hold forth that striking sail is the same idolatry in a ship , as the putting off a hat is in a brother . certainly , there is some dismal mischief in these ceremonies of the church , else there would never have been such a loud outcry of o my fathers , my fathers , will you restrain the liberty of the gospel to the rigidity of your discipline , to lose some , to lose many , and perchance in the end to lose all , your selves and all ? be pious , be charitable , be prudent , &c. let the world judge if such a charge , as this seems to import , be not the declaring or speaking something in derogation to , and depraving of the liturgy of the church , forbidden under severest penalties in the act of uniformity , primo eliz. and if the expostulating with the governours of the church , for doing their duties themselves , and endeavouring that others should do it ▪ be not contrary to the known laws of the land , which enjoyns those duties , both to bishop and people . what our author would be at he plainly tells us in th● ensuing period , you will say , if you yield to some dissenters in this , you must as well yield to others in that , and so by degrees abolish all your ceremonies . to this he roundly replies , ● beseech you , is not the ●ody more than r●iment , substance more than ceremony . which is plainly to say , that to gratifie dissenters we ought to discard all ceremonies , and in contradiction to st. paul , who enjoyns that all things should be done decently and in order , nothing is to be done decently and in order . i must have leave to say , that in this instance raiment is the body , ceremony is substance . i may put off a sca●ff , or belt , or perchance a coat in a cold winters day ; but should i throw off all my cloaths , i should certainly kill my self . a ceremony , considered in individuo , or retail , may be of no great moment ; but they , taken in genere , and in the bulk , are absolutely necessary . the following objection , that by parting with ceremonies , which tend to the encreasing devotion , preserving order , and giving glory to almighty god , we shall displease our friends , and then lie exposed to our enemies to spoil our goods , is of more moment than to be thrown off by saying , that our goods are only faith , hope , and charity , and that these stood firm in the primitive times , when there was not one of our ceremonies to preserve it . surely , the scandalizing those who do their duty , by our breaking the laws , is a greater mischief , than to displease those who violate their duty , by our keeping the law. a scandal only taken is of less moment , than one both taken and given . and if faith and hope happen to be unconcerned in this whole matter , yet charity is sure the natural product of decency and order ; and the common rule , that it ought to begin at home , is here to take place , and their satisfaction be most studied who are of the houshold of faith , rather than the humour and caprice of the desertors of it , moreover , upon a true account it is not charity to dissenters to humour them in their disobedience towards their spiritual superiours ; no more than it is , to give impunity to that of rebels , against their temporal . but were there no ceremonies among the pri●itive christians ? what shall we say of the kiss of charity , or was there not one of ours , surely laying on of hands , kneeling at prayer , the peoples answering amen after it , the having the head uncovered in religious assemblies , were more than one of theirs , and are our ceremonies . i am weary of being a scavenger , and sweeping together all the straws and dirt , which this unhappy write● scatters as he goes ; and there being nothing but clamour and sedition in the rest of this chapter , or that which follows concerning church-service , which only , after a few complements sprinkled upon discipline and order , labours to disparage the present constitution , and levels those who are concerned for their duty and obedience , with the wild rabble of sectaries and fanaticks . i shall without more words dismiss the inquest , and go on to what follows . to the chapter of preaching . the chapter concerning preaching is a most unreasonable reproach of the church of england . after that the uniform vote of all our neighbours has given us the preference in this particular , the ministers of the reformed churches , germans , hollanders , danes , swedes , french , and switzers , learning our language generally to take benefit of our sermons , and many travelling hither for that end ; our author , led to it by his excellent good nature , labours to shew his talent in depreciating what strangers so must esteem . there was a time when nicity of division , and the flowers of a polyanthea were somewhat in fashion ; but those days are long since done , a practical sober way of pressing christian duty is generally taken up , which has as little of the quid , or the quale , or the quantum , as our author seems to have in his head ; or has discovered in his writings . his project for preachers is as extravagant as his character of our sermons . they must be grave elderly men , not raw novices from the vniversity with all their sciences and languages ; but rather ●ober persons of age and experience , having a good natural capacity , &c. that never saw the vniversity , and knew no other language than their mother tongue : that is , they must be experienced farmers , illuminated coblers , or gifted weavers ; and these , no doubt , as they did twenty years since , would bring about a thorough reformation ▪ these would redeem the church from that great contempt , the aristotelists , scotists , aquinatists , with their ▪ knacks of quiddities , and qualities , syllogisms , and enthymems , distinctions , and subsumtions , and the handsome school-boy exercise of the very good preachers of the age , have brought upon it . he goes on to tell us , that his heart bleeds to think how many thousand poor souls there are in this land , that have no more knowledge of god than heathens , &c. it is truly a lamentable thing , that where the gospel has been so long , and so h●ppily planted , any should be ignorant of it . would to god all the lords people were prophets ; but in the mean time let us not be so ungrateful , as not to own with all due acceptation and thankfulness that our people , generally speaking , are better instructed in all the parts of saving knowledge than any nation in the world. and we may say it with perfect truth , and therefore without vanity , that they have also the most learned and sufficient clergy : men that understand the athanasian creed much better than our author , who in his first chapter has done what his little knowledge , and violent passion could effect , toward the undermining of it . the truth is , i cannot but wonder how it is possible for a man , that did not design to put scorn upon religion , to offer such mad and unaccountable proposals , and the while talk demurely , and in scripture phrase , as if he would be thought to be in earnest . to the chapter concerning bishops and priests . the long chapter of bishops and priests is of the same strein with the former , it cries hail master to episcopacy , acknowledges the apostolical antiquity and dignity thereof ; and then fairly goes about to ▪ betray it : whether presbytery , or erastianism , or atheism be at the botton of the design , it is not easie to divine : that which is obviously apparent is , that one thred of ignorance runs through the whole discourse ; neither what petavius means , nor what the character of priesthood is , nor what the practice of th● ch●rch w●s , i● at ●ll understood ▪ b●t a long blunder is ●ade about a. b. c ▪ as if there we●e no other character● in the world besides those of the alphabet ; or as if the matter were as unin●elligible as the great mystery he talks of . which is to be known only in a metaphysic●l w●y of abstraction ; that the superiour species contains th● inferiour genus . indeed the nature of a genus or a species , which is no more than every school-boy understands , who has learnt so much of his grammar , as to know what a noun appellative is , requires not much niceness of metaphysicks ; but the superiour species , and inferiour genus are terms of art that the dull logicians of the university stand amazed at . aristo●le said of a man that he was arbor inversa ; but our author has here turned upside-down porphyr●es tree , and by it turned a man into a horse , for so he goes on in his learned metaphysick lecture . a man , a ration●l cre●t●re contains the anim●l●ty of an ho●se , the inferiour crea●ure : but doth not contain a real hors● in his belly , nor can a man b●get hors●s , or men when he pleases ▪ nor can you truly say a man is a horse . i believe my school me● would take it in snuff , should i affirm ●ny of them to be horse● . here having mended the matter , and reformed a horse from being an inferiour genus to a man , and made him an inferiou● creature , he says that he contains the animality of a horse . upon which hypothesis , whether he will be as ill natured as the schoolmen , and take it in snuff i know not ▪ but i am sure that i can irrefragably prove him to be a horse ▪ and the thin sophism ▪ which every fresh-man learns to solve within a week after he comes to the university , will be against him an unanswerable demonstration : which , to try his patience , i propose to ●im in common form thus ▪ he that says , my author is a living creature , says true ; h● that says , he is a hor●● , says that he is a living cr●a●●re ▪ therefore he who says , he is a horse , says true . there is no denying the syllogism , and saying it has four terms . that though indeterminate animality be enunciated of the species , yet that which is determined by the contrary diffe●ence may no● : tha●● is , the ani●ality of a b●ute c●● belong only to an irrational animal , as that of a man to a rational ; for our author has precluded himself from that answer , by saying expresly that a man , a rational creature , contains the animality of a horse , the inferiour or irrational creature . and now if my author be not a mere animal , let the world judge : and this comes of despising logick . let us now see whether his divinity be better than his philosophy . after this hog-shearing , where we have had so loud a cry and no wool , we will if we can pick out a little sense ; the thing he aims at proving is , that bishops are not superiour in order to priests ; a thing , by the way , directly contrary to the liturgy of the church , and thereby the law of the land : but yet they are superiour in commission , and by vertue of that can govern , exercise the power of the keys , and ordain priests and deacons , which priests , ordinarily speaking , may not . well , if this commission were from heaven , and stand upon that scripture basis , of as my father sent me , so send i you , by vertue whereof the bishops , during the first ten persecutions , governed their flocks in despight of all secular opposition , and retaining part of their administration to themselves , disposed of some to priests and deacons ; which is as notorious in fact , as any thing in the world : the bishops may do tolerably well , with this new word commission , instead of the old of order . especially , since in the close it is confest by our author : that in this order the apostles left the church at their death , and in this order their successors continued it ( as in duty sure they ought ) from time to time near 1500 years without any interruption wherefore for any to alter this way of government , or to take upon them to ordain , not being chosen this way to it , they would be guilty of great rashness and high presumption . nor will it be in my authors power to kick all this down again , as he endeavours in the following period , by making the orders given by priests though irregular , yet firm and valid ; for if this power be from heaven , and separate from all secular authority , as to its nature and original ; though limited by it in its exercise and application : no man upon any pretence can take this honour to himself or confer it on others , but they who were called of god as was aaron . but let us see how well our author confutes the distinction of order between bishops and priests ? t is ridiculous , says he , that the priesthood which is capable to do the greatest things , to consecrate the souls of men by baptism and the lords supper , yet forsooth cannot consecrate oil and cups ? i desire to know whether a deacon cannot consecrate the souls of men by baptism and the preaching of the gospel , or if they can , whether they are of the same order with priests ? or whether a judg who has power of awarding life or death which is the greatest thing , may also make a knight which is a less , and if therefore a judg and a king be of the same order ? this word ridiculous is very unlucky , and commonly returns on him who is most busie with it ; but since we are faln upon the instance of a king , for farther illustration of this matter let us consider the monarchs of the east , who permitted the whole administration of their affairs to their favorites , as we read of pharaoh that he pulled his ring off his hand and said to ioseph , without thee no man shall lift up his hand or foot in all the land of egypt , and according to thy word shall all my people be ruled ; but for all this pharaoh and this his minister of state were not of the same order ; for in the throne he was greater then he . though the king had stript himself of the whole execution of his power , and put it into the hand of his favorite , yet so long as the origination of it continued with him , he was as absolute , and the other as subject as ever . t is true the bishops power is in itself subordinate and ministerial ; he must not lord it over the inheritance of god , but as to the dispensing of it to the inferior orders , the parallel will hold ; they all act in subordination and dependence upon him . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saies ignatius . no priest or deacon for several centuries ever did it without particular leave given by the bishop , nay the lector or reader did not so much as read the gospel till first he had brought the book to the bishop , and had his permission to go to the ambo or reading pu● with it ▪ and though the licence with us be not no● every day renewed , yet the dependence is still owned in th● very form of our ordination , where the bishop says to the person ordained , take thou authority to read the gospel in the church of god , and preach the same when thou art thereunto licenced by the bishop himsel● . but a farther argument is taken from the promiscuous use of the name of bishop and presbyter , to prove they are of the same order , which sure is one of seeblest ways of proving any thing ; the whole force of it amounts to this , st. peter and st. iohn call themselves presbyters , but were also bishops ; therefore presbyters and bishops are all one : which is as much as to say , that his maj●sty is king of great britain and knight of the garter ; therefore to be king of great britain and knight of the garter is all one . nay st. paul stiles himself a deacon , as well as an apostle ; therefore to be a deacon and an apostle is all one , but if our author be not satisfied with this , let him read the thirteenth chapter of the most learned bishop of chester's vindiciae ignati● and he will see how accurate the first christian writers were in distinguishing the three orders of bishop , deacon and priest. we will go on and attend him in his talent of book learning , wherein he has been hitherto so unfortunate , and see how in his following expedition he mends the matter . and here he tells us that aerius ( whom , by the way , he constantly calls arius ) was not a heretick upon the account of his introducing a parity between bishops and priests , but only for being an arian . that is , epiphanius made a list not of several heresies , but a catalogue of several arians : and the 69. heresie being assigned to arius , it passes the muster again in the 75. heresie under the auspice of a●rius . it is agreed on all hands that discontent made aerius a heretick , for that eustathius whom he thought a worse man then himself , was preferred before him : and being in power , though formerly his particular friend , considered him no farther then to make him master of an alms-house . we are then to believe that out of discontent aerius turned arian ; but as ill luck would have it , eustathius was of that sect , and if he had a mind to quarrel with him , nothing could have been so proper , as to have turned orthodox in spight . it is manifest he was originally an arian , and the prime part of his heresie was what his malice naturally dictated , and all writers agree it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. he entertained a mad opinion , beyond what a man would receive , saying , what is a bishop better than a priest ? there is no difference between th●m ; there is but one order , the same honour and dignity . since our authors greek reading fares no better , let us go on to consider his latine ; and there is no missing st. ieroms epistle to evagrius , which is so clear in the point , that without more ado it converted our author , who it seems was once an episcopal man , into that errant presbyterian that now he is . withal it makes him wonder , and if the reader understand latine , he will wonder to see men have the confidence to quote any thing out of it for the distinction between episcopacy and presbytery . well , i have read over the epistle , and , as our author says , wonder , but it is at his great confidence to say , that there is nothing to be met with in it , to found a distinction between episcopacy and presbytery , when as he expresly reserves the power of ordination peculiarly to the bishops , which is the point chiefly contested between the assertors of episcopacy , and patrons of presbyterian parity . as to the second desire , that the reader should observe the various fate of st. jerom and aerius , that the one is reviled as an heretick , the other passes for a saint : i will satisfie my author in that particular , and shew him a plain reason for it . aerius set himself against the apostolical government by bishops , dogmatized , and separated himself from the church : st. ierom always obeyed his governours , and remained in communion with them , upon other occasions exprest his opinion in behalf of their authority : and here only in a private epistle to a friend , and that a very short one , being scandalized at an unseasonable opinion , which pretended deacons to be equal in dignity to priests ; as it is usual in such cases , he depresses what he can the order of deacons , and exalts to his utmost that of priests , in the mean time does not so much as attempt to prove any thing more than barely saying , quid aliud facit episcopus excepta ordinatione quod non facit presbyter ? what does a bishop more than a presbyter besides ordaining ? and then reckoning up several actions common to both . our kind-hearted author hereupon tells us , that this presently converted him ; nay , as if this good nature of his were as meritorious as grace , he thereupon assures himself , that great is his reward in heaven . our man of learning with his accustomed dexterity and confidence runs down the business of colluthus his ordination of priests , and pities poor bishop hall for going about to prove from thence , that presbyters were not capable to ordain . how slightly soever our author thinks of the matter , socrates in the first book of his history puts it under the blackest character . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he privately adventured on an action worthy of many deaths , who , having never been ordained a priest , did those things which belonged to the function of a priest. this you are to know was said of ischryas who had as good orders as colluthus a priest could give him , but yet antecedently to the decree of the council of alexandria , is declared never to have been ordained a priest. let up now see why the old man was so much to be pitied , because he had quite forgot that the famous council of nice , consisting of above three hundred bishops , had made a canon , wherein they declare , that if any bishop should ordain any of the clergy belonging to another bishops diocess , without consent and leave had of that bishop to whose diocess they did belong , their ordination should be null . you see the irregular ordination of a bishop is as null as the irregular ordination of a presbyter : therefore the irregular bishop , and the irregular presbyter are of the same order , of the same authority ; neither able to ordain . our author , according to his usual sagacity , knows no difference betwixt an act that is null and void in it self , and an act voided by law. there is no question but bishops , and priests , and deacons for their crimes may be degraded and deposed , but that is not the same thing with the never having been bishops , priests , or deacons . the council of alexandria declared the ordinations of colluthus to have been void ab initio , that of nice voids those that are irregular . surely these are very different matters . that the invalidity of the ordination in the later case was of this kind , that is , made invalid by way of penalty and sentence , we may learn from the thirty fifth apostolick canon ; by which both zonaras and balsamon interpret this of nice ; who decree that in case of ordaining in anothers diocess the bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , both he be deposed and they who were ordained by him . and truly if they were to be deposed , it is plain the orders were in themselves valid ; and it is unquestionable that the ordaining bishops were so : which is not to be said , and can never be proved of a mere presbyters . and therefore the triumph which is added here of dashing out the indelible character , or that the line of a diocess is a conjurers circle , might very fairly have been laid aside . and i appeal to the reader , and more than hope he will see how no proofs are brought for this identity and parity of order ; no scripture , no primitive council , no general consent of primitive doctors and fathers ; that he is perfectly out in every thing he avers , and therefore for his poor judgment he may do well to keep it to himself , and probably his judgment is so poor because he himself is rich . he in likelihood has imployed his time in secular concerns , which had it been spent in study , would have rescued him from such gross misadventures , as he at every turn incurrs . but though the matter stand thus plain bef●re us , yet ●ince our author has had the confidence to cite the council of nice in proof of the nullity of irregular orders : to shew with greater evidence his perpetual ignorance and mistake , i will throw in for vantage the proceeding of this very council in the case of meletius , who had usurpt upon the rights of peter patriarch of alexandria , in the point here contested of ordaining within his diocess ; the words of theodoret are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he invaded the ordinations belonging to the other . now the council decreed herein , that meletius should be suspended from the future exercise of his function , and retain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bare name of a bishop , but do no act of his function either in the city or villages ; but the orders conferred by him were as to their intrinsick validity ratified and acknowledged . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , those already ordained should communicate and officiate , but come after the clergy of each church and parish . 't is to be wondered at , how this man who seems to have always lived in a hollow tree , came to have heard by chance that there was once such a thing in the world , as the council of nice . to the chapter of deacons . our author is resolved on all occasions to shew that he thinks himself wiser then both the church and state , and therefore in defiance unto both , he attempts to prove that deaconship is not holy orders ; and to bring about so g●n●rous a d●sign , he makes nothing of st●●ining a point with the scripture , since t is so unkind as to stand in his way . it so happen'd that petavius discoursing of deacons had said , what the contents of our english bibles , and commentators generally agre● in , that p●ilip the deacon preacht , did miracles , and baptiz'd , and converted the city of samari● , and that the history describ'd act. 8. belongs to him . now our author is better advis'd , and assures us , that this more probably was philip the apostle . st. luke , 't is true , tells us that upon the persecution against stephen , several of the brethren went through all the regions of iudea and samaria , except the apostles ; 't is says our author , a gross mistake , the apostles are not to be excepted ; but philip the apostle , and not the deacon went about these regions . having thus happily entred himself into the lists , he goes on and tells us , that the first we shall find of deacons ▪ officiating in spiritual matters , is in iustin martyr : a modest man would thing that to be competent antiquity : but it seems to him that though in greece it was then receiv'd ; it was not so in afric● ; for terttullian says that the christians received the sacrament only from the hand of the president or bishop , that is , what i said even now out of ignatius , that neither this , nor any other sacred office was to be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the knowledg or consent of the bishop ; which thing our author himself hereafter confesses . and sure when the bishop consecrated both elements , and with his own hand delivered the bread immediatly to every communicant , and gave the cup to the deacon to distribute after him : 't will be a great truth to say that the eucharist was only received from the hands of the bishop . but 't is a fatal thing to be haunted by ill luck ; what will become of our authors profound learning , if it should appear that the deacon did distribute the cup in africa ? st. cyprian will , i hope , be taken for a competent witness in the case , who says in his book de lapsis . vbi solennibus adimpletis calicem diaconus offerre praesentibus coepit . when the other solemnities were performed , and the deacon distributed the cup to them who were present . nay if st. cyprian be to be believed , he utterly confounds all our authors pretensions at once , saying that diaconis non d●fuit sacerdotalis vigor ; there was not wanting to the deacons sacerdotal power , ep. 13. allowing them somewhat of priestly jurisdiction : and in the twelfth epistle , giving them power to release from the censures of the church , in articulo mortis , si presbyter repertus no● fuerit , & urgere exitus coeperit , apud diaconum quoque exomologesin facere delicti sui possint , ut manu ejus in poenitentia imposita , veniant ad dominum cum pace . if a priest be not to be fo●nd , and death draw on , they may make their exomologesis or confession before the deacon , that hands being laid on them as penitents , they may go to the lord in peace . our author proceeds , and according to his wont , shews his learning backward ; and quoting an epistle of st. ignatius ad tralli ( trallianos i presume he means ) finds , and often laments that learned men go on in a track , one after another , and some through inadvertency , some through partiality take many passages of ancient authors quite different from their meaning . one would now expect some eminent discovery . the fault in short is this , that our authors good friend vedelius , bishop vsher , doctor vossius , co●ellerius , and as many others as have put forth ignatius , ●ave gone on in a track , and falsly translated these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the deacons , being ministers of jesus christ , are to be honoured , for they are not the ministers of meats and drinks , but of the church , and servants of god ; to run thus , and to concern deacons , when as indeed the words are meant of priests . whosoever first translated this epistle of ignatius , says our author , sure this fancy of deacons ran much in his head , otherwise he could never have found them here , for it is evident the word diaconus , in this place , relates to the presbytery newly before mentioned , &c. well , we hear what you say , but for all this are convinced you are infinitely mistaken : and are sure that doctor isaac vossius , whatever became of other learned men , did not go in a track , nor by inadvertency nor prejudice ( his education , if he could have been seduced , leading him the other way ) but considered the place very particularly , and adhering to the translation which you despise , concludes , miror antiochum qui sermone 124. haec ignatii cit●t , it● illa mutasse , ut id quod de diaconis hic dicitur , presbyteris attribuat , modo apud illum locus sit integer , nec aliqua exciderint verba . i wonder antiochus , who in his 124. sermon quotes these words , should so change them , that what 〈◊〉 here said of deacons , should by him be attributed to priests , if so be the place be entire with him , and some words not left out . well , but our author has a mind that we should see the utmost of his skill : i do the more wonder at the interpreters mistake in this place , because by the following words ignatius here excludes the specifical deacons , saying not the ministers of meat and drink . to see the wonderful difference of mens understandings ; the most learned doctor isaac vossius , from these very words concludes the beforegoing period was meant of deacons ( specific deacons , since they must be called so ) from whence our demonstrator proves they could not be spoke of them . it is , it seems , a scheme of speech which our author never met with , to say of things or persons you are not this or this , but that ; when they are remarkably more that , than this or this . thus god says to samuel of the people , who , complaining of his old age , and evil sons , desired a king : that they had not rejected samuel , but god. all men of common sense know very well the meaning to be , that though they rejected the prophet , that was not to come into account with the rebellion and insolence wherein they rejected the lord himself . though god commanded sacrifices under the law , he expresly says , he will have no sacrifice , and delights not in , nay , abhors burnt offerings ; yet this did not abrogate the divine institution , nor make almighty god contradict himself . so st. paul advises philemon to receive onesimus his servant , not now as a servant , but above a servant , a brother beloved : by which words it is not to be inferred , that he should presently manumit him , but use him with kindness . but vanity and ignorance are most incommodiously quartered together ; our author had a mind to shew his reading , and pick a quarrel with the translator of a father : and then , no doubt , he must be a giant in learning , and list himself with those worthies that have slain their thousands . but such is our authors hard fate that this inconsiderable p●●●od which is here so earnestly controuled , is said unquestionably almost in every page of this holy martyr . so that should he have happened once in his life to be in the right , he had gained nothing to his cause ; and besides , from hence it is morally certain that our author never read a page together in ignatius . in this very shor● epistle within twenty lines he says , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; he that does any thing without the bishop , the presbyter , and deacon , has not a pure conscience . in that to the magnesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i admonish you to do all things in love , the bishop presiding in the place of god , the presbyters in the place of the colledge of the apostles , and the deacons most dearly bebeloved of me , as those who are trusted with the ministry of jesus christ. in that to the philadelphians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ hearken to the bishop , the p●esbytery , and the deacons . and again in the same epistle he adds , that it is necessary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to ordain there a deacon to perform the embassie of god. one would think this a competent instance of our authors intolerable insolence , without any regard of truth or ingenuity to dictate to the world , and pretend to correct learned men . but this is not all ; it is manifest he never read this very period , whose translation he pretends to mend : for so ignatius goes on there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ so in like manner let all reverence the deacon as jesus christ , and also the bishop as the son of the father ; and the presbyters as god's senat , and band of the apostles ; without these the church is not call'd . but we have not done yet . behold a piece of ignorance and impudence more inexcusable than the former ; poor petavi●s is taken to task for calling st. laurence a deacon ; which many hundreds before him had very innocently done ; and generally all that ever heard of his grediron , or his martyrdom , or indeed the occasion of it , are of his mind ; but it is our authors priviledge to be ignorant of what every body else is informed of . now in the present misadventure he attempts a greater mastery , goes beyond , and surpasses himself : for in that very place of st. ambrose which he cites ; the direct contrary of what he goes about to prove is in termini● asserted ▪ for that speech of st. laurence , which he recapitulates , and says , that it plainly shews st. laurence was a priest , not a bare deacon , tells us that he was a deacon . the words are lib. 1. offic. cap. 41. quo progrederis sine filio pater ? quò sacerdos sancte sine diacono tu● properas ? &c. o my father ( speaking to his bishop going to martyrdom ) whither go you without your son ? o holy priest whither ▪ hasten you without your deacon ? had it not been better for our author to have said st. laurence was an arch-deacon to credit the matter ; or a deacon cardinal ; than thus run counter to the words he alledged ? unless a man owed himself a shame , and was in dread he should never make honest payment , and therefore on purpose spoke what he knew most absurd , mere chance could never fall out so unluckily , that he should not in a whole book make one true recital of an author , or matter of fact , as he has done . yet after all this , as if he had come off with mighty credit , he closes his chapter with a quod erat demonstrandum : so i leave , says he , the deacons to their proper office of serving of tables , not finding in scripture any thing more belonging to them . our author having thus taken away , we will expect the next course , where it is to be hoped we shall be better served ; and that at last the banquet will make amends for the very ill fare we have hitherto had . to the chapter of church-government . our author has a dexterity of talking extravagantly of several weighty subjects , and this he calls handling them : which being beyond his strength , he heaves them to as much purpose as if they were timber ; and thinks he has acquitted himself to admiration . having therefore handled the former points ; that is , talkt beyond all aim and measure foolishly ; now he says he comes to the authority of bishops to govern as well as to ordain . and truly if they are to do one , as they are on his principle , to do the other , their authority is likely to signifie but little ; being shared by every the meanest priest. but the out-cry is , that the power of the keys is left to chancellors , lay-men who have no more capacity to sentence or absolve a sinner , then to dissolve the heaven and the earth , and make a new heaven and an earth . and thus the good man runs on like an horse with an empty cart , exceedingly pleased with the ratling of the wheels , and gingling of the bells ; but he never considers that all the proceedings of chancellors in the bishops court are in consequence of the canons of the church which are the decrees of bishops authoritatively met together , which have defined such and such doctrines heretical , such and such actions punishable with suspension , sequestration or deprivation , and the like : now all that the chancellor has to do , is to examine the matter of fact , take the allegations and proofs , and apply the sanction of the law to them . but where that extends to the use of the keys , that is reserved to them who by christs institution are trusted therewith . and if dr. duck did do an ill thing , the fault lies at his door ; and t is well if in this profligate age a single instance can only be pitcht upon . we have , blessed be god , a great happiness in the protection of our municipal laws , none in the world being a firmer bulwark of the princes rights and peoples liberties ; but should every clamorous person be hearkned to , who complains of the exorbitance of a judg , ( when if the matter be truly examined , probably the ground of the dislike , is that he did his duty ) we should soon tear out one anothers thro●ts ; and every mans hand would be against his brother . we know the worst of our present constitution , and desire not the hazards of a change . to the chapter of confirmation . this chapter begins with a liberal confession , that confirmation or some such thing is necessary : but t is a little odd that in a matter which approaches to the being necessary , a loose succedaneum of some such thing , should be sufficient . our author like a true empiric , in all cases strives to bring in aliquid nostri , his preparation of the medicin will render it soveraign : but the old , known , and received forms must by no means be taken . having then made up a narrative of matter of fact , jumbling , as his way is , true and false together , his first objection against confirmation as it now stands is . that it is not possible for a bishop of so large a diocess as some of ours are , some extended three or fourscore miles , many forty or fifty , personally to confirm half the youth in a diocess , if he duly examine each one as is fit and necessary . we see how this is performed in their triennial visitations . having put in a caveat in behalf of the present constitution , and minded my author again of his promise to the lords and commons , that there was not a word in his book against the known laws ; i cannot but reflect , that surely he lives in a country where the bishop is not over-diligent in his duty , else he would never make the task to be so impossible , unless the bishop never comes into his diocess , or never stir any where abroad in it : surely a very little contrivance with the diligence of the ministers would make it possible both for the bishop and youth to meet together without much trouble to either . there is no doubt if the affair be adjourned over to the triennial visitation , 't is not likely to be well done : but as this ought not to be the course ; so thanks be to god it is not . the next inconvenience in the present constitution is the disability of the curat to fit for confirmation ; and the little credit to be given , when he assures the bishop when he presents the children , that they are fully instructed for it : and therefore he concludes it necessary , to appoint some discreet conscientious ministers in the several circuits to examine and licence for the lords table : for he passes it for granted , that confirmation is no sacrament , and if it were , why may not priests , not bishops perform it ? well but suppose these discreet conscientious ministers , that are to supply the place of the parochial ones , should not be better qualified , be more discreet or conscientious then them , as it may very probably happen ; t is plain they cannot have those opportunities either to instruct the youth of each parish , or know they are instructed , as the local minister is furnisht with ; but then farther is it likely that the several parochial ministers will readily admit their neighbour minister , whom they may reasonably think not much wiser or better then themselves to meddle in their cures , or that the people will be contented with it ? will not animosities and quarrels , and contempt of the duty certainly follow ? as to the lawfulness of priests and not bishops performing it , upon the supposal that priests and bishops are the same thing , and that priests may ordain , which is the doctrine taught in one of the preceding chapters , this of priests ●onfirming may ●easonably enough be admitted : but the falseness of that imagination being abundantly evident , the absurdity of this will necessarily follow . and therefore notwithstanding our authors project , bishops may do well to go on in the execution of their duty in this most ancient and useful right , in which from the first planting of the gospel to this moment , they have been in possession . they who of late invaded the power of ordaining priests , having been so modest yet , as not to usurp this part of the episcopal office. as to the expedients proposed about framing additions to the catechism , making paraphrases on the lords prayer and ten commandments , regulating the ministers way of catechising , and enforcing parents and masters to bring their young people to be catechis'd , i shall only say that if every body in the nation , who is as wise as our author , shall be allowe'd to make models for the church , we shall have almost as many schemes of government , as there are persons to be governed . in the mean time we will take old cato's rule , and be well pleased with the state of things as it stands at present . the next p●que is at the bounds of each bishops diocess , and having told a story of rome , constantinople , alexandria , antioch , ierusalem , ephesus , corinth , and philippi , which sound big and look well in the inventory , he informs us that partly by great distances of citys , partly by the favour of former princes , several towns being cast into one diocess they became so large as t is impossible any one bishop should have a sufficient inspection into them ; the bishop knows not the names nor faces of half a quarter of them , much less their behavior ; he may have as well a part of france in his diocess to govern. our author never considers where his argument will light , is it possible to govern three kingdoms , nay are they therefore happy , because entire and under one government ? is there no manner of need why the prince should know the names of the aldermen in his metropolis , much less of the people in his dominions ? and is it so impossible a thing to comprehend all the necessary interests of an episcopal diocess ? the truth is , our author would make every parish-priest a bishop , and then the diocess will be little enough ; and the revenues of the bishops will be needless things , and as he says , the greedy harpyes will readily make use of his zealous intentions : but i pray let us make a parallel to his ecclesiastial policy in the civil state. there are a certain sort of men made iudges in the several circuits of england , which circuits are many of them fifty , six●y , an hundred or more miles in compass , they know not the name or faces of half or a quarter of them ▪ much less of their behavior , they may as well have a part of france in their circuit : were it not therefore better that every lord of the leet should distribute justice in the precincts of his mannor ; that no man should be at the expence of seeing councel , taking out writs , or of going to the shire-town , or vamping upon the hoof with shooes at back to westminster-hall ; but the steward of the court who knows the name and face and concern of every one should dispatch all things , and doubtless this would make a happy world. the parish would quickly find the advantage of this new scheme ; to have their estates , their lives and fortunes in ●he hand of a little attourny , and be all together by the ears , and have none to part them , but him whose interest it is to set them on . i need not set down the moral . thus mad is the ecclesiastical policy of our divinity-common-wealths-man , t is no very good account of time to write an vtopia , a politick romance ; but to play tricks in holy things , and set on foot a christian oceana , is an unpardonable fault . but our author proceeds to consider a second abuse in church government , which is exempt iurisdictions . whatever a man thought of the unexpedience of any thing establisht by law , surely in good manners he should not give it ill language , and call it an abuse , while it stood so authorized and supported . which should be done especially by him who has past a solemn promise of not speaking a word against the known laws of the land. but of all men in the world our author , whose business it is to make all the parishes in england peculiars , and have them straitned to the narrow limits , which admit the knowing every name and face , should not speak against exempt jurisdictions ; for if the whole nation were so cantoned out , and we had ten thousand bishops in england , we had exactly the scheme which he recommends , and at the same time complains of . it seems my author may freely write against what is establisht in church and state , as having obtained an exempt jurisdiction from the power of both : and to say incoheren● things and such as none else would say , contradictory not only of all sober men who have wrote before him , but of himself also , is his peculiar ▪ and so i leave him . to the charitable admonition . this being addrest to nonconformists , i must confess does not properly concern me , and is for the most part so well said , that i heartily wish it had been the whole book : but since our author finds himself oblig'd in charity , to think of those misguided men , i must also upon the same principle , have a concern for him ; and earnestly beg him to revise what he has wrote , and see whether he has laid grounds in it for socinianism , and all kinds of separation : and whether he has done a good office to religion , to supply dissenters , whom he decla●es to be obliged to obey the government , with all the arguments he could think of , to palliate and countenance their disobedience . surely men are not too well principled , that it should be needful to unsettle them ; nor too dutiful , that ther● should be reason to check them in their duty : and in a time when , as my author himself observes , separation , and many following divisions , have caused many to abhor the church , and turn to popery : it is obvious to apprehend that the doing every thing which the maddest separatist requires , and making religion slovenly and despicable , will not probably retain those who are tempted to popery , or recover them who have revolted to it . it will not be enough to say , that the book has every where in it sober and honest truths ; for so has the cracovian catechism , and the alcoran ; nay , there is scarce any conjuring book which does not for the greatest part consist of devout and godly prayers , we are told by our author , that it is above two years since he had these thoughts , in which time he has read and conferr'd all he could to discover if he were in an error ; but , for all he could yet meet wi●h , does not find it so , but hopes all he says is truth , and that it may be useful to the publick , in this present conjuncture of affairs . now this is certainly a most prodigious thing , that a man in two years time should never be once awake , converse with any good book , or man of sense ; or have the least reflexion upon what is either truth or expedience . i never read this book entirely over more than once ; nor have i had much leisure to consider it : and yet i presume any indifferent reader will see what gross misadventures have been detected by me , and probably himself will discover many more : for , in earnest , there are every where such blots that one can hardly avoid the hitting ; such flaws in discourse , that there needs no picking of holes , or looking narrowly to find the incoherence , but the passage lies wide open , and one may fairly drive a cart and horses thorow . upon the whole matter i cannot but conclude , that pride or discontent , or some other very prevalent passion has here interposed : for what else should make a man think himself fit to renverse the established constitution of the church , and give his advice to the parliament , how they should evacuate all their laws ? what should make him almost in every period contradict himself ; pretend to the knowledge of antiquity and religion , rant against universities , disparage the ministers and preaching of the nation : and at the same time discover the grossest ignorance and inconsideration as is imaginable ? and amidst all this acknowledge obligations to submission and conformity , and whatever he has spoke against : and after two years deliberation not to see that which is evident at the first glance , to any one that has but half an eye ? all this , i say , mu●t be the product of some one , or many violent passions . let my author seriously consider where this fundamental mischief lies ; search his own heart , and desire the searcher of hearts to discover it to him . he says , he has fasted and prayed , let him do so again ; but with humility and earnestness ; and the good god be merciful to him . finis . episcopacie asserted, as it now stands established in our church and common-wealth with the titles of honours, the dignity of authority, the endowments of revenues : by these following argumnts taken 1 from the word of god, 2 from the light of nature, 3 from the rights of his majesty, 4 from the lawes of the kingdome, 5 from the lawes of civility and common humanity / by thomas cooke ... cooke, thomas, d. 1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34431 of text r11518 in the english short title catalog (wing c6039). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 41 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 14 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34431 wing c6039 estc r11518 12832576 ocm 12832576 94334 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34431) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94334) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 255:e171, no 6) episcopacie asserted, as it now stands established in our church and common-wealth with the titles of honours, the dignity of authority, the endowments of revenues : by these following argumnts taken 1 from the word of god, 2 from the light of nature, 3 from the rights of his majesty, 4 from the lawes of the kingdome, 5 from the lawes of civility and common humanity / by thomas cooke ... cooke, thomas, d. 1669. [2], 24, [1] p. printed by tho. favvcet for nath. bvtter, london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. a34431 r11518 (wing c6039). civilwar no episcopacie asserted: as it now stands established in our church and common-wealth. with the titles of honours. the dignity of authority. th cooke, thomas 1641 7206 21 0 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion episcopacie asserted : as it now stands established in our chvrch and common-wealth . with the titles of honours . the dignity of authority . the endowments of revenues . by these following argnmnts ; taken 1 from the word of god . 2 from the light of nature . 3 from the rights of his majesty . 4 from the lawes of the kingdome . 5 from the lawes of civility and common humanity . by thomas cooke , batchelour in divinitie , who is so farre from any ingagement by any relation to any of their lordships , as hee is enforced at this present to his great charge and trouble , to become an humble sutor to the high and honourable court of parliament , for redresse of some grievances occasioned by the miscariage of some of the bishops , in a businesse that neerely concerned him . london , printed by tho. favvcet , for nath : bvtter . 1641. episcopacie asserted : as it now stands established in our common-wealth . as for the originals of bishops and their antiquity , that is sufficiently cleered and proved by many and sundry learned divines both bishops and doctors , and others , and may goe for currant till encountred with better reason , and confuted with stronger arguments . but as they now stand incorporated into the superior part of the body of our common-wealth , they are represented to every ordinary apprehension , so impregnably fortified on all sides , as that they may securely endure , like iron pillars or rocks of marble , all the battery of any eloquence or sophistry whatsoever . for although their opposers advance their notions towards the borders of divinity , in imitation of the old heretiques , who in a blush to be sole and bare in themselves and their single inventions , bragged out their absurdities for a while with scripture flourishes , and as vincentius lyrenensis said of them that they did divinae legis sententiis quasi quibusdam vellerebus sese obvolvere , so they tyred in themselves with their owne self-conceited presumptions and preapprehending the dangers they are in to be censured as sacrilegious , or inforced to flee to the scriptures , and from thence to extort succour with a wrest of violence for the better boulstering out their home-bred exceptions against bishops , that savour something of ignorance and malignity , of whom j may say as athanasius said of the arrians in his oration contra arrianos ; that christum simulant & contra christum pugnant , so they pretend the authority of christ speaking in the scriptures , when in very deed they strive though insensibly they perceive it not , and contend and argue against christ and almost against all his ordinances , & so fulfill not only the predictions of preferment wherewith blindnesse and ignorance should out-strip the cleere sunshine of manifest light and truth , but also accomplish the prophecies of the wild degeneration of charity into new and strange heats and fits of zeale without knowledge , & so render themselves obnoxious to the wrathfull displeasure of the almighty ; for as st. gregory saith , consilium divinū dum devitatur impletur , humana autem sapientia du reluctatur comprehenditur , so whiles man goes about to defeat and avoyd the authority of his commanding word by any act of disobedience , he falls within the compasse of another branch of his word of prophecie , which is thereby fulfilled and accomplished , and so whiles humane wisedome like the builders of babell soares towards heaven in a pride , to vie and contest with the wisdome of the almighty that is infinite and incomprehensible , it is taken in the snares of its owne impotencies , and have its vaine imaginations like achitophels turned round into folly and simplicity . 1. as first , because it is against christ and his will revealed in his word , whereby hee ever maintaines the beauty of honour , and the dignity of authority , and the strength and sinewes of revenues , wheresoever he finds them rightly fixed by humane lawes , whether on iew or turke , or infidell , or upon christians , but especially i● on his houshold servants and high stewards of his chiefest treasures , and most mysterious secrets , such as the bishops are , who are graced in our common-wealth with titles of honours , and with the dignity of authority by the favour of princes , and are indowed with great revenues by the franck donation of many famous founders and benefactors , and have ever been confirmed in all by the lawes of the kingdome , which are as neere as may be regulated by his will , so farre as hath been possible to make discovery of it , either by the dictates of nature , or his expresse cōmands set forth in the scriptures . and all this he seconds by surrounding them for the glory of his generall providence , with a guard of a double perfection not onely of strict injunctions to honour and obey , to assist and support them in all . but also with direfull menaces of punishment proportionable to their transgression , denounced against all ( that prevent it not in time with a due repentance ) that should dare to derogate from their honors , or disobey their authority , or disturb the peace they injoy in their possessions , and turnes of all violations of his law committed on them , but against himselfe from any the least termination upon them onely , and strikes in as a party , and makes himselfe the center of the injury , and reflects back again like a rock upon the authors , the offences offered to his messengers , as if he himselfe had suffered , saying not they , but i , not you , but me , which is the same with his language to saul before he was st. paul ; saying , when he appeared to him as he was travelling to damascus breathing out slaughter and threatnings against the disciples of the lord , saul , saul , why persecutest thou me , who , in all probability , were not disciples of the ecclesiasticke , but the civill state , and that too in the time of his ignorance , and while hee was yet in unbeliefe , but here christ is persecuted in his chiefe ecclesiastick disciples , and that by knowing and beleeving ministers , which is like the contention between the sunne and the moone , which is an allusion the poet tooke to expresse the insolencies wherewith the male contents of rome seditiously did venture to outbrave their superiours and governours ; saying , — fratri contraria phaebe ibit , & obliquum bigas agitare per orbem , indignata , diem poscit sibi ; totaque discors machina convulsi turbabit foedera mundi . in english thus : the moone impatient of her rule by night , would needs dissease the sunne the day to light ; and by this civill and unnaturall jarre : enforc'd the bands of the worlds love to fry in war . oh , let not the reddition be told in gath , or spoken of in the tents of ascalon . secondly , it is against the light of nature , that prescribes a rule for every man to measure anothers good by the estimate and affection they hold and beare to any thing they can , or doe call theirs ; which is this , quod tibi fieri non vis alteri ne feceris . manifested thus : if there be any that can intitle themselves either to honour or office , or inheritance that hath beene conferred upon them , either by the favour of princes , or by the donation of ancestors , and that confirmed by the sanctions and constitutions of humane lawes and judicatures , and that confirmation re-established by ancient prescription of long possession , and nothing to the contrary : it would be thought a thing very grievous and intolerable for a title so cleare and strong , and so impregnable to be unhinged and abrogated , and not to allow like justice to the bishops in all they are , wherin like correspondence in every respect is obvious to every ordinary eye , will prove a paradox too too pregnant with mysterious absurdities both in ordinary divinity and naturall logique and vulgar iustice and moralty . secondly , it is against the king his sole deputy and vice-gerent upon earth , and that in a threefold respect . as first , it is against his royall prerogative , which above all other glorious beames of divine majesty that shine upon him , and abundantly shew themselves in him , not onely in his power , but in his parts , both of sanctity and intelligence , proves him the only expresse image & lively representation both of the ample and free liberty , & also of the communicative goodnesse of the almighty , wherein it is free and loose from the mixtures of humane limitations and restrictions , which like sea-bankes bounds it up and circumscribes it in many particulars , but in this left free and absolute , and managed as it is according to the prescript rule of the word of god for the setting forth of his glory , by promoting of his peoples good , wch is the supreame end of all his majesties ; for salus pupuli especially spiritualis & eterna is suprema lex , as his majesty hath ever done to his eternall renowne by countenancing , and continuing , and confirming according to the royall patterne of his famous progenitors , the honours and authority , and bountifull maintenance of the bishops as hee found them at his first comming to the crowne . wherin he approacheth by imitation as neere as is possible to the nature of the almighty , and that in a double respect . 1. first thus : as god when he sent his angels as nuntioes on his arrand to mankind , he formed them with lineaments suitable to humane nature , to conciliate with their seeming germane affinity to their kind , some reciprocall welcome to be spent in a willing and favourable attention , and waiting on the delivery of their message , and so to steale upon both their apprehensions , and faith , and beliefe , all together by the prefaces of humane insinuations : so his majesty takes his naked spirituall creatures , of the poore ministers of the gospell , and lest they should be too much estranged , and abstracted , like angels in respect of secular and politicall out sides from all familiar association , with common and vulgar expectations ; he cloathes them with the court wardrope of honour and authority , and of the plentifull affluence of means , and so sends them forth , to charme the senses of his subjects , with the pleasing shyne of greatnesse , into a happy and holy treason to their soules , for the betraying of their darling ignorance , and misleading darkenesse , into the sweet captivity of a farre better guide of light from above , which is usually as odious to them , as a candle or day-light is to a thiefe and a robber . 2. and secondly , as god made kings , prophets , as melchisedeck , and king david , and after him salomon his sonne : so his majestie vouchsafes to all the chiefe evangelicall prophets that have been found famous for their parts , and piety , to participate in some measure of some of the branches of honour and authority , and of the ample revenewes derived at the first from kings . and that not so much to gratifie those reverend and holy fathers , with a paradise of temporall happinesse , in their present preferments , which is nothing to them , in comparison of those , fortes laetitias & solida gaudia , they have in their studies and performances of their duties ; as to winne upon the affections of carnall and secular minded men , to comply with him unawares in a point of state , policy , whilest they persue their owne covetous and ambitious thirsts and ●ymes at profit and promotion for thēselves or theirs , and that in his royall providence and designes to perpetuate an eternall propagation of a learned and orthodox , and of an vnblamable and unblemished ministry to the worlds end . 2. secondly , it is against his royall title of defender of the faith , which is not to be conceived to be ment of faith in abstracto in any sence , but in concreto as it is incorporated ( blessed be god for it ) into the hearts of all or the greater part in some measure of his christian people , the chiefe champions and propugnators whereof , under his majestie , were as ever the bishops , who have incoumptred and subdued almost all the powers of darkenesse , with all their antihcristian impostures , and diabolicall , machinations wherewith they have ever endeavoured either to darken or eclipse , or totally to abolish the light of the gospell . 3. thirdly , it is against his oath by which he ingaged himselfe at his coronation to embossome the church into his dearest and most intimate embraces , and to proove his patronage thereof ( according as hath beene prophecied of him ) by his care and zeale of its fraile and tender safety and prosperity , subject to all the stormes of envy and malignity , which being duely observed as hitherto by his majesty is the pillar and basis that beares up all other fundamentalls both in church and state , and that by reflecting back upon his majesty a strength and an assurance compleate and eternall both of all temporall and spirituall happinesse , and to his royall consort and all his royall issue , and to derive to all his loving subjects throughout all his dominions a confident security of the safe fruition of all the sundry objects of their chiefest and dearest delights the shaking and unloosing whereof upon any pretences , how spetious and advantagious soever will be little credit to their duty of loyalty that shall attempt it , and scarce thanke worthy at his majesties hands whensoever it shall be presented unto him . thirdly , it is against the lawes of the kingdome , and that in a double respect . 1. as first , it is against the grand fundamentall law of magna charta , so often confirmed by many sundry acts of parliament in sundry kings reignes , which allowes the church and church-men wherein no doubt bishops were imployed because it was a bishop that first begun and co●arived , and continued , and occasioned the free enjoying of all their endowements and immunities and priviledges to the strict observation wherof all that oppose the good of the church , are or should be sworne . 2. secondly , it is against the law of propriety of late so much stood upon and revived a new to the great good and comfort of the meanest and the lowest of the civill state . and if the heads and fathers of the church should be condemned as aliens and politicall illegitimates to an incapability of common rights , and interesses with their inferiors , it would amount to be a greater monster in government then ever nature did produce . for seeing they are free-borne subjects as well as others , and capable with them like free denisens of all rights , and enlargements , either by honour , or authority , or by any additions of reverewes they shall be thought worthy of , and can fairely arrive at , and being fully possessed of all by law accordingly , and that possession ratified by long prescription , they ought not neither can they be justly disseased of any , or all , but by order and course of law , usually observed in all proceedings in every court against any , eyther for disroabing , or dismounting of any from their honours , or for the deposing of any from their authority , or for the deprivation of any man of his means . and that too for some offence proportionable in waight to such a punishment , and that againe not meerely morall , as pride or covetousnesse , or neglect either of their episcopall or ministeriall duties , for which or the like , or greater , as meerely morall , never man was yet ever knowne to be questioned in any court , nor legally can be : but politicall , and that not in generals onely , for dolosus versatur in universalibus ( particulars are expected to be produced and proved , and they again to be tryed , and examined , whether hainous and enormious enough to undoe & destroy any one of the presēt bishops ) for their personall delinquences ; for so the learned and the innocent , the pious and religious might save themselves with credit , and fairely escape ; or whether so capitall and outragious , as like the sinne of adam , or a talent of lead , it should unmercifully drowne them all at once in one common confused deluge of an utter universall sweeping exstirpation , and finall abolition of all , the learned with the ignorant , the innocent with the delinquent , the person , place , and office , with all the concomitances , dependances , consequences , and influences for ever : or whether according to the tenour of one or more leading precedents , practised in like case , by the sages of former times , which is the cynosura , by which the whole nation of lawyers , both judges and pleaders for the most part usually steere and move in all their proceedings , who never had nor made precedents by the punishments of communities , especially such as the hierarchy of the bishops is ; for speculative , imaginary universalities of impieties . and in the meane time it ought maturely to be considered of ; whether such a suddaine violent redresse of the supposed enormious crimes of the bishops , would not become to them or some of them an irresistable rentation to greater and more intolerable , and unpardonable extravagant exorbitances , as of dejected and heartlesse , male-contentednesse , and of impious and blasphemous murmuring against gods providence , & of seditious quarrelling with , and repyning against the wisdome and the justice of the present government , or of busie studying out , and of subtile contriving of pernitious wayes of revenge for the unexpected losses of those pretious pledges of many former princes favours , and , as may be supposed by them , for the undeserved deprivation of the antient inheritance of their famous predecessours , and so 〈◊〉 a course of more avocations and of greater in erruptions of their studies then as yet can possible be conjectured : but the consequences thereof may easily be discerned by any that is but weake sighted in future contingences , as blindnesse and ignorance which is sayed to be mater errorum & vitiorum ●utrix , the fountaine and nurce of all impieties both speculative and practicall , for as the psalmist saith ; thou makest darkenesse wherein all the beasts of the forrest move ; so the night of blindnesse and ignorance is the only opportunity for all the works and fruits of darkenesse to advance and display , and to shew themselves in their colours , such as are heresies , scismes , factions , dissentions , seditions , rebellions , treasons of all kinds , jesuiticall powder plots , regicydes state underminings , and god knowes what chaos of disturbance and confusion of the whole frame of church and state of and all , for as acosta very well observed of old , that heresenan surores regnorum conturbationes secutae sunt , so it may be found true with us if not timely prevented . and as varro said of plautus ; postquam morte donatus est plautus , comaedia luget , scaena est diserta , dem risus , lusus , jocusque et numeri innumeri simul omnes collacrumarunt . change but the sceane into the church and the seminaries , and suborbes , and all the branches of it , and a man may see the like truth spring up faster and spreading already further then can be sooue or easily remedied . fistly , and lastly , it is against the lawes of civility and common humanity , and that in a double respect . 1. as first , thus to deprive the deceased founders of their proper inheritances who still survive themselves in their devices and donations which they did forbeare whilest they lived to wast and consume on their owne lusts and pleasures , and without respect had to their neerest and dearest friends and acquaintance diverted at their deaths ever their beneficence from them , and turned it into a sacrifice to be offered up to the almighty , and to be spent by the bishops , for the setting forth of his glory , and that by promoting the publique and spirituall good , both of king , and church and state , and of all both at home and abroad , wheresoever the gospell is professed , as is sufficiently manifested by the famous monuments of learning and piety , which they have continually set forth and published to the world , of which as horace said of his works ; exegi monumentum aere perennius regalique situ pyramidum altuis , quod nec imber edax aut aquilo impotens , possit divere aut innumerabilis , annorum eries , & fuga temporum . so may they say and more , and trulier of their workes , but they are no boasters . and now to defeate the aymes of those deceased founders , and to contend with them in a vye of better wisdome and larger liberty , and greater power then ever they had , or exercises over their owne estates , is like cum mortuo protogene bellum gerere was enough heretofore to make the victorious and couragious warriour demetrius to retreat and shrinke with shame and feare from his siege of the city rhodus , where the picture of iasylus made by the famous painter protogenes was kept , for when he was remembred to consider how foule a thing it was to warre with the dead , it is said that forthwith oppugnatione desita & imagini & civitati pepercit : so if it might be but deliberately thought on , what an unworthy and uncomely thing it is , that those ancient monuments and lively ravishing pictures of charity and piety , and beneficence , of the famous foundations and endowements of bishops , that have thus long subsisted & flourished ; should now be the objects of envy and hostility , they would spare their owne trouble , and forbeare their further prosecution of all the siege they have begirt them with , and of whatsoever they have attempted and enterprised gainst them . but to flye upon the bs. their donees and adopted children , and to out them of their legacies , as well or rather because they are bishops , then for any morall or politicall offence , as yet either alleged , or sufficiently proved , notwithstanding all the worthy services wherewith they or some of them , or some of their famous predecessours have enlarged and advanced the felicity both of church and state , cannot be warranted from the gests and acts of former times , and will prevent a parallel in after ages . for as tertullus the oratour said to foelix the governour , seeing we have injoyed great quietnesse by thee , and many worthy things have beene done unto our nation by thy providence , we acknowledge it wholly , and in all places most noble faelix , with all thankes , so they might understand , if they pleased , and confesse and acknowledge , that they and their fore-fathers have injoyed great quietnesse by their meanes ; for as the apostle saith of the israelites , that to them appertaine the adoption , and the glory , and the giving of the law , and of the service of god , and of whom are the fathers : so to them appertaine , the adoption and the glory of the chiefe ambassadours , and messengers of christ , of the high stewards of the great and manifold mysteries of salvation , of the master-builders of the great city and temple of the church , and body of our head christ ; of the faithfull dispensers of the covenant of grace , and of the ministeriall givers both of the law and gospell , and of the constant preservers , with their utmost care and diligence , of the sincere service of god , and of whom came all the fathers , in both the famous universities , and in all the cathedrall and parochiall churches , throughout the whole kingdome , who did baptize , and teach , and marry , and blesse from god , all their fore-fathers , and were to them in stead of christ their first and sole deputy redeemers , who recovered them out of worse then aegytian darkenesse & bondage : and so have hitherto preserved them , and , with their burning and shining rayes of light from above , did enlighten and mollify , and reduce the old , blind , and hard-hearted world , into bright day-light , and dove-like mildnesse and gentlenesse , to combine , and knit , and grow up together by the bands of charity into one man and one mind . and from those halcyon dayes of love , and peace , and joy , and delight , they deriving all their happinesse 〈…〉 for their fore-fathers debts and their owne , for former and present benefits all conce 〈…〉 them and theirs , with some thankefull requitalls of acknowledgement at the least . but in stead thereof , to affront the merits of their piety , and constancy , and learning , and charity , with affections high and rough , and grimme in frownes , and threats of their utter ruine and destruction , makes the gospell little better in event , then senecaes institution of his great scholler nero in his heathenish morality , of whom it is said , that he seemed non tam erudi●sse ingenium neronis , quam armasse saevitiam . and that by decreeing it incongruous and dangerous for them , as bishops , to taste of the pleasures of any little parcell of secular and temporall greatnesse , that at the best , have but stillam gaudii in ultima te parvitatis constituam , which is not onely to prejudicate their generous education of their continuall exercise of their best parts in the sublimest cōtēplations , in ye most abstruse mysteries in divinity , as unfruitful to refine the temper they are of by nature , and as altogether vnusefull & unprofitable to renue their infirm frame with sufficient supplies of grace , to be as pious and as religious amid the smiles of their great fortunes , as ioseph was in the court of pharoah king of aegypt , and as the evangelicall saints were in the roman tyrant neroes house : but to found and ground from thence a greater degree of popery then ever yet was discovered in the late bishops , or aymed at , or attempted by any of them ; namely , the single life of the clergy , which the apostle calls the doctrine of devils . for if honours and intermedling with secular affayres , and great possessions be inconsistant with holy orders , then must the clergie be interdicted and excommunicated altogether from the honourable estate of matrimony , as too too various and tedious , with many more vnavoidable changes of distractions and interruptions from their studies , which is by this meanes pointed at as the next intolerable burthen and grievous captivity they must of necessity expect to be enthralled unto . and so from thence to derive restraints to the honourable , and to the rich and married , and to the great commanders in the civill state to forbeare their darling pleasures , and not to be like polyphemus evangeliophorus whom erasmus brings in his dialogue between him and cannius , dreaming that the gospell hanging at his girdle , might reach an influence to his heart and head , and corporally worke a spirituall change upon his intellectualls , as if the meere carrying of the gospell about a man , or the sometimes vouchsafing to a preacher , an averse eare that is charmed from within , with swarmes of a thousand curbes of sundry fancies , and that too but in case of distresse , of necessitated respite , and leasure from their other occasions , and in a just dread of court-censures , and the punishments prescribed by humane lawes : and as the streame & swinge of custome and company , heaves and drives them , were enough to maintaine the credit of a christian profession , and in the meane time to ingrosse and impropriate to themsel●es all the guerdions and garlands due to the greatest endowments and best deservings ; and confine the clergy only to their intellectuall and spirituall delights and hopes of their future happinesse and inheritance in the kingdome of heaven ; as iulian the apostata , did the christians , when he spoyled them of their goods and estates , jeering them with their masters doctrine , saying to them , blessed are yee poore , for yours is the kingdome of heaven . as if our blessed saviour had suffered death onely to redeeme them from the bookish and leane drudgery of the clergy , and had come to crowne them , like a temporall king ( as the iewes expected ) with the rose buds of all the delights , or more then ever salomon provided for his lusts , in the dayes of his vanity , and to content himselfe onely with some few younger brother parsons to be conformable to his poverty ; and to side with him in the fellowship of his sufferings , but rather they are to be like epiphanius , of whom it is said , that pingebat actibus paginam quam legisset ; so they are to expresse , in their lives and conversations , all their lectures they have heard , and read , and received from their learned ministers . for as the exemption of them from the busie employments of magistracy , and the denudation of them from the bewitching splendor of honours , or exonerating them of the cumbersome luggage of riches and great possessions , must be turminated altogether by them in a moonkish retirement , and that to be worne out and spent in restlesse and incessant labours at their studies ; the fruits whereof are all to be expended for the enriching of the laity , with all the precious treasure of divine mysteries : so are they to be correspondent in a mutuall reciprocation of proportion●ble offices and duties ; and that by incorporating all that knowledge into all their existences , occasions , and occurrences , and as st. origen said of st. paul , sanctificabat prophana , & fecit ecclesiastica : so they are to sanctifie all their civill and secular conditions ; and as one said of the sacraments , that they were verba visibilia : so they are to rarifie and sublimate all their lowe & terrene temporall employments , into a manifest visibility of the purity of religion ; which will apparantly result not onely out of the exact measuring of the length and the breadth , and of the height and depth of all their endeavors and undertakings , according to the strict rule of the word of god : but also by pointing all their intentions , with a defixed ●yme at the high and chiefe end of the glory of god ; and by ever rancking all their other inferiour and secundary ends , with a methodicall subordination and a harmonious coherence , and an orderly and tributary subserviancie to the supreame . and then , is the poet said of isla and her picture : which the painter had drawn so to the life-like hir . vt utramque putabis esse v●ram : aut utramque putabis e●●e pictam . so an ordinary spectator , that is divided , through weakenesse of iudgement , into a dubious apprehension , might either thinke both laicke and ecclesiasticall persons to be a chosen generation , a royall priest-hood , an holy nation , a peculiar people ; a● st. peter called the distressed iewes , writing to them being strangers scattered through pontus , galatia , cappadocia , asia , and bithynia , or both of them to be and not to be , like a picture , that is and is not , what it seemes to signifie and represent ; a nation and no nation , a people and no people , christians , and yet no christians , as they ought to be . or else because they are , as they are good bishops ; who for the most part are as good as any sort of men : amid the many infirmities our weake nature is subject unto , and notwithstanding the many tentations our best performances are too too frequently blasted and blemished with . and in some respects doe farre surmount and transcend many thousands of other vocations and conditions , in both unknowne and unvaluable eminencies , and that in a double respect . 1. as first , because in their tender yeares , almost as soone as they could see , to discerne of colours and differences , they could be so eagle-eyed , as to spy out the pretious pearle of the gospell ; to the study whereof they did wholly dedicate themselves without any further consult with nature ; and that with a kinde of disdaine of all other professions whatsoever , and singled out its excellencies from all the flatteries of honour , and riches , and renown , that courted their judgement from every corner of the earth , and the knowne world ; to be their sole , and secure , and most sincere delight , and as most really and substantially advantagious to themselves , and as most universally and freely profitable to all others in their most spiritualized , and sanctified desires and wishes ; howsoever slighted and undervalued by some ignorant atheist , as the most barren and chargeable , and laborious , and difficult , and despicable vocation in the world . 2. and secondly , for the many weary dayes and , weekes , and moneths , and yeares , and anxious , and vexatious cares and indefatigable and restlesse , paines , whereby they have exhausted and consumed the flower of their strength , and prime time , and all to enrich themselves by gods blessing , and the assistance of his holy spirit , with heavenly treasures , to be retayled againe , sometime to men of corrupt minds , who for the most part requite them with no other rewards , but heapes of contumelies and heart-breaking reproaches ; wherewith they abundantly revenge all the great good of grace and glory which they intended them . and to conclude , when the state did never yet decree by any publique act , eyther riches , or any honourable remuneration , to any of the bishops , or any of theirs ; for any of the best services , and performances ; which measured by the strictest exactions of humane lawes ; may well goe for luxuriant and redundant super-erogations . and now to treat of nothing but degradations and demolitions of those pillars of earth ; contrary to the word of god , and the light of nature ; and contrary to the rights of his majesty ; his title , oath , and prerogative ; and contrary to the lawes of the kingdome , and of common humanity , and civility , and supra , and praeter , and ultra , all their demerits , and when many poore and beggerly incorporations , are permitted and allowed to tryumph in needlesse , and superfluous priviledges ; whose chiefe magistrates wisdome and policy ; is sometimes recorded with his owne handy-work on the roofe , & top of his ruinous habitation : this would make st. hierome , if he were now alive , to blush , and repent ; at what he said in his epistle , ad eustochium , quid cicero cum apostolis ? for the orators exclamation of ô tempora ! ô mores ! may well suite for a fit amplification of the apostles prediction of these our perilous times , the apostle speaks of in his 2. epistle to tim. 3. c. v. 1. this know also , that in the last daies perilous times shall come . v. 2. for men shall be lovers of themselves , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemous , disobedient to parents , unthankefull , unholy . v. 3. without naturall affection , truce-breakers , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of those that are good . v. 4. traitours , heady , high-minded , lovers of pleasures more then lovers of god . v. 5. having a forme of godlinesse , but denying the powers thereof . he that please may reade , and use it as his looking-glasse , and m●ke discovery of some things amisse in himselfe , and thence learne to surrender up all the surfets of mistakes , wherewith they have undervalued and vilified those reverend fathers , whom tertullian calls a postolici semi●is frutices & haereditarios discipulos christi , and are procuratores salutis generis humani , and the chariots of israel , and the horsemen thereof , as elisha said of elias , and ought to be honoured with all thankefulnesse ; omni loco , actu , habitu , tempore , as ausonius said to gratian the emperour , and rather then to abase them any lower , then they are , with any dimiunitions ; to study how to adde to them further and ampler enlargements in all ; for as st. hierome said in point of obedience , so may i say in matter of beneficence , quis pudor , quod nonpraestet fides , quod praestitit infidelitas , so what a shame is it that our father should not be as bountifull to the church as ever was pater noster . but instead thereof , in this cleere and plentifull sun-shine of the gospell , to bereave them contrary to the lawes of grace , & of nature ; of those endowements which were confer'd upon them , by such as were contrary to themselves , both in nature and in grace , in respect both of naturall and spirituall affections : will prove a double aequivocall operation , in the production of contrary effects in both religions , both theirs , and ours . for as their blind superstition , became to them like the clay , wherewith our saviour opered the blind mans eyes in the gospel , which was likelier quite to put them out , then any way to cleere them or recover them : taught them to worke out new discoveries of better wayes of serving god , and honouring him with their substance ; not onely for the buying out of the prince of darknesse from his regencie ( if it were possible ) wherewith hee tyrannized over the children of darknesse : but also for the hyring of the light of the world ( if it might be ) to breake out , and shine upon them , their kindred and country-men ; and with a holy kinde of symony , to purchase for them the gifts of the holy ghost . so the abundant bright sun-shine of the gospel , dazles the light of nature in some , into such a stupor of insensible blindnesse and ignorance ; as they can neither see their owne hands ; nor yet the surplussages of their over-flowing estates , nor the sundry formes of wants and miseries , wherein our saviour proclaims and presents his distresses , continually in many thousands of his poore and afflicted members . but when they come to the church they seeme to see double , and take all temporall accessions , of honours , of authority , and of revenues , to be a voenenum , and a perditio , and altogether superfluous , bursome and dangerous . but manum a tabula . therefore as the hills stand about hierusalem , as the psal. saith , so let the lord , and the lords annointed , and all the minor lords of the earth ; and all that beare good will unto sion , incompasse , and incampe , like legions of angells ; round about the reverend bishops , and all they are , from this time fourth , and for evermore , amen good lord , so be it . amen , amen . finis . errata , page 3. line 23. for perfection read protection , page 5. line 2. for spoken read published , line 27. for secondly read thirdly , p. 6. l. 15. for majesty r. majestie , is ( p. 9. line 11 : for thirdly read fourthly , l , 18. for imployed r. implyed , l. 19 , for con●rived r. contrived , p. 12. l. 18. for heresenan r. heres●on , & l. 24. for deni r●dein , p. 13. l. 19. for altuis 1. altius , l. 22. for ●ries r. series , & l. 28. for exercises r. exercised ) p. 16 l. 1● . for constituam r. constitut●m , & line 22. for in read of page 21. line 27 , for earth read the earth . a compendious discourse, proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall, and conseqvently of divine, institution by a cleare and weighty testimony of st. irenaeus, a glorious martyr, and renowned bishop of lyons in france, upon the yeere of our lord, 184 : the said testimony being so declared, pressed, and vindicated from all exceptions : that thereby an intelligent and conscionable reader may receive abundant satisfaction in this behalfe / by peloni almoni, cosmopolites. almoni, peloni, cosmopolites. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a34152 of text r1019 in the english short title catalog (wing c5607). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a34152 wing c5607 estc r1019 13066744 ocm 13066744 97074 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34152) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97074) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 253:e157, no 13) a compendious discourse, proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall, and conseqvently of divine, institution by a cleare and weighty testimony of st. irenaeus, a glorious martyr, and renowned bishop of lyons in france, upon the yeere of our lord, 184 : the said testimony being so declared, pressed, and vindicated from all exceptions : that thereby an intelligent and conscionable reader may receive abundant satisfaction in this behalfe / by peloni almoni, cosmopolites. almoni, peloni, cosmopolites. [16] p. printed by e. g. for richard whitaker ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. a34152 r1019 (wing c5607). civilwar no a compendious discourse, proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall, and consequently of divine institution: by a cleare and weighty testimony almoni, peloni, cosmopolites 1641 5063 6 5 0 0 0 0 22 c the rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a compendious discourse , proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall , and conseqvently of divine institution : by a cleare and weighty testimony of st. irenaeus a glorious martyr , and renowned bishop of lyons in france , upon the yeere of our lord , 184. the said testimony being so declared , pressed , and vindicated from all exceptions , that thereby an intelligent , and conscionable reader may receive abundant satisfaction in this behalfe . isaiah 39. 8. let there be peace and truth in my daies . by peloni almoni , cosmopolites . london , printed by e. g. for richard whitaker at the kings armes in pauls church-yard , 1641. to the christian and judicious reader . it is true in this particular case of episcopacy , which salomon speaketh in the general : how good is a word spoken in due season ? it is like apples of gold in pictures of silver . if ever there were a season to write , or speake , in defence of episcopacy , it is now , or never ; wherein men travaile in birth to bring forth their severall conceipts : some doubting whether it be of divine , or humane institution : some affirming the one , some the other : some desiring to preserve it , some to destroy it . in such a time silence is dangerous , wherein liberty is ill given to , or ill taken by the adversaries of gods ordinance to publish their raw and undigested discourses ; fraught with more malice then truth . but cantabunt cygni , cum graculi tacuerint . as for my selfe , i hope that i may make use of this publique liberty , without offence ( which i seeke not ) or danger ( which i regard not ) to speake a word for my reverend mother , the church of england , and my venerable fathers , the bishops thereof : for i may say with s. hierome , in a cause ecclesiasticall ; mori possum , tacere non possum . i passe a while under an unknowne name ; as some adversaries of episcopacy do : the person is little to the matter : res cum re , causa cum causa , ratio cum ratione concertet , as s. augustine writeth . meane while know thus much of me unknowne ; that i have no dependance upon any bishop ; though there be one , singularly learned and truely religious , in that sacred order , cui debeo quicquid possum , & non possum ( to use s. hieromes words ) from whom yet , as from the rest , i expect nothing ; being rich in my contentment , and private course of life ; wherein though i enjoy little , yet i seeke nothing more ; but that the truth may have victory , the church peace , and god the glory ; amen . lond. may 31. 1641. thy friend in christ peloni almoni . a compendious discourse proving episcopacy to be of apostolicall and consequently of divine institution . it is a vanity to speake much of a little , and a difficulty to speake little of much ; as in this copious argument of episcopacy , which pleadeth discent from the blessed apostles : to which purpose i might produce many proofes from scripture , antiquity , ( fathers , and histories ) from the most famous divines of forraine churches and our owne ; and finally from reasons , depending upon the sacred oracles of god . but now , in this latitude of matter , to avoyd longitude of discourse , i have confined my selfe especially to one important testimony ; one in stead of many , or of all : in pursuit , explication , and defence whereof , i shall have occasion , fairely presented unto me , to reflect a little upon those other grounds : and so out of all , to give as plentifull satisfaction upon this point as it doth require , or so compendious a discourse can permit . understand then , you that are ignorant , or remember you that are learned , that s. irenaus confuteth the marcionites , and valentinians ( leaden heretickes in that golden age ) by a double probation : first out of the holy scriptures , and then by apostolicall tradition ; not in the popish sense of an unwritten word , but in an orthodoxall sense of the doctrine preached by the apostles , and by them , planted in the churches which is also in the written word : the same descending from the time of the apostles unto the time of irenaeus himselfe . to this end and purpose , he first produceth the church of rome ; then most famous in the world , as instructed by s. peter and s. paul , who as he conceiveth governed it joyntly , and taught it fully in all the mysteries of christian doctrine ; which finally they watered with their owne blood : from , and after whom ( saith he ) in a lineall succession eleutherius , now the twelfth in order , possesseth the episcopacy of the same . if any man doubt whether this romane episcopacy were of apostolicall institution , or not , the substance of irenaeus his discourse in that place will beare it well ; to which i now remit the ingenuous reader , because i make hast unto his subsequent discourse , which taketh away all doubt for first plantation of episcopacy in the church . for thus he writeth ; polycarp was not onely taught by the apostles , and conversed with many of them , who saw the lord , but was also constituted , by the apostles , bishop in asia , and in the church of smyrna there ; whom we also saw in our first age ; being his disciple , as s. hierom [ de viris illustr. . ] doth record . this testimony is so cleare and ponderous , that it may sufficiently determine the whole cause ; if you consider the person ( who it is that speaketh ) and the matter , which he speaketh . but since nothing is so cleare , which may not seeme obscure , and nothing so ponderous , which may not seeme light to a mind possessed with unreasonable prejudice , i will now further declare , & presse this testimony of irenaeus ; fencing it also against all objections , which may be framed against it ; or against our cause , which doth depend upon it . first , then , consider with me the authour , or relator rather , himselfe . note his antiquity : he lived in the time of eleutherius , the twelfth bishop of rome ; upon the yeere of our lord * 185. we have few authors ( grave and certaine ) now extant , who lived before his time ; except ignatius ( whose 7. epistles as they are his owne , and aproved for his by vedelius , and are some of them lately cited by the adversaries of episcopacy under his name ; so they fully expresse the cleare distinction of bishops , presbyters , and deacons , in the first age of the christian church ) and , after him , of justinus martyr , who , under the name of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ( governour , or prefect ) doth well discover what episcopacy was in the second age of the church . note then his quality . he was an holy man , a learned man , a peaceable man ( as it may appeare by his epistles addressed unto uictor , bishop of the church of rome ) a constant defendour of the truth , and finally a patient sufferer for the same . what is your exception against him ? the late unworthy authour of a booke intituled , of reformation , &c. hath found some quarrell against him : but fevardentius , in his apologeticall preface ( in the defence of irenaeus ) hath well answered such exceptions . howbeit , whatsoever errours , ( more , or fewer ; greater , or lesser ) irenaeus had , or had not ; it is nothing to the point now in question : for if he erred , it was in a point dogmaticall : we are now upon a point historicall , viz. whether this relation of irenaeus , concerning the episcopacy of polycarpus , which he received from the apostles , be true , or not ? wherein he had information immediately from polycarp himselfe and the whole church of smyrna , wherein he lived . who wil , who can who dareth say that irenaeus hath lyed in this report ? he knew polycarp very well , and knew undoubtedly that his episcopall office was derived from the apostles : why should this relation seeme incredible unto you ? the scriptures themselves informe us so much : for , when s. john writeth to the angell of the church of smyrna ; who is this angell ? polycarp : so the concordance of scriptures , and histories ; so the judgement of many learned men ( & some protestants ) do informe us . and why is polycarp here an angell ? because he is praepositus ecclesiae , the governour or bishop of the church : many presbyters being therein , but he , in title distinct from them , and in power , superiour to them ; as wee may clearely collect out of s. augustine ; epist. 162. where first he sheweth and proveth , that under the name of angels , are not understood celestiall angels in these 7. churches ( as origen , and some others following him , did conceive ) and then , particularly for the angell of ephesus , he saith afterward , that he is praepositus ecclesiae , the governour of the church ; now since we read of many presbyters in ephesus , act. 20. 28. and here of one angell in it , he must needs be a person , in place , and office , as well as name , distinguished from the common presbyters of the church : as epiphanius ( more ancient then aug. ) doth hence collect and constantly affirme , haeres . 25. this explication is confirmed by our best divines ; as namely by venerable bullinger , conc. 9. in apocal. saying , an heavenly epistle is destinated to the angell of the church of smyrna . now histories doe testifie , that the angel , or pastor of this church was polycarp ; ordained a bishop by the apostles , even by john himselfe . to him i conjoyne worthy marlorat , saying that in apoc. 2. 1 , iohn doth not set upon the people , but upon principem cleri , utique episcopum : the bishop , prince , or chiefe of the clergy ( presbyters and deacons ) in that church . to both them i adde the famous clerk , david pareus ; who dareth not say ( though some doe ) that timothy was then the angell , but denieth not that we was sometimes the angell , or bishop there : and therefore he putteth there this question in the margine ; was timothy bishop of the ephesine church at that time ? he saith tunc , then : he saith not unquam , at any time : which is a plaine concession , that , in his judgement , timothy was sometimes ( as indeed he was ) the bishop of that church . also in apocal. 3. 1. he confesseth ingenuously ( upon evidence of the text ) that , under the name of angell there , is to be understood antistes , the chiefe , the prelate , the bishop of the church . which resolution of ancient and moderne divines ( to which i adde the judgement of the great divine d. rainolds ; confer. with hart. cap. 8. divis . 3 : ) is confirmed by the perspicuous evidence of undeniable reason : for , in the church of ephesus ( and so in the rest ) why is one man ( where many presbyters were ) called an angell specially , but for his speciall eminency above the rest ? and why was the succession of one man to one observed in histories , and registred in the diptycha of the church , rather then of many to many ? as here , in the church of ephesus , of smyrna and the rest , one man singularly is remembred : and why one , if this one man did not , in dignity of his place and office therein , excell the ' common presbyters , as their governour and prefect , placed over these presbyters by the holy apostles ? to this effect speaketh leontius , b. of magnesia in the councell of chalcedon , act. 11. amongst 630. bishops , that memnon , then b. of ephesus was the 27. bishop in succession from and after timothy , as being the first bishop of that church . for as the subscription of the second epistle of s. paul to timothy doth directly beare it ; so we have a cleare attestation to it from eusebius , l. 3. c. 4. epiphanius , har●s . 75. chrysostome ; praf● . in 1. ad timoth , & homil. 1. in epist. id philip hierome , de viris illustr. . * primasius , paefrat . in 1 ep. ad timoth. to all which ( and others ) i may adde oecumenius , who lived in the yeere 1080. as also tertullian , who intimateth this truth sufficiently in his book of prescriptions , cap. 36 , and finally s. ambrose , praefat. in 1. epist. ad timoth . but that i esteeme the authour to be a counterfet , whom yet i conceive to be very ancient . finally then , to end this point ; irenaeus hath now related no more touching polycarps episcopacy , then is warrantable by scriptures , fathers , historians , and our owne divines . i end therefore with hierome , ep. 85. affirming that the apostles , by their tradition did institute bishops , presbyters , and deacons in the new testament , looking unto the answerable degrees of the high priest , the inferiour priests and levites in the old ; and telling us , in his exposition of psal 45. 16. that bishops are there foretold ; as aug. also doth himselfe conceive . to that ancient hierome , i adde a latter , viz. the most learned zanchius , confessing fairely and truely [ miscellan . t. 2. d● primatu papae , p. 193. impres . neostad●i in 4. anno d. 1608. ] that , in the church , first presbyters onely were . secondly , saith he , additi episcopi , idque apostolorum temporibus ; bishops were added [ as being in degree , place and office distinct from presbyters ] and that also was done in the apostles times . if in their times , then by their meanes , as any rationall man may thereupon conclude . for , who durst institute bishops in their times , without their direction ? where , in scripture , or history , doe they impugne this institution ? and if they made not this institution ; who made it ? what councell ; generall , or provinciall ? when ? where ? produce any evidence of probable truth ( i say not certaine ) in this behalfe . and thus having justified the relation of irenaeus , concerning the episcopacy of polycarp , to which the apostles ( and particularly s. iohn did advance him ) i proceed to some other poore exceptions against the aforesaid testimony , which need not so large a discussion , as the former ; that being the very substance and center of our whole discourse . a second exception is , that , perhaps this place hath beene forged or corrupted . but this objection is of no force , or value . for as this place now standeth in irenaeus , so it stood , word for word , in the time of eusebius , upon the yeere 330. who hath thence transcribed it into his ecclesiasticall history , lib. 9. c. 14. this is an old device of heretickes to say that the place is corrupted , when they cannot ●nswer it ; as s. augustine observeth , confes. lib. 5. c. 11. a third exception is , that irenaeus was himselfe a bishop , and so not a competent witnesse in such a case . shall then so holy a person be rejected as a lyer ? writing otherwise then he saw or heard ? this were a desperate evasion , and contemptible ; yet followed by the adversaries of episcopacy , charging the fathers as partiall in their owne cause . but were they not the principall writers ? yet not the onely : for tertullian and hierome were presbyters only ( and not bishops ) whose judgement and testimony i will not decline in this cause . thus our english divines are rejected , as being bishops , or affecting episcopacy , and so their owne judges . say what you please ; yet i will conclude this passage with the publique protestation of that learned and holy man , d. iohn white , in his sermon at pauls crosse , march 24. 1615. i protest before god and man ; it amazeth me to see such , as can read either scriptvre , or antiquity to carpe at it [ episcopacy ] when the christian world , for 1400. yeeres after christ , never saw any other government , &c. a fourth exception is , that polycarp was no lord bishop ; he had no civill dignity , no temporall power , &c. and therefore very different from the bishops of our church . truely said , but to little or no purpose . the christian church and temporall state were then divided ; and the first was persecuted by the second , till glorious constantine obtained the imperiall diadem , upon the yeere 316. afterwards by favour of the emperour , and other princes , civill dignity , and temporall power were annexed to episcopall places , the church and state being now united together . i say therefore , first , that bishops , for three centuries , had no such dignity and power : they were bishops without it then , and may be bishops without it . now . secondly , that , as the state , for good reasons gave it so , for good reasons ( such as may be , not such as are ) may take it away ; but episcopacy it selfe , wch god gave , no man may take away . salomon might exclude abiathar from his priesthood , but the priesthood he could not dissolve . i speake not now of absolute power , but lawfull power in the state ; for id possumus , quod jure possumus , & no more . thirdly , that temporall power , annexed to episcopall function , may not onely adorne it , but strengthen it , for the benefit of church , and common wealth . fovrthly , that bishops are capeable of this dignity , and power ; as zanchius observeth well , epist. tom . 1. ad ioh. stuckium ; saying , that , since in the old testament , one man [ the high priest ] exercised both powers ( spirituall and temporall ) non ergo per se pugnant ; these two therefore [ to be a bishop and a civill potentate ] doe not , of themselves , the one oppugne the other , but may both concurre in one person : and then addeth , that , in writing the confession of his faith ( upon occasion whereof this question did arise ) he was to have a regard of those reformed churches , wherein many [ as bishops in england ] have a temporall power conjoyned with their spirituall office . fiftly , and lastly , i demand of the adversaries of episcopacy : if bishops shall be excluded from civill dignity temporal power , &c. will you rest so content ? & shall our bishops yet retaine their spirituall office of superiority over presbyters , with such authority in the church , as christian bishops did obtaine , and exercise therein , from and in the apostolicall times , and in the succeeding ages of the primitive church ? no , but you would cast them wholly out of the church , or leave them an empty title without a reall office ; which , in the perpetuall discourse of all ages , they have enjoyed in the universall church . to conclude : if malice in some did not envie their honour , and avarice in others their estates , this exception were easily answered : but howsoever it be , bishops they are lawfully with both , and bishops they may be truely without either . a fift exception is , that polycarp ( as also ignatius and other bishops ; such as they were ) might perhaps have a priority of place before presbyters , but not a superiority of power above them . a weake pretense against the knowne testimony , and certaine experience of all ages , for proofe whereof , i remit you unto s. hierome ( the supposed adversary of bishops ) who in the very place , so often produced against episcopacy , [ viz , in tit. 1. 5. ] saith that the bishop was suprapositus , placed above the presbyters of his church . this is more , then he said , epist. 85. that he was praepositus , which perhaps you will render in english ; placed before them ) though , in truth , it be no lesse . and to make all cleare in this point , he saith yet further , contra luciferianos , cap. 4. the safety of the church dependeth upon the dignity of the bishop . unlesse an eminent , and peerelesse power be given to him by all men , there will be as many schismes as priests , in the church . whereupon it is , that in his instructions to nepotianus , hee saith very well ; what aaron and his sonnes once were , that we must know bishops and presbyters now are : viz. in distinction , office , and degree , and whence it is that , as in s. ignatius first , so in other authours afterward , through all ages of the christian church bishops , presbyters , and deacons are three distinct kinds in office , and degree ; the first above the second , and the second above the third : and not weekely , monthly , yeerely bishops , presbyters , and deacons ; but perpetually , during the time of their lives . the sixt and last exception is yet more important , for you will say ( as some have said ) that they , who in the third chapter , are called bishops by irenaeus , are in the second chapter called presbyters ; and so polycarp , though called here a bishop , is but a presbyter ; since presbyters also are so called , act. 20. 28. phil. 1. 1. &c. i answer . it is true ; these bishops here are called presbyters before : but how ? with an evident distinction from common presbyters : for when irenaeus , from peter and paul , reckoneth a succession of 12. bishops in the church of rome ; i demand : had these bishops no certaine distinction from other presbyters in that church ? i shewed before that their personall and lineall succession is observed by irenaeus , and others : why ? because they had a reall difference from all the presbyters therein . this point is cleared by many evidences ; amongst which , for brevity sake , i produce the * epistle of the presbyters and deacons of the romane church , written to s. cyprian ( upon the yeere 252. ) wherein they say , that fabian their late bishop [ the 19. in that place ] was lately put to death ; and that for the difficulty of the times , another bishop was not yet constituted ; who might moderate the affaires of the church , and by his authority and counsell , might take care of such as were fallen in the time of persecution . i argue then , as fabian lately was , and his successour shortly must be , in a distinct place of government above the presbyters of rome , so was eleutharius ( and so were his predecessours before ) a bishop in higher place , of greater power , above other presbyters in the romane church . for conclusion therefore of this point ; i pray you , in all candor and ingenuity , to consider with me , that , though presbyters , in the beginning ( when as yet they had no bishop over them ) were called , and might be truely called bishops ( that is to say , overseers ; for they did , then under the apostles , oversec the church , for a little time ) yet , when the care of the whole church came peculiarly to the bishop ( as hierome saith in tit. 1. 5. ) this name was peculiarly attributed unto him , and not communicated unto them : witnesse the same s. hierom et . 85. where by particular instance , he maketh the election of bishops in the church of alexandria , and saith ; that from marke the evangelist unto heraclas and dionysius , the presbyters electing one of their company and placing him in a higher degree [ note that by the way ] called him their bishop . so that here the name of a bishop ( by good authority , and for good reason ) once common to all the presbyters , is now proper unto that presbyter , who was placed in an higher degree above the rest ; which calvin also hath well observed ; inst. l. 4. c. 4. sect. 1. & 2. saying that in the old church , the title of bishop was specially given to one presbyter : chosen out of the number of many . to conclude then ; you shall finde sometimes in antiquity , that a bishop is called a presbyter : but can you finde that anywhere a presbyter is called a bishop ? i am no stranger in the councels , fathers , and histories , ( in which course of studies being now 62. yeeres old , i have spent a moiety of my age ) & yet i can remember no such thing : and were a presbyter so called , it were rather by force of the word , ( which importeth overseeing ) then by propriety of speech ; since , in ecclesiasticall use , the name of bishop is appropriated to him , who hath a generall overfight ( for the clergy and laity ) in his owne diocesse or precinct . finally then , as the high priest in the law is sometimes styled simply by the name of the priest , but yet was above other priests in the old testament , so a bishop is sometimes stiled by the name of a presbyter , but yet is above other presbyters in the new . a conclusion . thus , at the length , having cleared the testimony of irenaeus , touching the episcopacy of polycarp ( committed unto him by the holy apostles , and particularly by s. john ) from all exceptions ( as i conceive ) which some adversaries of episcopacy have taken , and some may take against it , i thus conclude my whole discourse , and bring it to the present purpose ; viz. a bishop , in the church of england , doth not unjustly usurpe an office therein by humane institution , but doth justly possesse it by * divine right ; notwithstanding all malicious scoffes , and unlearned cavils , against so ancient , so venerable , so necessary an office in the church of god . now if any man shall except against this discourse , as prejudiciall to some reformed churches , i answer , that my care hath beene to justifie ours , but my desire was not to impugne theirs : and that i am as tenderly affected to retaine communion with the ancient and universall church , as with any later , and particular church : though in the truth , and for the truth , i love and embrace all reformed churches , for which i have a more copious defence , which may ensue hereafter ; this discourse being onely the prodromus , or forerunner of a more ample treatise , which i have composed to maintaine episcopacy ; under which i live in peace , and without which i cannot live with comfort . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a34152e-410 lib. 3. cap. 3. * functius in chronolog . * anno d. 540. * cyprian ep. 31. e. lit. 1. pam●lii . * the exercise and execution of his office , in this or that place , a bishop hath by the favour of the prince . eleutherosis tēs aletheias, truth asserted by the doctrine and practice of the apostles, seconded by the testimony of synods, fathers, and doctors, from the apostles to this day viz. that episcopacie is jure divino / by sir francis wortley ... wortley, francis, sir, 1591-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67119 of text r34763 in the english short title catalog (wing w3637). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67119 wing w3637 estc r34763 14627444 ocm 14627444 102691 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67119) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102691) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1082:6) eleutherosis tēs aletheias, truth asserted by the doctrine and practice of the apostles, seconded by the testimony of synods, fathers, and doctors, from the apostles to this day viz. that episcopacie is jure divino / by sir francis wortley ... wortley, francis, sir, 1591-1652. [8], 30 p. printed by a.n. for j.k. and t.w. ..., london : 1641. first three words of title in greek characters. imperfect: pages stained. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng episcopacy. apostolic succession. theology, practical. a67119 r34763 (wing w3637). civilwar no eleutherōsis tēs alētheias. truth asserted by the doctrine and practice of the apostles, seconded by the testimony of synods, fathers, an wortley, francis, sir 1641 10426 18 125 0 0 0 0 137 f the rate of 137 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2004-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-05 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ελευθερωσις της αληθειασ . trvth asserted by the doctrine and practice of the apostles , seconded by the testimony of synods , fathers , and doctors , from the apostles to this day . viz. that episcopacie is iure divino . by sir francis vvortley knight and baronet . london printed by a. n. for i. k. and t. w. and are to be sold at the white horse in pavles church-yard . 1641. to the most high and illustrious charles prince of great britain . sir , you set back the clock of my age and make it day-spring , when it is past the mid noone of my life . i court my fancy in my observations of you . my first love , my first master , your vnkle prince henry , whose name is , and ever must bee sacred to mars and the muses , whose memory is still precious to the world , justly was the rivall and competitour to honour , with your glorious grandsier henry the great , of france the greatest . in you deare sir i finde the character of them both , as if you were sole heire to both ; and it joyes my soule to see it . i had the honour to gird the first sword about you , with this wish , that you might use it in peace , like our northern solomon king iames , and drawn , as that boanerges the sonne of thunder , the glory of france , your grandfather . when your father ( whose goodnesse makes him glorious ) shall be gathered to his fathers , his titles must as your birthright descend on you ; amongst the rest that which is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , defender of the faith . this , as it is well worthy observation , was given by him who they say could not erre in cathedra , plenario consistorio & pleno concilio , to him who as some of his successors say even in that gave him the lye , who gave him the title ; t is true t was an unkind requitall , but there was digitus dei in it , for it was like the selling of ioseph into egypt , faelix scelus in eventu , guided by that hand which cannot erre . it was a worke of great and high daring , a voyage wherein many of his predecessours had suffered shipwracke , and sir walter rawleigh observes the worke suited the man , and the man was made for the work : as nebuchadonezar was for tyre . sure it is strange that out of the ruines of good workes faith should spring , & disorder set all the church in order , sed deus est qui fecit , & est mirum in occulis nostris . sir , the title is the most glorious your royall father hath , and his second is , that he is the best friend living . it was a promise of the prophets , that kings should bee nursing fathers , and queenes nursing mothers to the church . and believe mee sir , the words are emphaticall , for the fathers wisdome and power should provide for the childe ad extra , the mothers care ad intra ; the fathers is and should be protegendo , instruendo , promovendo , corrigendo ; the mothers in her oeconomicks pro victu & amictu , necessaries and decency , and all with a ▪ nurses affection . and i am so much irish , that as they love , the children the nurse , and the children their nurses , and foster brothers as much or more then their own : such mutuall love wish i betwixt the prince and the church , and as that habit is acquired partly , and partly infused , so may god infuse that into your heart , and by many mutuall reciprocall actions may it become habituall . so shall the church be happie in future , and you shall be glorious in your timely reigne , and blessed in your succession , as your father is in you , and the prayers of the church attracted as the dew and exhalations , by the glory and heate of the sunne above , shall bee returned in rich showers of blessing upon you and yours . poets are prophets , or at least would be ; if i be one this is my prophecie : your name 's no stranger to the imperiall seate , our turn comes next , wee must have charles the great . your highnesses most humble servant , francis wortley . to the well affected reader , or otherwise . pruning and reformation i allow , but eradication and deformation i tremble to heare of , and hope never to see . god forbid that personal errors should destroy an institution so ancient & sealed with the bloud of so many blessed martyres . though iudas die in the consciousnesse of his treason , yet an other must succeed him in his bishoprick . as an obedient sonne to my mother the church i wish her honour , and happinesse to the common weale , as a member of it ; and that these two as mercie and truth may kisse each other , and in their unitie make the soul and bodie , the king and his people happie , so shall our common-weale flourish , and our church be glorious , and god even our own god shall blesse us : peace shall be within our walls , & plentie within our palaces . i study multum in parvo , and to put as much as i can into a little room , and hope to give satisfaction to such as are not more addicted to their wills then reason , if mine deceive me not . however i have discharged the dutie i ow my conscience , and hope to finde the benefit of that , which is all i look for , and is sufficient to arm mee against the obloquies or misconstructions of those , whose hearts are ful of that , which their tongues must utter , or their hearts will breake with their plerophory ▪ i protest i have no end in it but gods glory & the discharge of my own studied thoughts , & have therein conquered my inclination by the assistance of my reason grounded upon much more paines then the world holds me guiltie of . and thus satisfied i would not that succeeding ages should finde my name amongst those who consented to eradicate episcopacie . for my part i had rather suffer the censure of the malevolent then to be thought to consent to that which my conscience approves not . if this excuse me for my writing , i am glad , if not , i have pleased my selfe in discharge of my troubled thoughts and conscience . ελευθερωσις της αληθειασ . truth asserted , by the practice of the apostles , confirmed by the testimonie of synods , fathers , and doctors from christs time to this day . in discourses rhetoricall men desire to shew the power of nature improved by art , which wee call eloquence : in logicall disputes , the quicknesse of apprehension , and the improvement of judgement . the one often makes a difference betwixt subtilties , and attempts to puzle reason : the other rightly employed defines and settles a truth obscured by different falsities . in matters of faith wee lay aside reason , and yield to scriptures truth , as other faculties of the body doe to their informer the rationall soule , and as young scholars to their ipse dixit . we believe therefore what neither sense nor reason can make us to conceive . i believe the scripture to bee the sacred word of god : and what truth i find therein , i conceive it to be iure divino . my reason , i confesse , is bound , and yields in the point of episcopacie , that it is iure divino , because i find for it so many ipse dixit's in sacred writ . my judgment also is further strengthned therein by reasons sufficient to settle humane belief . opinion , we define , haerens & dubia deveritate quorumvis in animo praesumptio ; a questionable and doubtfull presuming in ones conceit that a matter is true ; and cognitio est rerum conceptarum per experientiam scientia ; knowledge is a sure apprehension of the matters which we conceive by experience of their causes and undoubted grounds of truth ; and resolution is dubii depositio , the abandoning of all doubting . i am past opinion , and acknowledge my selfe satisfied , and well resolved , that episcopacie is iure divino : and am ready to give an account thereof : and endeavour so to doe in this discourse . i will not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , withstand and resist , or seek evasions , or subtle answers to elude gods truth . nor doe i love {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to be in suspense : having well weighed the truth here asserted , i finde cause to say {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , great is the force of truth , and hath prevailed . to satisfie the world , what reason i have of this my confidence , i leave a testimony thereof in this my discourse . i define episcopum presbyterum cum additamento superioritatis quoad regimen in ecclesia : a bishop to bee a presbyter , having an addition of superioritie for the government of gods church : his charge is to oversee the clergie , and their flocks . the word i confesse in a large signification may be taken for a major of a citie : for hee is over-seer thereof : in homer ajex is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the bishop or orderer of his army : but our episcopus est cleri & gregis in sua dioecesi , is over-seer of his clergie , and his flock , bounded within his own diocesse . hee is also called presbyter an ancient , and therefore experienced and able to informe and direct . as for the inferiour presbyter or ancient , and diaconus minister or servant , they are distinct and subordinate to the bishop or superiour presbyter , both in the new testament , and in the practice of the first centurie , and in all ages even to this day . let it not stumble any man that the apostles sometimes terme themselves and bishops by the title of presbyters , they call themselves also diaconos , deacons , in a generall notion . our presbyterians would have bishops to be pastores jure divine praesides jure ecclesiastico , principes jure humano & diabolico , pastors by gods law , presidents by ecclesiasticall law , lords by humane and diabolicall law . how faultie this assertion is , let my following discourse testifie . our bishop is a presbyter or ancient pastour set in eminent superiority over the clergie and their flocks with a relation to the government of them in matters ecclesiasticall . and such i say the apostles instituted , and to them gave a charg how to demean themselves . a perpetuall succession hereof by practice hath continued from christs apostles to this day . now for ius divinum , i take that to be of divine right which is warranted in sacred scripture de credendis & agendis in matters to be believed or done . let this serve for the present , it wil be more enlarged occasionally in some part of this treatise . only here i adde , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} the practice of the apostles , which never was questioned or excepted against , and is recorded in the canonicall scripture ; hath in it ius divinum , and shews what is of divine right defacto . these things ▪ being premised , i proceed to objections against my assertion , and answere unto each of them particularly . eminent superiority , & lordly authority over their people is that which the lords of the gentiles may & do challenge & practice , as their due , iure human● , by humane right . therefore , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , by law of things opposite , eminent superiority and lordly authority over the clergie & the people of god is that which bishops ought not to challeng or practice iure divino . for proofe hereof see mat. 20. 25. 26. the princes of the gentiles dominantur , lordly rule over them , but you non sic , not so , or , it shall not bee so with you . and 1. pet. 5. 2. 3. feed the flock of the lord taking the over-sight therof not by constraint , but willingly , not for filthy lucre , but of a ready minde , neither as being lords over gods heritage . to this i answere , that the measure of domination , not the matter lies in the word [ sic ] and so is expounded by the words aforegoing , not by constraint , but willingly , not churlishly or covetously , not as though ye were lords domineering over them , but that yee may be ensamples to the flock . non herile aut regale imperium exercentes , sed pastorali superioritate , & paterna gubernatione utentes , not exercising a masterlike or kingly command , but using a pastorall superiority and fatherly government . and so this rather ( as i conceive ) confirms superiority and episcopacy then destroies them . for the word sic , so , takes not away the legality , but qualifies the power given , by saying , let it be used sic , so . this i prove to bee the meaning of the apostle by this argument . the practice of the apostles is not contrary to christs and their doctrine , and the sense thereof : but the apostles did practise eminent superiority , and such lawfull authority as christ forbids not , over the clergie and flock , and instituted successors . therefore their doctrine allowed the same . and so that cannot be meant by the words above , which is pretended : viz. that there should be a parity in the clergie , and that episcopacie is dominium in clerum , a lordly rule over the clergie , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} an usurped authority . the successors which they instituted are warranted by christ , when hee said , i am with you to the end of the world : that is , i am with you , whilst you live , and with successors in your stead governing and teaching the church to the worlds end . hence it was that the apostles ordained bishops to succeed them , so did the ancient fathers in the purer times . this course continued ever since . the practice of the apostles was in a superiority above others of the clergie : and to the bishops whom they constituted to succeed themselves in place over the clergie , they gave a superior authority : neither did they either practise , or ever mention that parity in power , which the presbyteriās so much endeavour to introduce . and therefore the apostles never understood the words as these men doe , viz. that they should disallow of bishops in superior authority above other of the clergie . to make the practice of the apostles more evident , i appeale to saint paul , who gave to timothy and titus episcopall power . to the one in ephesus , to the other in creet . now to cleere this , let us first cleanse the spring head , and then the streames will run cleare down to the after times . i have to his end above defined episcopum a bishop : if we observe what he is , then shall we evidently see , whether saint ▪ paul did institute such a calling or no . of civill bishops i speake not : but of spirituall . a bishop of this kind i defined to be presbyterum cum additamento superioritatis quoad regimen in ecclesia : he governs the clergie and their flocks in spirituall matters . bishops of this kind saint paul did institute . he made timothy and titus episcopos cleri & gregis quoad regimen in ecclesia , bishops of the clergie and their flocks , and to have ecclesiasticall government over them : whereas before they were but presbyters , or disciples brought up under him . by this institution were other presbyters made subordinate to them in governing and teaching the church . which to prove i thus argue . he that is ordained , and so ordained that hee hath power constituere presbyteres per civitates , to ordain presbyters in every city , is greater then those , who have no such power in their cities or churches : and those who may correct , what is defective , are superiour to those for whom matters defective are corrected . but titus and timothy had such power given them , and did so correct things defective , and none of the presbyters had the same from the apostles . therefore i conclude undeniably that titus and timothy were superiors as bishops over their presbyters in their severall charges and divisions , viz ▪ titus in creet , and timothy in ephesus . that they had this power given them by paul appeares 1. tim. 5. 22. lay hands suddenly on no man . tit. 1. 5. for this cause i left thee in creet , that thou shouldst set in order things which are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee . if any other in these churches could have ordained presbyters , why was timothy sent to ephesus , and titus left at creet for this very purpose . and if the cretians and their presbyters could have set in order things defective , what neede was there that tit. alone should have this commission . saint ierom himselfe , who was accounted no great friend , but rather harsh against episcopacie , in his epistle to evagrius , pag. 329. gives us this as a distinction , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , remarkable betwixt a presbyter and a bishop , saying , quid facit excepta ordinatione episcopus , quod non facit presbyter ? what doth a bishop , except the ordaining of others , which a presbyter doth not ? and it is worth the observation that the ancient father and great champion for the blessed trinity athanasius hath in his second apologie , viz. that colythus a presbyter of the church of alexandria had constituted presbyters , but what became of them ? rescissa est haec ejus ordinatio , & omnes ab eo constituti in laicorum ordinem redacti fuere , the ordaining of others by him , was made invalid , and they who were ordained by him , were degraded and made laicks . so then you see that bishops are in this eminenter superiores presbyteris , eminently superior to presbyters , having power affirmative and negative by the opinion and practice of the ancient fathers . this confirms what the apostles had taught & practised , and appointed others in place above the ordinary presbyters to do . now i come to shew a second difference betwixt a bishop and a presbyter , and wherein a bishop hath , eminentem superioritatem , a cleere superiority above a presbyter , that is , excommunication , and was called mucro episcopalis , the episcopall weapon , and was a power given to bishops successors of the apostles , and was ever practised by them . this appears in that an account of it was and is expected at their hands , as is manifested by the quarel , which our blessed saviour had against the angell of the church of pergamus , namely , that he suffered some of his church who held the doctrine of the nicolaitans ; and against the angell of the church of thyatira , viz. that hee suffered the woman iezabell to teach and seduce the people . by this it is apparent that christ expected they should doe , what they had by their places power to doe ; namely , that they being angells of their churches ( whom i affirme to bee also bishops therof , and successors to the apostles , as is sufficiently proved by the most reverend and learned arch-bishop of armach , and by beza himselfe called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , men in place above others ) should haereticos coercere & ex ecclesia ejicere , keepe under heretikes and cast them out of the church . if here it be objected , that wee must ▪ not argue from darke and mysticall places of scripture , such as the apocalypse . i answere , that i argue from a plain place , and from the plain words , and direct scope of the place , & not the mystical sense or interpretation . neither can we here admit of that distinction , that angelus is in this place to bee taken collectively pro tota ecclesia , for the whole church . for i conceive that there is not a word in the scripture , but hath its weight : and was it not as easie to have said [ ecclesiae ] as [ angelo ecclesiae ] if [ angelus ] had not something more in it then [ ecclesiae . ] and why not angelus ecclesi● , but angelus ecclesiae , the angell the church , but the angell of the church , if it had beene to be taken collectively ? but the tearmes be distinct and of a different force , like those , panis domini , the bread of the lord , and panis dominus , bread representing the lord . besides , to return to timothy and titus , they are injoyned to command others {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} not to teach other doctrine , and obturare ora deceptorum , & haereticos rejicere , to stop the mouthes of deceivers , and to reject hereticks . these things were commanded them , and an account accordingly exspected of the performance thereof : which manifestly proves that every church had his angelum , who had episcopall authority and jurisdiction eminent above other inferior clergie-men : and not many angels in each of these churches all of equall authority and place . or at least the angell in each of the seven churches was so absolute in his power , that he was {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , chief governour , the presbyters assistants to him : he a spirituall justicer and of the quorum , they of the counsell . the difference also of episcopal authority from that of presbyters appears , in the cause of excommunication : where there was an appeal to the synods , which either confirmd them , or dissolved them , but none to the people , none to the presbyters . this is confirmed by the ancient councill at nice can. 5. and at antioch can. 6. and ierom himselfe writing to riparius concerning vigilantius an hereticall presbyter , is angry that the bishop under whom he was , did acquiescere eius furori , & non virga apostolica , virgaque ferreavas inutile confringere , & tradere ad interitum carnis , ut spiritus salvu● fiat , did quietly give way to his fury , & not rather break in pieces that unprofitable vessell with his apostolike staffe and rod of iron , and deliver him up to the destruction of the flesh , that his soul might be saved . and it seemes strange to mee that any should think , that our blessed saviour his excecutors , administrators , and assignes knew not the meaning of his will and testament , as well , as wee in these dayes . christ who ascending into heaven gave guifts unto many , would not deny this guift so necessary . hee , i say , giving supereminent guifts to his apostles ad fundandam ecclesiam , for the founding his church , would not deny to their successors those , which were necessary ecclesiae fundatae , to the church being founded : and so necessary that nothing more concerneth the church . would he not , or could he not informe his trustees how he pleased to have his church his houshold governed in his absence ? to say he would not , is derogatory to his wisdome and goodnesse ; to say he could not , to his almighty and sovereigne power . i therefore conclude these 2. points . 1 that ordination of presbyters was left to titus and timothy , as to men of higher place and authority , and not to the presbyters who were of inferiour degree . 2 that the power , given to the angells of ephesus and the other churches , puts a difference of superiority and eminence betwixt a bishop , and an ordinary presbyter , and others the teachers of the churches , and gives them commission prae caeteris tam clericis quam laicis , above others both clergie and laity , yea a coercive and castigative power . further they object and say . that episcopacie is not iure divino , because christ did not command it in the gospell . to this i answere . that ius divinum aliter se habet in rebus credendis , aliter in agendis ; aliter in rebus fidei , aliter in rebus facti , there is a difference of divine right betweene matters to bee believed , and matters to bee done ; betwixt matters of faith , and matters of fact . in matters of faith there must be textus manifestus , aut convincens deductio , a cleere text , or a sound consequence . as for example . in the beginning god made all things . here is textus manifestus . but there is only convincens deductio , concerning the mystery of the blessed trinity : for the trinity is proved not by an expresse text , but by convincing deductions out of sacred scriptures ; as thus . there came downe at the baptisme of christ the holy spirit in the form of a dove , and a voice was heard saying , this is my beloved son , in whō i am well pleased . here wee find the spirit in the form of a dove : there is heard a voice : and christ is seene in the water . we know both by the sacred scriptures and by the light of nature , that there is but one god : and that from one all things are , and that in one they terminate : and that there is aliud medium copulans primum & ultimum , one between both coupling the first and the last . seeing also we reade that there is a father , a son , and a spirit , and that there is but one god , we hence infer by necessary deduction , that there are three persons and but one god . besides this deduction is further confirmed by that place {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , these three are one : which in some sort is textus manifestus , a cleere text . now a matter of fact may be inferred to bee iure divino ( as i suppose ) if i prove , 1 that the same fact was the practice of the apostles . 2 that it is analogical to the institution of the church of the jewes , which was setled according to gods appointment by the mediation of angels , by the ministery of moses and aaron . 3 that it is pointed at and insinuated in the new testament . 4 that it hath successively continued since the apostles time . and as elsewhere , so particularly in britain . if these points can bee proved concerning the fact ( viz. government by bishops ) in question , i hope that none will deny it to be iure divino . now for proofe and confirmation of my tenent , that episcopacie is iure divino , i will prove these points , and then say something more concerning the practice of some other churches . 1 saint paul the apostle and doctor of the gentils gave power and authority to titus and timothy ordinare dignos , to ordain men worthy , and to examine such as were faulty , to reprove and discharge such as were guilty , and did {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , teach other doctrine , and were offensive to the honour of their callings , and to cherish such as did well . these things are evident in the epistles of paul to timothy and of that to titus . from pauls practice of superiority over these two , and from the institution of timothy and titus to be bishops , the one of ephesus , the other at creet , i prove episcopacie to be practised by the apostles . to make which good thus i argue . if saint paul himselfe practised an eminent superiority , and in the epistles alleadged gave all that power , which of right bishops challeng , or doth belong to the definition of a bishop , to timothy and titus then paul himselfe did not only practise episcopacie , but did also constitute and institute them bishops . but verum prius , ergo & posterius . that he had {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a bishoprick as the other apostles had , act. 1. 20. & did diligētly run his course therein , no man will deny . and that he gave power to timothy and titus ( the same which himself had ) 1 to ordain , 2 to convent , 3 to punish , 4 to reward duplici honore ▪ with double honour , the epistles alledged doe sufficiently prove . therefore paul himselfe practised superiority , and constituted timothy and titus bishops in place superior to presbyters , whom they had authority to ordain , convent , punish , and reward . if they further object , that the presbyters with their president may doe the same , even all things which are commanded timothy and titus , and therefore these things were spoken to timothy and titus and to their presbyters collectively in the persons of timothy and titus . i answer , this is petere principium : this evasion i formerly took away . and now further i argue . such as the charge is , such is the power : but the tharge is personall , that is , given to timothy and titus particularly ; and therefore the power and authority given is personall : to them for their time , and to their successors in place after them ; and not to them and the presbytery collectively : nothing in places where such charge is given doth intimate the presbyters or deacons interposing themselves in these episcopall actions with timothy and titus . if they will have these priviledges and performances to belong to their president , they must plead them due to him as he is successor to timothy and titus : and so hee is in effect ( if you give him continuance in his place ) a bishop indeede ; the bare name of president cannot make him of a different calling from a bishop , when as he acteth the part of a bishop in all points by saint paul prescribed . the practice of all times , especially of the first century warrants not a monethly or yeerly president doing nothing for ordination , convention , punishment , & reward without the advise and consent of a company of presbyters : but it allows bishops superiority to presbyters , and presbyters to deacons : yea , it placed bishops as successors to the apostles , as were timothy and titus ; and presbyters and deacons subordinat to bishops , as to the apostles , whilst they lived . saint ignatius the next bishop to evodius : hee received episcopall charge from the apostles : and writing to them at antioch , when hee was carried prisoner to rome , useth these words to the laity , obsequium praebete presbyteris & diaconis , be yee obedient to your presbyters and deacons , and addeth to the presbyters , pascite gregem apud vos , done● deus ostendit {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , feed the flock under you , untill god shew who shall bee your governour : and hereby establisheth superiority to bishops , and enjoyneth the presbyters obedience . the same father in an epistle to the ephesians acknowledgeth onesimvs ( named often by saint paul ) to be their bishop , & exhorteth them saying , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as it becomes you submit your selves to your bishops advice . thus here wee finde saint pauls charge and ordination observed and followed by ignatius , who lived in the first century , and whose worth and authority clouds of witnesses doe confirme . in the same journey he writes to the church of smyrna and salutes their bishop by name , and exhorteth the flock , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to follow their bishop as jesus christ did his father : and the presbytery , as the apostles . the bishop here spoken of was polycarpus , as ireneus his successor affirmes : with whom ireneus was contemporaneus & multa accepit ab illo de sancti ioannis vita & conversatione , contemporary , and by whom ireneus was informed in many things concerning saint iohns life and conversation . in the life time of trajan the emperour , saint iohn returning from his banishment out of patmos , where he wrote his revelation , summoned the seven bishops , who are conceived to be those named in the apocalypse the angells of the seven churches , and used their ministery for setling and ordering his own metropolis of ephesus , and the other churches in asia , as the ancient greeke records found in the library of photius testifie . concerning his apostolicall superiority and practice of constitution and ordination of bishops is frequent mention in ireneus , eusebius , and ierom. so then , by that which hath been said , wee see that episcopacie is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , warranted by the practice of the apostles , because that viventibus , videntibus , constituentibus , confirmantibus apostolis & viris apostolicis , patribus & doctoribus testantibus , the apostles and apostolike men being alive , seeing it , appointing it , and confirming it , and the fathers & doctors being eie witnesses thereof , there were these three distinct degrees in the clergy , bishops , presbyters , deacons . now to the second point . that episcopacie is analogicall to the institution and constitution of the church government of the iewes in the old testament : which moses as a prince did establish by gods appointment in the wildernesse , and which continued in force till the veil of the temple was rent , and the gentiles became heirs to abraham , and the promises made to him , were made good to us his heirs by faith and adoption : because the iews , abrahams heirs according to the flesh , by their own default & disobedience forfeited their interest in that conveiance of inheritance , which they claimed from their father abraham by the evidences registred in moses and the prophets . episcopacie and subordination thereunto , i say , holds analogie and a kinde of proportion with the jewish church government . for god in it appointed an high priest , priests and levits subordinate one to the other , such is the subordinatiō of the three degrees in the clergie in the new testament church . this subordination of the christian church saint ierom neere the end of his epistle to evagrius observes , and ▪ says , scimus traditiones apostolorum sumptas de veteri testamento . quod aaron & filii ejus atque levitae in templo fuere , hoc episcopi , presbyteri & diaconi sibi vendicant in ecclesia , scil ▪ christiana . the orders delivered to the church by the apostles , were taken out of the old testament . the same subordination which was seen in aaron , his sons , and the levits , now appeares in the christian church , in our bishops , presbyters , and deacons . this proportion is made undenyable by saint iude , who chargeth some with the gain-saying of koreth . now there can be no gain-saying like that of koreh in the christian church , except there be distinction & subordination of superiours and inferiors in the clergie , as there was : and was gain-said by koreh and his complices , desirous of superiour honour , and of higher degrees and places , then they had a calling unto . here then you see that god would have a proportion of church-government betwixt the old and new testament . it is further worthy the observation that both the church and common-wealth of the jewes had in their government a kind of proportion established by god . for as the church was monarchicall in moses , aristocraticall in some select priests and levits governing under aaron , and democraticall in the rest of the priests and levits : so was the common-wealth monarchicall in moses , aristocraticall in some select princes of each tribe governing under moses , and democraticall in the rest , and in the whole body of the people . such is the proportion betwixt our church and common-wealth , and such hath it beene from the first foundation . this will , i hope , appeare , when i come to speak of the succession in our church . and what kind of government thus sutable to that of the jews , is in any one church , may be in all churches : namely , all degrees of men subordinate to their princes , and all the princes or kings subordinate to christ , without having any king on earth head over the rest : as all degrees of men in the churches were subordinate to the apostles , and the apostles going to severall and far remote nations were all equally subordinate to christ , and no one of them head over the rest . to conclude then , seeing the constitution of episcopall government is so agreeable to that which was most absolute , and was established by that wisdome , that no other common-wealth and church ever was ; as one observes , dictante deo , constituente mose , god ordaining it , and moses putting it in practice : why should wee endeavour to alter it ? such an attempt might prove with us , as it did with the people of capua , when pacuvius saved the senators . it is held an axiome among architectors , that it is scarce wisdom to pull down one of the mayne posts of a building , especially so ancient , except another be setled and fixed , which we are sure is right and fitted to our purpose : which yet for all the workmans skill may have a private flaw in it , which cannot be discovered by the most skilfull : and so may the building fall on the builders head . thus much for the analogie and proportion betwixt episcopacie and the church government of the jews . now in the third place wee come to prove that episcopacie was pointed at , and in some sort deciphered in the new testament . what i produced before concerning the authority of ordination , convention , punishment , and reward , put upon some speciall persons , may serve sufficiently to this purpose : yet some thing more i will here adde . bee it so , that when the apostle saith , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , if any one desire the office of a bishop , hee desireth a good work , that this is spoken of an inferior bishop , or presbyter , who is an overseer of the people committed to his charge , as well as of a bishop superiour , who hath the oversight of the clergie and people : yet will it follow , that if the office of an inferiour bishop or over-seer of his flock bee a good work ( as indeed it is ) then much more they , who first have laboured in that painful harvest , and afterward in their elder yeeres are advanced to the superiour bishops office of over-seeing the clergie , of ordaining , conventing and the like as above , undergoe and performe {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a good work of greater eminencie and more notable . for certainly there cannot be a more blessed worke , nor more holy calling in the clergie , then to succeed the glorious apostles , and martyrs in their places and callings , as heires doe their parents in their estates and possessions , and to deliver and teach sacred doctrine to faithfull men , who shall bee able to teach others also : as saint paul bids timothy ▪ 2 tim. 2. to this purpose , s. austin upon that , ps. 44. or as we have it , 4● . propatribus tibi nati sunt filii , childrē shall rise in steed of their fathers , saith patres m●ssi sunt apostoli , pro apostolis filii tibi nati sunt , constituti sunt episcopi . hodie enim episcopi qui sunt per ●orum orbem , unde nati sunt ? ipsa ecclesia pa●tes illes appellat : ipsa filios genuit , & ipsa illos constituit in sedibus patrum : the fathers sent to us were the apostles , insteede of the apostles , the sons which were appointed are bishops . for at this day the bishops in all the world , from whom did they arise ? the church it selfe calls them fathers : shee her selfe begot these sons , and shee her self hath put them into the seats of the fathers . here yee see the succession of bishops proved plainly by saint augustin , as before by ireneus , eusebius , ignatius , and a cloud of witnesses , who sealed their witnesse with their bloud , and are those whose robes are washed in the bloud of the lamb , and who shall shine more brightly then the cynosure amongst other starrs of heaven . besides all the witnesses and proofes already brought , i will produce one text more to prove bishops to bee successors of the apostles iure divino . in that great synod . act. 1. where were assembled the eleven disciples , and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} fere centum & viginti , other persons believer : 120. saint peter moved the consideration of an election of one in the place of iudas , and urgeth two places of the psalmes , as prophecies , which must be fulfilled , psal. 69. 26. and 109. 6. there the holy ghost prophesied by the mouth of david concerning iudas : let his habitation be void , and let no man dwell therein : {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and let another take his bishoprick . mark wee well the words , and grant we these two assertions . 1 that no man will say that there is a tautologie or vaniloquium in the words of sacred scripture , or that any word may be altered or can be beitered . 2 that the scriptures should be understood , as neere as we can , literally , and as the plaine sense of the place will beare , and so as may stand with the analogie of other scriptures . these things being granted , i thus argue . that which the spirit of god by the mouth of a prophet hath foretolde , and the blessed apostles in a synod have ratified , that is an undeniable truth , and may pleade its ius divinum . but david did foretell by the inspiration of the spirit of prophecie , that episcopacie should succeed apostleship , and the apostles ratified it in their synod . therefore episcopacie succeeded the apostleship , iure divino . it is not any other word which is attributed to matthias place , but {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a bishoprick : and hee succeeded iudas . if any here object , that matthias had {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the bishopricke of iudas , so that iudas his apostleship is there call'd a bishopricke in a generall notion , as it imports an office or charge . and that therefore episcopacy did not succeed apostleship , but both of them were of right attributed to the 12 chosen by christ , and both given to matthias , who succeeded iudas . i answer . suppose this be granted , it maketh much more for what i intend . for first , if they be termes of so neere affinity , that they serve to expresse one and the same office in a different regard : then it followeth , that in regard of their affinity , the one may more easily succeed in the other place ; for where there is a likenesse of nature , there is facilior transitus , an easier change of one thing into another , as of aire into fire , because of their agreement in the quality of heat . secondly , seeing the terme of apostle was by those and after-times in some sort appropriate to some few : it remayned that the other term , viz. bishop , should be left and turned over to their successors . and with respect to this , matthias is expresly said to succeed in iudas his episcopacie : and the chiefe officers of the clergie are termed bishops rather then by any other name . this we read to have beene the constant practice of the first century , in which ( as it is likely ) the executors and feoffees in trust of our lord , best understood the meaning of the testatour , and had gifts extraordinary , ad ecclesiam & fidem stabiliendam , as to establish our faith , so gods church too , and could best fit right terms to persons and callings . but to come close to our selves . this isle received christianity very soon , even in the days of tiberius , as gildas brito a grave authour writeth : who wrote , anno 493. and as another gildas after him confirmeth . this gildas was cald albanicus , and , as some will have it , preceded the other . he testifies , that after the dispersing of the disciples , by reason of the persecution , philip sent out of france , joseph of arimathea , and divers others , who preached the gospel in this kingdome . their doctrine ( as malmesbury hath it ) was afterward confirmed by other preachers and doctours here . this is also witnessed both by origen and theodoret ; not to speake of those , who some of them affirme that paul , some that iames , some that peter were in this island , and visited the church here established , as baronius a romish writer , and of special note in that church , hath it . t is further said , that insula glacialis ( which we now call glastenbury ) was granted them by arviragus king of the britains . this is witnessed unto by divers memorable records alleaged by the studious and learned searchers into the british and saxon antiquities . as for that report of lucius and eleutherius mentioned by beda and marianus scotus , and so often alleaged by divers others , i must either thinke that rome had changed her customes , and many of her tenents , or question the truth of the relation : my reason for this is : because , when in the yeer 601. austin the monk first required obedience to the roman church in three things , viz. 1. in paschate celebrando , 2. in baptismo ministrando , 3. in praedicando anglis saxonibus , in celebrating easter , in administring baptisme , in preaching to the english , his motion was refused , and austin utterly disliked . quia ( to use the words of another ) augustini fastum spernebant , they disliked austins pride . and well they might , for he was haughty and harsh , and did contrary to his directions from gregory bishop of rome , who sent him hither . for he incensed edlefred so against the poore christians of bangor , that he put twelve hundred of them to the sword . of this the reason is given : quia noluere obsequium augustino praebere , because they would not submit to austins will . for this was indeed the quarrell , as our writers say . this their refusall to yield to austin the monke , i produce as a proofe , that the christians , which hee found here , held in many things with the eastern churches , as having their doctrine from ierusalem and sion , whence the gospel was to be sent , esay 2. 3. mic. 4. 2. to the nations . and whence as salvation went , psal. 14. 7. so likewise the doctrine of salvation : for christ , who gave the apostles commission to go to all nations , and preach to them the gospel , did bid them stay at jerusalem , till the holy ghost furnished them with guifts for the worke commanded . this further appeares by that resolute answere , which the abbot of bangor gave to austin the monk , anno 601. viz. that he and his acknowledged no superioritie in the bishop of rome over them , nor any superiour but their own archbishop caer-leonis , or ( as some have it ) senovensis , qui sub deo solus positus fuit super illos ad supervidendum , & ad faciendum illos servare viam spiritualem , who alone under god was made an over-seer or bishop to them , that hee might make them observe the spirituall way . seeing this stout champion thus answered , it is probable that they were of the primitive institution . and this i the rather give credit unto ; because if the bishop of rome had then held the present tenet of that church : that their citie is the spirituall metropolis , and that their bishop is caput ecclesiae , our predecessours would have acknowledged the pope and his see , as they had been taught . but baronius saith , that our british bishops are as ancient as those of rome . and t is probable they were so . for this we have good proof ; that at a council at arles held anno dom. 314. wee had three bishops , viz. 1. eborius de civitate eboraci episcopus , 2. restitutus de civitate londini episcopus , 3. aldelfius de civitate coloniae londinensium , & exinde sacerdos presbyter , arminius diaconus , eborius bishop of yorke , restitutus bishop of london , adelfius bishop of colchester , and after them sacerdos a presbyter , arminius a deacon . these subscribed in this synod . here therefore i observe , that anno 314. wee had bishops , presbyters , and deacons : the very governours now in question . and romish they were not , as i conceive : because they then acknowledged not a subordination to rome : and because vrban the second called learned anselme , patriarcha britaniae , the patriarch of britaine . therefore , me thinks , it should not now be questioned , whether episcopacy be a romish relicke , but rather , that it should be confirmed as an evangelicall ordinance , and as ancient , as the first institution of churches , and as a calling appointed by the apostles . what more have we for baptisme of infants ? what more for our sunday , or the lords day , but convincing deductions from the scriptures , or the practice of the apostles , and the observation of the same in the churches of god successively to this very day ? yet wee hold both these to be sacred ordinances and of divine institution : though they both be questioned by some learned men of the reformed churches , as episcopacie is among some of ours . the case is alike , and as cleere , if not much more , for episcopacie : that it had a divine institution . if what is formerly said , satisfie not , i will only use this argument more , to prove that episcopacie is iure divino . if the charge given 1 tim. 6. 14. be to timothy personally , and be perpetuall , then it is to one person , namely to timothy , and to the successors in his place : for timothy was mortall , so that the perpetuitie of the charge must reach to all his successors , till the appearing of the lord christ iesus . but the charge is personall to timothy , and perpetuall even to the appearing of our lord iesus christ . therefore it is to one person , viz. to timothy and to his successors for ever . if it be here objected , that the charge there was given to timothy , as elswhere the keyes to peter , and according to that , which is said , quod dixit petro , dixit caeteris apostolis , what was spoken to peter , was spoken to the other apostles also : i answer , it is so . for what was said to timothy , was said caeterisque episcopis & successoribus eorum , both to other bishops , and their successors : as christs giving the keys to peter were to him and the other apostles : but not to all the disciples , deacons and widdowes . to summe up all in a word ; since it appeares that episcopacie , presbytery and diaconatus are according to the practice of the apostles analogicall and agreeable to the constitution of the jewish church appointed by god , and established by moses ; pointed at , and in some kinde deciphered in the new testament ; and strongly insinuated by the successors of the apostles , to have beene received and practised by them , as commended to them from divine authority : since these three orders in our church are derived so high , have continued so long , even from the primitive times to this day : we may well conclude , that as presbyters and deacons , so bishops are iure divino : especially seeing episcopacie is so generally confirmed , and hath beene so constantly continued by the apostles , apostolick men , councills , fathers , and doctors . and much the rather am i induced thus , as i have said , to judge of episcopacie : because the contrary part have not the like proofes , warrant , and approbation for their presbytery ; and can bring no sufficient and convincing authority for a quarterly or yeerely president , joynt presbyters and lay elders usurping pastorall and episcopall jurisdiction . and here in confidence of my cause i adde , that if they have any lawfull generall councill , or any synod ( except their own ) which established a church government by such a president , presbyters , and lay-elders , as above , i will yeeld the cause . now it concerns us very much to be well advised and truly to judge of these matters ; because it appeares in that dangerous and seditious pamphlet concerning the late protestation , that the author therof , and such as he is , care not what government be established , so that popery ( which we wish more rightly then they ) be abolished , episcopacie and the present government ( which change how inconvenient it may be , they know not ) be altered , and that they may have liberty and toleration ( which what state wil permit ) to professe what manner of religion they make choise of . so may we have as many religions , as there be at amsterdam , and unpeople all our plantations by calling many phantasticall schismaticks home , who under colour of dislike of the church government here , have fallen out with our religion , and framed to themselves divers opinions , if not religions , contrary to ours , not only in forme , but in reality . seeing there is but one lord , one faith , one baptisme , one god and father of all , let us indevour to keepe the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace : that there may be one body and one spirit , even as we are called in one hope of our calling , eph. 4. let us stick fast to that one truth , which wee are taught , and be stedfast in one faith : and agree joyntly with one accord , like children of one father and mother . let us not lose the honour of our church government , but reforme the personall errours . and since reformation signifies nothing else , but the reducing and setting matters into the forme in which they were most perfect : let us constantly hold our-selves to the forme kept and practised in the primitive times , and in the first & second cēturies . in which we shal find the order episcopall , presbyteriall , and diaconall observed , and ever since confirmed by nationall synods and councils of our own , neere 1400 yeeres agoe , or at least 1000 , and practised by many successions before and since . what then remayneth , but that wee establish the present government of our church , which is so agreeable to the ancient constitution ? as for that which is alleaged by saint ierome , in his dialogue against the luciferians , concerning those things which were rather in honorem sacerdotii , quam legis necessitate , gratia principum & conciliorum authoritate data & collata , for the honour of the ministerie , then the necessity of any law , given and bestowed by the bounty of princes , and authoritie of councils ; i say for these things , i take them not to be iure divino , though deo data : i know that god is to be honoured with our substance , and that it is as lawfull since christs time to vow or give to him , according as he blesseth out labours and meanes , as it was for david , solomon , and their worthies ; and how offensive it may be to him to alter what is given or vowed , as it was of old to change and give a bad lamb for a good , i leave to the grave consideration of others . only i here wish that we may save the honour of our deare and aged mother ; and punish her sons , if any have dishonoured her by pride , tyranny , or covetousnesse : and that the church and common-wealth may hold such correspondencie , as they did in the daies of david and solomon : and that as kings were nursing fathers , and queenes nursing mothers to the church in her infancie ; so in her age shee may find kings to support her , if weake : and if any of her children be like those of elies , their fathers may correct them so , that their mother be not dishonoured nor ruined . to say no more , i conclude with that of saint augustine , siquid tota ecclesia hodie per orbem frequentat , hoc quin ita sit faciendum , disputare insolentissimae est insaniae , if any thing at this day be of frequent use in the whole church , to question and dispute whether it ought so to be is a most insolent madnesse . epist. 118. and that it is aerianisme to say , that presbyters ( in the common acception ) are equall to bishops , such namely as were successors of the apostles , and such as saint augustine himselfe was . this epiphanius reckons among the ancient heresies , and time hath not bettered it : and whether it resembles and comes neere to the antilogie of koreh , or not , my self not being rigid , or prone to censure , i leave to be determined by others . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67119e-640 object . answ. object . answ. object . 2. answ. of the first point . object . answ. epist. ad antioch . the second point . the third point . object . answ. the fourth point . object . answ. of episcopacy three epistles of peter moulin ... / answered by ... lancelot andrews ... ; translated for the benefit of the publike. responsiones ad petri molinaei epistolas tres. english andrewes, lancelot, 1555-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25400 of text r10969 in the english short title catalog (wing a3143). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 115 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25400 wing a3143 estc r10969 12645159 ocm 12645159 65108 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25400) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65108) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 340:18) of episcopacy three epistles of peter moulin ... / answered by ... lancelot andrews ... ; translated for the benefit of the publike. responsiones ad petri molinaei epistolas tres. english andrewes, lancelot, 1555-1626. du moulin, pierre, 1568-1658. [2], 63, [1] p. s.n.], [london : 1647. translation of: responsiones ad petri molinaei epistolas tres. place of publication from bm. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. eng du moulin, pierre, 1568-1658. episcopacy -early works to 1800. a25400 r10969 (wing a3143). civilwar no of episcopacy. three epistles of peter moulin doctor and professor of divinity. answered by the right reverend father in god lancelot andrew andrewes, lancelot 1647 20368 5 245 0 0 0 0 123 f the rate of 123 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-06 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion of episcopacy . three epistles of peter moulin doctor and professor of divinity . answered by the right reverend father in god lancelot andrews , late lord bishop of winchester . translated for the benefit of the publike . s. clemens in epist. ad corinth . 1. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} our apostles understood by our lord iesus christ , that there would be contention about the name of episcopacy . printed in the yeer . 1647. to the most reverend prelate , the lord bishop of winchester , peter moulin wisheth all health and happiness . that honorable man , your predecessor , was taken hence , not without great damage both to the church and common-wealth . the king lost a most wise counseller , and the church a faithfull pastor ; but i a patron and a friend ; who , though he was most carefull and desirous of my good yet , oblig'd me more by his virtues , then his benefits . i have his letters by me , which he wrote to me when he was sick , and his recovery was almost desperate ; the very sight wherof doth exceedingly afflict me . but yet my grief was not a little eas'd , when i heard that you succeeded in his room , whose learning i long since admir'd , and of whose good affection i had great experience , when i was with you . indeed , his most judicious majestie did not stick long upon his choice . you were even then design'd his successor , in the judgment of all who knew the wisdome of the king . may it , i beseech god , prove happy and fortunate to your self , to the church , and kingdom . may he grant you , with increase of honor , increase of virtue , and a fresh and lively old age : that his most gracious majestie may long enjoy you for his counseller , and the church daily reap more and more fruits of your industry and vigilance . i wrote a book touching the calling of pastors , wherin some passages greiv'd the soul of your most wise king , as if they were averse to the office of episcopacy . but , indeed , on the other side , our countrymen complain not a little , that i vndertook the cause of bishops ; and condemnd aerius , who , in a matter anciently , and universally receivd , durst oppose himself against the practise of the catholik church . and they take it in ill part , that i said , that it was generally receivd in the church , even from the first successors of the apostles , that , among the presbyters of a city , some one should have the preeminence and be call'd the bishop , but , though there be many things in my book , which the king set a dash of his dislike upon , which , as all things els , he observed wisely and with an incredible sharpness of wit , yet , three things there are , which specially offend him . the first is , that , i said , that the names of bishop and presbyter are promiscuously taken , in the new testament , for one and the same . the second , that , i affirm'd , that there is but one and the same order of presbyter , and bishop . the third , and that the greatest , is , that i think the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the priority or superiority of bishops , not to be of divine right , nor a point of faith , but to be a thing wherein the primitive church vsed her liberty and prudence , when she judged the preeminence of one to be fitter for the mantaining of order and conserving of peace , and that vnity may well be kept whole and intire between churches , though they differ upon that point . i confess , these things were wrote by me : which , lest they be drawn to a wrong sense , or be taken in the worser part , take , i pray , breifly my meaning in them . i said , indeed , that the names of bishop and presbyter were taken for all one in the new testament : but i thought not that the dignity of the bishop was less'ned thereby , since i spake only of the name , not of the office only : and i have ( beside clear places of scripture ) the consent not only of hierom the presbyter , but also of the most famous bishops of the ancient church , chrysostom , ambrose , theodoret , who took it not as a wrong to them , or that any thing was abated of their honor , if it were beleeved that the names of bishop and presbyter were at first used in the same sense . that the order , indeed , of bishop and presbyter was one and the same , that i said : for so did the ancient church ever think ; and the church of rome thinks so , to this day : although there be in that church an incredible difference betwixt the pomp of the bishops , and the meaness of the priests . thence it is that in the roman pontifical there is set down the consecration of bishops , but not the ordination of them . indeed , order is one thing , a degree another : for men of one and the same order may differ in degree and dignity ; even as among bishops the degree of archbishops is the more eminent . howbeit , that this episcopal degree and prerogative is by ecclesiastical , not by divine right , i confess it was said by me . for beside that to speak otherwise then i thought , had not been the part of an vpright honest man , you , according to your wonted goodness , will easily judg , that a french man , living vnder the polity of the french church , could not speak otherwise , but he must incur the censure of our synods , and vnder the danger ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) of degrading , be forced to a recantation . for to think that our churches do err in points of faith , and in that which is of divine right were , questionles , to brand them with the note of heresy , and to shake the conscience of many weak ones . truly , i came very vnwillingly to the writing of this book , but our church requiring it , and lately enforcing me , for to stop the insolency of our adversaries , who in this point insult over vs out of all temper , and speak of vs as of so many doltish mushrums , newly sprung out of the earth , and as of a company of base fellows who by force and tumult had got the pulpit . but , howsoever , i think , i have kept such a temper , that , in defending our own , i have not struck at your government ; nor by immoderate affection to a part have inclined , more then was meet , to either side . nor did i ever mention the bishops of england with out due honor . these things i thought fit to write to you , great sir , by whom i chiefly desire my papers may be approved . i had sent my book to you before now , but that i was told by divers you vnderstood not french . now i send it , because ; since you enjoy a more frequent and neerer presence of his majestie , i doubt not but he may have some speech with you about it , and use you as an umpire in the cause . and i shal most willingly stand to your iudgment ; well knowing that the most learned are ever the most can did ; and hoping that you wil not lauce too deep whatever may be salved with a fair interpretation . so think of me , as of a man with whom the authority of antiquity shal be ever in great esteem ; and who shall think my self sufficiently arm'd against al opposite judgments , if you shal not vtterly disapprove what i have writ . god preserve you , great prelate . farewell . paris . nones of sept. 1618. your honors most devoted peter moulin . the bishops answer . i had wrote these in the begining of march , and was about to send them presently ; when , lo , the indisposition of the king , in point of health , made me lay them by , and hindred my sending of them . this sickness , contracted first by grief , for the death of his most dear consort , our most gracious queen , and the neglect of all care of his body upon that greif , ended at last in a diseas ; a diseas , indeed , so intricat and doubtfull , that the physitians themselves were at a stand what the event would be . wherby i forgat that i wrote , and so omitted to send to you . for all i had to do was to fall to my prayers , with many moe , who were sore perplexed , as then in jeopardy , for a most gracious king . but god lookd upon us , and restord him to us , & in him us to our selves . and now , being returnd to my self , i return to you , what i confess , i have bin too long indebted to you in ; so that , as a bad debtor , i was fain to be calld vpon , by monsieur beaulieu , in your name . you will accept of this my too just excuse , kindly , as you are wont ; and promise your self , from me , what good offices one friend can do another . now concerning your book . you write that some passages therin greivd the kings soul . and no wonder . for his soul is tender , and very sensible of any thing in that kind that bites or stings . for , out of his piety to god , he makes it not the least of his cares to tender the peace and order of his church here . and therfore , in his great wisdom , he presently discernd , whether these three points tended . i. the name of bishop is not distinct from that of presbyter . ii. the order is not distinct , that is , not the thing it self . iii. and so the whole [ matter ] is not any thing of divine right . what could they , who lately made all the stirrs among us , mutter more , possibly ? then , that 1. the name is taken confusedly . that 2. the thing is not distinct . 3. finally , that it is a human invention : being setled by man may be unsetled , and so stands or falls at the pleasure of the commonwealth . these dictats are too well known to the king : he hath been long usd to them : they have long since on all hands been rounded in his ears . he knows that there are still among us such , as will from your writings presently take a new occasion , perhaps , not to pluck up this order of ours , that for so many ages hath taken root but , surely , to defame and calumniat it . and this so much the rather , because , at one and the same time , not by agreement , i beleeve , but yet as though vpon a compact , lo , one bucer , a fellow not hurt , nor medled with by any , in a very unseasonable time , set forth a book in latin , as it were , of the same argument . what king , that studies the peace , not only of his own church , but , which he desireth , and would purchase at a dear rate , even of the whole christian world , would not these things trouble ? wherfore , if the king set a dash of dislike upon those passages , take it not ill : i dare say , he had rather set many asterisks of commendation , then one dash of dislike , specially upon what is your . this , surely , is the kings mind ; and is ( as it ought to be ) the mind and sense of vs all . wherin i appeal to your own equity . you were for manteining of your churches government , and the repressing of your adversaries insolency : should you not do it , you should incurr the censure of your synod , and be forced either to recant , or fear to be degraded . in this we pardon you , and demand the like pardon from you ; that it may be lawfull for us also to defend our government , as becometh upright honest men . for we likewise have froward adversaries ; and there are consciences , too , among us , which we may not suffer to be shaken or undermind , as though they liv'd under another form of church government , then was from the begining , even from the very times of the apostles . and we are ready , if need be , and occasion shall serve , to make this good to the whole church . how i wish therfore , that you had not so much as touchd upon our church government . for who put you upon it ? you might have turnd your weapons against those enemys ( you speak of ) and never have jerkt at vs . there 's no such complication of ours with yours , but that you might easily have pass'd by ours with silence , and a faithfull silence hath its sure reward . or , if you were so set upon it , that you must needs be intermedling with ours , how i wish you had first imparted your mind to the king : and , whilst the coast was cleer , had seasonably taken his advice in that you had to say of his affairs : ( for ours he accounts his . ) you your self know ( and , indeed , who knows not since he hath wrote so much , so admirably ? ) that , as he is most able in respect of his other endowments of wit and learning , so also , in respect of his acuteness and solidity of judgment , he is equal to the best , or rather goes before them . no man living hath in our churches affairs a clearer insight , a readier dispatch , then he . he himself , in any point , but specially in what concerns his own church could have answerd you best : and have set you the bounds , so far to go , but not beyond . wherfore , if hereafter you shall go about any thing in the like kind , pray remember this my advice , which proceeds from a very good will to you ; i knowing that the king is well affected to you ; that he hath deserved well of you , ( nor will you deny it , ) and , i hope , will for the future deserve better . concerning those three points , if you demand ( as you do ) what i think , i shall give you here this ingenuous answer ; that the names of bishop and presbyter are taken promiscuously in holy scriptures : that at first , there was not so great force in the words , i shal easily grant you . nor did his majestie regard so much , what you said , as to what purpose ; as what others would catch from thence ; who , both in other parts , & here among us , too , are not rightly affected to this our order : that these things were spoke to this purpose , as if the names being promiscuous , the things themselves were so also . for to what end is it , of what concernment , to speak of words taken confusedly , when the things are distinct . no man , lightly , carps at the name , but he that wisheth not very well to the thing also . 1. and yet nothing here hath befallen bishops , which hath not befallen those other orders also . for , in those very places , in those very authors whom you name , it is said in like manner also of deacons . a even a bishop is called a deacon : wherupon s. paul , writing to timothy , said to him , though a bishop , fullfill thy deaconry . from thence you may gather , that the names of bishop and deacon are taken for the same . nay , the very apostles themselves call themselves sometimes presbyters , sometimes deacons , and so their whole office a deaconry ; and yet is not deacon or presbyter the same that apostle . why therfore did you not add that too , that it might appear that the other suffered as much as bishops : and that , in the begining , not only the names of bishops , but of other orders also were taken , in like manner , promiscuously ; wheras the things , the offices themselves were distinct . 2. wheras , then , in those very places , where the fathers speak so , [ that then they communicated in names ] they presently apply a remedy , and give this item , that the things themselves are otherwise . and instantly add [ afterward the proper name was given to each ; of bishop to a bishop , of presbyter to a presbyter . ] by the rule of speech then , who would urge the common name , when the proper had taken place ? for no body would now call a king , a tyrant ; or a souldier , [ latronem ] as of old they were wont , a robber : neither , sure , would they call a presbyter , a bishop ; as when s. hierom wrote , had he called himself bishop , and s. augustine presbyter , you know , he would have been laughed at for his pains . 3. add further , that in those very places wherin the fathers speak so , before they speak , they are forced [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] to object by way of exception concerning the use of names , and to premise some what that should put the thing out of question . s. chrysostom ; what meaneth this ? were there then more bishops of one & the same city ? by no means . no , not then when s. paul wrote . theodoret ; it could not be , that many bishops should be pastors of one city . s. hierom ; there could not be many bishops in one city . s. ambrose ; god appointed several bishops over several citys . so that they do cleerly shew , the offices were then distinct , when they make the inference touching the name . i collect then ; how ere it was for the names , at first ; be it they then neglected the propriety of speech , yet that even then , there was but one bishop , but one pastor in one city . and this holdeth among us , even at this day ; but doth it so among you ? thus if you had prefacd touching the thing it self , and had afterward inferr'd touching the names , ( though to what end is it to make any stir about the name , when we are agreed on the thing ? ) that they were ( a little while ) taken one for another ; and had not spoken so loosly concerning the promiscuous use of the names , his majestie would not , i beleeve , have set his dash of dislike upon that passage . the next is touching the order . where , i pray , consider , whether they be to be called one and the same order , whose offices are not one and the same . but that they are not the same offices , even they who less favour the episcopal order do confess , in that they ever except ordination . again , whether they be to be called one and the same order , wherin there is not one and the same , but a new and distinct imposition of hands . for , that in all antiquity there was imposition of hands upon bishops , no man , i think , will deny . and , whether the antient church were of this opinion , let isidore be the witness , who b in plain words calls it the order of bishoprick . to the schole , indeed , if you referr it , they do not agree among themselves . your altisiodorensis , our major , and others are for the distinction of the order . but they who are most against it , though they will not grant it a sacrament of orders ( the whole force wherof they bound within the eucharist ) yet an order they grant , since an order is nothing else , but a power to a special act , ( as , namely , to ordain , ) which is competible to bishops only . for what a thing were this , if that , from whence ordination , and so all other orders proceed , should it self not be an order ? for we pass not for the church of rome , or the pontifical . if they please themselves with the name of consecration , let them enjoy it . even the church of rome it self did anciently speak otherwise . for instance ; the church of rome , ( saith tertullian c ) gives out that clement was ordained by s. peter . otherwise also the fathers , ( even they , whom you allege , ) even s. hierom , d who affirms , that s. iames , the brother of our lord , was presently after the passion of our saviour ordained bishop . and of timothy ; e timothy had the gift of prophecy , together with his ordination to episcopacy . s. ambrose ; f for unlawfull it was , and might not be , that the inferior should ordain the superior ; ( to wit , a presbyter a bishop . ) s. chrysostom ; g for presbyters could not have ordained the bishop . for the latin word , ordination , is agreable to the greek , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and is often rendred by it : nor is any word more frequent , where mention is of making bishops , then that of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . theodoret ; h titus was ordained by s. paul bishop of creet . but , you say , an order is one thing , a degree another . yet you know that , in holy scriptures , these words are taken one for another , no less then those of bishop and presbyter : where the deaconry is called , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a degree ; i which , notwithstanding , you will not , i know , deny to be an order . you know also that it is so among the fathers ; among whom you may often read that a deacon , or presbyter may , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , fall from his degree , and be degraded , no less then a bishop . indeed , every order is a degree ; but not every degree an order . but both are in episcopacy ; though in one respect an order , in another a degree . a degree , as it hath a superiority even without any power ; an order , as it hath a power to a special act . for , were it a degree only , it had been enough to have used the word [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] the superlative , which denotes a degree superior to that of [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] presbyter , the comparative , neither would there have been need to fetch in a new word [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] a bishop , meerly to design a degree . for as touching archbishops t is quite another reason : they are not indued with a power to any special act : for even they , if they were not bishops before , receive their ordination from bishops : and , as they are archbishops , they are not necessary to the ordination of bishops : for , by the fourth canon of the council of nice , three bishops together have power to ordain a bishop . but we very well know , that the apostles , and the seventy two disciples were two orders , and those distinct . and this , likewise , we know , that every where among the fathers , bishops and presbyters are taken to be after their example : that bishops succeeded the apostles ; and presbyters the seventy two . that these two orders were by our lord appointed in those two . cyprian ; k deacons must remember that our lord chose the apostles , that is , bishops and prelates : but the apostles , after the ascension of our lord appointed deacons for themselves , as ministers of their episcopacy , and of the church . nay , s. hierom ; l with us bishops hold the place of the apostles . all [ bishops ] are successors of the apostles . and that is a famous place in him ; in him ; and s. augustine , too , upon the 44. psalm . in stead of thy fathers thou shalt have children : i.e. in stead of apostles , bishops . s. ambros , in 1. corinth . 12. 28. god hath set in the church [ caput apostolos ] first apostles . now the apostles are bishops : the apostle s. peter giving us assurance of it ; and his bishoprick let another take . and a little after . are all apostles ? he saith right : for in one church but one bishop . and in ephes. 4. the apostles are the bishops . from hence we have a fair passage to the last point : whether this order be by divine right . very glad i was to hear it from you , that the authority of antiquity should be ever in great esteem with you . i love you for that word : nor will it be the least of your praises , if your deeds make your words good . for my part it hath been my opinion ever , i was ever of that mind . but , or i am deceiv'd in the whole story of antiquity , or the apostolical men , i. e. the disciples of the apostles , or ( as eusebius calls them ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they that conversed with them , both they who are not mentioned in holy scripture ( as polycarpus and ignatius , ) and they who are expresly mentioned ( as timothy , titus , clemens , ) were bishops , while the apostles were alive ; and were constituted and ordained by the apostles themselves . (a) polycarp by s. john . (b) clemens by s. peter . (c) titus and (d) timothy by s. paul . i give you these witnesses . concerning polycarp : (e) irenaeus ; (f) tertullian ; (g) eusebius ; (h) hierom. concerning ignatius : (i) eusebius and (k) hierom. concerning timothy : (l) eusebius , (m) hierom , (n) ambrose , (o) chrysostom , (p) epiphanius . concerning titus ; (q) eusebius , (r) ambrose , (s) theodoret . concerning clement : (t) tertullian , (u) eusebius , (x) hierom. not to speak of (y) linus , ( z ) dionysius , (a) onesimus , (b) epaphroditus , (c) caius , (d) archippus ; concerning whom we have the like testimonies of the fathers . and not of these alone : even s. mark the evangelist , and that while the apostles lived , who saw it ; for s. mark dyed in the (e) eighth year of nero , full five years before s. peter and s. paul were crown'd with martyrdom . and not he alone , s. iames also the apostle . witness for s. mark , (f) hierom : for s. iames , (g) eusebius ( out of clement and hegesippus ) (h) hierome . (i) chrysostom . (k) ambrose (l) epiphanius . (m) augustine . could any then take it ill , that you said , that episcopacy was received , in the church , from the very next times to the apostles ? you said too little : you might have said more , and , if you had , antiquity would have born you out ; that it was received from the apostles themselves : and that they , the apostles themselves , were constituted in the episcopal order . there was nothing in that passage of yours that any could be offended with , unless , haply , that in stead of [ was called the bishop ] you should have said , was the bishop . for we do not contend , about the name ; all the controversy is about the thing . this was done , or we must give one general dash through all the ecclesiastical historians . and when was it done ? after the ascension of our lord : saith eusebius . (n) presently upon the passion of our lord ; so s. hierom. (o) done , by whom ? they were placed in the office of episcopacy by the apostles ; (p) tertullian . by the apostles ; so epiphanius . by the ministers of our lord ; so (q) eusebius , ordeined by the apostles ; so (r) s. hierom. constituted by the apostles ; (s) so s. ambrose . will any man then deny , that s. iames , s. mark , titus , clemens , were bishops by apostolical right ? was any thing done by the apostles , which was not by apostolical right ? by apostolical , i. e. as i interpret it , by divine . for nothing was done by the apostles , that the holy ghost , the divine spirit did not dictate to them . sure ( if by the apostles ) by the same right , which those seven were by , acts. 6. whom , i am sure , you your self will grant to be by divine right : deacons the holy scripture doth no where call them ; that is only a word of the church . i hope , what the apostles did , they did by divine right : and that it cannot be denyed , but their deeds ( of which we are certain ) not only their words , or writings , are of divine right . and not only those things of which s. paul wrote to the corinthians , (t) but those other also which he set in order at his being at corinth , ( if they were known to us what they were , ) were by the same right to wit , by divine , all of them ; both these and they from the holy spirit , all . and yet , though they be by divine right , we do not say these things belong to faith . they belong to the agenda or practice of the church ; to the credenda , or points of faith , t is but improper to refer them . t is very strange therfore which you say , that your countrymen openly complain of you , both that you vndertook the cause of bishops ; bylike , your country-men are enemies to bishops ; would not have their cause pleaded , but are desirous it should be lost : as also , that you condemned aerius , who was antiently condemned in asia by epiphanius ; in europe by philastrius ; in africa , by s. augustine ; whose name , all the world over , is in the black-book of hereticks ; nor undeservedly , seeing , he durst oppose himself ( as you your self confess ) to the consent and practice of the catholik church . you should rather complain of them , who for this complain of you . as for that where you would not have your papers to be ript up to the quick , i know no body here that doth it . should any , he would have somewhat to stick upon in the very title ; take which word you will , that of pastor , or that of calling . they are both novelties ; the word pastor , ( i 'm sure , in this sense , ) and calling , too ; and not of any age , but this last , nor of all that . for , i pray , who of the antients ever spake so ? among whom you shall scarce find the word pastor used , but when they speak of bishops : which form of speech s. peter taught them , when he joined pastor and bishop in our saviour . nor shall you ever read , that they , by that word , pointed out such as , either in city or country , had the care of some few persons distinguished by parishes : for that the presbyters ( vrban , or rural ) were by the bishop designed to that imployment . who , indeed , at the begining , were of the bishops family , and did live , as you very well know , of the sportula [ i. e. of the oblations of the church ] before the distinction of parishes came up . and the word calling ( in the sense you take it ) is altogether as unknown . in stead whereof they used the words ordination or constitution . and the very name of minister is of the same stamp : which they would never have understood to be spoken of any but a deacon : as it is derived , indeed , from , no other fountain but , the greek , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} but we must pardon you : you must speak the language of your church , which hath no bishops ; another kind of presbyters , [ elders they call them , ] another kind of deacons ; and , i add , another kind of calling , then ever the antient church acknowledged . i , for my part , in my best wishes for your church , and so for all the reformed do wish this , ( that you may keep constant in the other points of faith , but for government and order that god would vouchsafe to you no other but that which he hath vouchsafed vs , i. e. by bishops , presbyters and deacons . such as those we read of in the histories of the church , and in the councils , and the antient fathers : unto whom ( or self-conceit shrewdly deceives me , or ) most like are our : most like , i say , in their order , not in their worth ; but would to god in their worth also . and that no policy , no form of government in any church whatsoever cometh neerer the sense of scripture , or the manner and usage of the antient church , then this which flourisheth among us . these i intrust to you , that , if you please , they may be with you . but know withall , that i have ever been , both by nature and choice , addicted to peace . and my age now requires it of me , who ere long must be packing : but cheifly living under a king , whose word is that of our saviour ; blessed are the peacemakers . and , i assure you , i shall never incline to any immoderate or harsh counsels : but shall qualifie , as much as i may , your writings , with a fair interpretation . for neither can we bragg of our happiness , more then antiently s. augustine did , whose saying it was ; what we teach is one thing ; what we are fain to tolerate , another . to the most reverend father , the lord bishop of winchester . most reverend prelate . i sent unto you my book concerning the calling of pastors : and with it some letters , wherin i endevour'd to satisfie you touching some points , wherin i seem'd to your most gracious king too ill affected to the order of episcopacy . which letters if you have received , i doubt not but you will judge of me , as of a man who both thinketh and speaketh honorably of your order . i am not so proudly arrogant as to oppose my self to all antiquity ; and to reject that as a thing faulty and wicked , which hath been received in the church from the very next age to the apostles . i was ever of this mind , that concord might be kept whole and intire between churches , living howere under a different form of ecclesiastical government : so that christ be preached , as he is set forth in the gospel , & the christian faith remain safe and sound . but , among the rest of your order , i ever highlyest esteemed you , for many causes , which i had rather acquaint others , then yourself withall . as a witness of which my affection i send you this new book , which the command of the church , whom i serve , and the impudent insulting of a court-iesuite forced from me . i desire that you would be a means to pacifie the kings anger against me : that he would consider with himself , and weigh it in an equal ballance , that there can be no place , in the french church , for a pastor that should teach the primacy of bishops to be of divine right ; without which there could be no salvation ; without which the church could not stand . to affirm this , were , nothing els but , to damn all our churches to the pit of hell , & to pronounce the sentence of condemnation upon my own flock . which should i do , you your self would account me a sensless ungracious fellow , and worthy to be spit upon by all . but enough of this : for an overlabored defence , specially to an understanding man , and in a clear and manifest point , is altogether needless . god preserve you , and prosper your endeavours , that they may redound to the edification of the church . farewell . paris . xvi . calends of decemb. 1618. your honors most devoted peter moulin . the bishops answer to the second epistle . the post was not yet gone , he staied here a day or two , but he had these letters , here inclosed , sealed up as they are ; when , lo , i received your second , by the hands of s. william beecher , agent for the king , lately come from you . i presently recalled my former , yet opened them not , but , as they were , inclosed them in these . for i would not so trespass as to commit the same fault again ; but rather make amends for my former tardiness with the quickness of this answer . you shall therfore with my first receive these second ; together with my thanks for both : but [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] the first second , as it were ; to wit , in these second letters my first thanks now , and in the first my second , ( as it falls out . ) thanks , i say , both for that your book , formerly sent ; and this later , shortly , as i hope , to be sent . for s. william beecher will deny either that it was bound ( when he came thence ) or els brought to him ; and in that consideration he came the later to me : but he bad me look for it , for that i should not look in vain . as for pacifying the kings anger against you , beleeve me , you need not much trouble your self . there is nothing in him , which needs pacifying : there are ways wherby you may more and more gain him , and make him yours : and it would be worth your labour , if you do it . and do it you may , if you take that course , which you cannot learn better of any man living , then of himself . as for me , i gladly acknowledg that you are more moderate toward us , then most of your men commonly are : and , the more you convers with antiquity , will be daily more and more : nay , i add , and much more would be , if your church would give you leave ; and i would to god , it would . it should seem that shee hath transfer'd the faults of persons upon things ; and , for some abuse , hath taken away the lawful use : a fault which you should by little and little unlearn her. you , while you follow and sway with it , follow not the bent of your own mind and iudgment ; for iiudg of your affection by your pen ; which was so well inclin'd toward us , that it had wrote ( and , i think , not against your mind ) that our order of bishops was a thing received in the church even from the time of the apostles . and indeed your pen had wrote very right : mary , you blotted out [ of the apostles ] and , in leiu of it , put in [ next to the apostles . ] but this , i beleeve , you did in favour of your church . and , indeed , that was very true , which you put in [ next to the apostles ] but that not a whit less true , which you blotted out . for that order was not only from the age next to the apostles , but even from the very age of the apostles ; or els all antiquity deceives us , and ther 's not a church-history left worth credit . that all antiquity is for us , you your self deny not ; and whether we must yeeld more to any present church , then to all antiquity , judg you . if i know you well , the more free and ingenuous i am in writing thus to you , you will love me the better : and so shall i you , if you deal as freely with me in it . hear me then i pray . this is not enough for us , if a man do not reject our church government , as a thing faulty or sinfull , for this is it we stand upon , that it may be clear and confessed by all , that the government of our church is such , as cometh most neer to the form and manner of the antient church , or ( as you grant ) that , next to the apostles , or ( as you had once wrote , and we contend for 't ) of the apostolick church . and , that you are of the same judgment with us , i doubt not . if then , by your churches leave , you would once speak out , you should do us a curtesie ; if you may not , no discurtesie , if for the future you would let our affairs alone . for , that way you are in , it will scarce be possible for you , both to please your own , and not to displease us . and yet , though our government be by divine right , it follows not , either that there is no salvation , or that a church cannot stand , without it . he must needs be stone-blind , that sees not churches standing without it : he must needs be made of iron , and hard hearted , that denys them salvation . we are not made of that metal , we are none of those ironsides ; we put a wide difference betwixt them . somewhat may be wanting , that is of divine right , ( at least in the external government ) and yet salvation may be had . so that you shall not need to damn them to the pit of hell , or pronounce the sentence of condemnation upon your flock . this is not to damn any thing , to preferr a better thing before it : this is not to damn your church , to recall it to another form , that all antiquity was better pleased with , i. e. to our : but this , when god shall grant the opportunity , and your estate may bear it . if we do but agree upon this point , in all the rest we shall not fall out . but yet we wish not a concord , that is but pieced and patched up , but an intire , absolute agreement , without any piecing and patching : which , we doubt not but , you likewise wish with us . if any thing remain , i remit you to my former : ( for we are here , now , full of business . ) these i recommend to your favorable acceptance : and so i commend you in mine , and desire you to recommend me in your prayers to god . farewell . london . decemb. 12. 1618. to the most reverend and most worthy prelate , the lord bishop of winchester . great sir . i received your letters , full both of choice stuff , and of the testimony of your good affection to me . for although you seem to be a little more moved then ordinary , yet that great sweetness , which you temper your reproofs with , puts me in hope that your goodwill is not lessned toward me , and that you will readily accept of this my satisfaction . it is to my great profit and honor to be taught by you ; nor am i so sensless as to contend with a man of so great learning and worth . neither indeed did i write to that end , that you should write to me again : for it is abundantly sufficient for me , if you take my letters in good part . nor are my writings of any such value , that they should beget you any trouble , or take you off from your more weighty affairs . if therfore any thing was written by me amiss , i am much indebted to that my error , which hath drawn from you so learned and accurate letters , that no gold can value , and weigh against them ; which i shal keep by me , while i live , as a most pretious {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and threasure . nevertheless , because you seem to me not to have reached my meaning in some passages of my former letters , you will pardon me , if i endeavour in these to explain my mind a little more fully . i said that the names of presbyter and bishop are taken in the new testament for one and the same . that the order of bishop and presbyter is the same . that the difference between bishop and presbyter is but of ecclesiastical , not of divine right . these things you wish had not been said by me . and you bring many arguments to the contrary , indeed , learnedly and accurately , but wherof a good part toucheth not me . breifly of each . you deny not but the names of presbyter and bishop are promiscuously taken in the new testament . but , you say , to what purpose this ? forsooth , you think that i tacitly insinuate therby , that the things likewise are promiscuous . for no man , likely , carps at the name ; but he that is ill affected to the thing . and you add , that the fathers , in those very places , wherin they teach that the names are taken in the same sense , do presently apply a remedy , and add , that this afterward was otherwise , and that the names , as well as the offices , were and are distinct . here it is easie for me to prove to you that i had no purpose to abuse the passivity of the names , therby to confound the functions . for there i presently apply the same remedy , which , you truly say , was applyed by the fathers . for i subjoin : presently after the times of the apostles , or even in their times , as the ecclesiastical history beareth witness , it was decreed , that in one city , one of the other presbyters should be call'd the bishop , who for avoyding of confusion , which groweth oftimes by equality , should have preeminence among his collegues . and this form of government was every where received by all churches . these very words were added by me there , which do abundantly wipe off that suspition . could i possibly wish ill to 〈◊〉 order , wherof i never spake without honor ? as very well knowing that the reformation of the church of england , and the ejection of popery , next to god and your princes , is chiefly to be ascribed to the learning and industry of your bishops : some of whom , being crowned with martyrdom , sealed the gospel with their blood . whose writings we keep by us , whose acts and zeal we remember , as no way inferior to the zeal of the most eminent servants of god , whom either france or germany brought forth . whosoever shall deny this , must needs be either senslesly wicked , or ( as envying gods glory , or foolishly besotted ) not see at high noon . i desire therfore this suspition may be wipid off from me : specially , when i take notice that even calvin and beza , whom they usually pretend to , as abettors of their peevishness , wrote many letters to the prelates of england ; and intreated them as the faithfull servants of god ; as men that deserved well of the church . nor am i such a boldface , as to pass sentence upon those lights of the antient church , ignatius , polycarp , cyprian , augustine , chrysostom , basil , the two gregories nissen and nazianzen , all of them bishops ; as upon men wrongfully made , or usurpers of an unlawfull office . the reverend antiquity of those first ages shall ever be in greater esteem with me , then the novel device of any whosoever . i come to the second part of your censure . i said that there is but one order of bishop and presbyter . you contrary-wise are of opinion that the order of bishops is another and diverse from that of presbyters : and to that purpose bring many testimonies from the fathers ; who speak of the ordination of bishops : neither do i oppose ; for the antient's speak so , indeed . and although the roman pontifical absteins from that word , yet the antient bishops of rome did use it . leo . then in his 87. epistle , which is to the bishops of the province of vienna , commandeth , i that a bishop , who is not rightly ordained , he displaced and , in the same epistle , he often useth the same word . now between an order and a degree you make this difference ; that a degree denotes only a superiority ; but an order is a power to a special act : that therfore every order is a degree ; but not every degree an order . very well . for though many do not observe this difference of words , yet it is best to use proper terms ; that things which differ in substance , be distinguished in names , too . but these do not prejudice me at all . for you should have considered with your self , whom i have to deal with . i dispute against the pontificians , who make seven orders ; door keepers , readers , exorcists , acolyths , subdeacons , deacons , presbyters : but the order or character of bishops they will by no means have to be diverse from that of presbyters . could i , disputing with them , use other words , then such as are receiv'd by them ? could i deal with them about the order of bishops , which they acknowledg not ? should i have inveigh'd against them for not making the order of bishops distinct from that of presbyters , when our own churches make it not ? he that should do this , should not so much contest with the church of rome , as with our own . then to what purpose is it to insist so much upon the distinction of words ? since every order is , by s. paul , call'd a degree . nor can a bishop be depriv'd of his orders , but he must be degraded , and fall from his degree . i pray , weigh my words well : every bishop is a presbyter , and a priest of the body of christ ; and of these the church of rome makes but one order . it plainly appears that i do not in these words affirm , what ought to be beleeved , but what is the sense of the church of rome . but heer somewhat falls in , which may beget a doubt . it is confess'd by all , that every bishop is a presbyter : but a presbyter is not a deacon . hence it comes to pass , that there is another manner of difference betwixt a bishop and a presbyter , then betwixt a presbyter and a deacon . since therfore a presbyter differs in order from a deacon , it seems to follow that a bishop differs not in order from a presbyter . nor is it without some doubt , that you say , that order is a power to a special act. for a power to a special act is given to many without order ; as to them who are extraordinarily delegated to the performance of some special actions . then you deny that archbishops are another order from bishops : and yet an archbishop hath a power to some special actions ; as namely , to call a synod , and to do other offices , which are not lawfull for bishops ; and which are not permitted to archbishops themselves under the papacy , but when they have received the archiopiscopal pall from the pope . you , out of your great wisdom , will consider , whether it be apparent by these , that the power to a special action may be conferr'd , even by a degree , without a diversity of order . the third point is still behind : to wit , that i said , that episcopacy is by the most antient ecclesiastical , but yet not by divine right . you on the other side resolve and mantein that it is by divine right : and to that purpose produce many examples of bishops , s. mark ; timothy ; titus ; clemens ; polycarp ; s. iames , bishop of hierusalem ; all who received the order of episcopacy from the apostles themselves . and you quote a great number of fathers , who affirm as much . ( learnedly all , and according to the truth of the primitive historys . ) but what then ? why , say you , if bishops were constituted by the apostles , plain it is that the order of episcopacy is by apostolical , and so consequently by divine right . this indeed is to make your self master of the whole strength of the cause . but that axiom of yours [ all things that are of apostolical right are likewise of divine ] seemes to me ( by your good leave ) to be liable to some exceptions . many things were ordered about ecclesiastical policy , which even the church of england acknowledgeth not to be of divine right , by not observing the same . s. paul in 1. timoth. v. would have deaconesses appointed in the church : but this fashion was long ago out of date . the same s. paul 1. corinth . xiv . would that , at the same hour , in the same assembly , three or four should prophecy , i. e. as s. ambrose understands it , interpret the word of god ; and that the others should judg of what was spoken : which custome is long since ceased . the apostles command , touching abstinence from things strangled and blood , was for many ages observed by the antient church : witness the apologetie of tertullian , chap. ix . the council of gangra , canon , ii. and the trullan , canon lxvii . and there is frequent mention of the same point in the councils of worms and orleance . yet s. augustine , in his xxxii . book against faustus , chap. xiii . saith that observing hereof was generally neglected by the christians ; and that they who were posses'd with that scruple were laugh'd at by others . you have , not the apostles alone , but even , that precept of christ himself , touching shaking off the dust of the feet , against the refusers of the gospel . if any should now go about to lay the foundation of christian religion , among the tartars or sinenses , were he bound to observe that rite against the refractory ? such things as appertain to salvation and to faith were ordered by the apostles , by a divine inspiration ; but in the rest they did often use their own prudence ; as s. paul intimates , 1. corinth . 7.25 . nor are you ignorant , so oft as examples are brought of bishops placed by the apostles , in a higher degree above presbyters , what is commonly answered : viz. that they had not that preeminence , as bishops , but as evangelists : of whose superiority above pastors somewhat you may have in s. chrysostom , on the iv. to the ephesians . which reply of what strength it is , i had rather stand to your iudgment , then any mans . indeed s. ambrose , on that same place , makes evangelists inferior to bishops , and without seas . yet , however you shall call titus , timothy , and s. mark , whether bishops or evangelists , it is clear they had bishops their successors and heirs of their preeminence . you determine therfore that our churches do offend against the divine right ; yet so , as you exclude them not from hope of salvation : but do think , that , in our church government , men may attain to salvation : for this you brought in , in your second letter , that you might deal the kindlier with us . but in your larger , you liken us , in this point , to aerius ; who , you say , was deservedly , upon this ground , by the antients put in the black book of hereticks . herein , great sir , i appeal to your equity . think with your self , what streits you drive me to . for , if i should have spoke , as you conceive it , i could not but necessarily accuse our church of heresie ; and so doing , be forced {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to be packing , to leave my station here , and to provide for my self as i could . nor could i say that the primacy of bishops is by divine right but i should brand our churches , ( which have spilt so much blood for christ ) with heresie . for , questionless , to be obstinately set against such things , as are of divine right , and peremptorily to gainsay what god commands , is downright heresie , whether it concern faith or discipline . besides that i should have overthrown that principle , wherwith cheifly our religion defends her self against popery , viz. that what things are by divine right are sufficiently and evidently contein'd in the holy scriptures . i hear what you will reply . that it had been safer and better for me , to have been silent in these points , then itch to be writing so unseasonably . because therby it comes to pass that i must necessarily offend our own church , or your ; nay , haply , both . and to tell you truth , i had rather have been silent : for very unwillingly i sett my mind to write ; nor did i write , but upon command . arnoldus the iesuite , the kings confessor , publikely and in the pulpit , before his majestie , inveigh'd against the confession of our church , and further in a pestilent book revil'd it , wherin he mightily insults over us , in this question , and odiously seeks to overthrow our churches government : this book coming to be sold all over france , through the high ways and streets , at the voice of a cryer , did greatly scandalize many . nay , before this , the pulpits , the markets , the court , the streets , and the very barbers shops , rang with this question . this is the field wherin wanton witts sport themselves daily . how earnestly my book was look'd for , which should stop that insolency , it doth thence appear , that , in four months space , it was nine times printed . i could not therfore shun this task . nor was it possible to write exactly of that argument , but i must begin with the signification of the words , bishop and presbyter ; and treat of the original of the office . but here i took occasion to speak honorably of the bishops of england . i deriv'd the dignity of bishops , from the very infancy of the church . i condemn'd aerius . i said that s. iames himself was bishop of hierusalem : from whom in a long course , the succession of bishops of that city is deduced . only this one thing was wanting , viz. that i did not say that our church was heretical , and did trample the divine right under her feet ; which , indeed , i neither could nor ought to do ; yea , had i done it , you your self would have noted that want of prudence in me . this may serve for the three chief points : to which you further add this {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or corollary ; namely , your iudgment touching the title of my book , [ which i wrote for france , ] of the calling of pastors . these words , you say , are novell , and never used by any of the antients in this sense . i acknowledg , indeed , that the word calling is unusual among the antients , nor taken in that sense . but we frenchmen speak otherwise : for as many as have wrote of that argument , either our , or papists use this word : which , with us , signifies somewhat more then ordination ; for it is taken for the office it self . if i had wrote in latin , i should have given this title , of the office and ordination of pastors . neither would you have all presbyters and ministers of the word of god , to be called by the name of pastors . for this word , you say , belongs only to bishops , ( and that the antients spake so . ) if this be true , worthy sir , the churches in france , germany , lowcountrys and helvetia , are flocks without a pastor . but s. paul , acts the xx commandeth the presbyters of ephesus , pascere , i. e. to be pastors of the church . v. 17. & 28. and s. peter , in his 1. epist. 5. ch. 1. 2. v. the presbyters , who are among you , i exhort , — pascite , feed the flock of god , which is among you , taking the over-sight therof , not by constraint but willingly ; not for filthy lucre : which exhortation to diligence , and shunning filthy lucre , no doubt , belongs also to the inferior presbyters . now to think that they ought not be called pastors , whom god commands pascere , to feed the flock , i cannot persuade my self . but , if the word of god be pabulum , the food of souls , i see not why he should not be call'd a pastor , who doth administer this food . s. paul in the fourth to the ephesians , verse , 11. makes an enumeration of ecclesiastical offices : god gave some apostles , some prophets , some evangelists , some pastors and teachers . if presbyters who labour in the word , whom we frenchmen call ministers , be not understood under the name of pastors , i see not what place they can have in this enumeration of the apostle . s. augustine , in his 59. epistle , saith , that pastors and doctors , here , are the same . the same thinketh s. hierom , upon this place of s. paul . vincentius lirinensis , expounding this place , maketh no mention of pastors , but comprehends them vnder doctors , whom he calls treatisers , who certainly were a different thing from bishops . but that bishops only are doctors , i never yet read anywhere . s. ambrose is so far from thinking the name of pastors to belong only to bishops , that he even calls readers , pastors . readers , saith he , are , and may be pastors , who fatten the souls of their auditors with reading . the term pastor is usual among the prophets : prophet isaiah . 56. 11. prophet ieremiah . 10. 21. and 22. 22. and 23. 1. 2. prophet ezechiel . 34. 2. and prophet zachariah . 10. 3. which places whosoever shall weigh in the even ballance of judgment , he shall find , that under the name of pastors were reckon'd not only the cheif priests , or the heads of the levites but all the prophets and levites , upon whom the office of teaching lay . but the following matter , and my earnest desire to satisfie you , hath carried me beyond my bounds . i have too too much abus'd your leasure . yet shall not this my pains be ill bestowed , if you shall take notice hereby , how much i esteem you , how desirous i am of peace , how glad i would be that all the reformed churches , who are united by one faith , were also united by one and the same bond of ecclesiastical government . i beseech you , sir , accept in good part this my ingenuous liberty , which truly shall never detract from that observance and honor , which , i shall ever profess before the world , i ow unto you . god preserve you , and grant you a fresh and lively old age , with the increase of all honor and happiness . farewell . dated paris . your honors most devoted in all observance . peter moulin . the bishops answer to the third epistle . i never could learn this trick of sawing , or ( which is all one ) of tossing replys . no , not , when my years were fitter for it . but now old age , which of it self is a diseas , and yet never cometh without diseases attending it , plucks me by the ear , and bids me get me out of this cockpit , and rank my self with them , whose whole business is prayer . nevertheless , because in this skirmishing , it hath happen'd to us both alike , viz , that we have not reach'd one anothers meaning , i shall , not unwillingly , more fully and plainly expound my mind to you , as you did your to me . that which i first meet withall is but a slight matter ; for i do not understand at all , how i was any whit more mov'd then ordinary . neither do i remember ought of yours , that mov'd me more then ordinary ; nay that mov'd me at all ; but only that you said , that some passages of yours had griev'd the kings soul . that word [ greiv'd ] greiv'd me somwhat , i confess , and mov'd me more then ordinary : besides , nothing that i remember . his majestie had made three dashes upon your book . touching them you would know of me , what my mind was , what i thought . i answered , as was truth , where the king had made them , they ought to be made . the first place , noted by the king , was that , concerning the passivity of the words , ( as you speak . ) i said it was justly noted . here you did not reach my meaning ; for you take it for all one , as if i had said that you therby did tacitly insinuate , i know not what . but that came not into my thoughts . i did not say , what you did therby insinuate , but what others would snatch at from thence . for , questionless , snatch at they will , as if you did insinuate , though you did not , as men are , and stand affected . i , for my part , do not deny , that those words are taken for one and the same ; and so far you are right . this i deny , that those things which are right may all of them , safely , by any man , at any time , be committed to writing . for you must consider , not so much what you might mean there , as what others would snatch from thence . our writings must be regulated by that of the apostle , not what is lawfull , but what is expedient . see you , whether this controversie be seasonable at this time ; and whether it were advisedly done by you ; and whether it be not expedient , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to cut off occasions from them , who earnestly snatch at all occasions of setting novelties afoot . perhaps , i fear what is safe enough , but i fear though , lest , an occasion being taken from hence , those stirrs unhappily break out again , which seemed wholy to be made up among us . nor was i ever of that opinion , i never wrote it , that afterward it was otherwise done . that was not done otherwise afterward , which was done by the apostles themselves . it is s. chrysostoms : were there many bishops in one city ? by no means . it is s. hieroms : for in one city there could not be many bishops . it is theodorets : it could not be , that there should be many pastors in one city . of what time are these to be understood ? when were there not ? when could there not be those many pastors in one city ? what , when s. chrysostom , s. hierom theodoret lived ? doubtless , when the apostle wrote that to the philippians . i could not possibly say then , that that was done afterward , which they said was done , even when the apostle lived and wrote . i said , that the remedy was there applyed by the fathers . you say that the same was applyed by you . applyed , i grant ; but truly , neither the same , nor in the same place . for , 1. their [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] their preventive caution was premised before they spake . your [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] yours is but a playster layd on , after the wound is made . 2. what you say by way of disjunction , viz. either immediatly after the time of the apostles , or even in their time , that would not they have said so ; but , as truth was , without any disjunction , without the former part . that it was done , in the very time of the apostles , and by themselves . 3. then , no where do they say , that any constitution was made about it . nor do i think you will ever read of any such [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or ] constitution , in any history . we read , indeed , in the acts , that the order of deacons was constituted by them : of presbyters , of bishops , there was no constitution : for bishops were formerly instituted by christ in the apostles ; and presbyters in the seventy two . 4. nor only , that any was called bishop , but that he was a bishop . for there were no titular bishops then : they had their name from their office : they were called what they were ; they were , what they were called . 5. nor that should be only with preeminence , but that should be invested with power : power , i say , of imposition of hands , of commanding , of receiving informations , of reproving . 6. nor only to take away confusion , which is contrary to order , but also to take away schism , which is contrary to vnity . nor for these two only , but also for all other ends , for which , we said , that power was given . you see that the fathers had another gates remedy for this disease : and that those speeches of yours , it was constituted ; that should be called ; should have the preeminence ; are too narrow ; and i add , by your leave , too weak and dilute ; nor the same with those , which are the ingredients of that medicine , which the fathers made . but yet i have a mind here to put the question ; if confusion commonly growes from equality , how comes it to pass , that there is no need of this remedy among you ? again ; if it be true , that this form of government was received every where by all churches ; that , which was every where receiv'd by all , why doth not your church receive ? why doth she only run counter to all the churches , which then were every where ? for that is a most true word , you said , and deserv'd an asterisk of commendation , that all churches everywhere receiv'd this form of government . nor were there ever , before this age , any churches , which were governed by any other , then by bishops . wherfore there was no cause at all , that you should go about to wipe off that suspition , ( for i had none of you , ) that you were not well affected to our order . i shall never be induced to beleeve it ; for i cannot but give credit to you , affirming it in your letters , that your countrymen complain of you , for favoring and wishing so well vnto it . indeed , that you wish well , i doubt not at all ; but therto i am more perswaded by your word , then by your arguments . for here you slip from the order to the persons of bishops : of whose learning , industrie , martyrdom , you speak much and excellently . but there were , as you know , of old , men that hated the tyrant , but not his tyranny : and why not now , men that love bishops , but not the government by bishops . pass by the men therfore ; it matters not for them ; speak of the order it self . for calvin himself , and beza , if they wrote to our prelates , know , that they wrote likewise to them , whom you call peevish : and that their letters , which these pretend for their peevishness , are produced by them ; and thus they oft reply , to what purpose do i hear calvins words , when i see his deeds ? for the order it self , if it be such as you would have it seem , the bishops of england cannot make it better , nor of spain worse . i advis'd you not to transferr the faults of persons upon things ; and to unlearn your church that custom . as for those antients , whom you worthily call the light of the church , and who themselves were bishops , though you say much , yet you say not enough . for this is not enough , that you would not give sentence against them ; that they were not wrongfully made ; that they did not usurp an unlawfull office : these are but terms of diminution , not give sentence against ; not wrongfully made ; not usurpers of an unlawfull office ; speak out , speak as the truth is , that they were lawfully made ; ( lawfully , if ever any ) and did exercise a most lawfull office : that our , at this day , are to be made after their example : that the same office is to be exercised by all ours : these speak home to the order , are nothing to the men . but , whatever become of those passages , i cannot but commend your conclusion there ; nor shall i stick to set an asterisk of approbation upon it : i would to god that might put an end to the whole controversie betwixt us . it is this : the venerable antiquity of those first ages shall be ever in greater esteem with me then the new upstart device of any whosoever . o would to god , that antiquity might be more and more in esteem with you with all : for if antiquity might prevail , if these new upstart devices were discarded , then , sure , the cause of this order could not be in danger . the second dash of dislike set by his majestie , and very justly , was at that place , where you contend that the order of bishop and presbyter is one and the same . i have shew'd that it is not the same . both , 1. because the offices are not the same . for a presbyter doth not ordain ; no , not in s. hieroms iudgment . as also , 2. because there is not the same imposition of hands , but a new one in a bishop . again , 3. because , among the fathers , isidore clearly calls it the order of bishops . and lastly , 4. because those two orders were distinguished by christ in the apostles , and the seventy two . here you produce to us the title of the pontifical ; which is concerning consecration , not ordination . i shew'd that the antient bishops , even of rome it self , spake otherwise ; otherwise the later popes . among the antient , that the word ordination was most usual , and most approved . you appeal to the schole . i acquainted you , in what sense the schole calls them the same , or not the same . the same in reference to the body of christ ; upon which they terminat their seven orders : about the body of christ a presbyter doth as much as a bishop . you your self say as much : of these in respect of the body of christ , the church of rome makes but one order . not the same ; if you respect the power to a special act , viz. of ordination , which is peculiar to a bishop . this is not mine , as you imagin'd , but the definition of orders , all the schole over . nor yet that difference , which afterward you put upon me : both of them are from the schole ; both definition and difference . these things , if you would speak scholastically , were not to be deny'd by you , who appeal'd to the schole . but to what purpose do you say , that you deal with or , that you dispute against the pontificians , who will not have the order of bishops distinct from that of presbyters ? and yet presently you subjoin : ought i to inveigh against them , ( viz. the pontificians ) because they do not make the order of bishops distinct from that of presbyters , when our churches do not make it neither ? he that should do this , should not so much contest with the church of rome , as with our own . you dispute therfore against them , but yet you will not inveigh against them : you dispute against the pontificians , and yet you allege their pontifical . you dispute against them , yet your own churches do the self same thing . nor yet will you affirm , what ought to be beleev'd , but what the church of rome thinketh : which thinketh the very same that your church doth ; and your church , i beleeve , you would have to be beleev'd . you do not therfore contest with the pontificians ; for , i trow you have no mind to contest with your own . 't were against your religion so to do . nevertheless your church , as you confess , doth the same thing in this point that the roman doth . you say it is best to use proper terms , that the things which differ in substance be distinguished in name : and yet in the same page , afterward , as if you were somwhat angry , you ask , to what end is it , to stick so much upon the distinction of words ? to what end then is it , to make proper words , which are made proper for no other end , but for distinction ? if this be to no end , it is better , trust me , neither to use proper words , nor to make any words at all proper ; for we must use the better , both you , and we . notwithstanding this , why do you reject the distinction of words , here ? because , every order ( you say ) is a degree . what then ? since every degree is not an order , if we will use proper words . deaconry , in s. paul , is a degree ; and the same is an order with all men . but archdeaconship is a new degree , and yet no order . nor can a bishop be outed of his order , but he must be degraded ( say you ) or fall from his order . yea , but he may be degraded , though he be not outed of his order ; for of his order he can no way be outed . for after ( that , which they call ) degradation , there remaineth a power to the acts of his order : the use of which power may be inhibited ; the power it self cannot be taken away . but here some scruples arise in your mind . the first is : that every bishop is a presbyter : very true that , and confest by all . but a presbyter , you say , is not a deacon . among you , haply , he is not , according to your novell device : but with that reverend antiquity ( which you speak of ) he is : nay , then , a bishop himself is a deacon : read s. chrysostom , even a bishop was call'd a deacon ; wherupon s. paul , writing to timothy , said , fulfill thy deaconry ; to him , being a bishop . whence also it is , that many bishops now adays write , to my fellow-presbyter , to my fellow-deacon . read s. ambrose , on the 4. to the ephesians . for all orders are in a bishop ; because he is the first priest , i. e. the prince of priests . and , on the 1. to the corinth : 12. though apostles be prophets too ; for the first degree hath all other vnder it . i may truly therefore inferr the contrary ; seing a bishop differs not from a presbyter , by any other way of difference , then a presbyter doth from a deacon ; but a presbyter differs from a deacon in his order ; therfore it is agreable , that a bishop differ from a presbyter in his order . this ever seem'd agreable to the consent of antiquity . i wonder that these things scap'd you ; for i dare not suspect , that what are so obvious to all are unknown to you . but the deaconry , in use among you , deceived you ; a meer stranger it , i speak it boldly , to all antiquity ( with whom deacons were ever one part of the clergy . ) the second scruple . that order is a power to a special act , i say not of myself ; the whole schole saith so ; it is the definition of order received in the scholes : speak you , if you have another ; for i remember not that i have anywhere read of any other . your scruple here ariseth from them , who ( say you ) are extraordinarily delegated to the performance of certain acts . i rejoin : what have they who are delegated without order , to do with order ? the very word order requireth that this be understood of ordinary power . the third scruple . an archbishop hath a power to a special act. what act ? to call a synod . i eas you of this scruple also . this act is not special to an archbishop : for a bishop exerciseth the same act : he doth as much call a synod in his diocess , as the other doth in his province . though , if we will speak truly , the calling of synods is a special act to neither of them , but is by delegation from the prince ; by whose laws there is special provision against unlawful assemblys . you , in your wisdom , see , that nothing appears here , why either by a degree any power may be conferd , or by an order may not be conferd . the third dash of dislike was upon your denying episcopacy to be of divine right . you grant it to be of apostolical . but that serves not you to make it be of divine right . no , not among us , who do not observe certain things which were appointed by the apostles . for , 1. not widows . i read of no command there for the appointing of widows : but for ephesus , and those churches , which had widows , there is a command touching their age . the institution of widows , was left free to every church . for none were to mantein widows , unless they would ; and , indeed , they could not be manteined among the poorer . not , 2. that custom for three or four to prophecy at one hour . but that custom was , cleerly , extraordinary ; and the extraordinary gifts ceasing , that ceased too . not , 3. to abstein from things strangled , & blood . yea , but that was temporary , not appointed by the apostles , with any other intention , then , to be in force , during the non-burial of the synagoge ; the synagoge once buried , to be free , to observe or not . so your first instance was , not necessary ; your second , not ordinary ; your third , temporary , not perpetual . these do not make a divine right . but , that the precepts of the apostles may not be of divine right , you will not have that of christ , touching shaking off the dust of their feet , to be so , neither . but , in truth , this is no precept ; but , if a precept , of divine right . for , i hope , you will not say that christ commanded this , using his prudence , without divine inspiration . no man ever understood that , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to the letter ; and that upon this ground ; because it was sometime observed , sometime altered , sometime quite omitted : not according to the letter , i say , but , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , according to the mind of the speaker . whose mind was , that such were to be given for desperate , whether with or without using the ceremony . but , be more sparing , i pray , of that point , of the apostles oftimes using their prudence . for it cannot be said or writ without great danger , that the apostles in some things had divine inspiration , in the rest did often use their own prudence ; and that in their writings which are extant . for even that very place , where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is , according to my judgment , you know , is concluded with [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] but i think also that i have the spirit of god . so that his very {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , his judgment had the dictate therof , from the spirit of god . as for that place , which you quote , if it were not written by divine inspiration , but by humane prudence , we are to score it for apocryphal . how then ? are we for making an index , and for expurging the new testament ? for separate we must the pretious from the vile . what were dictated by humane prudence will never stand in conjunction with those which were by divine inspiration . but , although there be weight enough to confirm this cause , from the right and maner of the apostles , yet , you may remember , that i deriv'd this distinction of orders higher , viz. from christ our saviour in the apostles , and seventy-two disciples . that it is every where among the fathers , and clearly confessed by them , that bishops succeeded the apostles , and presbyters the seventy two . i cited cyprian ; but deacons must remember , how our lord chose apostles , i. e. bishops and prelates ; but the apostles , after the ascension of our lord , appointed to themselves deacons , as ministers of their episcopacy , and of the church . that those seven were instituted , acts vi . by the apostles ; but no presbyters , but after the example of the seventy two ; nor bishops , but after their own pattern . this order therfore hath the strength and sinews therof , not only from the apostles , but even from our saviour himself . would you have me fetch it yet higher ? even out of the old testament , and there from the divine law it self ? s. hierom doth : and that we may know that the apostolical traditions were taken out of the old testament ; what aaron , and his sons , and the levites were in the temple , that do bishops , presbyters , and deacons challeng to themselves in the church . s. ambrose doth , in both those places , 1. corinth . 12. and ephes. 4. speaking of the iews . whose tradition , saith he , hath passed over to us . i omitt aaron ; lest you should reject him , as a type of christ . over his sons , the priests , was there not in their several families {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . i. e. a prelate ; or , as is said † elswhere , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} i. e. a bishop . over the gersonites . num. 3. 24. over the kohathites . vers. 30. over the merarites . verse 35. was not eleazar there , even while his father was alive , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as if you would say , prelate of prelates . verse 32. who is elsewhere called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} as if you would say , archbishop . there are therefore in the law , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , i. e. prelats or bishops , priests , and levites : in the gospel , the apostles , the seventy two , and those seven , acts vi . in the apostles practise , which was taken from those two [ the law and gospel ] bishops , presbyters , deacons . but do not , do not think , that this was by apostolical right alone ; if there be in the gospel , if in the law , any divine right , this government is not without example in both , it is founded on both . either then there is no divine right in the form of church government , and then wellfare amsterdam , where so many humane prudences as there are , so many forms of government shall be set up . or , if there be any divine right , it is in those three , it is for us . and now to your skirmishes of lighter consideration . that i know , what useth to be answered , by the vulgar , concerning timothy and titus . add this too , that i know , that many things are ill answered by the vulgar . but what is answered by the vulgar ? that they were evangelists . who affirms this ? either the vulgar , or they that , out of some mans novel device , have spread these doubtfull speeches among the vulgar . for none of the antients ever spake so ; no history can witness it . but history doth witness , that timothy and titus were bishops . epiphanius , chrysostom , ambrose , hierom , theodoret say it . that they were evangelists no man ever said , wrote , or dream'd , before our age . this vulgar answer is a vulgar forgery . therfore , whether evangelists were superior or inferior to bishops , it 's nothing to us ; since these , by no means , were evangelists . who saith so ? s. chrysostom . but i am to mind you , that he corrects what he had spoken , with some diffidence , there , concerning evangelists . for that nothing can be collected out of that place , ephes. 4. concerning the priority of any . but we may fetch it from another epistle . 1. corinth . 12. 28. where we have , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} first , second , third : but evangelists appear not there . besides that they , whom you , with the vulgar , would have to be counted evangelists ( timothy , and titus ) are from thence placed among the pastors , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , intrusted with the care of their several provinces , and in general of all , but not among evangelists . aquila and priscilla are to him evangelists : that i cannot but wonder , what you meant to mention that place . for , from that place of s. paul . 2. timoth. 4. 5. if you will hear s. chrysostom , you shall assoon make timothy but a deacon , from the fulfilling [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] of the deaconship , as an evangelist , from the work of an evangelist . do not you therfore make such a disjunction , either bishop , or evangelist . evangelists they were never reputed by any , but some , i know not who , two or three days ago , whom any upstart device pleaseth better , then reverend antiquity . do we give credit to antiquity ? they were bishops , they had bishops their successors , their heirs both in superiority and power . you demand then , whether your churches sin against the divine right ? i did not say it ; this only i said , that your churches wanted somewhat that is of divine right : wanted , but not by your fault , but by the iniquity of the times . for that your france had not your kings so propitious at the reforming of your church , as our england had : in the interim , when god shall vouchsafe you better times , even this , which now you want , will , by his grace , be supplyed . but , in the mean while , the name of bishop , which we find so frequent in the scriptures , ought not to have been abolish'd by you . though to what purpose is it to abolish the name , and to retein the thing ? ( for even you retein the thing , without the title ; and they two , whom you named , while they lived , what were they , but bishops in deed , though not in name ) seing , as he in the poet saith excellently , there is scarce any man that would wish {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . to be a tyrant , and not to tyrannize . that aerius was put in the black book of hereticks ( and worthily ) whosoever shall beleeve epiphanius , philastrius , or s. augustine , must needs confess . and you that condemn aerius , upon what consideration do you condemn him ? what , because he oppos'd himself to the consent of the catholike church ? he that is of the same opinion doth not he also oppose himself ? and is to be condemn'd upon the same consideration ? but , if there be any error , so it be not with obstinacy of mind , though he think as aerius did , his cause will be far from what the cause of aerius was . do not you therfore betake yourself to those tragical expressions of damning to the pit of hell , of giving sentence of damnation against your church , as against her that treads under foot the divine right . ther 's no necessity of that . weigh only calmly what is spoken . to vote that a thing were so , is not to devote , if it be not . a wish is no sentence of damnation . to want somewhat that is of divine right , is not to tread under foot the divine right . let but obstinacy and perversness be wanting , it will be no heresy . and , if it be heresy , ( being about a point of discipline ) it will not be among those , which s. peter calls {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , damnable heresies . but far be it from me that i should drive you to any streits . for neither would i have you hold your peace , being so provoked by the iesuit . nay , but write , by al means write : but yet , when you write , so mantein your own , that you pinch not upon , i say not , other mens matters which belong not to you ; yes , which somewhat concern you : ( for our affairs are not meer strangers to you . ) and , see , heer 's a larg field for you , wherin you may shew the sharpness of your , wit , ( which indeed is excellent . ) but do not , do not hope that you can {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , play on both sides . your own will complain of you ; ours need no such defence ; so you will loose the thanks of either side . but , although these things be evidently enough conteined in holy scriptures , to any whose eye is single , yet is not that principle so , as you have laid it . for , not what belong to divine right , but what belong to faith , and good manners [ are evidently enough conteined . ] but these are not adaequate to divine right . howbeit , you might well , you might have wrote ( as you speak ) exactly , had you begun , not where the words were promiscuous , but , where the things being always distinct , the signification of the words began likewise to be distinct . it was possible for you to have absteined from words aequivocal , confused , and promiscuously taken ; nor did any necessity enforce you to begin there . you might also have balk'd all occasion of diverting to us . your design was touching bishops : you were to treat of them , and of the office it self . of the bishops of england to what purpose ? doth england make that lawfull , which out of england is unlawfull ? the abuses of men , wherever they are , must be taxed : the office it self , in what country soever , is the same ; of it self , in it self , by it self lawfull : nor , if the bishops be not good , is the office of bishops not good : yea but let the office of bishops be , let them be no bishops , unless they make good their name . but here , i know , the king would set an asterisk of approbation . when you derive episcopacy from the very infancy of the church . when you acknowledg s. iames to be bishop of hierusalem ; and a long succession of bishops , there , deriu'd from him . when now again you condemn aerius . see , you have three asterisks for the three dashes . for these things are most true ; and according to the judgment of the antients , even of irenaeus , who leads the train of the antients . the true profession is the doctrine of the apostles ; and the antient state of the church , through the while world , is according to the succession of bishops , to whom they deliver'd that church , which is in every place ; which hath reached even unto us . somwhat i added , afterward , concerning the novel , upstart name of calling : and so of pastors ; ( as they are now in use with you . ) touching that of calling , you do not deny but that it is vnusual : you used , i suppose a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the figure of extenution ; for it is so unusual , that it is not at all . calling , indeed , is sometime used for the office ; for ordination , never . but neither do you deny what i observed touching that word , pastors . nor do you produce any , either among those antients , or the later writers , before our age , that was so call'd , viz. a pastor , who was not , indeed , a bishop . only , i know not how , you heap up many things together , but all beside the matter : that you seem not in them neither to have reach'd my meaning . for , what if i grant all that you allege ? that your flocks are not without a pastor ; ( as it seemeth good to you to stile him : ) that all you say out of s. paul , s. peter , the prophets is true : what are these to me ? who only say that the antients spake thus ; that that other name is not from antiquity . i recall you therfore to this ; that , among the antient christians in former ages , you shew me out of their writings , where the word pastor was ever used , and they spake not of the bishop : or , that it was used ( as with you it is ) of a parish priest . prevail thus far with your self , as to shew this ; for , unless you do this , you do nothing to the purpose . but yet see , of what force those things are , that you brought there . for s. paul doth not say there , that presbyters [ did pas ere ] were pastors : this he saith , wherein the holy ghost hath made you bishops [ pascere ] to feed [ to be pastors over ] the church of god . saint paul's pastor therfore is a bishop . and , lest you should think that the name bishop is to be taken , there , appellatively ( as if you would say , such as haue the cure of ) not properly ; behold , the syriack interpreter himself reteins the greek word ; when the syriack wants not a word of her own , by which to express , [ such as haue the cure of . ] and so also s. peters pastor . 1. epist. 5. chap. 2. v. for i wholy doubt , whether that place , of s. peter , belong to inferior presbyters . for he addeth there ( as you know ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , being bishops over them : so that he also conjoins [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] being bishops , with [ {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ] being pastors . that word indeed i stand not upon . that which follows there [ not lording it over the clergy ] doth plainly evince , that they , to whom s. peter wrote this , had {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , power and authority over the clergy : otherwise , that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} that domineering and lording over them could not possibly be apply'd to them . wherfor s. peters pastor must needs be a bishop . and who indeed can doubt of this , seing the conjunction of those two words took the first rise from s. peter . for , wheras you inferr that the word of god is [ pabulum ] food : that therfore they , who administer this food , do [ pascere ] feed : i shall easily grant you , that feed they do , that is , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , but not therefore {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , whence cometh {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , as you know , 1. e. pastor ; who , over and above the food of the word , administer somewhat else beside . but what you bring from that place to the ephesians , chap. 4. are either uncertain ; for 1. one will have pastors and doctors to be all one . 2. another maketh no mention of pastors . 3. a third thinketh that readers are pastors . i shall speak of them all . 1. to s. augustine , pastor and doctor are no otherwise the same , then order and degree were , to us , a little before . every order a degree , but not every degree an order : so every pastor is a doctor , but not every doctor a pastor . who saith this ? saint hierom. 2. of him , who makes no mention , there , of pastors , nor will i make mention . the monks are better inclin'd , commonly , to treatisers , then to bishops . 3. for s. ambrose , who understood bishops in apostles ; presbyters in prophets ; deacons in evangelists ; no wonder , if at last he fell upon readers , when he had none beside them , to whom , after those three , he might referr them . thus , say i , either vncertain they are : or , when they are certain they make against you . by name , s. chrysostom ; who defineth pastors to be they , to whom was committed ( {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ) the generality of the people . are your so ? and he adds who were such , as timothy , saith he , and titus ; who were both bishops in s. chrysostoms account : and , i beleeve , in your account , they were more then presbyters , labouring in the word . yet remains what you glanc'd at , out of the prophets . which places if any do accurately consider , he shall find , that not only the high priests , but also the prophets and levites , upon whom the office of teaching lay , were called by the name of pastors . doubtless , he shall . add moreover ; he shall find princes in the state , and magistrates often , nay oftner , a great deal , to be called by the name of pastors , then all them put together , whom you set down . and yet we do not call princes by the name of pastors . nor do i think that at geneva he is call'd a pastor who is the chief magistrate . the pastors therfore in the prophets reach not home to this . tell me , who of the antients ever spake so ; otherwise we are beside the cushion . lastly , that seem'd to me a wondrous strange opposition . indeed it is not by the antients ; but we frenchmen speak so . for , must the antients speak as the french ; or the french as the antient christians ? and you run upon the same rock again , afterward . the presbyters who labour in the word , whom we frenchmen call ministers . for it 's strange , how it became lawfull for frenchmen , to put upon a presbyter that name , which never any among the antients used , but for a deacon . i speak not this otherwise , but that even among us too , that bad fashion is taken up , of calling them ministers , and pastors too . but these words were brought in by them , who best relish any upstart fashion ; but against their mind who reverence antiquity ; and , as they may , disclaim these usages . for we suffer , as i said , many things , which we teach not ; and bear with that which we cannot take away . but he , that but bears with a thing , loves it not , though he loves to bear with it . and now you have an answer to your letters , so far as my occasions give me leave . for i have not the happiness of much leasure . but although i read none of yours unwillingly , yet i read no passage more willingly , then that last , wherin you profess , how desirous you are of peace , how glad you should be that all the reformed churches , who are united by one faith , were united by one and the same bond of ecclesiastical government . which is likewise my earnest and hearty prayer : and i daily begg it humbly of god , that they may be united in the same form of church policy , by the bond of ecclesiastical government ; but that same which derives its pedegree from the very infancy of the church ; from which , the reverend antiquity of the first ages ; which whosoever opposeth , opposeth himself to all antiquity ; which saint james the apostle began in the church of hierusalem , from whom the succession of bishops in a long course descended ; which condemned aerius , for daring to oppose himself against the consent and practise of the catholik church ; which all churches every where received . i come at last to give you thanks . for , the book , you promis'd me , shortly after i had sent you my former letters , was deliver'd to me . i do heer both acknowledg and thank you , that you were pleased to inlarg and inrich my library with your two books . and i intreat you , begg of god for me , that the remainder of my life , which is to come , may be , rather good , then long . for as a play so our life , it skills not how long , but how good , how well acted . in like maner , i , wishing all happiness to you , ( and in that i put this , that the reverend antiquity of the first ages may be in higher esteem with you , then the upstart novell device of any whosoever , ) do freely promise you my help and assistance in any thing , that may , heer , concern your interest . you will pardon me , if i have spoke somwhat more freely ; assuring yourself , that , though i am of a quite different judgment in some points , yet my charity , and brotherly affection toward you , is not chang'd awhit ; nor by the grace of god ) shall ever be . finis . s. ignatius in epistola ad magnesianos . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . as our lord doth nothing without his father ; so neither do ye without the bishop ; neither presbyter , deacon , nor layman . let nothing seem reasonable to you , against his liking : for whatsoever is so , is against the law , and offensive to god . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a25400e-140 a s chrysost in ed philip c. 1. b etym. 7. 12. c de praescrip 32. d de script . 2. e in 1. ad tim 4. f in 1. ad tim. 3. g in philip 1. h oecum in praef. ep. ad tit. i 1. tim. 3. 13. k epist. 65 ad rogat . l epist. ad ma●●el . ae err. mont. epist. ad evig . 1. c. (a) s. hierom. de s●rip . 17. (b) tertul. de prasc . 32 (c) oecum in prafat. titi . (d) s. hier. de scri. (e) 3.3 (f) de praese 32. (g) 3.35 . (h) de scrip 17. (i) 3.3 . (k) de scrip . 16. (l) 3.4 (m) de scrip 9. (n) praesat in 1. tim (o) phil. 1 (p) haeres . 75. (q) 3 4 (r) praef in tit. (s) apud oecum praef in ti. (t) de scrip 32. (u) 3. 14. (x) de scrip 15 (y) euseb. 3. 4 ex dionys corinth . & 4. 23. & hier. de scrip . 19. (a) euseb. 3. 35 ex ignatio (b) theodoret in philip . 1. 2. & 1 tim 3. (c) origen in 16 ad roman (d) calv. institut . (e) euseb. 2 24. (f) de scrip & praef in s. matth & s. mar. (g) 2. 1. (h) de script c. 2. (i) in . 15 (k) in gal 1. 2. (l) haeres 66. (m) con●a crescentium . 2.37 (n) l. 2 c. 1. l. 3. c 5. (o) de script . 2. (p) de praes. 32. (q) l. 3. c. 35 (r) de script . 2. (s) in 2. ad gal. (t) 1. corin. 14 1. s. pet. 2 2● . notes for div a25400e-10910 libri de munere pastorali . p 20 & ● . 1. tim. 3.13 . lib. de munere pastorum pag. 144. *** † num 4 16 neh 11 9 p. isai. 60 17. *** {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} informations, or a protestation, and a treatise from scotland seconded with d. reignoldes his letter to sir francis knollis. and sir francis knollis his speach in parliament. all suggesting the vsurpation of papal bishops. 1608 approx. 106 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a04026 stc 14084 estc s107421 99843122 99843122 7832 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a04026) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7832) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 991:04) informations, or a protestation, and a treatise from scotland seconded with d. reignoldes his letter to sir francis knollis. and sir francis knollis his speach in parliament. all suggesting the vsurpation of papal bishops. knollys, francis, sir, d. 1643. rainolds, john, 1549-1607. simson, patrick, 1556-1618. [8], 94, [2] p. imprinted [by w. jones' secret press], [s.l.] : 1608. the "protestation offered to the parliament .. 1 iulij 1606" was written by patrick simson (dnb). identification of printer from stc. the first leaf and the last leaf are blank. sheets a-d and f are in two different settings, indiscriminately mixed. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the 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2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-06 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion informations , or a protestation , and a treatise from scotland . seconded with d. reignoldes his letter to sir francis knollis . and sir francis knollis his speach in parliament . all suggesting the vsurpation of papal bishops . 1. cor : 12. 5. there are diversities of administrations but one lord. math. 15. 13. every plant . which my heavenly father hath not planted , shall be rooted out . imprinted . 1608. the printer to the reader . whereas it hath pleased god to hide me ( as he did ieremy and baruch ) on this side the seas , notwithstanding the archbishop of canterbury sent over two men to seeke me ( of whom i hard after they were gone hencee ) and i doubt not , but the same god will hide me still , untill i haue done his heavenly maiestie all that servicc which ( in his counsell ) he hath appoynted me to do here . i am resolved ( through his grace ) to be as helpfull as ( i can ) in pulling downe the tower of babel . which to do i am perswaded , every christian is as well bound in conscience as to build up the tower of sion . promising withall , in the presence of god , to giue over this course , and humbly to submit my selfe to the censure of authority , for the manifesting of my repentance , when i shall learne , that diocesan bishopps are by the ordinance of god , and ( as heretofore , so hear after ) with all diligence and humility , to informe my selfe , touching that question most necessary to be knowne in these times , of all those that esteeme the kingdome of christ. if i be demaunded , whither i haue not heard of , or sene d. downams sermon at lambith : i answer , i heare that many sound divines doe greiue , that so learned a man should discover such weaknes , but they thinke that the sermon , especially the epistle was by the instructions of the archbishop , whose chaplaine he is . and i see that he doth not answer m. iacobs reasons , though he be carping at his booke : and one other thing of note , which was never yet heard of . viz. that not one minister of such a perticular congregation , as may , and ought to come togither on the sabbath , is once named , or specially mentioned , in all the new testament , but onely diocesan bishops , from which bishops those ministers are sent , as governours are sent from the king. so that mimisters are but curates to the bishops , as to those who onely hold their calling immediatly from christ. therefore ( if this doctrine be true ) me thinkes one prayer in the communion booke should be put out : viz. almighty god , who only workest great mervailes , send downe vpon our bishops and curates the healthfull spirit of thy grace . for though heretofore it might seeme to us a mervaile , if god blessed diocesan bishops and ministers as being their curates , because they were not ( as yet ) knowne to be by gods ordinance : yet now ( if this doctrine be true , that all having charge of congregations , be either diocesan bishops , or their curates ) we are not to mervaile if god blesse his owne ordinance . but i hope that this doctrine and the whole sermon , and consequently the vsurpation of papall bishops will be impleaded at the barre of their conscience , who haue a minde to reade : and understanding to iudge what shal be written . in meane while i thought it convenient to pubthese informations , praying the brethren of scotland not to be offended , if their be any errors in the protestation , or treatise of kirk governement : but to consider , that i received them from englishmen , who haue not ( belike ) perfect intelligence of scottish affaires , but as thinges goe from hand to hand . as may appeare by naming leith to be the place where the sermon was preached , for which m. murray is imprisoned , notwithstanding the provinciall synod , before which it was preached ( as i heare ) approved the same . but that it was preached by m. murray and at edinburgh : i heard not , till after the sermon was imprinted . as for the letter , and speach mentioned in the title page of this booke , i ioyne them with the other , because they ( likewise ) informe the church of the usurpation of papal bishops . and the rather , because the letter doth not onely make good that ( which towards the end of the second part of the treatise ) is sayd , to this effect : viz that the most learned defendours of the trueth against the romaine antichrist , condemne the said usurpation , but also it confuteth sondry pointes of d. downams lambith sermon . and secondly . because the letter , togither with the speach of so worthy a counsailor of this state , should be some incitation to his maiesties most honorable privie councell now being , not to depend upon the mouthes of bishops and their chaplaines ( who , in this case , are rather to be mistrusted of godly wise men , as achabs 400. prophets were of king iehoshaphat ) but closely to sound the iudgment of learned men , ( such as doe not'aspire to dignities , and therfore doe not studie to please the mightie ) and then to pleade ( not for baal , but ) for christ his kingdome in his church , which he purchased with his most precious bloud . a protestation offered to the parliament at s. iohnstons 1. iulij 1606. the earnest desire of our hearts is to be faithfull , and in case we could haue been silent , and faithfull at this time when the undermined estate of christ his kirke craues a dutie at our handes ; we should haue locked up our hearts with patience , and our mouthes with taciturnitie rather than to haue impeshed any with our admonition . but that quhilk christ commandeth , necessitie urgeth , and duetie wringeth out of us to be faithful office bearers in the kirke of god , no man can justly blame us to doe it ; providing we hold our selues within the bounds of that christian moderation quhilk followeth god without injurie done to any man , specially those , whō god hath lapped up within the skirts of his owne honorable stiles and names , calling them gods upon earth . now therfore ( my lords convened in this present parliament , under the most high & excellēt majestie of our dread soveraigne ) to your honors is our exhortation , that yee would indever with all singlenes of heart , loue , & zeale , to advāce the building of the house of god ; reserving alwayes into the lord his owne hands that glorie , quhilk he will communicate neither with man , nor angell , to wit to prescribe from his holy mountaine a liulie patterne according to which his owne tabernacle , should be formed . remembring alwayes , that there is no absolute , and unbounded authority in this world , except the soveraigne authoritie of christ the king , to whō it belongeth as properly to rule the kirke , according to the good pleasure of his owne will , as it belōgeth to him to saue his kirke by the merit of his owne sufferings . all other authoritie is so intrēched within the marches of divine commandement , that the least overpassing of the bounds set by god himselfe bringeth men vnder the fearfull expectation of temporall , and eternall judgmentes . for this cause my lords , let that authority of your meeting in this present parliament be like the ocean sea , quhilk as it is greatest of all other waters ; so it conteyneth the selfe better within the coasts & limits appoynted by god , than any river of fresh rūning waters haue done . next remember that god hath set you to be nourish fathers of his kirke , craving at your hands that you should maintayne and advance by your authoritie that church which the lord hath fashioned by the vncoūterfaited worke of his owne newe creation ( as the prophet speaketh ) he hath made us , and not we our selues , but not that yee should presume to fashion , and shape a new protrature of a kirk , and a new forme of divine service , quhilk cod in his word hath not before allowed ; because that were to extend your authority further than the calling yee haue of god doth permit . as namely if ye should ( as god forbid ) authorize the authority of bishops , and their prehemi nence aboue their brethrē , yee should bring into the kirk of god the ordinance of man , and that thing which the experience of preceding ages hath testified to haue been the ground of great idlenes , palpable ignorance , unsufferable pride , pitiles tyrannie , and shameles ambitiō in the kirk of god. and finally to haue been the ground of that antichristian hicrarchie which mounted up on the steps of preheminence of bishops vntil that man of sinn came forth as the ripe fruite of mā his wisdome , whom god shall consume with the breath of his owne mouth . let the sword of god pearce that belly which brought forth such a monster , and let the staff of god crush that egge which hath hatched such a cocatrice . and let not only that roman antichrist be thro wen downe from the high bench of his usurped authoritie , but also let all the steps whereby he mounted up to that unlawfull preheminence be cut downe and utterly abolished in this land . aboue all thinges ( my lords ) beware to striue against god with an open & displayed bāner by building vp againe the walles of iericho , quhilk the lord hath not onely cast downe , but also hath layd them under an horrible interdiction and execration : so that the building of them againe must needes stand to greater charges to the builders , than the reedifiyng of iericho , to hiel the bethelit in the dayes of achab. for he had nothing but the interdiction of iosua , and the curse pronounced by him to stay him from building agayne of iericho : but the noble men and states of this realme , haue there verence of the oath of god made by themselues and subscribed with their owne handes in the confession of faith , called the kings maiesties published ofter than once , or twice , and sworne by his most excellent maiestie , and by his highnes nobilitie , estates , and whole subiectes of this realme , to hold them backe from setting up the dominion of bishops . because it is of verity that they subscribed and swore the said confession , contayning not onely the maintenance of true doctrine , but also of the discipline professed within the realme of scotland . consider also , that this worke cannot be set forward without the great slander of the gospell , defamation of many preachers , and evident losse and hurt of the peoples soules committed to our charge . for the people are brought almost to the like case , as they were in syria , arabia , and egipt , about the 600. yeare of our lord , when the people were so brangled , and shaken with contrary doctrines , some denying , and others allowing the opinion of eutiches , that in the end they lost all assured perswasion of true religion ; and within shorte time thereafter did cast the gates of their heartes open to the divel to receiue that vile , and blasphemous doctrine of mahomet : even so the people of this land are cast in such admiration to heare the preachers , who so openly damned this stat ly preheminence of bishops , and then within a few yeares after , accept the same dignitie , pompe , and superiority in their owne persons , which they before had damned in others , that the people knoweth not which way to in cline , and in end , wil become so doubt full in matters of religion & doctrine , that their heartes will be like an open taverne dore , patent to every ghest , that likes to come in . we beseech your honours to ponder this in the ballance of a godly , and prudent minde , and suffer not the gospell to be slandered by the behaviour of a few number of preachers ; of whō we are bold to affirme , that , ifthey goe forward in this defection , not only abusing and appropriating that name of bishops to themselues only , which is common* to all the pastors of god his kirke ; but also taking upon thēselues such offices that carie with them the ordinary charge of governing the civil affaires of the country , neglecting their flockes , and seeking to subordinate their brethren to their jurisdiction : if any of them ( we say ) be found to step forward in this course of defection , they are more worthy as rotten members to be cut off from the body of christ , than to haue superiority & dominion over their brethren within the kirke of god. this preheminence of bishops is that dagon which once already fell before the arke of god in this land , and no band of irone shal be able to hold him vp againe . this is that patterne of that altar brought from damascus , but not shewed to moses in the mountaine ; & therefore it shall faire with it , as it did with that altar of damascus , it came last in the temple , and went first out . likwise the institution of christ was anterior to this preheminence of bishops ; and shall consist and stand with in the house of god , when this new fashion of altar shal goe to the doore . remember ( my lords ) that in time past your authority was for christ , & not against him , yee followed the light of god , and strived not against it , and like a child in the mothers hand , yee sayd to christ , draw us after thee . god forbid that yee should now leaue off and fall away from your former reverence borne to christ , inpresuming to lead him , whom the father hath appoynted to be a leader of you . and farre lesse to traile the holy ordinances of christ by the cordes of your authority at the heeles of the ordināces of men . and albeit your honours haue no such intention to do any thing which may impaire the honor of christs kingdome , yet remēber that spirituall darknes flowing from a very smale beginning doth so insinuate and thrust the selfe into the house of god , as men cā hardly discerne by whatsecret meanes the light is dimme , and darknes creeping in got the vpper hand and in end at unawares all is involved within a mistie cloud of horrible apostasie . and lest that any should thinke this our admonition out of time , in so farr as it is statute & ordayned alreadie by his majestie with advise of his estates in parliament , that all ministers provided to prelacies should haue vote in parliament ; as likwise the generall assemblie ( his majestie being present thereat ) hes found the same lawfull & expedient , we wald humbly , and most earnestly beseech all such to consider , first that the kingdom of iesus christ , the officebearers , and lawes therof nether should , nor can suffer any derogation , addition , diminution or alteratiō besides the prescript of his holy word , by any inventions or doings of men , civil , or ecclesiasticall . and we are able by the grace of god , and will offer our selues to proue that this bishopprik to be erected , is against the word of god , the auncient fathers , and canons of the kirke , the moderne most learned , & godly divines , the doctrine and constitution of the kirke of scotland since the first reformation of religion , within the same countrie , the lawes of the realme ratifiyng the governement of the kirk by the generall and provinciall assemblies , presbiteries , and sessions ; also against the weil and honor of the kings most excellent majestie , the weale and honor of the realme and quietnes thereof , the established estate & weale of the kirke in the doctrine , discipline , and patrimonie therof , the weale and honor of your ll. the most anciēt estate of this realme , and finally against the weil of all , and every one of the good subjects thereof in soule , body , and substance . next that the act of parliamēt granting vote in parliament to ministers , is with a speciall provision , that nothing therby be derogatorie or prejudiciall to the present established discipline of the kirk and iurisdiction therof in generall and synodall assemblies , presbiteries and sessions . thirdly and last , the generall assemblie ( the king his majestie sitting , voting , and consenting therin ) fearing the cor ruption of that office , hes circumscribed and bounded the same with a nūber of cautions . all which to gether with such other as shall be concluded upon by the assembly , were thought expedient to be insert in the body of the act of parliament that is to be made for confirmation of their vote in parliamen , as most necessary & substantial parts of the same . and the said assemblie hath not agreed to giue therunto the name of bishops , for feare of importing the old corruption pompe & tyranny of papall bishops , but ordained them to be called commissioners for the kirke to vote in parliament . and it is of verity that according to thes cautions neither hath those men , now called bi shops , entred to that office of commissionarie to vote in parl iament , neither since their ingyring , haue they behaved themselues therin . and therefore in the name of the lord iesus christ , who shall hold that great court of parliament to judge both the quicke and the dead , at his glorious manifesta tion , and in name of the kirk in generall , so happily & well established with in this realme , and whereof the sayd realme hath reaped the comfortable fruite of peace & vnity , free from heresie , schisme , and dissention these 46 yeeres by past ; also in name of our presbyteries from quhilk we haue our commission , and in our owne names officebearers , and pastors within the same ; for discharging of our necessarie dvty , and disburdening of our consciences in particular , we except and protest against the sayd bishopprike & bishops , and the erection , confirmation or ratification thereof at this present parliament . most humblie craving that this our protestation , may be admitted by your honours , and registrat amongst the acts , and statutes of the same incaice ( as god forbid ) these bishoppricks be erected , ratified or confirmed therein . a treatise of kirke governement consisting of two partes , whereof this former conteineth a demonstration of true christian discipline according to the word of god used in the kirke of scotland . this writing is not directed to carie out invectiue speaches , with reviling and wrathfull wordes against any in the kirke of god , knowing that the wrath of man , accomplisheth not the righteousnes of god ; but this writting is appoynted to be ane pleader even in the gates of ierusalem for sion sake , and for truth and righteousnes sake , breaking forth from sion , as the light , and salvation as ane burning lamp to all beleivers , wishing that it may be read of all with indifferencie , considered of all with wisedome & sobriety , and embraced of all that loue truth and righteousnes according to the merite and sincere meaning therof . it shall be devided in to two principall heades . the one shal conteine an demonstration of christian discipline & true kirk governement by ministers and assisting elders , according to the word of god , practised in the apostolique & primitiue kirke , used and practised in the kirke of scotland these many yeares , receaved and embraced by all the professors ; within the same , and established by lawes and actes of parliament to the glorie of god through christ iesus , and to the weill and comfort of the whole kirke within this realme . the other parte shall conteine an refutation of the episcopall domination and lordship , begun to be urged in our kirk of late by conformitie with england ; quhilk is of late gredely embraced even by those , who not onely had professed , teached , and practised the true discipline of the kirk of scotland , but also with solemne oath had sworne and subscribed to it . the matter is of greatest weight concerning the true discipline and gubernation of the house of god , which is the kirk of the living god. therefore o lord of light the author of every good donation , send out thy light and thy truth , and direct this heart , this hand & pen aright , unto the glory of thy great name , and clearing of thy everlasting truth . now all by matters being set a side , it shal be expedient & needfull for our proceedings to lay downe some positi ons , & principals , as groundes to build vpon , enforcing all , that haue forsaken the romane synogogue to consent . first the lord iesus by the appoynt ment of his father is onely head . eph. 1. 21 : 22 : 23. king , lord , and suprem governour of his kirke , quhilk with his bloud here one earth he hath sprinkled and wished . apoc 7 : 14. and having ledd captivitie captiue , ascending up to the heavens . eph : 4 : 8. sitteth at the right hand of god the father . col. 3. 1. heb : 1. 3. ruling his kirk powerfully by his spirit , & scepter of his word . isa : 11. 1. 2. 4. & 49. 21. psal . 110. 2. heb : 1. 8. onely king and law-giver having power onely by his lawes to bind the conscience of man isai. 9. 6 : 7. & 33. 22. iames. 4. 12. revel : 3 : 7. 1 tim : 6. 15 and therfore let no mortall man , equal himselfe in this high prerogatiue with the sonne of god being in his kirke only monarch and only head. isa. 29. 13. 14. mich : 4. 7. luc : 1 32. 33. 1. cor : 3 : 18 : 19. eph : 1 : 22 : & 4 : 15 : col : 1 : 18. & 2 : 8 : 9 : 10. 18 : 19 : 23. secondly this supreame governor isai : 9 : 6 : christ iesus ; hath not left his kirk which is his body , mained , or imperfect , destitute of right covernement , lawes , & offices , needfull for the same , but hath appoynted a certaine minissterie heir on earth graced with giftes , an with an calling accordingly , with certaine lawes , limitting their functiō , and gubernation , and therefore , let no man thinke , that christ hath left his kirk to be ruled at the lust and arbitrement of men , whatsoever . col : 2. 18. item , what is of christ that is to be receaved , and that quhilk is of the anti-christ , is to be rejected . thirdly , this gubernation of the kirke with offices & functions , and allpoynts necessary , for accomplishment therof is set downe in the written word of god , the onely square & rule of doctrine & discipline , within christ his kirke , apt and able to make the man of god perfect to every good worke . 2. tim : 3. 16. 17. whereupon this followeth , that whatsoever is prescrived in this word , is to be followed and no prescription can haue place against it . item it followeth , that the lawes of the goverment of the church , and offices and functions thereof , are not changable , and imperfect onlesse we will say , that the scripture is imperfect , or christ his kirke , quhilk is his bodie , is imperfect in respect of the constitution thereof , we weil say , that the estate of the kirke of the new testament is inferiour to the estate of the kirk of the old testament , quhilk receaved the whole ordinancss , and lawes , by moses , from the mouth of god , quhilk moses although he was great with god , yet he was but ane minister . num. 12. 7. heb : 3. 5. and it was not lawfull to him to alter or change ane pin of the tabernacle be himselfe , but as it was sayd to him , do althinges according to the forme that thou saw in the mountaine . exo : 25 : 40. act : 7. 44. heb : 8. 5. and so it was in the building of the temple . 1. chro : 28. 11. 12. 13. 2 : chro : 29. 25. but so it is , that no faithfull man will admitt those inconveniences and therefore , it must stand , that the word of god conteineth althinges needfull for the governement of the kirke , quhilk is the kingdome of christ iesus heir on earth ; so that whatsoever may be alledged by man for kirke covernement without the warrāt of the word , as easily is it repelled , as alleadged . now let us proceede and learne of the scripture what is sayd therin anent this kirke . to this kirk excellent glorie is attributed every where in the scripture : if you will consider either the head of this kirk , the bodie , or members , for the head , king , & lord of this kirk the sonne of god christ iesus , is the prince of peace . psal . 72. 3. 7. isai. 9. 6. 7 and lord of all glorie . isai. 60 1. 2. act : 3. 15. 1 cor : 2. 8. heb : 2. 3. 7. 8. king of kings and lord of lords . 1. tim. 6. 15. revel : 17. 14. et 19 : 16. if ye weil consider the bodie quhilk is the kirk of god , & spouse of christ , shee is called the citie of god. psal : 48. 2. 3. zach : 8. 3. the house & kirk of the living god. 1 tim : 3. 15. prov : 9. 1. the temple and mountaine of the eternall god. isai : 2. 2. zach : 8. 3. the vinyard , isai : 5 1. cant : 8. 11. 12. math. 21. 23. and garden enclosed . cant : 4. 12. the loye of the whole earth , psal. 48. 3. ezech : 20. 0. 15. dan. 8. 9. et 11 : 16. 41. 45. the heritage , isai 19 : 25 : the kingdome of heaven , math : 13 : 24. 31. christ his sister , cant : 4 : 10. his loue , cant. 4 : 1 : 7. his spouse , cant : 4 : 10. his queene , psal : 45 : 10. christ his bodie , 1 : cor : 12. 13 : 27. ephes : 1. 22. 23. et 4 : 4. 16. if ye consider the members of this bodie , under the governement and protection of this great and glorious king knit & bound up in ane bodie . ephesians 4. 16. with the perfect band of loue . rom. 12. 5 10. they are called the chosen generation . deut. 10. 15. 1. pet. 2. 9. the holie nation . exo. 19. 6. 1. pet : 2. 9. the peculiar people . 1. pet. 2. 9. exod : 19. 5. the inheritance of god. 1. pet. 5 3. to this kirk apperteineth the covenant . eph : 2. 12. rom : 9. 4. the worship of god. rom. 9. 4. the sacraments 1. cor : 10. 1. 2. 3. 4. & 12. 13. and promises . rom : 9. 4. of peace . luc. 1. 71. 74 : 75. et 2 : 14. isai 52 : 7. et 55. 12. iohn 14 : 27 : col : 1. 20. gal : 6. 16. of loue , ioh. 14 : 23. and salvation . zach. 2 ; 8. isai : 49 : 6. et 43 3. of the presence of god. zach : 2. 10. 11. isai 43 : 2. ioh : 14 : 18 : ezech : 37 : 26 : 27 : & 48 : 35 : 2 cor : 6. 16. of graces and glorie . zach. 2 : 5 : isai 60 : 15. & of his protection . psal : 34 : 17. 18. 19. 20. and every where in the psalmes , and in many other places many excellent & glorious things are spoken of this kirke the spouse and bodie of christ iesus . the use whereof is to let us understand , how pretious and how glorious in gods sight is christ kirk , that is the society of his sancts , which he hes acquited with his owne bloud . act. 20. 28 2. to let us vnderstand that she is not under bondage , or subjection , to be ruled and governed by the lust , or arbitrement of men whatsoever . math. 15 : 9. col. 3. 8. 18. 19. 1. tim : 3 : 14. 15. so that no man should presume to prescrive lawes . iam : 4 : 12. and limites , for the governement of this kirk , without commission of christ iesus the supreame governour isai : 9 : 6 : who hath beutified her with so many great graces , power , and glorie . now let us descend more particularly to learne out of scripture , what is prescrived anent the governement and ordering of the kirk heir on earth ; for scripture is the only sure canon and rule to be followed ( as was before declared ) against the which no prescription nether of angell , nor of man what soever , should prevaile . gal. 1. 18. how comely and pleasant a thing is it to behold in the scripture the soci etie of the sanctes , like an armie , psalm 110 3. can : 6. 1. 3. col. 2. 5. march in their ranckes , under the conduct of their king and lord christ iesus , isai 52. 12. heb : 12 : 2. some commanding in his name & some obeying . heb : 13 : 17. all ruled and maresheld , by the lawes and limites of the word , deut : 4 : 2. et 12. 32 and againe the commanders and rulers ordered in their owne ranckes according to their functions , and giftes , al to the glory of god , edification & pre servation of one bodie . eph : 4. 12. and to speake more plainly of the kirk discipline . we define it to be the spirituall ioh : 18. 36. 2. cor : 10. 4. 5. 6. governement : 1 pet : 5. 1. 2. 3. act : 20. 28. of the house of god. 1. tim : 3. 15. which is the kirke , or society of the sainctes heere one earth , under the commandement of the only head & king the lord iesus , eph : 1 : 22. 1. cor : 12. 5. by the ministery of men . 1. cor : 4. 1. 2. cor : 4 : 1. furnished from aboue with giftes , eph : 4 : 8. rom : 12 : 6. 1. pet : 4. 10. calling , rom : 10. 15. heb. 5 : 4 : and power , ioh : 20 : 21 : 22 : 23. according to the prescription of scripture , as sayd is . for kirk governement are set out in the word of god. 1 the persons , to whō is given the charge of rule and governement . 2. their calling . 3. their giftes . 4. their office , & power distinctly their power junctly , and manner thereof . which all by the grace of god shall clearely be demonstrate by onely scripture . the persons are extraordinary , and ordinar , extraordinary as apostles , prophets , evangelists , whose offices serving for a time haue ceassed . as for the persons ordinar , we shall finde their institution with their offices , expressed in these places . 1 tim. 3 2. tit : 1. 5 6. 7. act. 6 : 3. 4. & 14. 23. & 20. 17. 28. etc : eph : 4 : 11. rom : 6. 7. 8. 1. cor : 12. 5. 8. 1 pet : 5. 2. 3. 2. tim : 4. 2. heb : 13 : 17. 2 cor : 5. 20. vocation or calling is common to all the office bearers & ministers with in the kirke , quhilk is a lawfull way , whereby persons graced with meete giftes are admitted to a spirituall office of one certaine flocke , and congregation , here three things are necessary , first without lawfull calling , let none presume to this honor , to exercise any spirituall function or ministerie , rom : 10. 15 heb. 5. 4 math. 9. 38 secondly let no man presume to clime up by intrusion , or to enter in any other way , than by the dore , ioh : 10. 1. thirdly , none ought to enter in without inward testimony of giftes & graces , and good conscience before god of whō & for whose service is the calling ; isa : ó 67. 8. 9. ier : 1. 6. 9. math : 10 1. ioh : 20 : 22. 23. this ordinar lawfull calling consisteth of two partes , election , & ordination , election is the lawfull choyse of the person graced with meete giftes for the office wherunto he is called . election should be after triell , act : 1 : 21. 22 : et 6● . 1. tim : 3. 10. by free choyse and at the judgment of the church . act : 1. 21 : 23. et 6. 3. 5. et 14 23. the ceremonies therof by humiliation , fasting and prayer . act : 1. 24. et 14. 23. ordination is the seperating and designing of that person chosen unto the office of the ministerie . act : 13. 2. likewise to be used with fasting and prayer & by imposition of handes of the presbyterie . act : 13. 3. et 14. 23. 1. tim. 4. 14. et 5. 22. their giftes , properties , and cōditions in doctrine & manners are distinctly set downe & limited in scripture , prescriving what man every one must be . the pastor must be apt to teach and exhort , deut : 33. 12. mal : 2. 7. rom : 12. 8. 1. cor : 12. 8. 1. tim : 3. 2. no young scholer , 1 tim : 3. 6. able to devide the word aright 2. tim : 2. 15. holding fast the faithfull word , tit : 1. 9. able to exhorte , rebuke , reproue , by wholsome doctrine . 2 tim : 4. 2. in māners he must be a lover of goodnes . tit : 1. 8. wise , righteous , holy ; temperate , in his life , unreprovable , of good report , &c : 1 tim : 3. 2. 3. 4. 7. tit : 1. 6. 7. 8. the doctor or teacher likewise must be apt to teach , mal : 2 : 7 : rom : 12 : 7. 1 : cor : 12 : 8. and to deliver sound and wholesome doctrine according to the word , tit : 1. 9. mightie in the scripture , act : 18. 24. able to revince the gaine sayers &c : act : 6 : 9 : 10. tit : 1 : 9. the name of elder in scripture is used diversly : sometime for the name of age , 1. tim : 5 : 1. sometime for office , 1 : tim : 5. 17. 19. iam. 514. againe signifiyng office , somtime largely it comprehendeth pastors , doctors , and those that are called morespecially presbyters , seniors , or elders . act. 14. 23. 1. tim. 5. 17. 1. pet. 5. 1. here speaking of elders particularly , we vnderstand those that labour in the oversight of the manners of the people , whom the apostle calleth presidents , and governours , rom : 12. 8. 1 cor 12 : 18. then elders must be men of wisedome , knowledge , & sound judgment endued with the spirit of god. num : 11. 25. deut. 1. 13. able to discerne , vigilant and diligent in overseing , act. 20. 28. rom : 12. 8. sober , gentle , modest , loving , temperate , &c : 1. tim : 3. et 5. the deacons must be men of good report keeping the mistery of faith in a pure conscience , indued also with the ho ly ghost , graue , temperat , not given to excesse of filthy lucre . act : 16. 3. 1. tim : 3. 8. 9. 12. 13. this farre concerning their giftes , and properties , their office , care , function , & charge , is severally set out in scripture as followes . the pastor should feede the sheep of christ iesus in greene and wholsome pastures of the word , sheewing them the waters and way to life , psal : 23. 1. 2. deut : 33 : 10. rom : 12 : 8. ioh. 21. 15. act : 20 28. 1. pet : 5 : 1. &c : having continuall care to watch over the soules of these which they must giue an accompt of , heb : 13. 17. discerning the diseases & ap plying the word according to every disease , and every time and occurrant danger . ezech. 33. et 34. chapt : praying and blessing , and sealing up to the faithfull the promises of god by the sacraments , loving , cherishing , and defending the flocke , from ravenous beasts . ioh : 10. 11. 12. the office of an teacher , or doctor , hath been mentioned before , whose cheife and speciall charge is to teach , playne , pure , and sound doctrine , preserving knowledge , resisting error , building upon the only true ground stone ( which is christ iesus ) gold , silver and pretious stones &c. 1 : cor : 3. 11. 12. et 1. 17. 12. 8. 1. tim : 4. 16. et 6. 20. eph : 2 : 20. heb : 6. 1. 1. pet : 2. 2. the elder or presbyter his office and distinct charge before also was mentioned , their cheife care is , to be readie assistants according to the ordinance of god , to the pastors & teachers , helping to beare their burding , caring for the weil , quietnes , peace , and good order in the kirke , taking heed to themselues & the people . 2. chron : 19. 8. act : 20. 17. 28. and 21. 18. rom : 12. 8. 1. pet : 5. 2. 1. cor : 12. 28. the office of the deacon is to collect the benevolence of the faithfull , and faithfully to distribute the same according to the necessitie of the saints by the direction of the kirk , act : 6. 3. rom. 12. 8. this much anent the offices , and ministeries institute and prescrived by christ in his word , which albeit be diverse & distinct both in giftes & functi ons , yet they as members of one body , serue for the use of the sainctes and edification of the body of christ. rom 12 : 4 : 5 : &c : eph : 4 : 11 : 12. 13 : 16. 1. cor : 12 : 7. 12 : 25. vnto these office-bearers and governours christ hath given also a certaine limitate power to be exercised by them , according to the word in his kirk . a power severally , math : 16. 19. 20. rom : 12. 3. 6. 7. 8. and a power joyntly with paritie and mutuall consent to be exercised for avoyding of tyranny . math : 18 : 17 : 18 : 19 : 20. 1. cor : 5 : 4. 5. both having one authority from the same head and author christ iesus , both tending to the same end : both comprehended vnder the name of the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . the keyes of the kingdome of heaven are given joyntly to the rulers of the kirke , that whatsoever they bind on earth shal be boūd in heaven ; math : 18. 18. this power is not to be used according to their arbitrement and will , but at the will & according to the testament of him who hath given this power , and hath limited it in his written word , presciving the order , usage , and end thereof , math : 18. 15. 16. 17. 18. 20. the order and usage is this , if the offence of thy brother be private , admonish him privately between him & thee , with loving admonition with an brotherly care to woone the brother offender . if he refuse to harken unto thee , take two or three brethren with thee for the same purpose ; if he weil not harken unto them , shew the matter unto the kirke , the care of the kirke in like manner , is to deale with him , as with ane brother , not to hold him as an enimy , 2. thes. 3. 15. but gravly , and lovingly to admonish , perswad him and to pray for him ; to proue if at any time the lord will giue unto him repentance . 2. cor. 10. 8. et 13. 10. 2. tim : 2 : 25. 26. if the offender be obstinate & can not be drowne unto repentance , then in the name of the lord iesus with consent of the congregation reverently and with prayer excommunication is to be used in casting him out of the kirk , and giving him over to satan for the destruction of the flesh &c. and is to be holden as ane heathen and publican . &c. math : 19 : 17. 1. cor. 5. 4. 5. thus farr touching private offence . if the fault be publike , the faulter is publikly to be rebooked , and admonished , 1 : tim : 5 : 10. the admonitions alwayes must be done circumspectly , seasoned with truth , gravitie , loue , and peace , ever ayming for the safitie of the offender , and notthe destruction . and a speciall care is to be had of every weake offender , with discretion of offences . mat : 18 : 15. gal. 6 : 1 : 2. 2. tim : 2. 24. rom. 14. 13 : 19. iam : 5 : 19. 20. if admonitions prevaile not to drawe him to repentance , thē to proceid to excommunication as sayd is . if the offender be broght to repentance , let the repentance & receaving againe to the kirk be according to the proportion of the offence , if the offēce be publique , the repentance and recep tion publique ; if private , private , alwayes let the repentance be in submis sion without hypocrisie , giving glory unto god. math : 18. 15. luk : 17. 4. 2. cor. 2. 6. 7. moreover , there is given liberty and power to the rulers of the kirk , to exercise this christian discipline according to the necessity of the estate of the kirke , and according to the occurrant dangers and diseases in assem . blies convened together in the name of the lord iesus , consisting cheifely , of ministers , doctors , and elders . assemblies are particular or generall . particular as presbyteries or provinciall assemblies . generall consisting of on nation convocat together , for the common weil , peace , and quietnes of the kirke . the warrād of these assemblies , with the practise is evident by the word : math. 18. 17. 18. 1. tim. 4. 14. 1. cor : 5 : 4. &c. and 14 : 32. act : 15 : 6 : 12. 22. 25. and hath the practise of kirkes at all times , and necessities , as sayd is before . this much shortly anent the power , offices and ministeries in the kirk governement according to the institution of christ expressed clearely in his word : and all for the edification and preservation of the bodie of christ , & for the repayring of the sanctes , to the honor of god by christ iesus through all generations for ever . eph : 4. 12. i add hereunto two demonstrations needfull viz. that these offices , & ministeries as they haue been set downe are perpetuall , and sufficient for the governement of the kirk of christ. the first thus i proue . 1. the apostle paul commādeth timothie to keep this governemēt , and precepts given there anent , to that glorious comming of the lord iesus . 1. tim. 3. 21. & 6. 14. 15. secondly , all the offices within the kirk mentioned . rom. 12. 6 : 7. 8. are called mēbers of the body of the kirk , ver . 4. 5. 1. cor. 12. 27. 28. 29. which is the bodie of christ iesus . eph : 1 : 22 : 23 : et 4 : 12. whereupon followeth this probation , if the kirk of christ quhilk is his body be perfect , and must continue vn to the comming of christ , these offices & ministeries must haue the same continuance , except we will say , that christ his body is imperfect , or mained or the kirke of christ shall cease here upon earth , before his comming , quhilk both are absurd . thridly , if christ iesus be only lord and governour of his kirk , which is his kingdome heir on earth , and seeing he must rule and governe his kingdome unto his comming by his owne officers , and by his lawes , by himselfe institute & prescrived in his word . rom : 12. 3. 6. 7. 8. 1. cor. 12. 28. & 14. 37. eph. 4. 8. 11. 12. it followeth that these offices and lawes , continue unto his comming , except we will say , that christ shall ceasse to be governour of his kirk , and those lawes to be imperfect . ferdly , seeing the object and endes whair about these offices ar occupied , & whairunto they are destinat ( quhilk before hath been declared ) must haue continuance , therefore , the offices and ministeries appoynted for those uses & ends must also continue to the end , quhilk necessities no man can avoyde or elude , as for example : there must be heresies , and offences &c : and therfore there must be a correcting power in the kirk 1. cor. 11. 19. with offices & ministeries meete for preventing , restrayning , and expelling the foresayd , or like corruptions . as for the second , to witt that the foresayd offices & ministeries are sufficient for the regiment of christ his kirk heir on earth , thus i proue it . 1. if they be not sufficient , then christ can not be honored as perfite governour of his kirk , neither is his word perfect , but some thing may be added therunto , which is absurd , deut. 4. 2. et 12. 32. 2. if these be imperfect then man may erect new offices , & add new ministeries , and giue new giftes and graces accordingly : and if man may add he may also detract ; which both are false and absurd . 111. these offices & functions before mētioned , haue gifts and graces needfull , and sufficient , for the discharge of the ministerie of the word , of the sacraments , and of discipline , for the edification of the body of christ &c. eph : 4 : 11 : 12. therefore they must be sufficient . iv. if these offices and ministeries of the governement of the kirke under the gospell be insufficient , & imperfect , then the estate of christ his kirke under the gospell must be inferior , unto the estate of the kirke under the law , which had the accomplishment of all offices , ministeries , and lawes needfull , and sufficient for the regiment therof , but none will graunt that the estate of the kirke of christ is inferior to the estate of the kirk under the law . therefore the aforesayd offices are sufficient , for the governement of the kirk of the new testament . and therefore this forme , & order of government , by the foresayd offices , and ministeries , of preachers , and assisting elders , being grounded vpon the written word of god , & practise of the apostles & kirkes in their time . rom : 12. 6 : 7 : 8. eph : 4. 11 : 12. act : 14 : 23. et 20. 17. 28. 1. tim : 5. 17. tit : 1 : 5 : &c. it can admit no prescription : or change by any mortall man , or by any humane tradition whatsoever . which forme of discipline as it hath been practised in the apostolicall and primitiue kirke , ( quhilk is evident by scriptures afore aledged ) so hath it the testimony of antiquitie in the auncient kirkes , as is collected not very obscurely out of ignatius epist : ad trallen . tertul : in apoc. cap. 39. et lib : de baptism : christian. cyprian lib : 2. epist. 5 : et lib. 3 : epist. 10. 18. 22. et lib. 4. 5. augusti . de verb. dom. in math : serm. 19. but more clearly out of ambrose in 1 tim. 5 : 1 : ierom in isai , 2. et ad rustic . epist : 16. possidonius in vita augustini , socrates eccle. hist. lib. 5. ca. 20. and others also alledged be the defenders of this christian and true kirke governement . amongst the quhilk i cannot passe by for proofes sake , the cleare sayinges of ambrose , and ierom. ambrose writteth thus upon 1 : tim. 5 : whence it is that both the synagage , and afterward the kirk had elders , without whos counsell nothing was done in the kirk . quhilk by what negligence it is growne out of use i know not , unlesse perhaps by the slouthfulnes or rather prid of the teachers , whilst they alone will seeme to be something . ierom ad tit. cap. 1. vntill schismes were made in religion by the diuely suggestion , the kirkes were governed by the common counsell of elders , and in the same place speaking of the corruption that followed , therafter addeth this : but this was rather by custome , than by the truth of the lords disposing . this forme of discipline according to the word , the kirk of scotland hath used many years by past , being authorised and ratified by the three estates in parliament , receaved and practised by all the preachers within the whole realme , with on consent , & concord , even by thē also , who now haue made defection frō it , taking upon thē episcopall authority . siclik it hath the testimony of all the reformed kirkes in europe , in france , in freisland , in geneva , in helvetia , polonia , vngaria , in palatinatu , in germania , saxonia , bohemia , in suedia , dania , and all other reformed kirkes except englād alone . siclik also it hath the testimony generally of the divīes of later times , as zuinglius , martir , aretius , calvinus , bucer , hiperius , bullingerius , musculus , hemingius , beza , olevianus , iunius , sadael , nowel , fulke , whitakers , with all other learned & famous preachers in the countries reformed , professing truely the gospell only englād excepted : wherin also the best , yea the greatest parte haue sought , and dayly seiks the liberty of the same governement , according to the word , & most clearely haue defended it with their penne , and most pithie writtings , and most constantly haue avouched it , by their manifold suffrings , at home , and abrode for the glorifiyng of god , and the witnessing of the truth of christ iesus : all , that afore hath been breifly sayd anent the deduction of this purpose , may be more largely intreated , and more particularly handled , if any within this land will proue so obstinat , as to refuse consent to the truth of christ iesus . the second part of kirke governement . conteining arefutation of episcopall governement by lord bishopes . it pleased our heavenly father to compasse us with compassion and mercy , whē we were lying in darknes , and under the shadow of death , by sen ding his owne deare sonne christ iesus with the brightnes of his gospell , delivering us from idolatry , and super stition , and the darknes of the former times vnder the bondage and tyranny of antichrist , and that by the ministery of few , not the greatest , to the great admiration of the world . and forder , of the same mercy , it hath pleased him , from time to time , to multiply the nūber of the faithfull , and to increase his graces among men , for the beutifiyng of his kirk within this land , and finally to croune his owne worke adding the keepstone of sincerity both of doctrine and discipline , as it was prophesied by that holy martyr m. george wiseheart ; quhilk two glorious staues our kirke hath brooked , with concord , unitie , with peace & prosperity , many yeares within the gates of ierusalem in this land , wherby our kirk , by the unspeak ble bountifulnes of god , became famous , renoumed , and in great accōpt , before many others amonge forren nations , and kirkes reformed in europe . for the which belongeth everlasting prayse to this our boūtifull god through his sonne iesus christ our deare saviour . but now of late hath risen ane whirle wind among our selues ( like the whirle winde that devoured the children of iob ) shaking the foure corners of the house of god , and throwing doun the kepston ; and this wind of discord , schisme , and dissention , is not come from the wildernes , but risē from our owne bowels : and the riches of the temple dispoyled , not by assyri ans , chaldeans , or arabians , but by the preistes , and ministers themselfes hom-bredd , and borne in the bosome of our kirke , and fostered sometime by the sincere milke of the gospell , who also haue made avoumemt of the same sinceritie both of doctrine and discipline , not only in preaching and practising , but also with solemne oath binding themselfes therto . from quhilk an manifest slyding backe , and apostasie is seene this day , & lamented with greiff by the godly , and mocked be the enemyes the papists and atheists , whose number , strength , and power , daylie in cresseth by this lamentable renting , & inbringing of episcopall gubernation be lord bishops , quhilk before had ben banished with antichristian corruptions from the kirk of scotland . for the working of this mysterie many intentions haue bene proponed , many sheapes , & cullours haue bene changed . as for example in the begining nothing ( for such ) was meened but ministers to haue vote in parliament , and that to vindicat the ministerie from povertie and cōtempt &c. quhilk practise god even then at the begining , discovered unto his servantes , and they unto the world , foretelling the effectes that visibly now appeares before the ( eyes of the world : viz. renting of our church overthrowing of christian discipline , setting up a fewe episcopall men , with contempt , bondage , and povertie of the rest : which this day is to be seene , to the great greife of the godly , and hinderance of the gospell hereby day lie falling to decay , much a doe also hath ben for making of a constant moderatorin every part , which caried but a show for a time , and to be away only to posses bishops , with parpetuall domination , quhilk also by the godly , and learned was discovered , and abhorred , knawing that of old frō the same practise , haue proceeded the degrees of romane primacie , defacing and overthrowing the true government of christ his church . atlast , after many overshadowing clouds , the effect and operation of this worke hath broken through the cloud with thunder flacks striking upon god ly , sincere , teachers of this land . the end of all is : the altar of conformitie must be set up , and kirke governement must be turned over into the hands of lord bishops , supportters of the altar etc : which kind of governement if it be lawfull , or can stand with the word of god , that we haue to examine in this part . in the former part the order and forme of true christian discipline , with duties , offices & ministeries , according to the institution of christ , hath ben declared , by the cleare , and sound groundes of the word : which government , offices , and ministeries thereof , we haue demonstrat to be perpetuall , sufficient , and to haue continuance to the glorious comming of christ iesus . now this part shall conteine a refutation of the contrarie gorvernement by lord bishops & their episcopall domination : insisting upon the same grounds , layd doun afore , and thus we proceid . whatsoevir is contrarie to the institutiof christ & his wrettin word , is antichristian , and is to be banished out of the kirk of god. but governement by lord bishopps with episcopall domination is contrarie to the institution of christ and his written word . therefore it is antichristian , and is to be banishit out of the kirk of god. the proposition can not be denyed by faithfull christians : the word of god being of absolute perfection , both for substance and ceremonies : against the which no exception can be made except by atheists , or papistes , holding the pope of rome may dispēce with the word , or equalling his traditions with the word . the controversie therefore staudeth in the assumption , whether the governement of the kirke apperteineth to lord bishops or not , & whither to lord bishops apperteineth a lordly domination ? quhilk both to be contrary to the word of god , thus we proue . the first proufe doth arise from the examination of the right use of the name bishope , which against the minde of scripture is abused , making it a nāe of speciall office with a speciall dignitie , prerogatiue & prelacie aboue the rest of the disposers , and teachers of the word , appropriating unto bishops lordship , or lordly domination , making prelats of pastors , and princes of prelats . the name of bishop ( episcopos ) signifieth as touching this argument , ane inspector or overseer , caring for thē , that are committed to his charge : quhilk name is commō to all pastors , doctors , or teachers , and elders in the kirk : as is evident by expresse scripture in these places following . the apostle paul sending for the elders of the kirk of ephesus act. 20. ver : 17. and speaking to the same elders he cales thē bishops . take heed thersore to your selues , and to all the flocke whairof the holy ghost hath made you overseers ( episcopovs ) to feade the kirke of god. marke ( faith ierom ) how calling the elders of one citie of ephesus , he intituleth the same men bishops . in like manner the apostle peter ca. 5. v. 1. 2. useth the same word , speaking to the teachers & rulers of the kirk , feed the flocke of god ( saith he ) quhilk dependeth upon you caring for it , or ( according to the originall ) episcopountes , that is , doing the parte of ane overseer , or bishop being common to pastors , as may further appeare by these places , phil : 1. 1. tit : 1. 5. 7. & 1. tim : 3. 1. 2. frō quhilk places these conclusions are necessarily inferred . 1. the name of bichop being common to pastors , teachers , and rulers , it is not to be appropriate to any one with title power , or prerogatiue aboue the rest . 2 here is restrayned the function and charge of these overseers to one flocke over quhilk the holy ghost hath placed them ; therefore presumption it is against the holy ghost , to a bishope for to claime the charge of many kirkes , & over many bishops , or pastors , and he not resident at one kirke : as the miserable abuse and practise is begun in this realme . the second proufe : the scripture hath disposed & distributed by christ his institution , the regiment of the kirk , and offices , and ministeries therof to pastors , doctors , and elders , making no mention of speciall offices , titles , or dignities , of papal bishops , ( so cal led by his maiestie basil : dor : pag 44. ) or prelats &c. therfore the regiment of the kirk , cannot be claimed by papal bishopes or prelates by scripture , or by christ his institution , and so the usurpation of papal bishops and prelats in the kirk governement must be antichristian . the first part is evident , and cleare deducit in the former parte of this treatise out of scriptutes , wherein is expressed the institution of the foresayd offices and ministeries of pastors , doctors , and elders . wherupon the other part touching papal bichops with their titles , dignities , and prerogatiues &c. hes this cleare inference , that they are not warranted by scripture , as sayd is . for if there were any sick bishops , or prelates with office , titles , power , and dignities aboue the rest , then the scripture would haue set them downe more distinctly , and precisely , than any of the rest ; for the hieer place that one occupieth in the kirk , of the more necessity he is vnto the kirk , & for this cause the more carefull would christ ( the head of the kirke ) haue bene in poynting him out , and distinguishing him from other . we see in the old testament , the high preist , his title , office , function , and speciall administration , and juris diction , is more particularly , and pre cisely set downe , than the office of any of the inferior preists , and levites . and so in the new testament , if any such had bene aboue the rest , their title , power , dignitie , and office more particularly & precisly had ben poynted out , then of pastors , teachers , and elders &c : but the contrary we see in scripture ; wherein the offices , ministeries and power of pastors , teachers , & elders is clerely set furth . but no sick thing of papal , bishops , prelats , and the rest of that order . therefore can these no wayes stand with scripture . 3. quhilk forder is to be cleared by examinyng , and trying the titles , dignities , and domination of papal bischops , prelates &c : who following the romāe antichrist , claime to themselues a twofold power , civill , and ecclesiasticall ; quhilk are the two hornes of the secund beast , apoc : 13. 11. as some good divines do expond . quhilk both powers by the devise of satan , as two swords , haue served the pope of rome that antichrist , to tread doun , the greatest powers on earth of emperors , kings , and princes , and dayly doth serue for the suppressing of the truth , and faithfull professors of the same . from that antichrist , this mysterie of iniquitie hath flowed to cardinals , arch-bishops , and the rest of that disordered order &c. against this injquity , thus we cōclud . whosoever doth participat with the antichrist in usurping a civil power , and practising the same in the kirk directly against the word , and institution of christ , they are of that antichrist , and there vsurpation antichristian . but papal bishops and prelates in the kirk vsurps civil power , directly against the word & institutiō of christ. therefore so doing they are of that antichrist , and their vsurpation antichristian . the proofe of the assumption ( quhilk the adversaries deny ) is playne be evident scripture , as followeth . 1 our master & saviour christ speaking unto his disciples , contending for honor among themselues , saith : ye know that the lords of the gentles haue domination over thē , and they that are great exercise authority over them : but it shal no be so among you . math : 20. 25. etc. mar : 10. 42. luc : 22. 25. etc. in quhilk words expresly he forbiddeth , his apostles , lordly , or princely domination , putting ane barr and evident difference , betwixt civil , & spirituall power : shewing expresely by this interdiction , these two powers so to be differēt that they cannot meet in one person whatsoever . quhilk ground hath bene alwayes as ane strong wall against the pope and bishops of rome , exercising both the powers , whereupon barnard speaketh thus boldly to pope eugenius : lordship is forbiden unto the apostles : therefore darest thou being a lord vsurpe apostleship , or apostolicall vsurpe lordship . thou art plainely barred from both . if thou wilt haue both , thou shalt lose both . barnar . lib : 2. de conside . cap : 4. for it is not convenient ( saith ambrose ) that one man should haue adouble profession . 2 christ saith , my kingdome is not of this world , ioh : 18. 36. christ refused to accept the honor of a worldly kingdom , iohn : 6. 15. that he might admonish us , ( saith chrysostom ) to cōtemne humaine dignities , & shew us that we need no wordly affaires . hom : 42. in iohan. item tertull : de idolat . cap. 8. christ hath manifested that the glorie of the world is not cōpetent to him selfe , and his . how may thē a bishop , or minister accept that honor quhilk his master hath refused . for no servant is aboue his master math. 10. 24. 3. christ being requyred in partition of an heritage betwixt brethren , refuseth flatly to be iudge , saying , who made me iudge or devider , over you ? for this same cause christ , as minister of the gospell , refuseth to condemne the adulteresse woman , what presumption is it then to our papal bishops , to exercise ane lordly authority and civil power in judging upon matters civil , criminall & treasonable , in court , or parliament , secrete counsell , conventiōs of estate , in courts of stenartrie & regalitie upon wrongs & injuries of bloud , infestments of land , &c. as the practise be papal bishops is begune in this realme . quhilk can no wayes be compitent to the disciples , ministers and servants of christ iesus , quhilk the master christ iesus hath for saken . therefore this usurpation must be of the antichrist . hilarius ad auxent . i pray you ( bishopps ) who beleiue these thinges , what votes had the apostles to preach the evangel ? with what commissions were they authorized , when they preached christ and converted almost all the gentles from idols to god ? singing an himne to god in prison among chaines , & after whippes tooke they any dignity from the pallace ? they will not shew where any of the apostles sat at any time as iudge of men , or divider of bounds , or distributer of landes . to cōclude , ireade that the apostles stood to be iudged ; that they sat in iudgmēt i doe not reade . barnard de consid : lib. 2. 4. the whole charge of the minister of the gospell is restrayned to the cōtinuall exercise of ane spiritual calling , and ministerie only . 1. tim : 4. 13. etc : 2. tim : 2. 3. 4. et 4. 1. 2. &c : and therfore not onely civill domination , but all handling also and medling with secular and worldly affaires is contrary unto this charge . chrysost : hom : 11. ad eph. 4. doctrine by sermons is commended unto us , not rule or the authority of ruling . 5. no man ( saith the apostle ) that war reth , intangleth himselfe , with the affaires of this life , because he would please him that hath chosen him to be a souldiour . 2. tim : 2 : 4. hiercm expoūding this place concludeth : much more ought we to be free from worldly businesses that we may please christ. ambrose addeth ane cleare distinction of the functions and cause thereof ; let a minister approue himselfe to god that devoted to him , he may fulfil his ministery which he hath undertaken being careful in gods matters & free from worldly busines . for it is not convenient that one man should haue a double profession . 6 for this purpose serues whatsoever is writtē in scripture anent the calling , office , and exercise of the ministery of the word , the greatnes thereof , and the necssitie injoyned to ministers to preach the gospell continually : in so much that the apostle sayth , wo be to me , if i preach not the evangell . 1. cor : 9 : 16. hence it is , that the manifold duetyes of the ministers of the evangell are declared by similitudes of workemen in the vineyards , of husband men , of builders , of souldiers , and watchmen , and other such importing continuall labor , paines and travell , math : 9. 38. & 10. 10. 2. tim. 2. 15. 7. some of the ancient councellers also haue taken a streait order for restraint of ecclesiasticall persons from handling or medling with any secular honor or affaires : the fourth oecumenical or vniversal councel holden at chal cedon 450. yeares after christ his birth where were assembled 630. bishopps , forbiddeth expresly ane minister , or ecclesiasticall person , upon paine of excommunication , to resaue any secular honor , concil . chalced : can : 7. in like manner in the same councel , it is more particularly decided , and precise ly decreed , concil : chalced. can. 3. that no clarke or any bearing spirituall function , should undergoe so much as the tutership , or curatrie of one orphan : quhilk decree seameth to be very precise and strait against ane naturall duty and charity . yet the spirit of god hath directed the councell be the light of the truth to keepe rightly the distinction that is betwixt civil and ecclesiasticall office and function ; holding fast the grounds of scripture afore alleadged . and for this cause it is decreed in an other coū sell , that a bishope should only attend unto prayer , reading , and preaching . concil : carth : 4 : cap : 20. thus much for overthrowing the first horne of the beast , to witt , civilpower , usurped by prelates and bishops . &c. now let us assay the force & strength of the second horne , of spirituall power and iurisdiction , quhilk prelates and bishops , following in this also the antichrist , usurp aboue the disposers of the mysteries of christ , pastors , ministers ; and teachers &c and not over one kirk alone , but over many in one , or moe dioceses , quhilk injquity hath flowed also frō the antichrist of rome , and thence is derived to the orders of his cleargie ; archbishopes , bishops , arch-deanes , deanes , &c. setting up , by the devise of satan , ane hierarchie , that is , a spirituall principalitie in the kirke of god , overthrowing altogither the ordināce of christ iesus in ordering his kirke officers ( whairof hath bene spoken more at large in the first treatise ) and in place thereof ; intruding upon the kirk satanicall , and antichristian , devises , and traditions : whereupon this conclusion groweth like unto the former . whosoever leaving the institution of christ expressed in his word , vsurpe spirituall authoritie and iurisdiction togither with civil power in the kirk , they communicate with antichrist , and their usurpation is antichristian ; but papal bishops , and prelates practise this antichristian iniquitie , against the institution of christ & his word : therefore they communicate with the antichrist , and the practise and usurpation is antichristian . the assumption we haue to proue : quhilk is playne by scripture expresly condemning in ministers of the word , both civil power , ( as we heard before ) and spirituall authority or power , aboue the rest of the ministers and disposers of the word , as inferiors to thē . quhilk we proue , as followes . 1. christ comming into the world , & taking upō him the shape , or forme of ane servant , philip. 2. 7. witnesseth that he as minister of the gospell , cam not to be served , but to serue . math : 20 : 28. and no servant is aboue his master . math : 10. 24. 2. christ recommending to his disciples humilitie , with paritie and equa litie , expresly forbiddeth among them superioritie or domination . math : 20. 25. etc. and 23. 8. 11. marke . 10. 43. etc. luc. 22. 25. etc. 3. christ giveth unto his apostles & disciples , alike , the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , and they resaue alike power , math : 18. 18. ioh : 20. 23. 4. the disciples and apostles observing their masters command , equall themselues , not one clayming superioritie , or primacie aboue the rest : but all professing equalitie , call them selfe servantes . 2. cor : 4. 5. ministers and dispensators . 1 : cor : 4. ver : 1. 5. messengers , 2 : cor : 5. 20. etc. and no place there is to be foūd , whair they are called , princes , lords , or by any such name soūding to superiority , or dominatiō , in any wise . 5. the practise of the apostles sending by like authoritie peter , and iohn , as messengers , and erand bearers to samaria , act : 8. 14. quhilk the apostles wald never haue cōmanded , if christ had not given them a like power , neither , peter ( whom some make to be prince of the apostles ) would haue obeyed , if christ had given him primacie , or superioritie aboue the rest . 6. peter himselfe disclaiming all such primacie and superioritie , equaleth himselfe with the ministers & elders of kirke , calling himselfe fellow elder . 1. pet : 5 : 1. expresly forbidding ministers and elders , to take domination as lords , aboue the heritage of god : ver . 3. 7. the apostle iohn sharply cheeketh and rebooketh diotrephes clayming to him prioritie or preferment aboue the rest . iohn epist. 3. ver : 9 10. 8. against the spirituall superioritie of papal bischops doe serue all those places afore cited ; wherein the name , power , office , properties , and dueties of a bishope , are communicate with pastors , teachers , and elders . act : 20. 17. 1. pet : 5. 2. phil : 1. 1. tit : 1. 5. 7. 1 , tim : 3. 2. 3. 4. &c. quhilk places are plane , pithie & sufficient alone , to overthrowe , pretended prioritie of papal bishopps , praelates . &c. with scripture agreeth learned and sinceire antiquity in ancient christian kirkes , wherof we shall bring a few for exemple , speaking most clerely in this purpose . cyprian lib : de simplicit : praelat : the office of a bishop is one and vndivided , parte whereof is absolutly held of every bishop . idem . cypr : lib. epist : 3. every bishop doth rule and governe his owne portion of the lords flocke , being to give an account of his doings to god. athanasius epist. ad liberium episcop : romanum . all the blessed apostles were indued with the fellowship of equall honour and power . chrysost : hom : 43. in math : what bishop soever shall desire primacy in earth , shall finde confusion in heaven , and he , who shall covet to be first , shall not be in the nūber of christ his servantes . hieron , in epist : ad evagrium : where soever a bishop shall be , either at rome , or evgubium , or constantinoble , or rhegium , he is of the same worth , and of the same preisthood . idem . ad tit : cap : 1. after the age of the apostles one of the bishops was set aboue the rest , whom they peculiarly called a bishop . but this was rather by custome , than by the truth of the lords disposing . that it may further appeare even by hierom himselfe , that the usurpation of papal bishops prevayled by custome against the truth , marke well what he writeth vpon heb : 13. 17. viz : he divideth the care of the kirke equally amongst many . in saying , obey them that are set over you . besides these and others a fore cited against the authority & practise of papall bishops , many mo testimonyes may be drawne out of the same fathers , and doctors , with others also of the same judgmēt , quhilk are alledged be menteners of christian discipline , against authority of papal bishops : as out of cyprian . lib3 : epist : 10. 14. 27. tertullian , de ieiun august : lib : 19. cap : 19. de civitate dei. item lib : de opere monach : hierom , ad oceanum et in tit : 1. ambrose lib : epist : 5. et 33. chrysost : hom : 2 : in epist : ad philip : hilar : adver : constan. nazian : orat : ad maxim : bernard : de consid : lib : 2. ad evgenium papam . for this same purpose are alledged some testimonies of councels , as carthage , chalcedon , constan : &c. siclik against the authority and prac tise of papal bishops do witnes all protestant kirkes in france , helvetia , polonia , hungaria , bohemia , &c. and in any nation truly professing the gospel in all the world , onely england excepted . and among the late writers , the most learned and notable professors , defenders of the truth against the romāe antichrist ; all writing against the lordly usurpation of civil and spirituall power in ecclesiasticall persons , as may be seene by their severall writtings , lastly out of english writers , evē some of them of the other side , matter may be fetched , against the lordship of papal bishops , iewel , in defen : apolog : adversus harding page 714. d : bilson in his booke in quarto page 126. d : bridges , of the prince supremacy , page 926. m. elmar bishop of london , in his book printed at straesborogh . see a petition directed to her maiestie . pa. 7. 8. 9. quhilk we bring to proue rheir consent , and witnessing unto the truth . although as cyprian sayth , humane testimonies are not to be expected , when divine suffrages goe before . cyprian epist : 5. lib : 2. as for objections in the contrary , what can be moved to moue any of the simplest against such cleare light of holy scripture , and so many testimo nies of divine writers ? as for the new obtruded lord bishops to the kirk of this realme , we haue not heard much of their reasoning as yet , for their part only shreuding them selfe by authority and arme of man : whence they alledge donation with power &c. to the quhilk albeit many things may be replyed : yet we answer thus only with the apostle , the weapons of our warfaire are not carnall , 2 : cor : 10. 4. the abuse & present practise the more is to be lamē ted , that such injquity is done in so great light of the gospell , after long profession of the same , that in place of light , men should imbrace darknes , & loue the honor of the world , more thā the honor of christ iesus , not onely comming against the truth , but also against their owne profession & avoument , having preached , and practised , the true christian discipline by ministers and elders according to the word and institution of christ , opponing them selfes alwayes unto antichristiā authority , & practise of papal bishops . is not this to begine in the spirit , & end in the flesh ? and who hath bewitched you so ? now for conclusion : seeyng holy scripture , practise of the apostolicall and primitiue kirk , and christian kirkes in succeeding times , the learned & sincere antiquitie both in councells and by writing , with all reformed kirkes , every where truely professing the gospell , with the best of the leater writers of our time , forrain & within this yle , stand on our side for kirk governement by ministers & assisting elders according to the word , against the governement of lord bishops , their authority & practis in the kirk of christ we being i say , compassed with such great cloud of witnesses , let us hold fast the true profession of doctrine & discipline according to the word , without wavering , or halting , praying continually , that the god of our lord lesus christ the father of glory , might giue unto us the spirit of wisdom , and revelation , in the acknow ledgment of him , strenthned with all might throw his glorious power : that we being like mindit having the same loue , being of one accord ; and of the same iudgment , we may doe that which is pleasant , and acceptable in his sight , through christ , to whom be praise for ever and ever , amen . doctor reignolds his letter to sir fravncis knollis , concerning doctor bancrofts sermon at paules crosse . 9. feb : 1588. in the parliament time . albeit ( right honorable ) i take greater comforte in labouring to discover and overthrow the errors of iesuites and papists , ( enemyes of religion ) thā of the ministers of christ ; yet seeing it hath pleased your honor to requyer me to shew mine opinion of some thinges , which certeine of these men mainteyne & stand in , i thought it my duty , by the example a of levie , who sayd of his father , and mother , i regard them not , nor acknowledged he his brethren , to declare the truth , without respect of persons . of the two poynts therfore in doctor bancrofts sermon , which your honor mentioneth , one is , concernning that he seemeth to avouch , the superioritie , which bishops haue among us over the clergie , to be gods owne ordinance , though not by expresse words , yet by necessary consequence ; in that he affir meth , their opiniō , who oppugne that that superiority to be heresie . wherin , i must confesse , he hath committed an oversight , in my judgment , and himselfe , ( i thinke ) if he be advertised ther of , will acknowledge it . for having b said first , that aerius affirmeth , that ther was no differēce by the word of god betwixt a preist , and a bishop , and afterward , that martin and his companions , do mainteine this opinion of aerius , he addeth that c aerius persisting therein , was condemned for an heretike by the generall consent of the whole church , and likwise d that martins , and all his companions opini on hath herein been condemned for heresie . touching martine , if any man behaue himselfe otherwayes than in discretion and charitie he ought , let the blame be layd where the fault is , i defend him not ; but if by the way , he utter a truth , mingled with whatsoever else , it is not reason that that , which is of god , should be cōdemned for that which is of man ; no more thá the doctrine of the resurrection should be reproved because e and held by the pharises . wherefore removing the odious name of martin , from that which in sincerity and loue is to be dealt with , it appeareth , by the aforesayd words of d. bancroft , that he avoucheth the superiority which bishops haue over the cleargie to be of gods owne ordinance ; for he improveth the impugners of it , as holding with aerius , that there is no difference by the word of god betwixt a preist , and a bishop , which he could not doe with reason , unlesse he himselfe appro ved the bishops superiority , as established by gods word : and he addeth , that their opinion , who gayne say it , is heresie , wherof it insueth , he thinke it contrary to gods word ; sith heresy is an error repugnant to the truth of the word of god , as , ( according to f the scriptures ) our owne church g doth teach us . now the argumēts which he bringeth to proue it an heresy , are partely overweake , partly untrue : overweake that h he beginneth with , out of epiphanius ; untrue , that he i adjoyneth of the general consent of the church . for though epiphanius do say , that aerius his assertion is full of solly , yet he disproveth not the reason which aerius stood on , out of the scriptures ; nay he dealeth so in seeking to disproue it , that bellarmine the iesuite , k though desirous to make the best of epiphanius , whose opinion herein he mainteyneth against the protestants , yet is forced to confesse , that epiphanius his ans ; wer is not all of the wisest , nor any way can fit the text . as for the generall consent of the whole church , which d. bācrost saith , condemned that opinion of aerius for an heresy , and himselfe for an heretike , because he persisted in it , that is a large speach : but what proofe hath he that the whole church did so ? it ap ; peareth he saith in l epiphanius . it doth not , and the contrary appeareth by m s. ierome , and sondry others , who lived , some in the same time , som after epiphanius , even s. austin himself , though d. bancroft cite him , as bearing witnes therof likewise ; i grant s. austin n in his booke of heresies , ascribeth this to aerius , for one , that he sayd , presbiterum ab episcopo nulla differentia de beri discerni : but it is one thing to say , there ought to be no difference betwixt the , ( which aerius saying condemned the churches order , yea made a schisme therein , and so is censured by s. austen , counting it an heresie as o in epiphaus he tooke it recorded , himselfe , as p he witnesseth , not knowing how farre the name of heresie should be stretched ) another thing to say , that by the word of god there is no difference betwixt them , but by the order and custome of the church , which s. austen q sayth in effect himselfe , so farre was he from witnessing this to be heresy by the generall consent of the whole church . which untruth how wrongfully it is fathered on him , and on epiphanius ( who yet are all the witnesses that d. bancroft hath produced for the proofe hereof , or can for ought that i know ) it may appeare by this , that our learned country man ( of godly memory ) bishop r iewell , when harding to convince the same opinion of heresie , alleadged the same witnesses , he cyting to the contrary chrysostome , ierom , austen , and ambrose , knit up his answer with these wordes : all these , and other moe holy fathers , together with the apoflle s. paul , for thus saying , by hardings advice , must be held for heretikes . and michaell medina s a man of great accoūt in the counsell of trent , more ingenious herein than many other papists , affirmeth , not onely the former anciēt writers , alleadged by bishop iewel , but also an other ierom , theodoret , primasius , sedulius , and theophilact , were of the same mind touching this matter with aerius . with whom agree likewise t oecumenius , and v anselmus arch : b : of canterbury , and an x other ansel mus , and y gregorie , and z gratian , and after them how many ? it being once inrolled in the canon law for sound , and catholike doctriue , and therupon publikly taught by a learned men ; all which doe beare witnes against d. bācroft , of the poynt in question , that it was not condemned for an heresie by the generall consent of the whole church : for if he should reply , that these later witnesses did liue a 1000. yeares after christ , and therfore touch not him who b said , it was condemned so in the time of s. austen , and of c epiphanius , the most florishing time of the church that ever happēed since the apostles dayes , either in respect of learnīg , or of zeale , first they , whom i named , though living in a latter time , yet are witnesses of the former . oecumenius the greek scholiast treading in the stepps of the old greek fathers , and the two anselmes , with gregory , and gratian , expressing s. ieromes sentence word by word . besides that , perhaps it is not very likely that anselmus of canterbury should haue beene canonized by the pope of rome , and worshipped for a saint ; that the other anselmus , & gregory , should haue such place in the popes library , and be esteemed of as they are ; that gratians works should be allowed so long time by so many popes for the golden foūdation of the canon law , if they had taught that for catholike , and sound , which by the generall consent of the whole church , in the most flourishing time that ever happened since the apostles dayes , was condemned for heresie : cheifely in a matter of such waight , and moment , to the popes supremacy ; which as they doe claime over all bishops by the ordināce of god , so must they allow to bishopps over preists by the same ordinance , as they saw at length : and therefore haue not only decreed it now in the e counsell of trent , but also in f the new edition of their canō law haue set down this note , that on hughes glosse allowed by the archdeacon ( saying , that bishops haue differed from preists alwayes as they doe now in governement , and prelatship , and offices , and sacraments , but not in the name and title of bishop , which was common to them both ) must be held hereafter for s. ieroms meaning : at least for the meaning of the canon taken out of s. ierom , though his words be flat & playne against this glosse , as bellarmine g himselfe confesseth . wherto may be added , that they also who hauelaboured about the reforming of the church these 500 yeares , haue taught that all pastors , be they intituled bishops , or preists , haue equall authority and power by gods word . first the h waldenses , next i marsilius patavinus : then k wickliffe and his schollers ; afterward l husse , and the hussites : last of all m luther , n calvinc , o brentius , p bullinger , q musculus and other , who might be reckoned perticulerly in great number , sith as here with us both r bishops ; and the queenes s professors of divinity in our vniversities , and t other learned men do cōsent therein : so in forreine nations all whō i haue read treating of this matter , and many moe , ( no doubt ) whom i haue not read . the sifting and examyning of the trent counsell hath been udertaken by only two , which i haue seene , the one a divine , the other a lawier , v kemnisius , and gentilletus ; they both condēne the contrary doctrine thereunto , as a trent error ; the one by scriptures , and fathers ; the other by the canon law . but what doe i further speake of several persons ? it it the cōmon judgment of the reformed churches of helveti a , savoy , france , scotlād , germany , hungary , polony , the lowe coūtries , & our owne , witnes the y harmony of confessions . wherefore sith d. bancroft ( i assure my selfe ) will not say that all these haue approved that as sound & christian doctrine , which by the generall consent of the whole church , in a most florishing time , was condemned for heresie : i hope he will acknowledg , that he was overseene , in that he avou ched , the superiority which bishops haue among vs over the cleargie to be of gods owne ordināce . and thus farr of the former poynt of d. bancroft sermon . the latter is , concerning that he af : firmeth , that s. ierom z saith , & m. calvin seemeth on his report , to confesse that bishops haue had the said superi : ority ever since the time of s. marke the evangelist . of the which poynt i thinke as of the former ; sith neither ie : rom saith it , neither doth calvin seeme to confesse it on his report . for bishops among us , besids ordeyning , & laying on of handes , may doe sondry other thinges , which inferior ministers , or preists ( as d. bācroft termeth thē ) may not ; but a ierom , after mention of the superiority allotted to bishops since s. marks time , what doth a bishop ( saith he ) except ordination , which a preist doth not ? meaning , & in forcing by this kind of speach , as a thing most evident , & such as no man could deny , that bishops had , that onely power aboue preists then , which b chrysostome also witnesseth . though neither had they it alone in all places , as it is apparant by a c counsell of carthage , shewing their churches order ; that the preists layd their hands together with the bishop on those who were ordeyned . yet ierom having proved by testimony of scripture , that in the apostles tymes bishops , and preists were all one , even in the right d of this too , grāteth that afterwardes bishops had that peculier unto themselues some where , but nothing else saue it . s. ierom therfore saith not of that superiority whereof the question is , that bishops haue had it ever since s. marks time . no more doth m. calvin seeme to confesse it upon his report . for calvin ( in the same e place that d. bancroft quoteth ) shewing how in old time the ministers that had charge to teach chose of their company one in every citie , to whom they did especially giue the title of bishop ; least equality should breed dissention , yet ( saith he ) the bishop was not aboue them in ho nor and dignity , that he had rule over them , but looke what is the consuls duety in the senate . to propose matters , to aske their opinions , to direct others by giving them advise , by admonishing , by exhorting , to guide the whole action by his authority , and see that performed which was agreed upon by their common consent , that charge had the bishop in the assembly of ministers . and having declared , that s. ierom sheweth this to haue ben brought in by the consent of men vpon the first of titus , he addeth that the same s. ierom other where sheweth , how ancient an order of the church it was , even from s. marks time to hereclas , and dionysius at alexandria . in which words of calvin , seeing that the order of the church he mentioneth , hath evident relation to that before described , and that in the describing of it , he had sayd , the bishop was not so aboue the rest in honor , that he had rule over them : it followeth that m. calvin doth not so much as seeme to confesse of ieroms reporte , that ever since s. marks time bishops haue had a ruling superiority over the cleargie . wherefore to use no more profes in a thing manifest , which else might easily be proved more at large out of s. ierom , and m. calvin both : it is certaine , that nether of them doth affirme , that bishops so long time haue had such superiority as d. bancroft seemeth to father vpon them . thus haue i signified mine opinion of the points that your honor specified in d. bancrofts sermon . which yet if he , or any doe proue , that i haue erred in , or take him otherwise thā i ought , i shall be very willing by gods grace , to correct : remembring the apostles lesson , that the spirits of the prophets are subiect to the prophets . 19. sept : 1598. sir francis knollis his speach in parliament , related by himselfe to the late worthy lo : treasurer sir william cicil. to the end i may informe your lordship of my dealing in this parliamēt time , a gaīst the undue claīed superiority of the bb. over their inferiour brethren . thus it was : because i was in the parliament , in the 25 yeare of king henry the 8. in which time , first all the cleargie , as well bishops , as others , made an humble submission to king henry 8. acknowledging his supremacie , and detesting the vsurpation of the bishop of romes authority : vpon which submission of the cleargie the king gaue unto the sayd bishops , the same ample rule that before they had under the pope , over their inferiour brethren ; saving that the same rule was abridged by statute by this parenthesis following , that is to say ( without offending the prerogatiue royall of the crowne of england , and the lawes , & customes of the realme ) in the latter end of the statute it was added , that whofoever offendeth in any one parte of that statute , and their aiders , counsellors , and abettours , they did all fall into the penaltie of the premunire . and after i had recited the statute in the parliament house , i declared that in k. henry 8. his dayes , after this , there was no bishop that did practise superiority over their inferiour brethren . and in king edwards dayes , the sayd bishops obteyned a statute , whereby they were authorized to keep their courtes in the kings name . the which statute was repealed in q. maries dayes , and is not revived in her maiesties time that now is : wherupon it was doubtfull to me , by what authority the bishops doe keep their courtes now in their owne names because it is against the prerogatiue of the crowne of england , that any shou'd keep a courte without a sufficiēt warrant frō the crowne . whereupon i was answered , that the bishops doe keep their courtes now by prescription ; and it is true , that the bishops may prescribe that k : henry 8. gaue them authority , by the statute of the 25 of his reigne , to haue authority & rule over their inferiour brethren , as ample as they had in the popes time : but this was no special warrāt for thē to keep their courts by & that in their owne names . and yet they haue no other warrant to keep their courts ( as they do now in their owne names ) to my knowledge . and this was the cause that made them obteyne a statute in king edwards dayes , to keep their courtes by , in the kings name . now it is a straunge allegation , that the bishops should claime authority at this present , to keep courtes in their owne names ( as they doe ) by prescription ; because the statute of 25. h. 8. doth restreigne them generally from offending of the prerogatiue royall of the crowne of england , and the lawes and customes of the realme . and no man may iustly keep a court without a speciall warrant from the crowne of englād , as is a foresayd . and the generall liberty given by king hen. 8. to the bishops to rule and governe , as they did in the popes time , is no sufficient warrant to the bishops to keep their courtes in their owne names by prescription , as i take it . and therefore the bishops had done wisely , if they had sought a warrant by statute to keep their courtes in the queenes name , as the bishops did in king edwardes dayes . in which time cranmer did cause peter martyr , and bucer , to come over into the realme to be placed in the two vniverfities , for the better instruction of the vniversities in the word of god. and b : cranmer did humbly prefer these learned men , without any challenge to himselfe of any superiour rule , in this behalfe over his inferiour brethren . and the time hath been ; that no man could cary away any graunt from the crowne of england by generall wordes ; but he must haue speciall wordes to cary the same by . therefore how the bishops are warranted to cary away the keeping of their courts in their owne names by prescription , it passeth my understanding . moreover , whereas your lordship sayd vnto me , that the bishops haue for saken their claime of superiority over their inferiour brethren ( lately ) to be by gods ordinance , & that ( now ) they do only claime superioritie from her maiestie supreame governement : if this be true , then it is requisite , and necessary that my l : of caunter bury that now is , do recant , and retract his saying in his booke of the great volume against m. cartwright , where he saith in playne words ( by the name of doct. whitgift ) that the superiority of bishopps is gods owne institution . which saying doth impugne her maiesties supreame government directly , and therefore it is to bere tracted and truely . for christ plainely & truely confesseth , ioh : 18. 36. that his kingdom is not of this world . and ther fore he gaue no worldly rule , or preheminence to his apostles , but the heavenly rule , which was to preach the gospell , saying , ite , praedicate in omnem mundum ; quicunpue crediderit , et baptizatus fuerit , falvus erit : qui non crediderit , condemnabitur . go , and preach in all the world ; whosoever shall beleiue , & be baptized , shal be saved : but he that will not beleiue , shall be condemned . mark 16. 15. 16. but the bishops doe crie out saying , that cartwright , and his fel : lowes would haue no governement , etc. so ( belike ) the bishops care for no governmēt , but for worldly , and forcible governement over their brethren , the which christ ne : ver gaue to his disciples , nor apostles , but made thē subiect to the rule of princes , who ought not to be resisted , saving that they might answer unto princes , that they must rather obey god , than men . act. 5. 29. and yet in no wise to resist the prince , but to take up the crosse & follow christ. to the reader . if this honorable man were now aliue , he would wonder more than ever he did , at the resolutenes of our bishops . in holding their courtes in their owne names . for bv m. yelvertons speach ; at a committee of both houses , in the second session of this parliament it was made so playne , that the bishops were in the kings mercy , for having seales of jurisdiction bearing their owne , and not the kings armes , and holding courtes in their owne names , and not the kings , that s. iohn popham then lord cheife iustice of england , and s. edward cooke then the kings atturney generall , acknowledged the same to be true . the reason was this : in the first session of this parliament cap. 25. that statute of q. mary , which this worthy counsailour of state mentioneth , is repealed . by which repeale the statute of edw. 6. likewise by him mentioned is restored to life . but more hereof ( perhappes ) hereafter : in meane while , quaere . whether those subjectes which haue taken the oath of supremacy be not forsworne : if being cited by a processe which hath the seale of a bishop , & not of the king , they appeare to the ordinaries court held in the bishops name , and not the kings . seeing such a processe , and court so held be ( by that statute of ed. 6. now in force ) sayd to be against the kings prerogatiue , & therefore both must be by none other than forreigne power . if so , quaere 2. vvhether his majesties subiects being so cited to such a court , be bound ( in law ) to make their appearance . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a04026-e170 ierm 36. 26 1 peter 2. 13 14. 1 king 22 , 7 , iudg. 6. 31. notes for div a04026-e700 exod. 25 hebrew ● , 5 heb , 12 25 28 , 29. isai 49. 23. psalm 100. 3 thes , 2. 8 , 2. kin , 16 , 34 act. 20 ▪ 17. 28. phil. 1 : 1 , 1. tim , 3 : 1. 2 titus 1 , 5. 7 1 , pet 5. 1 : 2 1 : sam , 5 , 2 , 3. 4 2. kin ; 16. 10 2 , chro : 29. 16 18 , 19. can , 1 , 3. math , 17 : 5. iohn 10 , 3. 4 29 , notes for div a04026-e1720 iames 1. 20 : isai , 61 : 1. iames 1. 17. psalm , 43 , 3. notes for div a04026-e5030 psalm 103. 4 isai 9. 2 zach. 11. 7 plal , 122 , 7 iob. 1 , 19 , gal. 3. 1 , 3. heb , 12. 1 : eph ; 1. 17 col , 1. 11. philip , 2. 2 heb , 13 , 21. notes for div a04026-e7990 a deut , 33 9 b pag 18. c pag 19. d pag 69 e act , 23. 8. f 1 tim. 6. 3 titus 3. 10. 2 : peter 1. 19 & 21. g the defence of the apologie part 1. & 7. devision 2 answ . to the rhem. titus 3. 10 h pag 18. i p. 19. & 69 k tom 1. cont . 5. lib. 1 ca : 15. l heresy 15. m in epist ad titum 1 et epist 85. ad evagrium : n cap ; 53. o in argu. pre fix : lib. 3 tom : 2 p de heref . ad quodvnit deū in prefatione q epist. 19 r def . of the apol. part 2 ca , 9 , divis . 1 page 198 , s de sacrif . hom , orig , et con●●● , lib , 1 , ca , 5 : t in 1 , tim : ● v in epist , ad tirum . x collect. can . li. 7. ca , 87. e● 1●7 y poliear , li. 2 tit , 19. et 39. z ca ; legimus , dist 39 ca ; olimp ; dill . 95. a author gloss , in ca , dist , citat , ho doricus caol ave : lat . in concil basil. daaren . de sacra eccle mimst , lib 1 cap 7 b page 19 c page 69 e ●ess : 23 : c. 4 can , 6 & 7 f anot . marg ad cap , legimus dist . 43. g tom. 1 contro 5 lib 1 cap h aeneas silvius histo bohem cap 35 et pigh hierarch ecclef ▪ lib. 2. ca 10. i defens pacis part 2 ca 15 k tho walden doct , fidei tom 1 lib 2 cap 60 et tom 2 cap ●7 l aeneas sil vius loco citato . m adversus falso nominat ordin epist et adver . papat rom n in epist ad philip 1 et titus 1 o apol , consest wittenb cap 21 p decad. 5 serm 3 q loc. com. t it de minist verbi . r iewell lo●●citat . et pilkington in the trearise of burning paules church . s d humphrey in cāp . et in duraeū : iesuitas-part 2 , rat : 3 & d whit ad rat . cāpiani , 6. et confuta , duraei iesuitae lib 6 t m braford , lambert & others m : fox acts &c d fulke against bristow , motiue . 40 & answer to the remists tit : 1. 5. v v part 2 : x ) lib , 4 y harmony sect , 11 in helvet , post galia belgia anglia &c , z pa. 14 & 69 a epist. ad evagrum , b hom , 11 in 1 tim. c concil . 4 ca● , 3 d in 1 tim , 4 : 14 : e in i nstit , lib. 4 : cap , 4. sect , 2 f ) 1 : cor : 14 : 3● : unitie, truth and reason. presented in all humility petition-wise to the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses for the commons house of parliament. / by some moderate and peace-desiring ministers, for the more happy and certaine reconciling of the church differences. h. p. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91146 of text r9441 in the english short title catalog (thomason e170_1). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 21 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91146 wing p39 thomason e170_1 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91146) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 157029) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 30:e170[1]) unitie, truth and reason. presented in all humility petition-wise to the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses for the commons house of parliament. / by some moderate and peace-desiring ministers, for the more happy and certaine reconciling of the church differences. h. p. [2], 13, [1] p. printed for thomas vnderhill, london : in the yeare, 1641. wing attributes work to h. p. thomason copy imperfect: staining on title page with loss of text. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. a91146 r9441 (thomason e170_1). civilwar no unitie, truth and reason.: presented in all humility petition-wise to the honourable, the knights, citizens and burgesses for the commons h h. p. 1641 3485 6 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion unitie , trvth and reason . presented in all humility petition-wise to the honourable , the knights , citizens and burgesses for the commons house of parliament . by some moderate ●nd peace-desiring ministers , for the mo 〈…〉 and certaine reconciling of the c●●●ch d 〈…〉 s. london . printed for thomas vnderhill , in the yeare , 1641. to the reader . it was not at first intended that this following discourse presented petition-wise should fly so pub likely : but such modesty and truth withall are both so evenly expressed , that the eyes of envie , malice , and uncharitablenesse ( which usually are most quicke upon actions of this nature ) cannot take just advantage , as farre as we can apprehend . we therfore on the behalfe of our selves and others , doe humbly crave , that what is here presented with a dexterous intention may not have a sinister acception . to the honovrable the knights , citizens , and burgesses for the commons house of parliament . humbly representeth , that episcopacie is a frame anciently raised out of the pastorall place , built up with chancellors , deanes , arch-deacons , commissaries , surrogates , officialls , apparitors , &c. and further finished with their consistories , high-commission , oath ex officio , books of canons , old and new , books of recreation and liberty , ceremonies , and manifold innovations enlarged , especially in latter times by violent and intemperate spirits , which have pursued many of the best lived of the ministry and people , with too much heate , insomuch that many choice men have bin wormed out , the most scandalous cherished , doctrine adulterated ; the fire of zeale quenched , tyrannie exercised , especially over the consciences of their brethren ; primitive discipline defaced , the judgements of many engaged for episcopacie jure divino ; civil warres incouraged ( the most dangerous and hazardous undertaking of a state . ) in the mean time the prelates not sufficiently sencible of the dishonour of our gracious soveraigne , and securitie of these happy and illustrious kingdomes . nay , besides all this , many of the late church-governours have also complyed too much with the popish faction , and drawn ( quantum in illis ) the odium of the late disturbances upon his majestie ( let them pretend what they please ) and dishonour upon the protestant religion , in the eyes of the romish party , and the whole world by their tongues , pennes and indeavours . may it therfore please this honourable house to take episcopall government into your grave and serious consideration . and if it may stand with the wayes and customes of this honourable house , that our petition may be presented to the house of the lords , and finally to his most excellent majestie . 1. first , that a speedy survey may be taken of this old-ruinous and decayed building by a commission ad inquirendum , concerning the truth of the numerous complaints from all parts of this kingdome . when god visited sodom in judgement , he first sent his angels to inquire of the truth of the crimes thereof . 2. if upon just and exact triall the whole building from the foundation to the highest part of the superstructure , prove sound , god forbid any moderate spirit should desire the alteration of a government so long established : but if ( in toto composito ) there be an universall dissolution and weaknesse of all parts , that then the old decayed frame may be taken down ; and such a new modell propounded as may most nearely agree with the word , the apostles , and primitive times : with the assistance of a select company of grave pious-learned and orthodox divines , in nature of a nationall synod , which may be chosen by your singular care and wisdome , gathered out of all parts of the kingdome , and authorised for that purpose . and in case it may stand with the pleasure of his majesty , and this high and honourable court of parliament , that some scots and irish divines may be also admitted to such assembly , which may happily tend , not only to mutuall information of themselves , but to a more firme obligation of all members in these churches in civill or ecclesiasticall affaires under our most gracious soveraigne as supreme governor unto a more firm union and obedience . notwithstanding all this , it is not the desire of your petitioners , with the sonnes of zebedee , that fire should come down from heaven and destroy this frame of government ; neither any illegall or precipitant violence should demolish it ; such reverence doe we owe to the memory of those industrious-pious-learned bishops , which have somtimes sealed the testimony of the gospel with their blood . and to our happie princes ( whose names are ever blessed with us ) who have yielded all princely indulgence unto episcopall dignities . only thus farre do your petitioners humbly sue , for asmuch as there is such a considerable number of grievances and complainants , through the whole kingdome , ( as may appeare by the numerous petitions and remonstrances to this honourable house , ) that in the meane time whilest a commission issues out for a more full discovery of corruptions in ecclesiasticall government and ministers , notoriously scandalous , the above-named ecclesiasticall assembly be called , and episcopall governours allow'd a faire and legall tryall by ministers , men of their own order ( as lords are tryed by their peers ) but impartiall , and not ingaged by the dignities and preferments of the times . and if it may not savor of sawcines , or too high presumption , may it please this honourable house , to require the episcopall party to assigne some of their own choice to answer in such a well constituted assembly , and to give liberty to the presbyteriall disciplinaries , as in scotland , or them of the pastorall and more independent way , as in new england , to come in and oppose , only give leave we beseech you that the word may be the moderator in this nationall synod . and if we may not be thought to presume upon this intelligent and religious house , we humbly sue , first , that in such a well dispos'd assembly , the doctrine of the church may be cleared and explaine . secondly , the discipline questioned . first by what tenure episcopacie holds , whether jure divino , vel ecclesiastico ? if divino , it must necessarily stand for ever . secondly , if ecclesiastico whether it be not alterable according to corruptions attending it , or the varying constitutions of particular churches , or the like considerable circumstances ? 3. if alterable , whether this government may safely be altered in this church of england ? 4. if it may be altered , what government can be propounded more nearely agreeing to the word , and more fit for these times ? 5. whether christ left any certaine and necessary discipline to be observed in his church for ever ? 6. whether examples , which have not grounds on expresse rules , or necessary consequences out of those commands doe bind the conscience to subjection , as to an ordinance of christs ? 7. whether it be not fit for christians rather to follow the examples of christ , his apostles , or the purer times for presidents , then the more degenerate and corrupt times of the world ? when these or the like questions are well discussed and decided , the confirmation of such acts of assembly as shall be then determined , we submit unto the wisdome of this honourable house . in the meane time most noble patriots , suffer not the glory of our church to set under a cloud . we have betrusted you with our selves , and all ours , faile us not in the maine , ( viz ) in the matters of religion , neither doctrine not discipline . begin we beseech you where your forefathers left , in the dayes of king edward the 6th . let the noble bloud of your ancestors which runs in your veynes induce you to perfect the glorious beginnings of your renowned predecessors . never think the common-wealth can be well healed , unlesse the church be also cured . did not our sufferings in the church lead the way to yours in the civill state ? if you conceive your worke is fully ended , when the common-wealths grievances are removed : god himselfe will not take it well at your hands to leave sion weeping , and none comforting her . you have come on nobly and like religious patriots , in giving faire hopes of easing the distressed part of the church : go on like your selves , and the god of heaven prosper you . let not golden balls turn you out of the way : neither syrenian musicke , nor crocodile teares of the degenerate part of the tribe of levi captivate your judgements . you have the whole nation ingaged to be servants unto the king for ever in a stricter bond , if you his great councell of state , according to his trust in you , see religion freed from the complaints and grievances of it . it is true , episcopal governors , with their nearest friends , think it scorn to come to tryall of their title . we are not ignorant of many of their choysest arguments : but if you please with patience to survey them , you shall find they have studied fallacies more then demonstrations . it is true , they pretend 1. the word : 2. antiquity . 3. reference to our laws . 4. order . 5. suppression of errors , schismes , and heresies . 6. incouragement to learning . 7. conformity of episcopall government unto monarchie . all specious pretences we confesse , like the grapes and fruits of sodom : but if you touch them they fall to ashes . first , the word , no better plea in the world , nor stronger argument , if the pontificiall side would shew but one expresse command or necessary inference for episcopacie over the clergie ( it is our meaning ) to be a constant and standing office in the church : we should think our selves deserved to lose our eares , liberty , life and all , for speaking against a law of gods own making . but whilst the great clerks of the kingdome in this multa dicunt , nihil probant . we must desire this government ( but in an ecclesiasticall assembly ) may goe to the question . secondly , antiquity , a plea which would well have served in the dayes of hezekiah and josiah for keeping up the high places , because they had continued from the dayes of solomon or afore . if this argument were sufficient , the reformers in the dayes of edward the 6. and queen elizabeth of famous memory should have staid their hands from taking away such ancient ceremonies as had continued many hundred years . upon this ground an old ruinous house which is rotten from the foundation , to the highest part of the superstructure should not be pulled down ; upon the like ground old vines , where the humidum radicale is quite gone , and fruit ceases , should not be plucked up , nor others planted in their room . the brazen serpent was at the first erected upon better warrant then ever episcopacie , yet when it grew worm-eaten with corruption of antiquity , hezekiah made bold to take it down , and the fact is fronted with the name of zeale unto immortality . thirdly , reference to our laws , it is true , episcopacie is too truly and too much inter-woven with the statutes of this kingdome ; not that episcopacie strengthens the laws , but the laws episcopacie . so that it seems no necessary argument for this dignity standing statu quo nunc , but rather serves for a good caution that in the taking down of this old frame , the statutes of the land suffer no violence , which we doubt not but by the wisdome of this honourable house , may be well contrived . fourthly , order , a great deale of reason for it , if order doe not violate that eternall and indispensible rule of charity , unto which the episcopall government hath done much violence , by their pride and tyranny over the consciences of their brethren . in such case we desire the word , christian liberty and charity may be preferred afore any pretended order in the the world . fiftly , suppressing of schismes , errors , and heresies ; we deny not but when episcopacie was first raysed and instituted in the church , there was such a politicke intention , but where is the successe ? have not corruptions , schismes , errors , if not heresies , more grown under the shadow of episcopacie , then under any other reformed protestant church in the world ? let the remonstrance of the ministers speak unto this , together with the numerous complaints from all parts of the kingdome . it is not to be denyed , but as these weeds , so much pretious corne hath grown within the bounds of episcopall government , not that we must thank the smiles and indulgence of the pontificiall party , but their frowns , brow-beatings , and manifold oppressions , or rather god himselfe , who multiplyed the israelites under pharaohs tyranny and cruelty . sixtly , encouragement to learning , give loosers leave to speak , let the inferiour clergie of the kingdome ( as they are usually called ) come in , and speake what they usually feel in their own experience ; doth not the burthen and heat of the day lye upon poore parsons , vicars , lecturers , and curates ? what encouragement to learning , whilst a few bishops , deanes , arch-deacons , &c. swallow up the best and riches● part of ecclesiasticall maintenance , taking little or no paines , in feeding the soules of the people , studying only law-suits ; how to rise higher in the world , and to sowe dissention betwixt kingdomes , princes , and their subjects , when the inferiour clergie in the meane time must sit below the salt , gather up the crums from under episcopall tables , and account it favour enough to have a nod from a bishop ; nay happily lesse then that , an hollow-hearted leave or licence to use a pulpit in his diocesse . seaventhly , a conformity of episcopall government unto monarchie . we confesse the conformitie is too much and too neare . for kings send out writs in their own names ( as it is fit they should ) so doe bishops . kings rule and command , so doe bishops : yet this conformity in government unto monarchie , cannot induce our charity to think they ( at least many of them ) can cordially affect supreme government whilst so many in latter times have complyed so much with the pope in all papall usages , the great enemie to all kingly government . how can we judge , but if oppertunity served , they would fall in with the pope in matter of supremacie , as in other his traditions ; besides our bishops in late dayes have cast the odium of all unacceptable commands upon the king , a point of bishopcraft we confesse , but never used by faithfull statesmen to their princes , since the beginning of the world , till these our dayes . whereas , we ( though the lowest of the tribe of levi ) dare protest unto this honourable assembly , we could be contented to wipe off with our blood the least aspersion upon the honour of our most gracious soveraigne , whom we sincerely value above all princes of the world . but now most noble senators , mistake not , we beseech you , the candor and ingenuity of our intentions , we doe account it an inexpiable fault to prescribe unto you that must prescribe laws to us ; only we prostrate what we have propounded in all hvmility at your feet , wherein we have both expressed our grievances and petitions . notwithstanding all abovesaid , we are not so faln out with episcopall government : but if it seems good to his majesty , and this high and honourable court of parliament to continue it , we can ( as formerly ) sit down under the shadow of it ▪ if the authority of it be sufficiently cleared by a well constituted church assembly , whereunto we should willingly subject , as a way of the church ( anciently used ) in such difficulties ; only , in case it be thought meet upon advise by your singular wisdomes to continue episcopall government in the church ; be pleased that the sting therof be taken away : we meane the high-commission burthensome and superfluous officers , the unnecessary ceremonies and subscriptions , according to their canons , which they have only used as snares and nets to catch the innocent and faithfull in the land ; and the scandalous ministers removed , the spots and blemishes of the ecclesiasticall state . but in case such a church synod , or assembly , doe finde a presbyteriall , or pastorall , and independent jurisdiction to be more nearely agreeing unto the word , and more fit for the present constitution of our churches , may it then please you to incourage that way which comes next to the mind and will of god , and suits best with the present state of times . so that finally , the sum of all we sue for , is , that justice may be eminently done unto all sides , and truth ( with leave of his majestie , as supreme ) may by the best reason hew out its way in a church assembly or synod , unto peace and unity ; not that we any way suspect your candor or integritie , with whom we have trusted both our selves and all ours : but because the premised considerations doe chiefly fall under ecclesiasticall cognizance , it would be most satisfactorie ( under correction of more sublime judgements ) to the minds of all men , and no way derogatory to the honour of his majestie , or this high and honourable court of parliament . if such of the ministery as have not violated their consciences , nor staind their garments , but men of good temper , piety , learning , and consulting heads should be authoriz'd to advise in the matters of the church both doctrine and discipline . pardon we beseech you , our rudenesse , and brokennesse of our expressions , truth is never so amiable as when she goes in her playnest garb . honour us so farre as not to take us for the giddy sons of apollo who would set the whole world on fire . we abhorre the intemperance of such spirits . and doe humbly desire that all pamphlets may be staid from the presse , which take upon them ( afore their time ) to propound modells and new formes of government till a well constituted church assembly have fully discussed the maine questions now in controversie . so shall you honour god almighty , bring out the truth more fully , which is now overclouded and obscured ; perform the trust which his majestie hath put in you ; happily unite more firmly these churches of england , scotland and ireland . make our state admired in the eyes of forraigne churches , pull down the proud and mighty from their seats , and exalt the humble and meek . and by such happy satisfaction in all ecclesiasticall wayes , you shall ingage the church to pray more fervently for the happinesse of our illustrious king , and this flourishing common wealth . which god grant , amen . finis . archiepiscopal priority instituted by christ, proved by plaine testimonies of scripture. asserted by the ancient fathers. and whereunto all the moderne divines of the protestant side doe fully assent, without contradiction of any one man. / by samuel daniel master of arts. daniel, samuel, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a36464 of text r1122 in the english short title catalog (wing d206). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 138 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a36464 wing d206 estc r1122 99858956 99858956 111016 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36464) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 111016) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 41:e238[16]) archiepiscopal priority instituted by christ, proved by plaine testimonies of scripture. asserted by the ancient fathers. and whereunto all the moderne divines of the protestant side doe fully assent, without contradiction of any one man. / by samuel daniel master of arts. daniel, samuel, 17th cent. [4], 36, 39-52 p. s.n.], [london : printed anno 1642. the words "archiepiscopal" and "christ" in title are xylographic. place of publication from wing. text continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. a36464 r1122 (wing d206). civilwar no archi-episcopal priority jnstjtuted [sic] by christ proved by plaine testimonies of scripture, asserted by the ancient fathers and whereunto daniel, samuel 1642 25967 9 15 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion archiepiscopal priority instituted by christ , proved by plaine testimonies of scripture . asserted by the ancient fathers . and whereunto all the moderne divines of the protestant side doe fully assent , without contradiction of any one man . by samuel daniel master of arts . i king . 7. 21. and he set up the pillars in the porch of the temple : and hee set up the right pillar , and called the name thereof jachim : and he set up the left pillar , and called the name thereof boaz , gal. 2. 7 , 8. but contrariwise , when they saw that the gospell of the vncircumcision was committed unto me , as the gospell of the circumcision was unto peter : for he that wrought effectually in peter to the apostleship of the circumcision : the same was mighty in mee toward the gentiles . printed anno 1642. to the godly and indifferent reader . courteous reader , i foresee that at the first view of the title of this booke , you will thinke strange to heare such an assertion affirmed , never being purposely maintained in a particular theme and position by any divine untill this time . but i pray you first reade , and then judge : i hope you shall find that it is no new broached doctrine , but asserted by many learned divines of our owne religion , and contradicted by none ; i know no divine , that denies that peter had a prioritie of order in the church of the iewes ; i will say no more , i onely desire you to reade the discourse , and i hope you shall finde it a doctrine , not only assented to by all our best divines , but maintained by all the ancient fathers , who have written on that subject ; yea , which is most of all , delivered both to them and us , by christ and his apostles so plainly in the scriptures ; that in my judgement , there can be nothing more plaine . i grant all the arguments , that are brought by me from the scriptures , to prove saint peters prioritie in the church of the iewes , and saint pauls in the church of the gentiles , are not demonstrative , and their conclusions necessarie : the most part are , and the arguments so strong , that i , in my most serious meditations cannot imagine , how they can bee answered ; and those inferences that are but probable , being joyned together are strong enough . nam , quae non prosunt , singula , multa juvant . as for the places of scripture set downe in my first paralell , i grant they doe not all beare witnesse for three degress of church governours , the most part doe , and all the rest are plaine enough for two , even for the first two bishops and presbiters , which is sufficient to shew the imparitie of church-men , and the divine right of episcopall government ; if ye aske me why i have not set downe the paralell places for the contrarie opinion of my opponents ? i answer , because i find not one place-in all the new testament to prove a paritie of church governours , nor yet denying an imparitie ; if any divine will produce one place , from which , so much as a probable conclusion may be inferred , for the paritie of church-men , i will say ( as the proverb speakes ) erit mihi magnus apollo . well reader , i begge not thy favour , i hope the truth shall procure thy affection , if thou wilt be pleased but to reade diligently , and consider seriously the doctrine delivered in this discourse , and with indifferencie of judgement ponder the reasons on both sides , and the perspicuitie of scripture , from the which these reasons are drawne ; and i hope in the mercie of god , he will make the truth manifest to thy understanding , which the lord grant for christs sake : farewell . archiepiscopall prioritie instituted by christ . iosephus ( de bello iudaico ) affirmes , that in the dayes of ptolomeus , philopater , gabbaeus and theodosius , two samaritans , kept a disputation at alexandria , against adronicus and other iewes , for defence of their temple which stood upon mount gerizim , and undertooke to bring proofes of their assertion out of the law : but they could not doe it , and therefore the king adjudged them to die ; now i professe before all the world , if i doe not prove from the scriptures of the new testament , the order established by christ , for the government of his church under the gospell to be hierarchicall , i shall be content to suffer for my presumption : only , let mee have one thing granted , that if my opponents doe not prove their paritie of the ministers of the word , and mixt government , by cleere evidence of scripture , and convincing arguments , that they be subject to the same punishment . but oh ! if that law of the locrians were in force in this kingdome , that they who petition for the change and abolishing of old lawes , and establishing of new , should come with ropes about their necks , willingly offering themselves to suffer for their attempt , if they did not prove the new better then the old ; alas ! i say , what would become of many of my opponents , who are not once able to produce one cleare and plaine testimonie of scripture for their paritie , no not any of the three armies of my opponents , neither those who are for the presbiterial government , nor these who stand for parochial , nor that third sort , who defends the necessitie of familie exercises , and separate congregations ; nay , which is more , they are not able to prove their assertions , by any necessarie and immediate consequence drawn from any place in scripture . now , this must be held for a ground : that whatsoever is not set downe in scripture , in plaine and evident termes , nor yet can be drawne from thence by a just and immediate consequence , is only to be counted an humane ordination . but to come to the point , i will undertake by the assistance of gods spirit , to prove in the following discourse , that our wise and provident master , and saviour jesus christ , as he appointed degrees of church officers under the gospell , so hath he also established an order and a prioritie among the chiefe governours themselves . for he who is wisdome it selfe , appointing a certaine number of chiefe governours , of equall power and authoritie , and knowing that equalitie breeds confusion , most wisely did appoint , who should be their speaker and prolocutor , and order all things in their meetings and assemblies ; and so in this also left us a patterne to follow , in after ages , as his father gave unto moses a patterne , both of his worship , and the government of his church under the law . now , because this doctrine may be subject to mistaking , and the malevolous may calumniate , i will follow the example of the apostle paul , whose wisdome it was , at all times to prevent calumnies and cavils , as in the epistle to the phil. 4.10 . to the conclusion of the epistle , being to commend them for their beneficence and liberalitie exercised towards him , lest some malecontents should have suspected his sinceritie and thought , that hee had beene a man that had respected more the fleece , then the flocke , and had set before his eyes in the course of his ministerie , his owne ends and advantage , hee prevents this mistake before he insists in amplifying of their love and kindnesse towards him : i speake not this , saith he , in respect of want , for i have learned in whatsoever estate i am , therewith to be content , &c. even so before i enter upon this discourse , i will premise the testimoni●s of some protestant divines , and some of the precisest straine too , who affirme all that in substance , which i maintaine in this discourse , and these testimonies i doe the rather set downe in the beginning , because i have resolved , not to confirme any thing that i am to deliver in all this treatise by the testimonie of any divine , ancient or moderne , but only by the scriptures of the new testament , wherewith i am able to prove , that the testimonies of all the ancients doe also accord : and this course chiefly i follow , because my opponents use to brag of the scriptures , as if all that they say were scripture it selfe , wheras it is nothing else but a meere abusing of the word of god , and throwing of it like a nose of waxe , which way they will ; and as tertullian saith , a very murthering of the scriptures for their owne purpose . i know it to bee true , they make the scripture speake many times , that which neither the penner nor the dictator ever minded . my chiefe purpose in this discourse is to prove , that as christ did ordaine certaine men , to be chiefe governours of his church : so hath he o●dained among these governours a prioritie of order , and a primacie of moderation : but let no man mistake , and thinke that this assertion doth favour in any wayes , the popes pretended supremacie but let him consider , that there is a great difference betweene a primacie and a supremacie ; a dignitie and a degree ; a prioritie and a superioritie ; a primacie of moderation , and a supremacie of jurisdiction ; a dignitie of estimation , and a degree of exaltation ; a prioritie of order , and a superioritie of power . primacie of moderation and prioritie of order , ( which cannot be without some dignitie and estimation ) may be , yea must be in all companies and incorporations , in all meetings and assemblies whatsoever . and christ with his owne mouth did appoint this prioritie of order , among these chiefe governours , whom he authorized himselfe with equall power and authoritie . yea , i know no divine that denyes that peter had a prioritie of order amongst the rest of the apostles , and how can they ? for it is evident in the scriptures , that he had it both de jure & de facto , but before i bring scripture for it , i will produce the testimonies of some protestant divines , to prevent cavils , and i will begin with calvin . calvin in the fourth booke of his institutions , cap. 6. sect. 8. saith , that the twelve apostles had one among them to governe the rest , and it was no marvell , saith he , for nature requireth it , and the disposition of men will so have it , that in every company , although they be all equall in power , there be one as governour , by whom the rest shall bee directed . there is no court without a counsell , no senate without a pretor , no colledge without a president , no society without a master . yea , he saith farther , speaking of the government of the ancient church , that every province had a archbishop among their bishops , and that the councell of nice did appoint patriarchs , which should be in order and dignitie above archbishops . it was done , saith he , for the preservation of discipline , although in this discourse wee may not forget , that it was a thing very rare ; for this cause therefore were these degrees especially appointed , that if any thing shall happen in any particular church , which could not there be decided , the same might bee referred to a generall synod , and if the greatnesse or difficulty of the cause required yet greater consultation , there were added patriarchs together with the synods , from whom there could be no appeale , but only to a generall counsell . this kind of government , saith he , some call an hierarchie a name unproper , and not used in the scriptures , as i thinke : for the holy ghost would not have us to dreame of any dominion or rule ; when question is made of church-government ; but omitting the name , if we consider the thing it selfe , we shall find , that those old bishops would not frame any other kind of government of the church , then that which god prescribed in his word , so that calvin was of opinion , that not only archbishops are of gods institution , but also patriarchs . piscator in his appendix ad analysin matthaei , pag. 22. grants that peter was speaker and prolocutor for the rest of the apostles : wee grant , saith he , that peter answered in name of the rest of the apostles as their mouth , but not as their prince and head , this we deny . bucerus de vi & usu ministerij pag. 565. speaking of bishops and metropolitans , and of their authority over the churches and ministers within their diocesses , and provinces , he saith , it was agreeable to the law of christ . hemingius in enchir , pag. 367. saith , that paul by order and dignitie was superiour to tim. and tit. and tim. in degree and order excelled all the other presbiters of ephesus , and that titus was chiefe governour of the cretians . here this learned divine acknowledgeth that paul was an archbishop , because in order and dignitie above timothy and titus , and that tim. and titus were bishops , because both in order and degree above their inferiour presbiters , which i thinke no man will say was done , but by the speciall ordinance of god . iewel in his defence against harding , 4. art , pag. 195. saith , that the rest of the apostles honoured saint peter , as the speciall member of christs body , with all reverence , and so by this speech acknowledgeth his primacie of moderation , and priority of order . willet synop. pagina 274. saith , that there was a priority of order amongst the apostles themselves , although in respect of their apostleship , they were all of one authority : much more , saith he , should there be order and degrees among the ministers of the church , who are inferiour to the apostles . and againe he saith , that paul was ordained the chiefe apostle of the uncircumcision , and peter of the circumcision , gal. 2.2 . and further he saith , we also grant , that peter when hee confessed christ for and in the name of the rest , had a primacie of order and a priority at that time , who also for , and in the name of the rest , received the keys of the church ; and thus much saith he , cyprian acknowledgeth , hoc erant caeteri apost. quod fuit petrus , the rest of the apostles were the same that peter was , having the fellowship of power and honour , but the beginning is from one , that the church may appeare to be one , de simplicitati praelat . in these words of cyprians quoted by willet , to confirme his preceding doctrine , acknowledgeth first a prioritie of order amongst the apostles , next that peter had this prioritie ; thirdly , that peter was chiefe apostle of the circumcision , and paul of the uncircumcision . fourthly , hee acknowledgeth that when peter confessed christ in name of the rest , and received the keys in name of the rest , that then he received this prioritie of order . and lastly , confirmes all this by the testimonie of cyprian . willet in plaine termes speakes for peters prioritie , pag. 155. wee deny not , saith he , a primacie of order to have beene in peter , but that hee was the head and commander of the rest , that we deny . chemnitius in his harmony , cap. 50. pag. 517. grants to peter a primacie amongst the apostles , but denyes that he hath any supremacie above the rest : as it is , saith he , most apparent , that peter was chiefe among the apostles , notwithstanding his dominion over the clergie , can no wayes be proved . lysetus pag. 1231. harmon saith , it is one thing to be first for orders sake among those , who are of equall authority , and another thing to have power and authority over their brethren , the first we grant peter received of his master , but not the second . marlorat upon the 1 cor. 9.5 . saith , we acknowledge peter to have bin the first of the apostles , as it is ever necessary in all meetings , that there be one to preside , but this primacie of peters was not a domination , nor a cōmanding power ; yea , he saith further , that he had it with the cōsent of all the apostles , so that by this it appeares , that marlorat is of this mind , that although the rest of the apostles grudgedat iames & iohns aspiring to this dignity , yet they were all content that peter should have it . dodelius on the epistle to the ephesians , written by ignatius , fol. 240. confesseth that peter was called the mouth of the apostles , because he was ordine princeps , that is first and chiefe in order and precedencie . fulk rh. test. gal. 2. anotat . therefore it was not lawfull to peter , to whom by god was committed the chiefe apostleship of the circumcision , to forsake this charge and take upon him , the chiefe apostleship of the gentiles ; and againe he saith , though he came to rome , and preached at rome , and died at rome , yet he was the chiefe apostle of the circumcision still , and paul the chiefe apostle of the uncircumcision and gentiles ; therefore the pope might more probably have conveyed his title of supremacie from saint paul then from saint peter . perkins on the galat. cap. 2. the apostle s. paul was ordained by god to be the chiefe apostle of the gentiles , as st. peter was of the jewes ; and iames and cephas , and iohn , that were the chiefe apostles , did acknowledge him for their colleague and gave him the right hand of fellowship . perkins upon the 2. galat. ver. 9. which text makes ( saith he ) against the primacie of peter , and so by consequence against the supremacie of the pope , in regard saint paul was chiefe apostle of the gentiles , who were farre more in number then the jewes . cartwright on the rhem. test. ( as i remember ) on the same place of scripture hath a very good note to the same purpose . i could bring the testimonies of many other divines to prove my assertion if it were needfull , and that both ancient and moderne , only i will use one of saint augustines ; he writing upon iohn saith , petrus apostolus propter apostolatus primatum , &c. peter the apostle , because of his apostolicall prioritie , by the generalitie of a figure , he sustained the person of the church , as concerning peter himselfe by nature hee was but one man , by grace one and the first apostle , but when it was said to him , tibi dabo claves , universam significabat ecclesians , &c. augustine here gives unto peter a primacie and a prioritie , and this , hee saith , he had by grace , that is by the favour and benevolence of his master , and yet when he recived the keyes he received them in the name of the whole church , saith he , that is for the benefit of the whole church . now , i hope the testimonie of these godly and learned divines , will defend me , from the aspersion of poperie : i know all are called papists by my opponents , that in any wayes opposeth their tenets concerning the government of the church : but the truth is , the papists and my opponents are both in extremities , and none of them can endure moderation and a middle course , wherein i am sure the vertue consists . even as the liberall and charitable man , by the covetous niggard , who is the extreame in defectu , is called prodigall ; and againe by the prodigall waster , who is the extreame in excessu is called a niggard ; so the meeke , charitable , and moderate divine by the papist who is the extreame in excessu , is called a puritane , and by the puritane who is the extreame in defectu , is called a papist . but for any thing that i shall deliver here , by the grace of god , i shall be as free of poperie as any of the foresaid divines , for they doe all maintaine all , that i shall say , which in any kind may bee thought to smell of poperie , and not they only , but all the commentators that i have read upon those places , out of which i bring my arguments : yea , i know no divine that denies peter a primacie of moderation , and a prioritie of order , and yet as i said before , i bring not in their testimonies of purpose to prove what i am to say , but to prevent the cavils and calumnies of the malevolous . well , if my opponents mouthes be not stopped by this meanes , i hope the cleere evidence of scripture shall doe it , for great is truth and it prevaileth . i may here truly affirme , that the doctrine which i maintaine , is the most powerfull means to throw downe the tower of babel ; yea , and to allay the pride of all those who will not be content with that dignity which christ gave unto peter , nor those degrees of church governours , which christ with his own mouth appointed for the government of his church untill his second comming to judgement , but exalt themselves above all that is called god , and curse with bell and candle all those that in the sinceritie of their hearts , and meeknesse of spirit refuses to sweare and subscribe to thier tenets . i find in the doctrine of the evangelists , that there was a strife and contestation among the twelve apostles who should be chiefe among them , and that which gave occasion of this strife , was christs familiaritie with peter , iames and iohn , he preferred them much in his respects to all the rest , he tooke them to an high mountaine , and suffered them to see him in his glory , at the transfiguration , and in the garden of gethsemanie in his greatest agonie , he suffered also those three to bee with him when he raised iairus daughter to life , but none of the reste this respecting of them thus made the rest to murmure and grudge a little at it , but i am of opinion , that the greatest contestation was among the three disciples , whom christ respected most : for wee see that iames and iohn , and their mother , being jealous of peters preferment , hearing christ , bid peter pay toll for himselfe and for him , and hearing him promise to him the keys of the kingdome of heaven , and to none of the rest , they tooke occasion and their mother to goe to christ , and to desire of him , that one of them might sit upon his right hand , and the other upon his left hand in his kingdome ( for they dreamed even as all the rest did , of a temporall kingdome ) math. 20.20 . and mark 10.35 . which suit of theirs , christ did not altogether refuse at first , but told them that they knew not what they asksd , and also asked them , if they were able to drinke of the cup , whereof hee was to drinke , and be baptized with the baptisme , wherewith he was to be baptized , and when it was answered yes ; then he tels them that it was his fathers right to give that which they desired , and that it was prepared for others , and was to begin in them of his father in his own time ; so that by christ his answer to iames and iohn , and their mother , we may easily collect by the way , that christ did not condemne the dignity as unlawfull in it selfe , but a proud affectation of the dignitie : this he condemnes in his speech to the rest that tooke offence at iames and iohn their presumption : christ had promised before , that they should sit upon 12. thrones , and judge the 12. tribes of israel , which very well might have sufficed them , but they would needs contest , who should be chiefe among themselves , they would not commit it to their masters arbitrement , and therefore christ telleth them who must be this chiefe ; not he that affected it most , not he that aspired to it out of a conceit of his owne worth , but hee that was humble and meeke and lowly , and therefore christ said to them , that he that was lest among them all ( to wit in conceit ) he should bee greatest ; yea , further saith our saviour , hee must bee like a little child in his owne eyes ; a child , although he be the sonne of a prince , he will make himselfe companion to the sonne of a peasant : even so they that have chiefe place among gods ministers , must account all the rest as brethren , yea as christ saith they must be servants to the rest , even as christ was . as he that serveth , so must they that have chiefe place under christ in his church be , as servants to the rest of their inferiour ministers : and this made origen to say , that he that was called to a bishoprick , was called unto the service of the church , homil. 6. in esaiam , and the counsell of carthage decreed , 4. can. 34. wheresoever a bishop sitteth , he must not suffer a simple priest to stand before him , and that the bishop in the assembly of priests ought to sit in the highest place , but within the house let him know , that he is their fellow . now i will beg leave of the learned , to vent a certaine conjecture of my owne , which i hope shall give offence to none which conjecture , iames and iohn , and their mothers petition to christ , and christs answer to them againe , has given mee occasion to apprehend . the affectionate mother being desirous of her sonnes preferment , shee comes in all humility , and falls downe before him , and earnestly intreates him on the behalfe of her sonnes , that one of them might sit on his right hand , and another on his left hand in his kingdome , she expected that at this time christ was to restore the kingdome to israel , and she would faine have had her two sonnes , in the most honourable roomes of christs court , little knew they that christs kingdome was not of this world , and therefore hee tells her and her sonnes both , that they knew not what they asked , and yet he answered her according to her owne mind , as he did the disciples after his resurrection , when they asked him , if he was to restore the kingdome to israel at that time ; he answered , that it was not for them to know the times and seasons , which the lord had in his owne hand : even so our saviour christ answered the sonnes of zebedee and their mother . these dignities , saith he , the bestowing of them is not in my hand , but in my fathers , and they shall bee given of my father to them , for whom they are prepared . i am confident that christ by this answer of his , doth not meane of any two , that were to be advanced to the highest degrees of glory in heaven , for first , because this were not to answer ad rem , for her meaning was of some dignities here upon earth , and therefore wee must not thinke but christ would answer her according to her owne meaning ; next we doe not reade of any right hand or left hand that christ shall have in heaven , or of any that shall sit upon either of his hands there , wee reade of his fathers right hand , where christ sits for the present , and shall sit untill his second comming to judgement , wee reade also of degrees of glory in heaven , but not in these termes ; but the good woman had no such meaning , her meaning was of the greatest dignities upon earth as christ had to bestow , and therefore i thinke that our saviour meanes of two , to whom his father was to give , the two greatest dignities in his church , the event shewes moe that christ doth meane of these . for he had advanced the 12. apostles to 12. thrones , and had given them power to tread on serpents and scorpions , hee had promised to give them the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , that they might shut it upon the impenitent , and open it to the penitent , greater power they could not get , greater dignity they might : it was but honour and dignitie that the sonnes of zebedee craved , and that upon earth too , they desired not power and authoritie over their brethren . and this dignitie was no more but a primacie of moderation , and a prioritie of order amongst the governours of the church , that christ had to bestow upon those , for whom his father had prepared it ; christ was not to distribute to any of his apostles state imployment , and places of honour and dignities in the common-wealth , he left that to bee done by worldly monarchs . now i find in the scriptures that our saviour christ gave this prioritie of order , and primacie of moderation , to two of his apostles , and honoured them , as it were , the one upon his right hand , and the other upon his left hand ; these two apostles were peter and paul , the one to have prioritie of order in the church of the jewes , the other in the churches of the gentiles , that christ gave the chiefe precedencie amongst the 12. apostles to the apostle peter , it is more then evident in the scriptures , for is it also for pauls moderation in the churches of the gentiles . the 12. apostles were first appointed by their master to be chiefe governours of the church of the jewes , and therefore when christ sent them out two and two to preach the gospell , hee directed them only to the lost sheepe of the house of israel , and therefore peter having precedencie amongst them , it behoved to be in the church of the iewes only . but the apostle paul makes this manifest , gal. 2. where he tels us in plaine termes , that the gospell of the circumcision was committed to peter ; and the gospell of the uncircumcision was committed unto him . the apostle paul could not say this if there had not bin some difference betweene their ministerie , and the ministerie of the rest of the apostles ; for both the gospell of the circumcision , and the gospell of the uncircumcision was committed to the rest of the apostles , and to all others that were to be ordained by them , and advanced to the apostolicall and epis●opall charge , by vertue of that commandement , goe teach all nations , &c. but this is said because of that distinction that christ made for order sake , that the chiefe care of the one should be in the church of the iewes , and the chiefe care of the other in the churches of the gentiles , so that it was lawfull still for the rest of the apostles to preach to either iewes or gentiles , and also for peter and paul to preach to either , and so we see they did when occasion served . now who was it that made this distinction ? without all question it was christ himselfe as the apostle paul makes manifest , gal. 2. 7. but when they saw ( saith the apostle ) that the gospel over the uncircumcision was committed to mee , as the gospell of the circumcision was committed to peter : these words can have no sence , unlesse there bee some difference betweene the charge of the rest of the apostles , and the emploiment of peter and paul , made by christ himselfe : for he saith , when the apostles saw , to wit , the apostles there mentioned , peter , iames and iohn saw that the gospell of the uncircumcision , &c. the apostle paul takes it for granted , that the gospell of the circumcision was committed unto peter , as the relative word ( as ) doth demonstrate : for these apostles saw as the one was committed to peter , so the other was committed to paul . these apostles made not this difference then , they saw that it was made , they did not commit this charge to paul , they saw that it was commited by another , even by him , by whom the gospell of circumcision was committed to peter , their master and saviour christ , which the apostle paul makes plaine for himselfe , gal. 1.15 . but when it pleased god , saith hee , that separated me from my mothers wombe , and called me by his grace , to reveale his sonne in me , that i might preach him among the heathen ; so that the apostle acknowledges , that both he received the degree of apostleship from christ , and the dignity in the degree to be the chiefe apostle of the gentiles : this may be also collected out of the words , for in that he saith , that the gospell of uncircumcision was committed unto him , as the gospell of circumcision was committed to peter , he sheweth cleerely that he hath a prioritie of order in the churches of the gentiles , as peter had in the church of the jewes . that peter had this prioritie , beside the evident testimonies of scripture proving it , as wee shall see by and by , by gods grace , his priority is insinuated in the same words , for if there were not some singularitie in the apostleship of peter , paul would not have said , when the apostles saw , that the gospell of uncircumcision was committed to me , as the gospell of circumcision was committed unto peter , but he would have said , when the apostle saw that the gospell of uncircircumcision was committed unto him and barnabas , as the gospell of circumcision was committed unto them : if he had spoken so then , we might have truly said , that as there was no difference in degree among them all , so there was no distinction in dignitie . but i will prove first that peter had this prioritie granted him by christ in the church of the jewes , and next that hee gave it also to paul , in the churches of the gentiles , and first i will lay downe my grounds out of scripture , and then forme my arguments out of these grounds . there is one ground for both their precedencies , and it is this , that both their names were changed , wee see cleerely that christ gave simon a new name , and called him peter , but who changed the others name it is not revealed . i am verily of that mind , that christ did it too , for in the 13. of the acts , where it is recorded , that paul and barnabas by gods direction , were separate for the apostolicall charge , it is said there by the holy ghost , to the prophets and teachers at antioch , separate 〈◊〉 barnabas and saul , for the worke whereunto i have called them . after this time he is never any more called saul , but once , and then his new name is related , then saul , otherwise called paul ( saith luke ) filled with the holy ghost , and so as soone as he is said to be filled with the holy ghost , as soone is he called paul , and never any more saul . now , this changing of the two apostles names was a speciall signe of honour and preferment , as the changing of the name of abram to abraham , was not only a signification of the multitude of his posteritie , but also a signe of his preferment , and the lords respects to him . so the changing of iacobs name , into the name of israel , did not only testifie that he had prevailed with god , but it was a signe of gods great love to him , and of his prevailing with men . even so the changing of these two apostles names , was an argument of gods great respects to them , and of their preferment and advancement in the church of christ : and also it was a signe of the great worke , that the lord was to accomplish by their ministerie , both among jewes and gentiles . for peters precedencie among the apostles , we have many evidences for it in scripture , for first he was one of the three , who was most respected by christ , and also had place of the other two , for he is alwayes first named by all the foure evangelists , hee gets a new name by himselfe , and the other two gets both of them but one name , boanarges , sons of thunder . peter againe is more employed in christs affaires , and christ is more familiar with him , then any of the rest : when there was toll required of christ , he directed peter to cast an angle in the sea , and hee should get in the mouth of the first fish that came to his hand , a piece of money , take it ( saith christ ) and give it for me and thee , math. 17.27 . but no word of the rest , this notes some preheminence . it was peter that answered christ , when hee asked his disciples , whom say yee that i am ? thou art christ , saith peter , the sonne of the living god , math. 16.16 . it was peter that drew christ aside , and would have advised him not to goe up to iervsalem , math. 16.22 . it was peter that said to christ , when he saw his glory in the mount ; it is good master being here , let us make three tabernacles , &c. math. 17.4 . it was peter that answered christ in the name of the rest , o lord , wee have forsaken all and followed thee , math. 19.27 . but these differences are nothing in respect of those that were made by christ himselfe , and first as i said before his name was changed by christ ; yea , when christ called him first from taking of fish , to bee a fisher of men , he promised that hee should be called peter , ioh. 1. but as yet his name was not changed , this was a great argument of his preferment ; againe , christ calls him peter , in allusion to the rocke of faith , whereupon he was to build his church , for he is called petrus a petra , he was called a rocke , because his confession , ( thou art christ the sonne of the living god ) was to be so solid and firme a rocke , that whosoever was built upon it , the gates of hell was not able to prevaile against him . further christ promised to give peter the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , which promise he made not to the rest : hee prayed for him in particular that his faith should not faile , but for none of the rest , and commanded peter when hee was converted to strengthen his brethren , hee gave not this direction to the rest , math. 22.32 . after his resurrection he appeared first to peter alone , with whom no doubt he had privie conference , and committed to him somethings which he did not to the rest ; or otherwise to what end should he have appeared unto him before any of the rest ? and after hee had dellvered a generall commission to all , hee gave him a particular commission to feed his sheepe , to feed his lambes ; hee required a greater measure of love of peter then hee did of the rest , iohn 21.15 . which was an argument , not only that christ had forgiven him much , but also that hee had given unto him more then the rest of the apostles : christ forewarned peter of his manner of death , and encouraged him to suffer to the end , follow thou mee , saith hee , iohn 21. this hee , did not to any of the rest . by all these particulars wee see our saviour christ differenced peter from the rest of the apostles , which evidently shewes that christ gave him some dignitie and preheminence , that hee gave not unto the rest . the angell also that appeared to mary magdalene put a difference betweene peter and the rest , when he directed her to goe tell peter by name , that christ was risen , but none of the rest . the evangelists also differences peter from the rest of the apostles in setting downe his name alwayes in the first place ; yea , saint math. who was also an apostle , doth not only mention him first , but also calleth him primus , the first apostle mathew 10. he saith not primum adverbialiter , but primus nominaliter , the first , and this is an evident argument of his prioritie ) the apostle paul also beareth witnesse to this truth in that by way of emphasis hee calleth him the apostle of the circumcision , and that christ wrought effectually in peter to the apostleship of the circumcision , this was not because hee was the only apostle of the circumcision , for in that same chapter , to wit galat. 2. where hee calleth the apostle peter , the apostle of the circumcision ; hee saith also , that iames and iohn were also apostles of the circumcision , for thus hee speakes : peter , iames , and iohn gave mee and barnabas the right hands of fellowship , that they should goe unto the jewes , and we unto the gentiles ; peter then is called the apostle of the circumcision by way of emphasis , because hee had a precedencie of the rest of the apostles of the circumcision . yea , wee see that the apostle paul preferres peter in his account , to the rest of the apostles , for gal. 1. he saith , that after three yeares he went up to ierusalem to see peter , he mentions none of the rest , not iames who was bishop of ierusalem ; and 1 cor. 9.5 . he gives some preheminence to peter , have not wee ( saith he ) power to lead about a sister , a wife , as well as the other apostles and the brethren of the lord and of cephas ; in this comparison , the apostle ascends by way of gradation , as if he had said , may not i have a wife to accompanie mee in my travells , as well as the rest of the apostles ? yea , as well as the brethren of the lord , yea even as cephas , who is in dignitie before all the rest ; yea , would he say , we have power as well as any of them , even as well as peter himselfe . all these evidences were nothing , if he did not make proofe of his prioritie de facto , if he had not exercised it , and confirmed it by his practise , but this he did , both in his masters owne time , as i shewed you before ; and also much more after his ascention : this , a very novice may perceive , that will but reade the acts of the apostles ; for immediatly after christs ascention hee takes the place upon him , without any election , or the voyces of the rest . me thinkes if christ had not given him this preheminence , and moderatorship , the first thing that they would have done , they would have chosen a speaker , and a precedent for order sake , but this they did not , because they knew christ their master had done it before : christ was more carefull of the government of his church then so : hee saw them before his death contesting for precedencie , & the first place , and foresaw also , that after his departure there would bee emulation and strife amongst them , who should be chiefe , and therefore most wisely he thought good to prevent this schisme and division : for hee knew if they had fallen out amongst themselves for this prioritie of order , who were to bee the first and chiefe publishers of the gospell , and witnesses of all that christ did , and said , it might have beene imputed to him by those , who hereafter tooke occasion to stop the course of the gospell . they might have said even as the theese upon the crosse , and the other railers that passed by said to him , ( and thou bee the sonne of god , come downe from the crosse ) so i say , they might have said , and this man had beene such a man as they call him , hee would have prevented this misorder and contention , hee would have appointed one of the number , to be first in order among them , to moderate their assemblies , for avoiding of confusion and dissention , but blessed be the god of order , that would not leave his church without order . the apostle saint peter then without any more ceremonie obeys his masters commandements , hee commanded him when hee was converted to strengthen his brethren , hee gave him direction both to feed his sheepe and his lambes , and he like an obedient servant will not faile to doe , what he commanded with all expedition . and first hee begins with a sermon ( ad clerum ) to the rest of the apostles , and the other disciples , and tells them , that it was necessarie , that iudas should play the apostate , that the scripture might be fulfilled ; and that it was also necessarie to fill his roome , that the number of those might bee made up againe , whom christ had appointed to be witnesses , of all that he did and said . his next sermon was ( ad populum ) after that the holy ghost was descended , the people that heard the apostles speak with divers tongues , wondred and marvelled at the matter ; some said that they were drunken , but the apostle peter in his sermon made it knowne to them all how the matter was , act. 2.14 . and at the hearing of this sermon , there was three thousand converted to the christian faith . another sermon also hee made to the people upon the occasion of healing of a lame man , at the hearing of which there were five thousand converted to the faith of jesus christ , and in effect the most part of the historie of the acts to the 13. chapter concernes the apostle peter , and his service in the ministerie : and so by all these evidences it appeares , that saint peter was precedent of the apostles . it appeares also in this , that peter was chiefe apostle of the circumcision , because his chiefe stay for many yeares was at ierusalem . although the apostle iames was the peculiar bishop of that citie yet in regard of the generall charge that hee had over the whole nation , his most frequent abode was there : for both the times that paul went to ierusalem , both the third yeare after his conversion , and fourteene yeeres there after he found peter there ; yea , that his chiefe residence was there at that time ; it is manifest by the apostle paul his resolution , for he saith galat. 1.18 . that three yeares after his conversion he went to ierusalem to see peter , and abode with him fifteene dayes . the apostle peter also maketh manifest , that the gospell over the circumcision , was chiefly committed to him , by directing his epistles onely to the jewes : for his first epistle is only written to the jewes , whom hee calleth strangers scattered throughout asia , gala●ia , pontus , cappadocia : now it is most certaine , that in all these nations at that time , when he writ his epistle , there were many gentiles converted to the christian faith , and yet hee writes to none of them , but to the jewish nation only , so that we may very easily perceive , that his chiefe care was o● the jewish church : and that the second epistle was written t● them only , it is manifest to any , that will reade but the third chapter of the said epistle . now the question may be asked , who gave peter this precedencie , and prioritie of order among the apostles ? i answer , this question is without all question , for no doubt christ his master gave it him ; againe , it will be asked when it was , that christ gave it him ? answer , some thinkes that he gave him this dignitie , when he changed his name , and called him peter ; some againe that he was thus advanced , when hee promised to give him the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . and indeed , both these are certaine signes of preferment : the deliverie of the keyes to any , was ever a signe of preferment ; yea , also of power and authoritie , for he that hath the keys he goeth thorow all : as when the husband giveth the keyes to his new-married wife , hee declares that he gives her power over all ; even so when the master of the family gives the keys to his steward , he gives him power over all his affaires : for this same cause it is that the keys are delivered to a prince , when he first enters in any city of his dominions , it is a speciall signe of his power and authority within that city : even so when our saviour gave the keys of the kingdome of heaven to his apostles he gave them power to rule and govern his house , according to his will revealed in his word , he gave them power to open the gates of heaven to the penitent , and to shut them upon the impenitent , so the apostle paul , 1 cor. 4. 1. let a man so account of us as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god : the proofe of this we have esay 22.20,21,22 . where the prophet esay at the command of god , threatens shebna , chamberlain to king ezekiah , and tels him that hee shall be driven from his station , and civill place , eliakim in his roome , and in signe of his preferment and authority , hee saith , and the key of the house of david , will i lay upon his shoulders , so hee shall open , and none shall shut , and hee shall shut and none shall open , that is , hee will give unto eliakim chiefe power in ezekias house , and in the city of ierusalem : whose advancement was a figure of the kingdome of christ . and by the spirit of god applyed to christ , revelat. 3.7 . which power he conferred upon his apostles , when hee said , all power is given unto mee both in heaven and in earth : whose sins yee remit shall be remitted , and whose sins you retain shall be retained , whose sins yee bind in earth , shall be bound in heaven , whose sins yee loose in earth , shall be loosed in heaven : and this the spirit of god confirmeth . revel. 2.26 . where hee promiseth to that minister of the church of thyatira , that overcommeth and keepeth his works unto the end , power over the nations , which is not to be understood of civill power and authority ( christ meddles not with that ) but of spirituall power and jurisdiction , even as i received of my father ( saith he v. 27 . ) so then when christ promised to peter , that hee would give him the keys of the kingdome of heaven , out of all question , it was a signe of his preferment to some dignity , but not of his power and authority above his brethren ; for that which hee promised to give to him , hee made a covenant to give it to all the rest as well as him : indeed had he not breathed upon all the rest , as well as peter , and said to all , receive the holy ghost , whose sins yee remit , &c. i would have perswaded my selfe , that christ had given peter power and authority over the rest , and not only a priority of order , and a precedencie of moderation . some thinks that our saviour christ , give not peter this precedency till after the resurrection , yea , after hee had given the generall commission to all the apostles in common , when hee said to him , feed my sheep , feed my lambs : but for my part , i will not dispute , when hee gave in him , sure all these are evidences that christ , and none other did advance him in that kind , and many more then these , as may be collected by the former doctrine , and which i shall make more plain hereafter . againe it will be asked , how long this precedencie of peters was to continue , for a yeare or halfe a yeare , or how long ? truly for any thing can be said in the contrary , he had it for his life time ; what christ hath joyned together , what man dare put asunder ? christ gave him precedencie , who could then defraud him of it ? none of the rest might , yea , not all the rest had power to displace him : certainly as long as the christian iews were divided from the gentiles that were christians , by the ceremonies of the law of moses , which they would needs keepe . the apostle peter tooke a speciall care of the iewish nation , so he took a speciall care of iews in antiochia , who were christians , but zealous of the law , gal. 1. yea , it was condiscended betweene him and the apostle paul , that it should be so : but i believe that the mayn worke which was enjoin'd him by his master , in cōmon with the rest of the apostles , to teach all nations , did in the end draw him of that particular charge of the iewish nation ; yet i thinke hee ever kept that priority of order amongst the apostles , which his master conferred upon him , upon all occasions . a third question wil be asked , was peter to have successors in this precedency ? i answer , although perhaps he could have no successors , in respect of his precedency over the eleven , whose calling was universall , and not confined to any particular place , congregation , province , or kingdom ; yet his precedency in generall among the chief governours of the church in all severall kingdoms and nations was to have a succession , order was requisite among the successours of the apostles , as well as among them , and this order was to be defined according to the division of kingdomes and provinces : saint peter was chiefe precedent in the churches of iews , in which respect he might have successours , yea , and had them too , and so a chiefe precedent was requisite among the governours of the churches of other kingdoms . again this question will be asked , since a priority of order , is necessary in all churches , must it remayne constantly in one person , or may it be changed from one to another , that every one may beare his part , and all beare equall burden ? answer . i see no reason why it should be changed , except this vicissitude can be proved by scripture , christ hath left us a paterne , and this paterne we ought to follow . further , it may be asked how this precedent should be elected ? i answer by him who is gods vicegerent here upon earth , for god hath appointed kings to be pursing fathers in his church , and they ought to have a care , that all things be done decently and orderly , and that gods will be done in earth as it is in heaven . if the king present the man , the church ought to receive him , except they can give a reason in the contrary ; but it may be replyed , that wee have no paterne for this in the scripture . i answer none , except that wee finde the election of matthias referred to god : and the king is in gods place , and a god upon earth , i have said yee are gods , psal. 82. and iohn 10. reply : but this choice was referred immediatly to god , the lots is cast into the lap . i answer , in the election of matthias , i finde that the apostles had a hand in it , the seventy disciples and other inferiour ministers , for they made choice of matthias and barsabas , and prayed unto the lord to give forth his determination by lot , but in the election of the seven deacons , the people also , the apostles , and all other churchmen , all three joyned together . upon other occasions the apostle only made choice of inferiour ministers , timothy by prophesie , and so there is no certain patern left us in the scriptures for the right of nomination . but if it were so agreed upon , it were easie to devise a way how both the people , inferiour ministers , the governours of the church , and the supreame magistrate might have their severall voices in the nomination of churchmen of the first ranke and order , and yet in end the lord to make the choice , but it were boldnesse in me to prescribe . the lord of his mercy , so direct those a right , who have power and authority in their hand , that they may doe all things according to his will , plainly revealed in his word . now i will prove from the former grounds , first , that saint peter had a precedencie of the rest of the apostles , in the church of the iews ; next that this precedency was given him by christ his master ; thirdly , that this precedencie is not only profitable and expedient , but necessary for the government of all churches ; and this i will do by formall arguments , whereunto i desire my opponents to answer , categorice , without subterfugies , prevarications , or circumlocutions , for by so doing , the truth shall be the more easily found out , the first argument . hee whose name is always recorded in the first place , had place of all the rest of the apostles . but peter his name is always recorded in the first place . and therefore peter had place of all the rest of the apostles . there can be no reason given why saint peter his name should be always first set down , but only , because he was first not only in gifts and graces , but also in dignity , place , and estimation . that his name is recorded at all times , sirst , is evident except onely once by the apostle paul , gal. 2. who without all doubt , did it by the motion of gods spirit , that he might insinuate , although the apostle peter , was the chiefest apostle of the circumcision , as he had declared before , verse 7. yet it was in order and estimation , and not in degree and exaltation : it was a primacie but not a supremacie , a prioritie , but not a superiority that he had of the rest of the apostles . but i will prove , that the apostle peter was not only named first , but that he was called the first , and so was first indeed . the second argument he who is called by the apostle saint matthew , the first of the apostles , hee was in deed , and in truth the first ; but the apostle peter is called by the apostle saint matthew , the first of the apostles , chap. 10.2 . and therefore the apostle peter was indeed , and in truth , the first of the apostles . the strength of the proposition stands in this , that hee who was an apostle himselfe , would never have called peter the first of the apostles , and he had not been first indeed . the third argument . he that was prolocutor and speaker for all the rest of the apostles had a priority and precedency of the rest of the apostles . but peter was speaker and prolocutor , for all the rest of the apostles . and therefore peter had a priority and precedencie of the rest of the apostles . the proposition i thinke will not be denied , for the consul in the senate ; the speaker in parliament , the moderator in the assembly , hath a priority and precedency of all the rest of the senat , parliament , and assembly . that peter was speaker and prolocutor for all the rest , i prove thus he that answered christ in name of the rest , and received the promise in name of the rest , was speaker and prolocutor for all the rest : but peter answered christ in name of the rest , and received the promise in name of the rest : and therefore saint peter was speaker & prolocutor for all the rest . i hope my opponents will deny nothing that is here affirmed , and therefore by their own confession , i conclude , that peter had a priority of order and a precedencie of moderation amongst the apostles . the fourth argument . he whom the angell in particular commanded mary to tell the christ was risen from the dead , and none of the rest , had some sort of preheminence before the rest . but the angel commanded mary to tell peter by name , and none of the rest , that christ was risen again from the dead , mark 16.7 . and therefore peter had some preheminence before the rest . truly , in my judgment , this is a strong argument to prove that peter was in place and dignity before the rest of the apostles or otherways , i think the angell of god would never have mentioned peter by himselfe , and all the rest of the disciples in grosse . the fift argument . he whom paul preferred in his respects to all the rest of the apostles , had some precedency of the rest of the apostles . but the apostle paul preferred peter in his respects , to all the rest of the apostles . and therefore peter had some precedencie , of the rest of the apost. now why the apostle paul should respect and honour saint peter , more then the rest of the apostles , i know no reason , except hee had had some place and preheminence of the rest . that hee respected him more then the rest , we find , gal. 1.18 . for he saith there , that hee went up to ierusalem , three yeers after his conversion , of purpose to see peter , and remayned with him 15 days : i will only aske my opponents , for what cause he went up to see peter , more then iames , who was bishop of ierusalem . the sixt argument . he who took precedency upon him de facto , be had it de jure . but saint peter took precedency upon him , de facto . and therefore he had it de jure . either the proposition must be true , or else we must say , that saint peter took more upon him , then he had good right to challenge , and so in this particular erred de facto , which no divine ever said or dare say , and if any man durst be bold to say it , i durst take the boldnesse upon me to say that it were little lesse then blasphemy . but some may say that the apostle peter had this right of moderation , de jure apostolico : i answer , if it were so , all were one thing in effect , for that which the apostles did , they did it by the motion of the spirit , and if the apostles did chuse saint peter to be their speaker , being a man of most singular parts , why may wee not , yea , why should wee not follow their example in giving to the most worthy for gifts , and graces , the precedency of government ? i think the practice of the apostles should be a law to us : but the truth is , there is not so much as any shew or appearance in the scriptures , that the rest of the apostles conferred this moderation upon the apostle peter , but what probability there is , yea , what convincing arguments for his master christs donation of it , i refer to the judicious reader . the seventh argument . he that took a speciall care not only of jewish churches throughout the land of judea , but of those jews also that sojourned in other nations , had the chief care of the circumcision , and consequently both of pastors and people . but the apostle peter took a speciall care not only of the christian iews that lived in the land of iudea , but also of those who dwels in other nations . and therfore peter had the chief charge of the circumcision , and consequently both of the pastors and the people . the truth of the proposition , appeares by his writing to the one , and remayning with the other . both his epistles are written to the dispersed tribes , and that he remayned in iudea , for many yeers after the ascention of christ is evident , gal. 1. for paul not only , three yeers after his conversion went up of purpose to ierusalem , to see peter , but 14 yeers thereafter , when he went up hee found peter there : and that peter had an oversight both of pastors and people , wee find in his first epistle where he writes to both , and exhorts the elders ( that is ) their ministers both of the first and second order , but in speciall their chief governours , and forbids them to exercise their power tyrannically over their inferiours , 1 pet. 5.1,2,3 . and in his second epistle 1.12 . hee saith , that hee will not be negligent to put them alwayes in remembrance of these things , though they know them , and be established in the truth , yea , i think it meet ( saith he ) verse 15 , as long as i am in this tabernacle , to stir you up by putting you in remembrance , and verse 15. he saith , i will endevour , that you may be able , after my decease , to have these things always in remembrance , so that hereby it appeares infallibly , that peter had the chief over-sight of the church of the jews , both at home and abroad , and consequently both of pastors and people . by these arguments , it is manifest that the apostle peter had a priority , and a precedency in the church of the jews : follows to prove that his master and saviour christ gave it him . the first argument . he to whom christ communicated himself most , with whom he was most familiar , and to whom he did commit his speciall affairs most , yea , whom he purposed to make one of the chief instruments of the advancement of his kingdom , to him he gave some preferment and advancement , more then he did to the rest of the apostles . but to peter christ communicated himself most , with peter he was most familiar , and to him he did commit his speciall affairs most , yea , and him he purposed to make the chief instrument of the advancement of his kingdom . and therefore hee gave peter some preferment and advancement , that he gave not to the rest of the apostles . the truth of the proposition appears by this similitude of kings and princes , if they set their affection upon on man more then another , & chuse him to be their neerest minion , at lest they wil give him some title of honour , above the rest of their court , that all others may honour him the more , and will advance him to some places of dignity and preheminence , which indeed will make all others to respect him , and reverence him , because they see the kings affection set upon him : when king assuerus , resolved to honour mordecai , hee commanded haman to put his robe royall upon him , and to set him on his best horse , and to lead him through the city of susan , and proclaime before him , thus shall it be done to him whom the king will honour : how much more , whomsoever the king of kings desires to honour moethen others , in this life will he advance to some dignity at least , in the face of the whole world , and proclaime as it were before them , thus shall it be done to him whom the king of kings desires to honour , and therefore since christ had a respect to peter more then the rest of the apostles ; it cannot be questioned but hee made him president of the rest , for since a president was necessary for avoiding of strife and contention , it is very likely , that christ would give it to peter , rather then any other . the truth of the assumption wee may see in the grounds before laid down . the second argument . if the changing of names be a signe of honour and preferment , then peter was honoured and preferred by christ before the rest of the apostles . but the changing of names , is a signe of honour and preferment : and therefore peter was honoured and preferred by christ before the rest of the apostles . the truth of the proposition is manifest , because our saviour himselfe changed peters name , from simon to peter , and so if the changing of names be a signe of honour and preferment , then peter was without doubt honoured and preferred by christ . as to the assumption , that the changing of names is a signe of honour and preferment , i prove it by the changing of abrams name , in abraham , and iaacobs name in israel , when it pleased god to advance them , gen. 32.28 . and 41 , 45. even so when pharaoh preferred ioseph , he changed his name , and called him , zaphna paanea . so when daniel was advanced by nabuchadnezzar , he was called beltashazer , and upon the same occasion , the three children , hanama , misael , and azaria , were called , zadrach , mesech , and abednego , daniel 1.7 . and assuerus changed hesters name , when he took her to be his queene , and called her hadasha , ester 2. but some may reply that christ gave iames and iohn a new name , and called them bonarges , that is , sonnes of thunder ; i answer , that is rather a title then a name , and if it were a name , it is but an appellative name , and not a proper name ; but peter got a name by himselfe , and a name signifying his prioritie and precedencie , and was for the most part called by that name , at all occasions . and further some are of opinion , that iames and iohn received also , some prerogative from christ their master above the rest of the apostles , for the which also there are some probabilities in scripture , all which and such like , are speciall evidences , that christ did not establish a paritie among church officers . the third argument . hee that tooke this precedencie upon him , after his name was changed , hee received this precedencie when his name was changed ; but peter tooke this precedencie upon him , after his name was changed . and therefore peter received this precedencie , when his name was changed . the proposition cannot be but true for if peter tooke this precedencie upon him , after the changing of his name , who can say otherwise , but he got it when his name was changed , since ( as i said before ) the changing of names is a signe of honour and preferment . as to the assumption , that peter tooke this precedencie upon him , after hee received his new name ; read the gospell of saint mathew , and ye will find , that the apostle peter is the man , that for the most part at least , takes upon him to speake for all the rest , after this time . the fourth argument . if it was about the time that christ changed peters name , that the disciples stroue who should be first , then by all appearance christ at this time , gave unto peter this precedencie . but the first is true , and therefore the second . the strength of the proposition stands in this , that christ being most wise , would needs take away all occasion of falling out , and knowing that a precedent was necessarie , for avoyding of schisme and confusion , he would sure prevent this danger . as to the assumption that it was about this time , that the disciples strove who should be chiefe . compare mat. 16.17 . & 18. and marke 9. and luke 9. read these chapters , and consider the doctrine contained in them , and ye will find , that it was about the time that christ changed peters name , that the apostles strove who should be chiefe . the fifth argument . hee for whom christ payed toll , and for none of the rest , he gave him a prioritie and precedencie of the rest . but christ payd toll for peter , but for none of the rest . and therefore christ gave to peter , a prioritie and precedencie before the rest . the proposition is very probable , for why should christ have bidden peter pay toll for him and himselfe only , and he had not had some preheminence and precedencie of the rest , surely i cannot imagine what other cause there can be alleadged . as to the assumtion it is evident , math. 17.27 . take it , said christ , and pay it for me , and for thee . the sixth argument . to whom christ promised only to give the keys of the kingdome of heaven , hee gave him a prioritie and precedencie of the rest of the apostles . but christ promised only to peter , to give him the keyes of the kingdome of heaven . and therefore christ gave peter a prioritie and precedencie of the rest of the apostles . the reason of the proposition is this ; that christ should promise only to peter , to give him that , which hee made acount to give to all the rest of the apostles , as well as to him an evident argument in my mind , of his prioritie , for it was a speciall encouragement to peter , and he was much comforted , with hope and assured confidence , and expectation of great matters ; which the rest of the apostles had not . but i know it will be said ; that the promise was made to peter in name of the rest . i answer , it is granted ; but i beleeve the rest of the apostles knew not so much themselves , neither i thinke could they challenge christ of any thing was promised to them ; yea , the apostle thought verily , that the promise was only made to him , for the promise of keys , the changing of his name , the paying of toll for him , the singling out of peter , iames , and iohn , to be witnesses of his transfiguration and raising of iairus daughter , all these respects christ shewed to peter about the same time , as may easily be perceived in the harmonie of the evangelists , which occasioned the murmuring of the rest , for the which christ reproved them , math. 18. and marke 9. and luke 9. but i see neither danger nor absurditie to say , that the promise was only made to peter , christ did not give him the keyes , before he gave them to the rest , for after his resurrection only , he gave the keys to them all : with one breath ( as it were ) he breathed upon them all at once , and said to them , receive the holy ghost ; whose sinnes yee remit , shall be remitted ; the only difference is this , christ gave peter some hope and assurance which he gave not the rest . the seventh argument . for whom christ prayed in particular that his faith should not faile , and did not so for any of the rest , he gave him a preheminence , and a precedencie before the rest . but christ prayed for peter in particular , that his faith should not faile , and did not so for any of the rest . and therefore christ gave peter some preheminence , and precedencie before the rest . as to the proposition , truly i see no reason why our saviour should have prayed so earnestly for peter his perseverance , and hee had not layd a greater charge upon him , then upon any of the rest of the apostles , he gave unto all apostolicall power and authoritie , and as ample a charge to teach all nations , as he gave unto peter , but forasmuch as he gave unto him a certaine oversight of the apostles , as well as the inferiour ministers and people ; therefore did his master pray so earnestly for him , that god would strengthen him by his spirit to resist the great tentations , wherewith hee was to be besieged , and to inable him with such a measure of grace , as the greatnesse of his charge required . the assumption is manifest that christ offered up a particular prayer for peter , which he did not for the rest of the apostles , luke 22.32 . christ saith to him , that he had prayed for him that his faith should not faile , and he tells the reason too , because he foresaw that he should be highly tempted by sathan ; at this same time hee offered up unto his father most sweet , pithie and powerfull prayers , as yee may read , iohn 17. the reading of which prayers will move any christian heart , that has the least measure of grace in it ; o then ! how powerfull were these to pierce the stoniest heart that ever was , when they distilled from the sacred lips of our blessed jesu : well , he prayed for all in generall then , but in that he offered up a particular prayer in behalfe of peter , it is an argument that his master made a particular difference betweene him in the rest . the eighth argument . hee whom christ commanded to strengthen his brethren when hee was converted , he gave him some preheminence , and charge over the rest of his brethren . but christ commanded peter to strengthen his brethren , when he was converted : and therefore christ gave peter some preheminence , and charge over the rest of his brethren . the strength of the proposition stands in this , that he , that is commanded to strengthen another , is commanded either to teach him , and instruct him , or to direct him , and admonish him , or to comfort him , and incourage him : which soever of these duties he was commanded to performe on behalfe of his brethren , it argues at the least this prioritie and precedencie , lesse preheminence it cannot portend , i am fully perswaded , that christ would never have commanded peter to discharge any of those duties towards his brethren , more then he would have directed them to doe the like duties to him , and he had not had some charge and oversight of them that none of them had of him . as to the assumption that christ commanded peter to strengthen his brethren , when he was converted is evident , luk. 22.32 . but i have prayed for thee , that thy faith fail not , saith christ , and when thou art converted , strengthen thy brethren . the ninth argument . hee to whom christ appeared in particular , before he appeared to any other of the apostles , he gave him some charge , that he gave not to the rest of the apostles . but christ appeared in particular to saint peter , before he appeared to any other of the apostles . and therefore christ gave to peter some charge and employment , that he gave not to the rest of the apostles . the proposition cannot be but true , for his appearing to him first , before he appeared to any other , is an evident argument in my mind of his prioritie and precedencie , yea , of some particular charge that he received from his master , that was not layd upon any of the rest , joyne the consideration of christ his appearance here to peter , and the angell his direction to mary , to tell peter in particular of christs resurrection , and other evidences already specified , this argument will bee strong enough to confirme all that i have said . as to the assumption , that christ appeared first to peter , the apostle paul shewes us , 1 cor. 15.5 . for he saith that he was seen of cephas , then of the 12. that is , first of peter , then of the rest . and luke 24.34 . it is said that he appeared to simon alone . the tenth argument . hee to whom our saviour christ gave a particular commission , after he had delivered a generall commission to all the rest of the apostles in common , to him he gave some priviledge before the rest of the apostles . but christ gave a particular commission to peter , after he had delivered a generall commission to all the rest of the apostles in common . and therefore christ gave peter some priviledge above the rest of the apostles . the proposition i hold it most strong , for when , after a generall commission is delivered to an whole collective body , how they shall carry themselves in the duties of their calling , a particular charge againe is given to some one of the number , it argues a certaine kind of singularitie , as for example , when the kings majestie being generall of his army himselfe , gives directions to the under officers of the armie , and then in particular , tells his owne lievtenant what should bee his care and solicitude , he plainly declares his eminence above the rest : or when the bishop comes to visit any particular parish of his diocesse , and gives injunctions in generall to all the whole parish , and then in particular tells the minister his dutie , doth not the bishop hereby declare his eminencie above the rest ? when our saviour christ called peter and andrew , philip and nathaniel , iohn and iames , he called them all at the same time to be preachers of the gospell , and yet hee said to peter only , henceforth thou shalt catch men . so to bring a particular after a generall , it still argues a singularitie , and so this commission which he gives to peter by himselfe is a mightie argument that peter had some speciall oversight in the church of god , which none of the rest had , and this was no other thing but a prioritie of order , and precedencie of moderation , in the meetings of the apostles ; it is not an argument that he had any power over the rest , but only a precedencie , to moderate all things discreetly , to gather the voyces faithfully , and to take a speciall care that all things be done orderly , and all schisme and confusion shunned . as to the assumption , that christ gave particular commission to peter , after he had given a generall commission to all in common ; wee reade iohn 21. where christ commands peter to feed his sheep , to feed his lambes : this commission is not only a severall commission , from that which christ gave to all the apostles in common , neither is it a particular commission in respect of peter , to whom it is only given , but also particular in respect of the persons whom it concerns , it concerns not all nations , all people and languages , but certaine particular persons whom christ calleth his sheepe here and his lambes ; now all those whom the apostles in generall are commanded to teach , cannot be called christs sheep or his lambs , for they were cōmanded to teach all in generall without exception , goe preach the gospel to every creature , saith christ , marke 16. by every creature here is meant all men , as i thinke all men will confesse : but all men are not christs sheepe , nor christs lambes , and therefore some particular persons must be understood here : now who are these ? i answer , some thinke that by sheepe here is understood strong christians , and by lambes weake christians , but this cannot be : because at this time i thinke there was not many strong christians , it was hard then to discerne betweene the strong and the weake , even the apostles themselves were but weake at this time , as we may perceive by that question which they proponed to christ , to wit , if he was to restore the kingdome to israel at that time . they minded still a temporall kingdome , and as long as they expected such a kingdome , no man will say that they were strong christians , they were but all weak untill the pentecost , at which time the holy ghost strengthened them abundantly . neither can be understood by sheep , antient christians , and by lambs new converts , for all that did stick to christ at this time , they were no doubt christs antientest disciples , that had beene for a long time in his companie , that had long heard his doctrine , and seene his miracles : neither can be understood gods elect who are called his sheepe in the scriptures , and also his lambs , for then there should be no difference between the two words lambs and sheep , but they doe signifie divers things as all interpreters accords , and certainly the elect cannot be understood here , because it will follow that peter did know who was elect , and who not , and so this commission given to peter had beene contrary to the generall commission given afore to all ; neither is understood inferiour ministers and the people , for all the rest of the apostles had this oversight as well as peter , and layd upon them all by christ in the generall commission : but by all probabilitie , is understood here by sheepe , the rest of the apostles , and by lambs the 70. disciples , and all those that were to be joyned to them in either of the functions , & this commandement is equivalent to that which he gave him before his death , saying , when thou art converted strengthen thy brethren , luk. 22.32 . but howsoever , understand whom ye will of all these forementioned divisions , it is a particular commission given to the apostle peter , after the generall was given to all , which is an argument of his particular over-sight over all , both pastors and people , for i hope wee will not except any sorts of pastors out of the number of gods sheep . i gant that threefold confession which christ expostulates of peter , had a reference to peters threefold denyall , for as peter denied his master thrice , so his master to testifie his earnest repentance would have him to make a threefold confession , for every time that he denyed him , he would have him to make as many confessions , and professions of his love to him , but there is a great difference between peters confession and his masters commission , the confession came from peter , and rested as it were in christ , the commission contrary wayes proceeded from christ , and was terminate in peter , that christ then gave peter , this commission , was because of the generall charge he had over all . the eleventh argument . whom christ forewarned of the manner of his death , and encouraged him patiently to endure unto the end , and did not so to any of the rest , was in dignitie and estimation above the rest by christ his owne ordinance . but christ forewarned peter of the manner of his death , and incouraged him to endure patiently to the end , and did not so to any of the rest : and therfore peter was in dignitie and estimation above the rest , by christs owne ordinance . the truth of the proposition stands in this , that if christ had not preferred peter to some dignitie above the rest , hee would not have used him so respectively , and incouraged him so many and divers wayes , and not the rest of the apostles . the assumption is manifest , iob. 21.18.19 . verely , verely , i say unto thee , when thou wast young , &c. the twelfth argument . hee that was appointed by christ , to be the chiefe apostle of the circumcision , received from christ a prioritie and precedencie of the rest of the apostles . but the apostle peter was appointed by christ , to be the chiefe apostle of the circumcision : and therefore the apostle peter received from christ , a prioritie , and a precedencie of the rest of the apostles . either this primacie which our saviour christ gave unto peter , did consist in a prioritie and precedencie , or in a superioritie of power and authority , but this cannot be granted , because we see no warrant for it in scripture at all , and therefore of necessitie this prioritie and precedencie for orders fake must be granted him . as to the assumption , that christ appointed s. peter to be the chiefe apostle of the circumcision , is manifest , gal. 2.7 . where the apostle paul saith , that the gospell of the circumcision was committed to peter , and that the rest of the apostles saw that it was committed unto him ; now i ask , by whom saw they that it was committed unto him ? by christ only sure ; for none other could commit it unto him , but either christ or his apostles the apostle : did not commit it , for they saw it was committed by another , and consequently by christ ; and this willet in his synop. pag. 156. affirmeth , that christ himselfe made this distinction ; but here it will be objected , that the gospell of the circumcision , was committed to all the rest as well as peter . i answer , it was committed to all the apostles alike , to preach the gospell to all nations , but the church of the jews was chiefly recommended to peter , for even by that particular commission which christ gave to peter , to feed his sheep , to feed his lambs ; some understand this particular charge of peters , over the jewish nation , for our saviour christ before called them his sheepe , when he first gave them all a commission to goe to the lost sheepe of the house of israel ; and indeed this charge before christs death was layd upon all alike , but after his resurrection he inlarged their charge , and commanded them to teach all nations , and withall gave the speciall oversight of the jews to s. peter , as is most cleer & evident by the testimony of the apostle paul , gal. 2.7 . the necessity of this precedencie comes to be spoken of in the third place , of the which i wil speak but a little : that a speaker & a precedent is necessary , nature , reason , and experience teacheth us ; yea , that it is necessary , both necessitate medij , & necessitate praecepti ( as we speak ) it is most certain . necessitate medij , because otherwise there could neither be government nor order in gods house , but meere confusion and misorder , such as is not to be found among many sorts of brutish creatures : necessitate praecepti , for the apostle paul cōmands that all things be done decently and in order ; which order i think was necessary in the dayes of christ and his apostles though not so necessary as now ; yea , christ himselfe hath tacitly injoyned it , mar. 9.35,36 . & luk. 9.47,48 . where he cōmands , that he that desired the first place among them to be servant to all , and most meek and humble in his own conceit , he wil have him both last of all , and least of all , and then saith our saviour , the same shal be great , as if he would say , only they are worthy of preferment , that are humble and meek , and lowly , and of small account in their own conceit . i will make this doctrine manifest by a formall argument . if christ hath declared how those should be qualified , that have chiefe place among the governours of the church , then it is christs will and pleasure , that there bee one to moderate in their meetings and assemblies . but christ hath declared how those should be qualified , that have chiefe place among the governours of the church . and therefore it is christs will and pleasure , that there be one to moderate in their meetings and assemblies . the proposition will be granted ; i prove the assumption . if christ hath commanded that those , that have any prioritie in dignitie or degree in the government of the church to be simple as doves , and meek and humble as children , yea , account themselves as servants to the rest , then christ hath declared how those should be qualified that have chiefe place among the governours of the church . but the first is true , and therefore the second . the proposition cannot be denied , the assumption is manifest , mat. 9. 35,36 . and luke 9.47,48 . yea our saviour sets his own example before them to follow , behold , would our saviour say , although i be chiefe among you , yet am i as he that serveth , the son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister , matth. 20.28 . yea , which is worth our consideration after that he hath declared , that hee that desires to be chiefe among them , must humble himself like a little child , he inferreth , whosoever receiveth one of such little children , receiveth me , and whosoever receiveth me , receiveth him that sent me , and whosoever shall offend one of those little ones that believeth in me , it is better that a milstone were hanged about his neck , and he were cast into the sea : augustine saith , by little ones wee must understand humble ones , such as hee would have his disciples to be , and to receive such little ones , is to obey the governours , of the church , that humble themselves to attend upon us , as the mother to attend her children , and to have a care of them , and they that receive such with all submission and obedience , christ saith , they receive him , and not him only , but also him that sent him , and to offend those humble ones , ( saith augustine ) is to disobey them or contradict them : that this is the true meaning of our saviour ; it is evident by the like speech of our saviour to his disciples , matth. 10.40 . hee that receiveth you , receiveth me , and he that receiveth me , receiveth him that sent me . and luke the 10.16 . he expounds himself these words as i have done . he that heareth you , heareth mee ( saith our saviour ) and hee that despiseth you despiseth me , and he that despiseth me , despiseth him that sent me , to heare in this place is to obey , and to despise is to desobey . so then we see that christ hath evidently declared , that all those that have the chiefe goverment of the church , must be humble , meek , and lowly , and consequently that chief governours there must be , and a chief precedent among these governours . but it will be replyed , that this necessity is not absolute but conditionall , when the governours of the church , has occasion to meet and assemble together . i answer , if it be of absolute necessity that there be chiefe governours in the church , according to christs appointment , then is it absolutely necessary , that there be a constant president to moderate their meetings & assemblies . there is no incorporation without a chief : a major , an alderman , a baily , no company without their master , to moderate all their meetings : even so the governours of the church , must have a constant moderator to sit amongst them , upon all occasions to convene them together when need is , propone matters to be handled in their assemblies , stay contentions and misorder , impose silence to the mutinous , and many other things . here again my opponents will reply , that the forementioned governours are elected every yeere : i answer , then hee that has the first place among them may be elected after that same manner ; but in a society , where the governours has place for their life time , or ad culpam , then the chief president must be continued for his life , or ad culpam . i grant , to chuse a speaker at every assembly is conform to the platform of presbyteriall government , for this precedent is no longer needfull in a church so governed , because the church during the not sitting of the assembly , is governed by presbyteries in such a bound , and by sessions consisting of the ministers and lay elders in every parish , and so they need not a constant moderator ; but in a church that is governed according to the paterne that christ hath left behind him , that is , if the government be established in the persons of certain chief governours , with the concurrence of those whom they shall chuse to assist them , of necessity this precedent must be constant and perpetuall , either ad vitam , or ad culpam . but what do i dispute a point , so cleerly revealed in the scriptures ? did not christ appoint the 12 apostles , and their successors to be chief governors of the church ? who can , yea , who dare deny it ? and is it not as manifest that christ appointed a president to moderate all their meetings ? and was he not appointed to moderate for his life ? if he was not , shew me how long he was to continue in his office ? when hee was to lay it down ? well i am sure , christ was as wise as all the thousands of my opponents , and he knew the necessity of order and government in his church , and therefore laid down a platform of government to teach us what form of government to follow , and what form he thought most necessary and expedient himselfe , and if he have laid down any other platforme then i have declared , i shall be very willing to know , and as willing to learn . o bessed jesu , thou that art the way , the truth and the life , direct me in thy truth , lead mee one in that way , that i may be partaker of that life , which shall never have an end . amen . i know some of the weakest of my opponents will say , that by this d●ctrine , i give too much advantage to papists , in affirming peter to have been primus apostolus , and chiefe over-seer of the rest . truly these brethren , exposes their weaknnesse to the world , for they neither know what popery is , nor what it is to oppose popery : to mayntain bishops to have been instituted by christ , and that christ did chuse one to be their chief president and moderator , is so far from being popery , that it is directly against it : for papists will have bishops to be the popes creatures , and not christs , they will have the calling of bishops only to be de jure humano , and not divino , and that bishops are no more but priests , and that bishops and presbyters are but one order , and that all are equall secundam consecrationem eucharistiae , in regard of their equall power to consecrate the eucharist , and all this they say to maintain the popes pretended supremacy for bellarmine , that great champion of rome , affirms that the calling of the 11 apostles was extraordinary , and that they were christs extraordinary embassadours , and that peter was only appointed by christ to be the ordinary and chief pastor of the church , and that hee and his successours the popes should govern the universall church in all ages to come : now i refer it to the judgment of all christians , to judge between mee and my opponents , whether i accord with the papists in most things , or they : this shall be the parallel , the papists say that the calling of the apostle was but temporary and not perpetuall , so doth my opponents ; the papists say that the 11 apostles was but christs extraordinary embassadors , so doth my opponents ; the papists say that the episcopall function is not de jure divino , but humano so doth my opponents ; the papists say that bishops and presbyters are all one order , so doth my opponents ; in all these i am opposite to the papists , for i mayntaine that the calling of the apostles was an ordinary calling , and that the apostles was ordained by christ to be the chiefe governours of the church , and to have successours in all ages and generations to come , superiour both in dignity and degree , to inferiour presbyters . but my opponents will say , although i doe not agree with the papists in the forementioned heads , concerning the episcopall function , yet i jump with them in making peter to be the chief of the apostles : and here also i desire all good christians to be judge in this case : this is the parallel . the papists say that peter was in degree before the rest of the apostles , i only that he was before them in dignity : the papists say that peter had a supremacy of jurisdiction above the rest of the apostles , i , that hee had only a primacy of moderation : the papists say that peter had granted him by his master a superiority of power and authority in his church , i say that his master gave him only a priority of order in it ; the papists say that christ made peter universall bishop over his whole church throughout the world ; i say that christ committed only to him the chiefe apostleship of the circumcision ; the papists say that peter was both in dignity and degree above paul , peter was chief they say , and paul only legatus à latere : i say that paul was equall to peter both in dignity and degree , and had the larger commission , for he was the chief apostle of the uncircumcision , peter only of the circumcision . the papists say that peter received both the swords from christ , civill and spirituall : that is both civill and spirituall power , i say he only received spirituall power , and that equally with the rest of the apostles . the papists say that the pope of rome is peters successor in the universality of jurisdiction : i say that an archbishop is his successor , in his priority of order and primacie of moderation within his own province . consider now good christian which of us two , i or my opponent , be most popish , he is half i am sure , i in no case , hee in the point of episcopall government , saith wholly as they say , i am against them in all the foresaid controversies , i give no more to peter , then the chief adversaries of popery gives him , calvin , piscator iewell , willet , marlorat , as i made manifest before by their particular testimonies , to whom accords davenant in his determinations , for hee saith , that both out of scriptures and fathers , many things may be brought , which ascribes to peter some prerogatives of honour , but of such titles and prerogatives as are attribute to him , we affirm , that no other thing can be collected , but that he obtain'd a certain primacy and presidency , for orders sake among the apostles . maier also in his treasury upon matth. 16. saith , that christ gave peter some prerogative above the rest of the disciples , and yet making another viz. paul equall to him in every respect . and truly i remember no protestant divine that denyes that peter had the first place amongst the rest of the apostles , and how can they ? since it is so plain and manifest in scriptures , and which is in effect the very bane and overthrow of the mayn grounds of popery . for although the papists abuse the foresaid places of scripture , to maintaine peter his supremacy and his successors the pope , yet we must not refuse to give peter that which his master bestowed upon him , and so wrest the scriptures as farre upon the other hand : although the papists abuse the words of our saviour christ ( hoc est corpus meum ) to maintaine their transubstantiation , yet we must not deny a reall and spirituall presence of christs body in the soules of the faithfull : even so although the papists abuse the foresaid places of scripture to maintaine peters supremacy , and the universality of the popes power and authority , yet we must not deny that christ gave peter a priority of order , and a precedency of moderation , among the apostles , for there is a great difference between supream power and authority , which the papists ascribe to peter and his successour the pope , and a priority of order for avoiding of confusion ; this christ gave peter without doubt , but not the former . it is true indeed protestant divines have beene very sparing in amplifying the prerogative , and preheminence , that peter had amongst the rest of the apostles , only because the papists advance him too much , far beyond measure and moderation : but although the papists decline too much to one extremity , god forbid , that wee decline as farre to the other , god forbid , because papists defend a bodily presence of christ in the sacrament , that we turne sacramentaries , because the papists extoll good workes and make them meritorious , that we turn libertines , because papists wil needs worship god supra statutum , they will doe more then god hath commanded , that we refuse to doe that which he hath appointed : even so god forbid , because papists make peter universall monarch of the whole world , that we deny , that he was chiefe apostle of the circumcision , and had a priority of order among the governors of the church of the iewes , which the scripture gives him in plaine language , let us remember , that they that adde to , and they that take from the word of god , are both subject to the same curse , and that they that call evill good , and good evill , are in the same case . for my owne part , i dare not but speake the truth as i find it delivered in the scriptures , it is the dutie of all gods messengers , to reveale the whole counsell of god , and to keepe back nothing , the knowledge whereof is necessary for the promoving of gods glory , and the advancement of the kingdome of his deare sonne : and this point which i maintaine , concerning the superiority of church governors , concerns the externall government of his kingdome , i am sure , and it is so cleere and evident in scripture , that none that has understanding and can read the scriptures , but may conceive it , and my opponents some of them make a church government a marke of the church , and a part of the gospell ; it stands us then greatly in hand , to make triall , which is that government , that christ hath established in his church , and truely the government which i defend is the onely government which we finde established by christ and his apostles , and which hath beene in use in the christian church , in all ages and generations since : and that which some of my opponents defend , we neither read of it in scripture , not so much as a syllable , nor that as it was the government established of any particular church , in the whole christian world , till within these few yeares , and truely it makes my haire to stand upon my head to heare so glorious epithiets given to the inventions of men , as to call their discipline , the temple of god , mount sion , the tabernacle of the lord , the eternall councell of god , the scepter of iuda , a marke of the church , a part of the gospell : these epithiets , & stiles are proper to the apostolicall government , to the purity whereof , as it is recorded in scriptures , if the government of the church of england were conformed , it might be justly called the holy discipline , and enjoy all these forementioned epithiets . o blessed iesu ! happy should i thinke my selfe , if i should see thy church in all christian kingdomes governed , as thou hast prescribed in thy word ; and thus much i have said for peters archiepiscopall priority , now i will say somewhat for paules , in the churches of the gentiles . saint augustine saith that peter was not the head of the church but an eye in the head : and truely if peter was the one eye , i may say that paul was the other , for although that peter was called among the first of the apostles by christ his master , and paul after all ; yet the apostle paul mentions his dignity and degree to bee as high as peters , he was not inferiour he saith to the chiefe apostle ; and if we looke to the manner of their calling , pauls calling was much more glorious then peters , even when hee was first called to be a preacher of the gospell . peter was called when he was going about the workes of his calling , paul when he was raging with all cruelty against the saints of god , christ arrests him and makes him stand and yeeld , saul , saul , why persecutes thou me , it is hard for thee to kick against the pricks : it was at this time that hee was caught up into paradice , and heard unspeakable words , which is not lawfull for man to utter , 2. cor. 12. it is no wonder that the apostle paul glories in the manner of his calling , for none of them were called after so excellent a manner , which was a presage of the greatnesse of the worke , whereunto he was called , which our saviour makes known to ananias act. 9. for he saith to him , he is a chosen vessell unto me to beare my name before the gentiles , and kings , and the children of israel , for i will shew him saith the lord , what great things he shall suffer for my names sake , this was the first time that hee was called , and that onely to be a preacher of the gospell , he was not as yet called to be an apostle ; nor he was not advanced some yeares after this to the apostolicall function , not before the lord appeared to the prophets and teachers at antioch , and required them to separate to him barnabas & saul , to the worke whereunto he had called them act. 13. it was at this time that hee was made an apostle ; before this time , he was no more but one of the prophets of the church of antioch , and so called act. 13.1 . after this time he is said to be filled with the holy ghost , and to be mighty by wonders and miracles , after this hee is called by a new name paul . that paul was the chiefe apostle of the churches of the gentiles , he shewes in divers places of his epistles , eph. 3. he saith , for this cause i paul the prisoner of iesus christ for you gentiles , and verse 2. if ye have heard of the dispensation of the mystery of god , which was given to you-ward , and verse 8. unto me , who am lesse then the least of all saints is this grace given , that i should preach among the gentiles , the unsearchable riches of christ : the apostle saith this grace was given him , not because it was only given him , but because it was chiefely given him . but he most plainely declares his priority in the churches of the gentiles , gal. 2. for there hee equalls himselfe with peter , who as i have made manifest , had a priority of order among the 12. apostles , and in the whole iewish church , and doth not in any case acknowledge himselfe inferiour to him , neither in order nor degree , yea he tells us plainly that the gospell of the uncircumcision was committed to him , as the gospell of circumcision was committed to peter , which testimony of the apostle pauls , evidently declares , that there was a speciall over-sight committed unto peter , in the church of the jewes , and unto paul , in the church of the gentiles , for if it had not beene so , why would he compare with peter , and not with the rest ? not , he would have said without all doubt as the church of the iewes was committed to peter , iames , and iohn , so the church of the gentiles was committed to him and barnabas . moreover it is evident that paul his charge had some excellency in it , above the ministery of the other governors of the church of the gentiles , for although there were others that were apostles of the gentiles , and namely barnabas for one , yet he appropriates a speciall oversight of the uncircumcision to himselfe in these words , he that was effectuall in peter to the apostleship of the circumcision the same was mighty in me towards the gentiles . further paul telleth us , 2. cor. 11.26 . that he had the care of all the churches , viz. of many churches of the gentiles , this evidently shewes not the greatnesse only but the speciality of his charge , for sure there was some other apostle that had the care of some churches of the gentiles , as tim. of eph. tit of cret . epaphroditus of phil. archippus of laodicea , epaphras of col. and hierapolis , apollos of cor. and others ; and although these mens apostleship may be questioned , there can no be question of barnabas apostleship , and tha● over the uncircumcision too , and yet the apostle paul saith that he had a speciall care of all . his care is also manifest in his diligent writing to the churches of the gentiles , cor. gal. eph. in the which he makes knowne the great care that he had of their salvation , as may be instanced in his expostulations , protestations and earnest exhortations , yea he had a speciall care of those churches that were not planted by himselfe , but by others , as of the church of col. laodicea , rome : & where he planted the gospell himselfe , what a speciall care had he to visit them againe , and keepe them safe as far as as he could , from the entring in of wolves to devoure the sheep committed to his charge ? yea this is the greatest argument that he hath against the false apostles that they intruded them upon his charge , the gentiles being chiefely committed to him , which he proveth by the testimony of peter , iames and iohn , who gave him and barnabas the right hand of fellowship , that they should goe unto the iewes , and they unto the heathen ; now from these grounds , i will forme some arguments for paul his priority of order among the churches of the gentiles . the first argument . if paul was not inferiour to peter , neither in dignity not degree , then if peter had a priority and precedencie among the apostles of the circumcision , paul had the same priority among the ministers of the uncircumcision . but paul was not inferiour to peter , neither in dignity nor degree . and therefore if peter had a priority , and a precedency , among the ministers of the circumcision , paul had the same priority , among the ministers of the uncircumcision . that paul was not inferiour , neither in dignity nor degree , to the apostle peter , i hope will not be denyed , for he defendeth it in many passages of his epistles ; and that peter had a priority , and a precedencie among the apostles of the circumcision , i have made manifest by cleare evidence of scripture , and therefore the conclusion will stand good , that saint paul had a priority , and a precedencie , among the ministery of the uncircumcision . the second argument . hee to whom the gospell of the uncircumcision was chiefely committed , had a priority , and a precedencie of all the ministers of the uncircumcision , of whatsoever order or degree . but the gospel of the uncircumcision , was chiefely committed to the apostle paul . and therefore saint paul had a priority , and a precedency , in the ministery of the uncircumcision , of all degrees . the proposition will be granted ; i prove the assumption by the apostle paul his owne testimony , gal. 2. where he saith , as the gospell of the circumcision , was committed to peter , so the gospell of the uncircumcision , was committed to him ; thus the apostle paul speakes , not because the gospell of uncircumcision , was not committed to any other , for in that same chapter , hee saith that it was also committed to barnabas , and in the generall commission given by christ to all the apostles , it was included ; for they were commanded to teach all nations ( omni creaturae ) both iewes and gentiles , but only because , it was principally committed to him ; and this exposition doctor willet confirmes in his synopsis , where he plainly testisieth that paul had the chiefe apostleship over the gentiles , yea he saith , that peter was chiefe of the circumcision , and paul of the uncicumcision , that although peter had the first lot in order , yet paul had the more large and glorious lot , and further he saith that it cannot be denyed , but that paul was chiefe towards the gentiles , and therefore the church of rome might with better right , derive their authority from the apostle paul , then the apostle peter : now if paul had an over-sight of the whole churches of the gentiles , then it will follow that he had an over-sight both of the pastors and the people , if the pastors and ministers of the gentiles be of the church of the gentiles , which i think no man will deny . the third argument . hee that had the care of all the churches of the gentiles , had a precedencie of all the apostles , and inferior ministers , of these churches . but the apostle paul had the chiefe care of all the churches of the gentiles , 2. cor. 11. 26. and therefore the apostle paul , had the over-sight of all the apostles , and inferiour ministers , of these churches . the proposition must be true , for to have a care of a church wherein there are other inferior ministers , either in dignity or degree , it will follow necessarily , that his care extends both to pastors and people . the fourth argument . hee that had the care not only of those churches which hee planted by his owne ministery , but of those churches also that were planted by the ministery of other men , hee had an over-sight of all the pastors of those churches . but the apostle paul had not only the care of those churches , which he planted by his owne ministery , but also of those churches , which were planted by the ministery of other men . and therefore the apostle paul had an over-sight of all the pastors of those churches . the proposition must be granted , or else paul might have beene challenged for putting his sicle in another mans field , and intruding himselfe upon the labours of other men , and so to have stretched himselfe beyond his measure , which hee labours by all meanes to avoid 2. cor. 10. 13. 14. 15. i prove the assumption that the apostle paul had the care of those churches which were planted by the ministery of others , he had a care of rome , col. laodicea , which were planted by the ministery of others , as is evident rom. 10. 11. for i long to see you , that i may impart some spirituall gift unto you , to the end you may be established , and so forth to the 14. verse , and col. 2.1 . for i would yee knew , saith paul , what great conflict i have for you , and for them at laodicea , and for as many as have not seene my face in the flesh , and verse 5. for although i be absent in the flesh , yet i am with you in spirit , ioying and beholding your order , and the steadfastnesse of your faith in christ , even as he saith rom. 18. i thanke my god through iesus christ for you all , that your faith is spoken of throughout the world : so it is more then manifest that the apostle paul had a speciall care of those churches , which were planted by others , and therefore it will follow necessarily that hee had some over-sight of the pastors as well as the people . the fifth argument . hee that did admonish , direct and command , as well the pastors as the people , hee had some over-sight both of the pastors and people . but the apostle paul did admonish , direct and command as well the pastors , as the people . and therefore the apostle paul had some over-sight , both of the pastors and the people . the proposition will bee granted : i prove the assumption , by his admonition he sent to archippus , col. 4. 17. and yet archippus was planted in my iudgement by epaphras in laodicea , and perhaps in col. also & not by the apostle paul . we see the truth of this by his directions to tim. and tit. registreat in his epistle written to them , yea phil. 2. 25. and 26. he saith that he had sent epaphroditus back againe to them , which words argue some kind of over-sight at least for he that sends is greater then he that is sent . the sixth argument . i if the changing of peters name was a token of his preferment and advancement , then the changing of pauls name was a token of his preferment and advancement . but the first is true , and therefore the second . i know it will be replyed , that christ changed peter his name , but not pauls . answer . i am confident he also changed pauls , for the reasons before alledged , although it be not in plaine termes revealed in scripture ; all things that christ did and said are not revealed in the word , as we may read in the last chapter of the gospell according to s. iohn . i am of opinion that when paul was ravished to the third heaven , and heard words which might not be spoken , that he changed his name then , and that he did conceale the changing of his name , as he did the rest of the words that he heard , because it was his own name , therefore he makes no relation of it : even as peter out of modesty doth not report the many favours and respects which his master did shew to him , no not the changing of his name ; so the apostle paul conceales the changing of his name , left his telling of it had been thought arrogancy in him ; and the rather because the name that he had before had an evill signification , and he had small credit to have had saul for his godfather , although he was king of israel ; and indeed their names were very agreeable to their manners , for saul in greek signifies turbulency , and truly both saul the king , and saul the pharisee , were rightly so called , for both were proud , both were turbulent , saul the king persecuted christ in david , who was a type and figure of christ , he did what he could to frustrate gods purpose , that christ should not come of the seed of david , and also to deprive him of his kingdome . saul the pharisee persecuted christ in his children , and did what he could to hinder the propagation of christs kingdome , and so to frustrate the salvation of the elect. paul was therefore loath to make mention of his name ; and the rather because the changing of one letter of his first name s. into p. made it have a good signification , for paul in greek signifieth quiet and peaceable , so that the changing of the name saul into the name paul did signifie his conversion and change , who of a turbulent persecutor of christians , became a quiet and peaceable christian himselfe ; and so s. ambrose saith , before that this apostle was washed with spirituall precepts , he was a blasphemer , a persecuter and a saul : but when as the raine of the heavenly washing had flowed downe upon him , the blasphemer , the persecuter , and the saul is killed , and the apostle , the righteous , and the paul is vivified : the word saul as interpreters relates is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , a name taken from turbulency , and paulus commeth of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , rest and quiet : some will have it deriven from the hebrew word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} to segregate , because he was chosen and segregated as a marvellous man , according to ierome in epist. ad philem. but i am rather of augustine his opinion , who follows rather the latin etimology saying , after that he was brought unto the master , that said , learne of me , for i am meeke and gentle , he was named paul . and againe he saith , saul laying aside the old coat of sinne , being bloody with slaughter , tooke the coat of humility , that he might be made of saul a paul . there are many opinions concerning the changing of the apostles name from saul to paul , but i am confident that his master christ did it , although the apostle told it not , and he might have told it too , although it be not recorded in scripture , sure he told that he was so called , although he was not immediately called paul after his conversion , he said to paul ( it may be ) as he said to peter , thou shalt be called paul , viz. when he was advanced to the apostolicall charge , and so we read act. 13. soon after he was separate , for that worke , the evangelist luke calleth him paul , and no more saul . and therefore i may very justly conclude , that since christ changed the apostles name , that it was a signe of his preferment and advancement by christ . the seventh argument . hee who tooke precedency upon him de facto , he had it de jure . but paul tooke precedency upon him de facto : and therefore he had it de jure . the proposition must be true , or else we must say that paul presumed and tooke more upon him , then did of right belong unto him , which i hope no divine will say , and therefore my conclusion must be good . as to the assumption that paul tooke precedency upon him , we see it in the acts of the apostles , for although barnabas was an apostle as well as paul , yet he gave place unto paul , and suffered him to speake , and therefore at lystra paul is called mercurius because he spake all , and barnabas is called iupiter . now i hope i have plainly proved , that these two apostles , s. peter and s. paul , had a priority and a precedency of all the church-officers both of jewes and gentiles , peter of the jewes , and paul of the gentiles . there is one argument yet for the dignity and preheminency of both , viz. that the history of the acts concernes them onely , except very little in the beginning of the history , which in my judgement is an evident argument not only of their diligence in the ministery , but of their honour and preferment by christ ; that these two apostles paines in the ministery should be in some part registrate , and the acts of none of the rest , no not of iohn who was a most painfull preacher of the gospell even untill the day of his death , yea some of them are not once named except in the generall , under the name of apostles ; who will be pleased to read over that part of scripture will find it so . now to end this discourse : as i brought in the beginning the testimonies of some moderne writers to testifie for me , that what i was to say , had been said of them before my time , hereby to free my self from scandalous imputations wherewith i might have been wrongfully charged ; so here in the end i will produce the testimonies of the most ancient fathers and godly martyrs that lived in the first centuries of christianity , to make good what we both have said , but truly not to prove any thing that i have delivered in my former discourse , for to what use shall a man light a thousand candles and set them up in his house , when the sunne shineth bright in at the windows ? and so there is no need of either the testimonies of ancient or moderne writers , when the matter is delivered in the scripture in plaine and evident termes . i will produce them then not to prove any thing that i have said , but to be as it were proctors for me , and to defend me from the calumnies and the aspersions of the malevolous , and to testifie that i have said nothing , but that which is according to the cleere evidence scripture , and whereunto some of them did beare witnesse before , and sealed the truth thereof with their blood . i will begin with cyprian . s. cyprian de simpli prolat . speaketh thus . the rest of the apostles was the same that peter was , ordained with that same honour and authority , but the beginning was from one to demonstrate the church to be one . s. ambrose writing upon galat. 2. he saith that paul nameth only peter , and compareth him with himselfe , because he had received the primacy to found the church ( of the jewes ) and himselfe was also elected to have the primacy , in founding the churches of the gentiles , yet so that both peter might preach to the gentiles , & paul to the jewes , if there were cause , for both of them are found to have done both , and yet it is knowne that full authority was given to peter , in preaching to the jewes , and full authority to paul in preaching to the gentiles . and in the glosse s. ambrose is thus alleaged , which of them doth resist peter , to whom the lord gave the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , nisi alius talis , but such another that knew himselfe , by the confidence of his election , not to be unequall . so saith ierome , paul doth reprehend peter because he knew himselfe not to be unequall &c. so ierome on math. 16. saith , that all received the keyes of the kingdome of heaven , yet one is chosen among the twelve , that an head being appointed all occasions of schisme might be taken away . chrysostome hom. 87. saith , what meaneth christ to single out peter alone , and to say thus unto him , ( peter lovest thou me ? lovest thou me ? lovest thou me ? thrice . feed my sheepe , feed my lambs ? ) he was the mouth of the rest saith he , and prince of the apostles , wherefore paul went up to see him above others ; for as though he , viz. christ his master had forgotten his denials , he committeth unto him the care of his brethren ; as if he had said , as thou lovest me , so take a care of thy brethren , and the love which thou hast alwaies shewed to me , shew now , and the life which thou saidest , thou wouldest lay downe for me , lay downe now for them . s. augustine saith that peter and paul were chosen for the salvation of two peoples , peter of the jewes , paul of the gentiles ; peter to repaire the old and desert fields of iudea and to make them fruitfull through the wholsomnesse of faith and grace , being kept unfruitfull by the shadow of the law , and hidden from the heat of the sunne ; but paul is sent to the gentiles a new ground , that yeelded no fruit before , that he might cut it with the plough of the lords crosse , &c therefore these two are more eminent then the rest of the apostles , and by a certaine peculiar prerogative did excell them all . august . in fest. petri & pauli . an ancient writer compares peter and paul to the two great pillars , which solomon set up in the porch of the temple , one upon the right side , and an other upon the left side in the enterance into the temple , & that upon the right side he called iachim , which signifies established ; and the other upon the left side he called boos , which signifies strong or strength ; which two pillars he compares to peter and paul , peter signifiing a rocke most firmely established ; and the word paul signifying rest or quietnesse , which is opposite to motion , and so of such strength as cannot be moved or turned backe . so that as salomon who was a type and figure of christ , being about to build a house unto the lord , did set up two pillars in the porch of the temple , one upon the right side , and another upon the left . even so christ the true salomon , being to erect a church to god here upon earth , he set up two pillars as it were in the entry of this church , so that whosoever desires to enter in the church of christ , they must enter by the doore which these two apostles by their doctrine and ministery hath opened both to jewes and gentiles ; and therefore this ancient authour compares the jewes to the right side called iachim to whom peter was chiefly sent ; and the gentiles to the left side called boos , over whom paul had the chiefe oversight . surely it is mentioned by all the ancient fathers , and moderne writers , without contradiction of any one , that these two apostles had a propriety of order before all the rest of the apostles , and presbyters , the one in the church of the jewes , the other in the church of the gentiles . what can be said against the perpetuity and continuance of this priority in the church of christ in all ages following , i cannot imagine : that it was a personall prerogative that these two apostles had granted them by christ their master , in the beginning of the gospell , can no waies be said , and that for these reasons following . first , because it is a thing that is morally necessary without the which a church cannot be governed at all , as calvin saith in plaine tearms , inst it 4. cap. 6. sect. 8. that the 12 apostles had one among them to governe the rest , it was no marvell saith he , for nature requireth it , and the disposition of men will so have it , that in every company , although they be all equall in power , there be one as governour , by whom the rest shall be directed ; there is no court , saith he , without a consull , no senate without a pretor , no colledge without a president , no society without a master ; so that whatsoever is morally necessary in all ages , nations , kingdomes , provinces , incorporations , societies , can no waies be thought to be a peculiar prerogative to one or two particular men , living in one age , or in one nation and kingdome . secondly , this priority is much more necessary now in a setled church , then it was in a church while the foundation was but in laying , the apostles calling was universall , and they were ordained to preach the gospell to all nations , and had equall power conferred upon them to preach the gospell , and to gather a church unto christ , and thereafter to erect a ministery and plant overseers among them , there was not great need of a precedent , and in speciall in the churches of the gentiles , untill there was a company to goe before ; but now in a setled church , governed according to the pattern that christ hath left behind him , this precedent is so necessary that he is most necessary . thirdly , i conceive this precedent to be so necessary that christ setled it in the persons of peter and paul to be a pattern to afterages , shewing them that it is his will , that his church be so governed in all ages and generations to come , for since it is more necessary now then it was then , the church not being setled , and the apostles and presbyters charge being ambulatory , and their ministery spread over all , and the rather since the apostle iames was setled in ierusalem as bishop there , who was sufficient to govern the whole church of the jewes , with the assistance of his presbyters , so that peters precedency in the church of the jewes seemed not to be so necessary , except onely that christ thought good to doe so , for an example to afterages , yea that superiority and inferiority , which he established in the persons of the severall rankes of church-governours was not so needfull then as now , considering that then apost. and the 70. disciples , and their successours in both degrees , had the gift of miracles , and other extraordinary gifts , by which powerfull meanes , they were able to keepe all their inferiours in order and awe : for if by such meanes they were able to worke faith and repentance in their soules , they were as sufficient to worke amendment of life in their conversation ; and therefore at this time all church-men might have been of equall authority , both for dignity and degree , and yet christ himselfe , with his owne mouth did constante both divers dignities and divers degrees , and that chiefely to teach us how he would have his church governed in all ages and generations to come . fourthly , there are some things that christ did in the which we are not able to follow his example , as his fasting forty daies without meat , his walking upon the sea , and such other miraculous , and extraordinary workes : next , christ did some things , wherein we must not follow him , as in being circumcised , celebrating the passoever , and in a precise keeping of the mosaicall ordinances , christ kept them all , he came to fulfill all righteousnesse , he saith he came not to breake the law but fulfill it , yea that one jot or title of the word of god should not passe away he saith , untill all things were fulfilled , the whole ceremonies of moses law were referred to christ and had their end in him , and therefore we might not follow christ in obeying them : thirdly , christ did some things wherein we need not follow him , christ went bare-footed , he travelled on foot , we never read that he did ride on horse-backe , but once that he did ride upon an asse to ierusalem ; well , we may choose whether we will follow him in these things or not . lastly , in some things we are bound to follow christs example , that is , in all things that he did morally , we are bound to follow the example of his life and conversation , to be patient as he was patient , temperate as he was temperate , modest as he was modest , mercifull as he was mercifull , loving as he was loving , meeke as he was meeke , &c. in all these and such like morall vertues , we are bound to follow his example . and lastly , what christ did in the setling of the manner of his worship , we are bound to follow him in these things , we are bound to preach in season , and out of season , as he did , we are bound to celebrate the sacrament of the supper , according to his example , except in in the circumstances of time , place , person , site , which are neither morally good , nor morally evill , but good or evill , according as they are used or abused , and thirdly we are bound to follow him , in what he did concerning the government of his own church , he did found his owne church in an imparity of church-governours , he distinguished them in degrees and dignities , in doing whereof the church in all ages is bound to follow his example , we hold the practice of the apost. to have the force of a precept , much more should we hold the practise of christ to be mandative and obligatory . and so i hope i have proved by good and forcible reason , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dency of these two apostles peter and paul was not a per●●●●●●ogative but a morall example , instituted by christ . finis . an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the church. steward, richard, 1593?-1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a93888 of text r201455 in the english short title catalog (thomason e385_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 106 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a93888 wing s5516 thomason e385_4 estc r201455 99861961 99861961 114107 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114107) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 61:e385[4]) an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. wherein is shewed, how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops, or to the alienating the lands of the church. steward, richard, 1593?-1651. j. t. turner, samuel, d.d. [2], 53, [1] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeere, m dc xlvii. [1647] attributed to richard steward by wing. a printing of and reply to: a letter written to d. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof. the letter is signed "j.t." on b1r. place of publication from wing. a reissue, with cancel title page, of the edition with "wherein the point of sacriledge, with some others now in controversie, is handled, and fully stated." in title. in this edition a2r line 11 begins: plus ultra,. annotation on thomason copy: "apr: 26". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. church polity -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -religious aspects -early works to 1800. a93888 r201455 (thomason e385_4). civilwar no an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford, and superscribed to dr. samuel turner, concerning the church, and the revenues thereof.: wherein steward, richard 1647 19505 24 30 0 0 0 0 28 c the rate of 28 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an ansvver to a letter vvritten at oxford , and superscribed to dr. samvel tvrner , concerning the church , and the revenues thereof . wherein is shewed , how impossible it is for the king with a good conscience to yeeld to the change of church-government by bishops , or to the alienating the lands of the church . printed in the yeere , mdcxi . vii . faults escaped , correct thus . page 5. line 30. for lawes read lands . p. 7. l. 30. r. preserving . p. 9. l. 8. r. this in the postscript . p. 12. l. 20. r. visum . p. 17. l. 15. r. and elsewhere , part . p. 18. l. 27. for then r. that . p. 19. l. 11. for since , r. sure . p. 19. l. 15. r. aliquid . p. 20. l. 20. for this r. the . p. 21. l. ult. r. that error . ibid. l. ult. r. that consent . p. 24. l. 8. r. creet . ibid. l. 27. r. apostolicall . p. 31. l. 14. r. vindicta . p. 35. l. 26. dele not . p. 39. l. 1 r. must not . p. 44. l. 5. for there , r. other . p. 47. l. ult. r. preserve . p. 50. l. 3. r. the commons . p. 51. l. 22. for 〈◊〉 , r. are . p. 52. l. 19. dele that . a letter written to d. samuel turner , concerning the church , and the revenues thereof . noble doctor , i expected when you had seen the kings last messages , your reason would have prompted you to have look'd this way , which caused a delay in sending unto you , untill the difficulty of the passage made me suspect whether this may come safe to you , and by the preparations and designes here , i feare i shall not have another oportunity ; take this therefore as a farwell-truth , that the moderate party here , are at their ne plus ultra , the presbyterians & independants will agree , and the scots and we shall not fall out ; and it must now be the wisdome of your selfe , and such as have power and interest with the king , to save him , your selves , and country from ruine : your visible strength to hold out , ( much lesse to prevaile ) is too well known here , and your hopes from france and ireland , will soon vanish , which if successefull by a victorious army ( which i beleeve you shall never see ) would but make you and us slaves to a forraign nation , and extirpate that religion , both sides pretend to maintaine . to be plaine , i know no way left you , but to accept such conditions of peace as may be had ; you are too much a souldier , to thinke a retreate ( upon so many disadvantages ) dishonourable to a generall , or acceptance of hard conditions by a starved beleagured garrison to the governour . in short , of evils choose the least ; and i must tell you , it is expected from you , ( and the more wise and honest party with you ) that they should make use of their reason , and advise the king to save what is left , wherein it is believed you may prevaile ; considering what hath already passed in so many free offers to give satisfaction in the militia , ireland , paiment of the publique debts , choice of judges , lord admirall , officers of state , and others , with an act of oblivion and free pardon , free exercise of religion , to presbyterians , and independants their own way , and a promise to endeavour in all particulars , that none shall have cause to complaine for want of security : things so farre beyond our former hopes , that i cannot doubt , but the same reason which moved the offer of these , will obtaine to concession of such others , as the parliament shall require in order to peace , which ( as neere as i can guesse ) will be either the removall and punishment of evill counsellors , and ministers , who have drawn the king into these troubles , or the busines of the church , ( all other materiall things to my apprehension being already offered . ) for the first of these , i know not how you can with reason gain-say the bringing offenders to justice ; and if the parliament prerogative streine justice in the tryall and punishment ( beyond example of better times ) it were wisdome for such as may therein be concerned , to withdraw , dum furer in cursu , for if it must come to suffering , melius unus quam unitas : for the busines of the church i wish it could be prevented , ( there are who can witnesse the labour and hazards i have undergone for that end ) conceiving no government equall to a well ordered episcopall , for the well-being of this church and state : but when the necessity of times hath proposed this sad question for resolution , whether consent to alter episcopall government in the church , or let both church and state ruine together , my reason assents to the former . i beleeve the doctrine of the place where you are , would perswade the contrary , and it hath been from thence transmitted hither as an orthodox truth , that the altering that government , being as they say jure divino , is sinfull ; and the taking away the church-lands , sacriledge , at least unlawfull ; which if i could believe , would change my opinion , for i cannot give way for the committing a sin for a good end , ( what ever the romanist , or jesuited puritan pretend in defence of it ) but if i mistake not , ( and if i doe , i pray reforme me ) the opinion that the government by bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in england , and that but by some few of the more lordly clergy ; for we alwayes acknowledge the protestants of germany , the low countryes , and elsewhere , part of the reformed protestant catholique church though they had no bishops ; and i am certaine the king would never have given way for the extirpation of bishops in scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino ; nor to the presbyterians , and independants here to exercise their religion their own way , ( as by his late messages ) when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine law , must needs be sinfull : and for the latter opinion against taking away of church lands , i am lesse satisfyed , being so farre from conceiving it sacriledge , that i do not conceive it unlawfull , but may be done without breach of any law , ( which must be the rule for tryal of the lawfulnes or unlawfulnes of every action ) nay though there be never so many curses or imprecations added to the donation : nor do i herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not only by acts of parliament , ( in the times of queen eliz , and king james , and king charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of durham house ) aswell as henry the eighth ) but even by the bishops themselves , and deanes and chapters , insomuch , that if the wisdome of the state ( after clergy men were permitted to marry ) had not prohibited their alienations , and restrained their leases to 21. yeares , or 3. lives , their revenues at this day would not have been subject to envy . but to deale clearely with you doctor , i do not yet understand how there can be any sacriledge , properly so called , which is not a theft and more : viz. a theft of something dedicated to holy use , ( a communion-cup for instance , or the like ) & theft you know must be of things moveable , even by the civil law , and how theft can be of lands , or sacriledge committed by aliening church-lands , i pray aske your friend holbourne and his fellow lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . as for the main quere , touching the lawfulnes of aliening church-lands , ( i use the expression for the lands of bishops , deanes , and chapters , ) good doctor give me your patience to heare my reasons . and first i lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that ministers under the gospell should have any lands , ( the hire of a labourer at most , a fitting maintenance is all to be challenged ) nor do we read that the apostles had any lands , ( which i mention to avoid the groundlesse arguments upon the lands and portions allotted to the tribe of levi by gods appointment , to whom our ministers have no succession ) and then it will follow , that they enjoy their lands by the same law of the state as others doe , and must be subject to that law which alone gives strength to their title ; which being granted , i am sure it will not be denyed , that by the law of the nation , he that hath an estate in lands in fee-simple , by an implyed power , may lawfully alien , though there be an expression in his deed of purchase or donation to the contrary : which being so , makes the alienation of bishops lands even without any act of parliament , to be lawfull , being done by those who have an estate in fee simple , ( as the bishop , with the deane and chapter hath . ) then further , i am sure it will be granted , that by the law of this nation , whosoever hath lands or goods , hath them with this inseparable implyed condition or limitation , viz. that the parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . hence it is they sometimes dispose some part in subsidies and other taxes ; enable a tenant for life , to sell an estate in fee-simple , and not at all unlawfull , because of that limitation or condition before mentioned ; and who ever will be owner must take them according to this law : now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the deed of donation , ( which would silence all disputes ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by law implied , it is as much as if in plaine words expressed , of which your lawyers ( if reason need a helpe from them ) can easily resolve . besides , it were somewhat strange , that the donor of the lawes should preserve them in the hands of the bishops , from the power of the parliament ; which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe : nor doe i understand their meaning , who terme god the proprieter of the bishops lands , and the bishop the usufructuary . for i know not how ( in propriety of speech ) god is more entituled to their lands then to his whole creation ; and were clergie-men but usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose or alter the property of any thing , ( which an usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is by them done daily ? aske them by what divine law s. maries church in oxford , may not be equally imployed for temporall uses , as for holding the vice-chancellours court , the university convocation , or their yearly acts ? and for the curses ( those bug-beare words ) i could yet never learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the author , of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the parliament or any other from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . i am sure such curses have no warrant from the law of god or this nation . if this doth not satisfie the former doubts in your bishops , ( for i know you to be too great a master of reason to be unsatisfied ) aske them whether church-lands may not lawfully ( the law of the state not prohibiting ) be transferred from one church to another upon emergent occasions ? which i think they will not deny . if so , who knowes that the parliament will transferre them to lay-hands ? they professe no such thing , and i hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the ministery , ( which prevents all disputes upon the last question ) but if they shall hereafter do otherwise , you know my opinion : onely mistake me not in this free discourse , as if i did countenance or commend the parliaments proceedings in their new reformation , but as a caution to you in the exigencies of times , what is fittest to be done , when ( i take it ) mistresse necessity in all things indifferent , or not unlawfull , must be obeyed , in which cases the most constant men must be contented to change their resolutions with the alteration of time . your party have been resolute enough to preserve the rights of the church , and further peradventure then wise men would have done , but at an ultra posse you and we must give over , especially for an imaginary right . and think seriously with your selfe , whether after all other things granted , it will be fit to run the hazard of the very being of this church and state , the king and his posterity , and monarchy it selfe , onely upon the point of church-government by bishops , or aliening the church-lands , or rather whether the kings councell ( in duty ) ought not to advise him the contrary , who should be wise as well as pious , yet herein may be both , ( for i doe not thinke conveniencie or necessity will excuse conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull , what ever states-men maintain to the contrary ) your interest with the king is not small , and your power with the lords ( who are guided by reason ) very considerable , you cannot doe better then make use of both at this time . if they have a desire to preserve the church , it were wel their thoughts were fixed upon some course for setling a superintendencie in the presbyteriall government , ( which no way crosseth the nationall covenant ) and preserve the revenues in the church , which i beleeve at uxbridge treaty would have been granted , what ever it will be now . i have given you my sense upon the whole businesse . si quid novisti rectius , candidus imperti , si non his utere . j. t. so farewell doctor . i give you commission to shew this to my lord dorset , ( who by + and something else can guesse my name ) and to as many more as owne reason and honesty . an answer to the foregoing letter , superscribed to d. samuel turner , &c. sir , you have put an odde taske upon me , in commanding my judgement on a letter lately sent to a doctor in oxford , with a commission to shew it to the lord of dorset , and to as many more as own reason and honesty ; for this is the postscript , and many the like passages in the letter , ( as that the more wise and honest party would make use of their reason , and i know you too great a master of reason , to be unsatisfyed ) makes me feare , that if i should perhaps dissent in opinion from this epistler , i might be thought , ( at least in his conceite ) to incurre a sharpe censure both in point of reason and honesty : which i confesse at first somewhat troubled me , untill i remembred you were wont to say , that when vessels do once make such noises as these , t is a very shrewd signe they are empty . he who wrote the letter seemes most desirous of peace , and truly sir so am i ; besides we agree in this , that we must not commit sinne for a good end ; so that if peace it selfe cannot be attained without that guilt , we must be content with a worse estate . but you very well know , with how many severall deceipts our affections can mislead our reason ; you remember who it was that said it unto the very face of a prophet , i have kept the commandement of the lord , and yet his sin remained still a great sinne , and much the worse because he excused it : for his guilt is lesse that commits a crime , then his that undertakes to defend it ; because this cuts off all repentance , nay , it makes a sin to grow up into that more wicked heighth of a scandall , and so t is not only a snare to the sinner himselfe , but it warrants many more to be sinfull . whether this oxford londoner , for so i take the epistler to be , hath not defended or made apologies for sinne , and hath not in that sense , done evil that good may come thereof , i am now to make an enquiry , and i shall follow him in his two generals . 1. the delivering up the kings friends , whom they above call evil counsellors . and 2. the businesse of the church . 1. for the kings friends . he sayes , — i know not how you can with reason gainsay the bringing offenders to justice : indeed nor i neither , but what if they be not offenders ? what if they must be brought to injustice ? i know no man that will refuse to be judged by a parliament , whose undoubted head is the king , and the king sitting there , with an unquestioned negative , nay for his majesty to referre delinquents to be judged by the house of peers , sitting in a free parliament , and judging according to the known lawes of the realme , is that at least which in my opinion would not be stucke at . but the parliament prerogative , which this letter speakes of , being now so extended , as we have cause to thinke it is , i doubt in this case , whether not only in point of honour , but in point of justice and conscience , the king for his own peace , can leave his friends to such men , whom he is clearely bound by so many grand ties to protect . but this sir i shall commit to you to determine , and if you returne me a negative , i shall not presume to question your reason or honesty ; nor shall i perswade the kings friends that they would banish themselves , unlesse it were only to do that great favour to the two houses now at westminster , as to keep them from some future foule acts of oppression and bloud , because they shall have none left to act upon . 2. for the busines of the church , which he againe divides into two parts , first that of episcopacy , & secondly of sacriledge . and in these sir i shall speake with lesse hesitation , i shall clearely tell you the epistler is cleane out ; and though you very well know me a great honourer of your profession , yet i cannot hold it fit to decide cases of conscience , or in humane actions to tell us what is sinne or no sinne : and i am confident , sir , you will not take this ill at my hands . first for episcopacy , his words are , if i mistake not , ( and if i do , i pray reforme me ) the opinion that the government by bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in england , and that by some few of the more lordly cleargy . these last words make me suspect some passion in the writer , as being in scorne heretofore taken up by men , who for a long time were schismatiques , in their hearts , and are now rebels in their actions : and since the lawes of this land makes some church men lords , i do the more marvaile that the epistler lookes awry upon it : so that though his profession be , that he has undergone labours and hazards for the episcopall government , yet truly sir i must thinke , that t is then only fit for the church to give him thankes , when she has done all her other busines . but grant that tenet to be but of late countenanced , it thence followes not , that t is any whit the lesse true . for in respect of the many hundred yeares of abuse , the reformation it selfe was but of late countenanced here , yet i take it for an unquestionable truth that the laity ought to have the cuppe . and though i was not desired to reforme this epistlers errour , yet in charity i shall tell him , that he is out , when he affirmes that this opinion was but of late countenanced in this church , as i could shew him out of archbishop whitgift , and bishop bilson and others : and since perhaps he may thinke these to be but men of the more lordly clergy , i shall name one more who may stand for many , and who wrote forty yeares since , that most excellent man m. hooker , ( a person of most incomparable learning , and of as much modesty , who i dare be bold to say , did not once dreame of a rotchet ) he averres in cleare tearmes , there are at this day in the church of england , no other then the same degrees of ecclesiasticall order , namely bishops , presbyters , and deacons , which had their beginning from christ and his blessed apostles themselves , or as he expounds himselfe , bishops and presbyters , ordained by christ himselfe in the apostles and the seventy , and then deacons by his apostles ; i may adde bucer too , no man i am sure of the lordly clergy , who though he were not english born , yet he was professor here in king edwards time , and he wrote and dyed in this kingdome , bishops , saith he , are ex perpetua ecclesiarum ordinatione ab ipsis jam apostolis , and more , usum hoc est spiritui sancto : and sure if bishops be from the apostles and from the holy spirit himselfe , they are of divine institution . nay what thinke you if this tenet be approved by a plaine act of parliament ? i hope then it wants no countenance which england can give it , and it needs not fly for shelter under the wings of the lordly cleargy ; you have these words in the booke of consecration of archbishops and bishops , which is confirmed by parliament ; it is evident to all men reading holy scriptures , and ancient authors , that from the apostles times there have been these orders of ministers in christs church , bishops , presbyters and deacons . and againe , the prayer in the forme of consecration of bishops , almighty god giver of all good things , which by thy holy spirit hast appointed divers orders of ministers in thy church , mercifully behold this thy servant now called to the worke and ministery of a bishop ; and in questions to the person to be consecrated a bishop , are you perswaded that you be truly called to this ministration , according to the will of our lord jesus ? &c. i beseech you sir consider , whether these words , or this prayer could fall from any man , not possessed with this tenet , that episcopacy was of divine right : for if the three orders may be found by reading the holy scriptures together with ancient authors : if men are taught to pray , that god by his spirit has appointed divers orders in his church , and this made the ground of praying for the present bishop , if the person to be consecrated must professe that he conceives he is called according to the will of our lord jesus christ , either all this must be nothing else but pure pagentry , and then the parliament mocked god by their confirmation , or else episcopacy is grounded in scripture , is appointed by the spirit of god , is according to the will of our lord jesus , and all this hath not been said of late , nor countenanced only by some few of the more lordly cleargy . and we have the lesse reason to doubt that this tenet was countenanced in this church of ours , because we find it in those parts that have lost episcopacy , for we are told by doctor carlton , after bishop of chichester , and that wrote against the arminians , more then twenty five yeares since , that sitting at dort , he then protested in open synod , that christ instituted no parity , but made twelve apostles , the chiefe , and under them seventy disciples : that bishops succeeded to the twelve , and to the seventy , presbyters of an inferiour ranke ; he affirmed this order had been still maintained in the church , and then challenged the judgement of any learnned man , that could speake to the contrary . their answer was silence , which was approbation enough , but after , ( saith he ) discoursing with diverse of the best learned in the synod , he told them how necessary bishops were , to suppresse their then risen schismes ; their answer was , that they did much honour and reverence the good order and discipline of the church of england , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established among them ; but that could not be hoped for in their state : their hope was , that seeing they could not do what they desired , god would be mercifull unto them , if they did but what they could . if they hoped for mercy that might pardon what they did , sure they must suppose that what they then did , was sinfull : nay , they thought their necessity it selfe could not totally excuse their sinne ; for then in that particular there had been no need to hope for gods mercy : nor could they well thinke otherwise ; since being pressed , they denyed not but that episcopacy was of christs own institution , and yet they were no lordly clergy , nor do i well see how either by charitable or civil men , they can at all be taxed either for want of reason or honesty . 1. indeed some seem to startle at this tenet , that episcopacy is of divine right : as if , because divine , it might therefore seem to endanger monarchal power . but under favour i conceive this fear to be among us very groundlesse , for since the tenents of our church are in this particular the very self same with the ancient times : as that the bishops have no power , but what is meerely directive only ; that all power co-active either in them or in others , is derived meerly from the royal authority ; that they cannot legally make use , no not so much as of this directive power , but only by the kings leave : so that if the temporall lawes should forbid them to preach that , which in point of salvation is necessary to be spoken , yet they cannot preach but upon the forfeiture of their heads , and those being demanded by the kings lawes , they must submit to a martyrdome , ( though t were sinne in them that demand it ) so that in the execution of all ecclesiastical power , the supremacy is in the king alone ; these i say being so much the tenets of our church , that i conceive there is no learned man amongst us , who would not readily subscribe to them , i cannot see at all where in the opinion we defend , any danger lies to this monarchy . but examine the presbyterian principles , and you will clearely find , kings and they cannot stand together , for either you consider that new government in the scotish sence , which allowes no appeale to any other power , and then t is plaine , that where men admit this , they admit of a supremacy , which doth not reside in the king ; and by consequent , of two severall supremacies within the bounds of the selfe same kingdome , which can no more stand with monarchy , then it can with monogamy to be maried to two severall wives . and though t is said that this presbyterian government meddles only with spirituall things , which concerne the good of the soule , and so it cannot hurt regall power , yet this is but onely said , and no more : for it is well known , that in ordine ad spiritualia , ( and all things may by an ordinary wit be drawn into this ranke , as they have been by the church of rome ) this government intrudes upon what things it pleaseth ; and indeed where a supremacy is once acknowledged , no wise man can thinke , that it will carry it selfe otherwise . so that king james his maxime was undoubtedly most true , upon this same ground we are on , no bishop , no king : for that most prudent prince did soone discerne , that if a power were once set up , which at least in the legall execution of it , did not derive it selfe from the king , there was no doubt to be made , but it would ere long destroy the very king himselfe . or consider presbyterian government in the english sense , as it is now set up by the two houses at westminster , which is a government limited by an appeale to the parliament , for either by parliament here they meane the two houses excluding the king , and then t is as plain as before , they set up two supremacies , his majesties and their owne : or else by parliament they meane the king with both houses , and then it will follow , that either there must be a perpetuall parliament , ( which sure neither king nor kingdome can have cause to like ) or else the supremacy will be for the most part in the presbytery ; because when ever a parliament sits not , there will be no judge to appeale to ; or if it be said the parliament may leave a standing committee to receive appeales in such ecclesiasticall causes ; then either in this committee the king hath no negative ; and in that case t is clear that the ecclesiasticall supremacy will be not at all in the king ; or else the king hath a negative , but yet is joyned with persons whom he himself chooses not , and so most probably will be check'd and affronted in any sentence he intends to give ; and this clearely overthrowes that which is already declared by parliament , to be a right in the king , as inherent in his crowne , that ecclesiasticall appeales may be made to him alone in chancery , ( for the statute names no other ) and that his majesty alone may appoint what commissioners he please for their finall decision : i say , consider the presbyterian government in the english parliament sense , and in the sense of the english assembly , for the presbyterians there are wholly for the scotish forme , as appeares by their quarrels at what the houses have already done in their ordinances ; so that their aime is not only to set up a new government , but in plain tearmes , a new supremacy : and hence , to say truth , he must see very little who discernes not , that though the presbyterian party seemes to strike at the bishops , yet their maine aime is at the king ; whose supremacy they endure not , as being a flower which they intend for their owne garland ; and so , though they hypocritically cry out ( that they may abuse the people ) against the pride of the lordly bishops , yet in the meane time , the wiser sort must needs see , that they intend to make themselves no lesse then indeed kingly presbyters . we acknowledge the protestants of germany , the low countryes , and part of the reformed catholique protestant church , though they had no bishops , &c. though we maintain episcopacy to be of divine right , ( i. e. ) of divine institution , yet hence it doth not follow , that germany are no protestant churces ; no , it must be a crime of a most horrid taint , that makes a church run into non ecclesiam ; for though that of the jewes was bad , and idolatrously bad ; yet god seriously protests he had not sent her a bill of divorce . nay no learned man of judgement durst ever yet affirm that the roman church her selfe was become no true part of the church catholique ; and yet she breakes a flat precept of christ , [ drinke yee all of this ] and shall we be thought to deny the same right to christians without bishops , when they breake but christs institution ? no , churches they are , true parts of the catholique church : but in point of ordination and of government apostolicall they are not . i am certaine the king would never have given way to the extirpation of bishops in scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino , &c. grant it were so , yet of all mankind are kings onely bound , that they must not change their opinions ; or if perhaps they have done ill , must they for their repentance be more lyable to reproach , then subjects are for their crimes ? the king would not have given way to the presbyterians , and independents , to exercise their religion here their own way , ( as by his messages ) ▪ when such a tolleration in the face of such a divine law must needs be sinfull . there is a great mistake in this argument ; for to tollerate , doth not at all signifie either to approve or commend their factions , neither of which the king could at all do to those schismatiques without sinne . but it meerely implies not to punish , which kings may forbeare upon just reason of state , as david forbore to punish the murtherers of joab ; and we our selves in our english state , have no punishment for all sorts of lyars , and yet their sinne is against a flat law divine . we affirme then episcopacy to be of divine right , that is , of divine institution , and that must needs tacitly imply a divine precept too ; for to what end are things instituted by god , but that it is presumed , it is our part to use them ? and to what end should some men be appointed to teach , and to govern , but that its clearely implyed , then there are other men too , that ought both to heare and obey ? he that institutes or erects a bridge over a broad swelling stream , needs not ( you will think ) adde an expresse command , that men should not walke in the water : thus when our lord and saviour made his institution of that great sacrament of the eucharist , he gave command indeed concerning the bread , do this in remembrance of me ; and concerning the cup , drinke yee all of this , but he gave no expresse command to do both these together , and yet his institution hath been still held to have the nature of a command ; and so for a thousand yeares the whole church of christ did ever practise it , save only in some few cases , in which men supposed a kind of necessity : i say then episcopacy is of divine right , instituted by christ in his apostles , who since they took upon them to ordaine and to govern churches , you need not doubt they received an authority from their master to do both ; for since men will not thinke they would breake their own rules : no man taketh this upon him , but he that is called of god , as aaron was . episcopacy then was instituted in the apostles , who wer bishops et aliud amplius ; and distinguished by christ himself from the seventy , who were the presbyters . so the most ancient fathers generally , or if you will take s. hierom. opinion , ( who was neither a bishop , nor in his angry mood any great friend to that order ) they were instituted by the apostles , who being themselves episcopi et amplius , did in their latter dayes formalize and bound out that power which still we do cal episcopacy . and so their received opinions may stand together for episcopatus , being in apostolatu tanquam consulatus in dictatura , as the lesser and subordinate power , is alwayes in the greater : we may truly say it was instituted by christ in his apostles who had episcopall power and more , and then t was formalized and bounded by the apostles themselves , in the persons of timothy and titus , &c. so that call the episcopall order either of divine right , or apostolicall institution , and i shall not at all quarrell at it : for apostolicall will seeme divine enough , unto christians ; i am sure salmatius thinks so , ( a sharpe enemy to the episcopall order ) if ( saith he ) it be from the apostles , t is of divine right ; thus we find the power of ordination and of jurisdiction to be given to those men alone ; for then that power is properly episcopall , when one man alone may execute it , so s. paul to timothy , lay hands suddenly on no man , 1 tim. 5. 22. lay hands in the singular number , thou , & thou alone , without naming any other : against an elder , receive not an accusation , in the singular number too ; thou , receive not , thou alone , but under two or three witnesses ; and then the text is plaine , he and he alone might do it . so to titus for this cause , and that thou , and thou alone , shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine elders in every city , tit. 1. 5. where plainly those two powers of government and ordination are given unto one man ; so s. iohn to the churches of asia , rev. 2. 3. when he presumes all the governing power to reside in the angels of those churches , and only in them alone , as all ancients understand it . and hence t is plaine , that though we should yeeld that the apostles only did institute bishops , yet in this revel. christ himselfe immediately in his own person , and the holy spirit withall , did both approve and confirme them : and the learned observe , that the bishops of those sees , are therefore called angels by s. iohn , who was born a jew , because in palestina their chief priests were then called their angels ; and so this appellation was taken up by the apostle in that place , because the bishops were those churches chiefes : this truth appeares not only from those cleare texts , but from the mutuall consent and pactise for more then 1500. yeares space of all the christian church ; so that neither s. hierome , nor any other ancient , did ever hold orders to be lawfully given , which were not given by a bishop , nor any church jurisdiction to be lawfully administred , which was not either done by their hands , or at least by their deputation . i know there are men lately risen up , especially in this last century , which have collected and spread abroad far other conclusions , and that from the authority of the text it selfe : but as t is a maxime in humane lawes , consuetudo optima legum interpres , custome and practice is the best interpreter : so no rationall man but will easily yeeld , it as well holds in lawes divine : for i would gladly aske , what better way can there be for the interpreting of texts , then that very same meanes whereby i know the text it selfe to be text ? sure the same course whereby i know the epistles to timothy and titus to have been written by s. paul , must needs be the best course to understand the sense of those epistles ; and if i therefore beleeve them to be written by that apostle , because the universality of the whole christian church has brought me to that beliefe , ( and there 's no other rationall way of beleeving it ) why doe i not beleeve the same christian sense , which the universal consent assures me they were written in ? shall i beleeve , and yet disbeleeve that selfe-same consent which is the best ground of my beliefe ? this is as it were in cleare terms to say , that i beleeve such a tale for the authors sake who hath told it , and yet i doe now hold the selfe-same man to be a lyar . men doe beleeve the testimony of universall consent , in the sense it gives of single termes , and why not in the sense it gives of sentences or propositions ? without the help of this consent , ( which is indeed the ground of our dictionaries ) how shall we know that {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifies the resurrection of the body , which the socinians at this day deny ? and i know no such way to confute your error , as by the authority of your consent . admit then of that rule , that consent universall is the best interpretation of texts ; and then i am sure , it is as cleare as true , that episcopacy is of divine or apostolicall right ; yea and that proposition , there can be no ordination , without the hands of a bishop , will clearely appeare to be as well grounded as this ; there can be no baptisme without a lawfull minister , which is good divinity amongst our new masters in scotland : and antiquity allowed of it , extra casum necessitatis : for i aske upon what text doe they ground this rule ? i suppose they will say upon our saviours words , to the eleven , matth. 28. go teach all nations , and baptize them : but in the institution of the eucharist he spake those words too ; but only to the twelve , drinke yee all of this , matth. 26. i demand then how shall i know that when our saviour spake those words unto the eleven , he spake them only as to lawfull ministers ; but when he spake the other , to the twelve he spake at large as unto them that did represent all christian men ? so that though only ministers may baptize , yet all christians may receive the cup : perhaps they will say , that the generall practise of receiving the cup , is manifest from 1 cor. 11. and i thinke so too , where s. paul seems to chide the whole church for their irreverence at that great sacrament : but if a quarreler should reply , that he there speaks but of the presbyters alone , whereof many were at that time at corinth : as when in the 5. chap. he seemes to chide the whole church for not excommunicating the incestuous person : yet t is plain , he meanes none but the men in government ( as sure all presbyterians will allow me ) i know not what could be said but to make it appeare out of the fathers , and others , that the whole christian church never tooke the words in that sense . and if to stop the mouthes of wranglers , we must at length be constrained to quote the authority of universall consent , and the common practise of christs church , then you will easily see that those two named propositions do stand fast on the same bottome , there can be no baptisme without a lawfull minister , extra casum necessitatis , for so the consent and practise of the universall church hath still interpreted that text : and againe t is true , there can be no ordination without the hands of a bishop , for so those texts both out of timothy and titus have been understood , and practised for 1500. yeares together by the consent of the whole church of christ . t is true that this precept , go ye teach , &c. runnes not in exclusive words , yee apostles , or yee lawfull ministers , and none but yee ; yet extra casum necessitatis , no man was allowed to baptise but a lawfull minister : so though these commands , [ lay hands suddenly on no man ] and [ do thou ordaine elders in every city ] runne not in verbis exclusivis , thou and none but thou , or men of thine order only : yet the church understanding and practising them in an exclvsive sense , no man for 1500 yeares in any setled church , was held rightly ordained , without the hands of a bishop . nay that there is something divine in the episcopall order , will appeare clearely by this , that immediately from the times of christ & his apostles , ( yea within the reach of those times ) t was universally spread throughout the whole face of the churches : so that no man can name a nationthat was once wonne unto the christian faith , but he shall soon find that there were bishops : so that there must needs be an uunversall cause , for an effect that was so universall . generall councell there was none about it , at which all christians might have met , and might have thence obeyed her directions . nor can any name a power to which all christians should submit ( for they were soone fallen into factions ) but only the authority of christ or of his apostles ; from them then must needs flow the episcopal order , and at that fountaine i shall leave it . i say within the reach of the apostles times , for before s. iohn dyed , there are upon good church records above 20. bishops appointed to the several sees ; as at hierusalem , alexandria , antioch , and rome , & ephesus , at creece , at athens , and colosse , & divers others , it being easie to draw a catalogue of them out of several ecclesiasticall writers . and here it will be plain , that its a foule corruption ; nay , how flat a sinne is brought into the church of christ , where episcopacy is thrown down ! and so where ordination is performed by any hands without theirs , t is as grosse , as if lay-men should be allowed to baptize , when a presbyter doth stand by : nay more , it is as bad as if the order of presbyters should therefore be thrown downe , that lay-men might baptize : and what 's this , but willingly to runne into a necessity it selfe , that wee might thence create an apology ? t is a corruption farre worse , then if a church should audaciously attempt to pull down the lords day ; since the observation of that time is neither built on so cleare a text , nor on the helpe of so universall a consent , as is the order of episcopacy : so that if men can thinke it sinfull to part with the lords day , though the institution of it be meerly apocryphall , they must needs confesse there is at least so much sinne , ( nay indeed more ) in parting with their bishops , and then the oxford doctrine which the epistler gybes at , and talkes of , as transmitted for an orthodox truth , will it seemes prove no lesse in earnest . secondly , for the point of sacriledge ; the better to cl●●●e this , i must premise these assertions . 1. that god accepts of things given him , and so holds a propriety as well in the new , as in the old testament . 2. that god gets this propriety in those things he holds , as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command that such things should be presented to him . 3. that to invade those things , be they moveable , or immoveable , is expresly the sinne of sacriledge . 4. that this sinne is not only against gods positive law , but plainly against his morall law . 1. proposition . god accepts of things given , &c. for proofe of this , first i quote that text , i hungred and ye gave me meat ; i thirsted and ye gave me drinke , &c. mat. 25. if christ do not accept of these things , he may say indeed , yee offered me meat , but he cannot say that yee gave it : for a present is then only to be called a gift , when it is accepted as his own that takes it . and do's he thus accept of meat and clothing , and do's he not accept of those kind of endowments , that bring both these to perpetuity ? will he take meat and refuse revenues ? doth he like ( can you imagine ) to be fed and clothed to day , and in danger to be starved to morrow ? the men thus provided for , he calles no lesse then his brethren : in as much as you have done it unto the least of these my brethren , yee have done it unto me . whether these were of those brethren which he had enjoyned to teach others , or of those which he would have instructed , the text there doth not decide ; without doubt it must be meant of both ; for it were a strange thing to affirme that christ liked it extreame well to be fed and to be clothed , in all those he called his , but only in his seventy , and his apostles ▪ but to put it out of doubt , that what is done to them , is done to him too , his owne words are very plain , he that receiveth you , teaching disciples , receiveth me ; in the tenth of that gospell , where he sends all forth to preach , and that reception implyes all such kind of provisions , as is apparently plaine throughout the whole tenour of the chapter . and againe , i quote that so well known passage of ananias and saphyra his wife , act. 5. his sin was , he kept back part of the price of those lands he had given to god , for the publique use of the church , yea , given to god , and t is as plaine that he did accept it ; for s. peter you know thus reprooves him , why hast thou lyed , or why hast thou deceived the holy ghost ? for so {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} do's properly import , why doest thou cheat him of what is now his own proper right ? and againe , thou hast not lyed unto men , but unto god : and is this so strange a thing ? are not all our lyes to be accounted sinnes before god ? yes , all against god , as a witnesse and a judge ; but yet not all against god as a party : and therefore t is a more remarkeable , a more signall lye , thou hast not lyed unto men ; a negative of comparison , not so much to men , as to god : what 's done to them is scarce worth the naming , but thou hast lyed unto god , as a witnesse and a judge ; yea and a party too . thou hast lyed , & rob'd god by lying , and so runne thy selfe into an eminent sinne : and that shall appeare in gods judgement , so the fathers generally expound that place ; both of the greek and latine church , and affirme his crime was a robbing god of that wealth , which by vow or by promise was now become gods propriety : so the modern interpreters , yea , so calvin , sacrum esse deo profitebatur , he professed that his land should be a sacred thing unto god , ( sayes he ) on that place ; and there beza too , pradium deo consecrassent ; the the man and his wife , they consecrated this land to god , and he that will not believe so universall a consent in the interpreting a place of scripture , should do well to consider , whether upon the same ground ( as i told you before ) he may not be brought to doubt of his dictionary , for that is but universal consent ; he may almost as well doubt whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifyes god , and altogether as well , whether {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} signifyes the gospell . the new testament will afford more places for this purpose ; thou that abhorrest idols , committest thou sacriledge ? rom. 2. 22. t is true , these words are spoken as to the person of an unconverted jew , and may be therefore thought to aime only at those sinnes , which were descryed in the law of moses : but do but view s. pauls way of arguing , and you will quickly find they come home to us christians too : he there tells the jew that he taught others those things , which yet he would not do himselfe : and he strives to make this good by three severall instances , first , thou that preachest a man should not steale , doest thou steale ? secondly , thou that sayest a man should not commit adultery , dost thou commit adultery ? in both these , t is plain , that the jew he dealt with did the same things he reprehended : and straightway the third comes , thou that abhorrest idols , dost thou commit sacriledge ? so that hence 't will follow ( if s. pauls words have logique in them ) that these two sinnes are of the selfe same nature too : and that to commit a sacriledge is a breach of the same law , as to commit an idolatry : so that crime will appeare without all doubt a plain robbery of god ; for he that steales from men , yea though a whole community of men , though bona universitatis , yet he sinnes but against his neighbour , t is but an offence against the second table of the law , in these words , thou shalt not steale : but sacriledge layes hold on those things which the latine lawes call bona nullius , it strikes downright immediately at god , and in that regard no idolatry can out doe-it : as this is , t is a breach of the first table of the law , and both these crimes are equally built upon the self-same contempt of god ; the offenders in both kinds , the idolater and sacrilegious person both thinke him a dull sluggish thing ; the first thinkes he will patiently looke on , while his honour is shared to an idol ; the other imagines he 'l be as sottishly tame , though his goods be stoln to his face . this was without doubt the sense of all ancient churches ; for upon what ground could they professe they gave gifts to god , but only upon this , that they presumed god did stil accept them ? so s. iraeneus , we offer unto our god our goods in token of thankefullnesse . so origen , by gifts to god we acknowledge him lord of all : so the fathers generally ; so emperours and kings ; so charles the great , to god we offer what we deliver to the church , in his well known capitulars : and our own kings have still spoken in this good old christian language ; we have granted to god , for us and our heires for ever , that the church of england shall be free , and have her whole rights and liberties inviolable ; they are all the first words of our magna chart. her whole rights & liberties , words of a very large extent , and imply farre more then her substance : and yet these , and all these lands , and honours , and jurisdictions ; all these have beene given to god ; yea , and frequently confirmed by the publique acts of the kingdome : and yet if ananias might thus promise , and yet rob god , consider i beseech you , whether england may not do so too . 2. proposition , god gets this propriety as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command , that such things should be presented to him . for the second , t is plaine in the text , that god did as much take the temple to be his , as he did the jewes tithes and offerings . these last indeed were his by expresse law & command , but the temple was the voluntary designe of good david , and the voluntary work of king solomon . nay god expresly tels david , that he had been so far from commanding that house , that he had not so much as once asked this service . and therefore in his apologie saint paul tels the jewes , neither ( sayes he ) against the law of the jewes , nor against the temple , have i offended any thing : for he might in some case offend against the temple , and yet not against the law : notwithstanding all this , god pleads as much for his temple in the prophet haggai , as he doth in malachi for his tithes , in this his words are , ye have robbed we in tithes and offerings ; in the other , is it time for you , o ye , to dwell in sieled houses , and this house lie waste ? therefore ye have sowne much , and bring in little , ye eate , but have not enough , so hag. 1. 4. and to affirme , that god in the new testament doth accept of meat , and drink , and cloathing , as it is plaine , mat. 25. he doth accept of money land was sold for , as in the case of ananias , and yet that he doth not accept land it selfe , is so contrary to all reason , so contrary to the practice not onely of the christian , but humane world , so contrary to what god himselfe has expressed in the old testament , and no where ●●called it in the new , that he ▪ that can quiet his conscience with such concepts as these , may i doubt not attaine to the discovery of some quirkes , which in his conceipt may either palliate murthers or adulteries : for to think that those possessions are indeed gods which he doth command , but not those which he doth accept , is to use god so as we would neither use our selves nor our neighbours : for no man doubts but that 's as properly mine which i accept as a gift from others , as what i attaine to by mine owne personall acquisition , be it by a just war , by study , by merchandice , or the like . 3. proposition . that to invade those things consecrated , be they moveable or immoveable , is expresly the sin of sacriledge . sacriledge is then committed , say the schooles and the casuists , ( and they speak in their owne profession ) quando reverentia rei sacrae debita violatur : when we violate that reverence due to a thing sacred , by turning it into a thing profane : so as the violation may be committed either per furtum , by theft , strictly so taken , by stealing a thing moveable ; or per plagium , which is the stealing of a man ; or per invasionem , which is a spoiling men of lands , or of things immoveable : for as any one of these done against our neighbour is no doubt in scripture phrase a theft , a sin against the 8. commandment , thou shalt not steale : so done against god , t is no doubt a sacriledge , and a breach of the first table , be it either against the first or the second commandement , i stand not now to dispute : for the word used in the new test . to expresse this sin , is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , from {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , praeda , or spolium : so that sacriledge is not to be defined onely by theft strictly taken , but t is a depredation , a spoliation of things consecrated , and so the word extends it selfe as properly ( if not more ) to lands , as it doth to things moveable . and hence aquinas is plaine , that sacriledge reaches out its proper sense ad ea quae deputata sunt ad sustentationem ministrorum , sive sint mobilia , sive immobilia : for it would be very strange to affirme , that in the sacking of jerusalem , nebuchadnezzar was sacrilegious , when he transported the holy vessels , but not at all when he burnt the temple . 4. proposition , that this sinne is not onely against gods positive law , but plainly against the morall law . for this common reason hath taught all , even pagan nations to hold sacriledge a sinne : so that lactantius observes , ( and he was well read in humane learning , which made him to be chose tutor to a sonne of constantine the great ) inomni religione nihil tale sine vindicto : god did still remarkably revenge this sinne , not onely in the true , but amongst men of the most false religions : and 't were easie to shew , that never any nation did yet adore a god , but they thought he did accept , and did possesse himselfe of some substance . i omit those proofs that would be thought far too tedious , t is enough to quote the prophets words , will a man rob god ? yet ye have robbed me , mal. 3. 8. a man , any man , though an ammonite , or a meere philistine , no pagan ( that must be the sense ) will doe it to his god , which you jewes doe to me ; for the law written in his heart ( and he can goe by no other ) that law controlls this offence , and so plainly tells him , that because his god may be robb'd , he may therefore have a propriety ; and if sacriledge be a sin against the law morall , it will follow , that what wee read in the old testament against that sinne , must be as morall , and that whereby we christians are as much obliged , as by what we read against theft , or against adultery ; save onely in those passages which are particularly proper unto the policie of the jews , and we may let them goe for judiciall . these assertions being premised , i returne to the epistler , who conceives it to be no sacriledge to take away the church lands ; [ nor do i ( saith he ) herein ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practise of former times , not onely by acts of parliament in the times of queen elizabeth , king james , and so king charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of durham house , as well as h. 8. but even by the bishops themselves , &c. ] he will not ground his opinion upon the practise ; and indeed he hath little reason for it : for if from a frequent practise of sinne , we might conclude it were no sinne , we might take our leaves of the decalogue ; and as our new masters do , put it out of our directory , because our intent is to sinne it downe : and therefore i shall say no more of such lawes of hen. 8. then i would of davids adultery a that t is no ground at all to make men bold with their neighbours wives . queene elizabeth made a law ( so you have told me sir , for i do speake nothing in this kind but from you ) that bishops might not alienate their mannors , castles , &c. but only to the crowne , but if she sometimes tooke order that church , men should not be bishops , untill they had first made such alienations ( as i have heard you say they did ) i know not how to defend it , but must withall tell you , that if princes or subjects resolve to sell the church preferments , t is great odds but that in a clergy consisting of above 16000. persons , they shall not want chapmen for them : for king james , i must highly commend that most christian prince , who ( you say ) amongst his first lawes , tooke away that of queen elizabeth : not can i well tell why this epistler here doth quote that king for his purpose , unlesse it were only for the alienation of york ▪ house ; but i must informe him that that act was lawfull , because 't was for the advantage of the archiepiscopall see , there being cleare text for it , that the levits themselves might change what was theirs by a divine law , so they gained by the permutation ; and this answer will serve for what king charles did about durham house . but he thinks it an argument , that even by bishops themselves , deanes , and chapters , &c. such things were done , alienations made , and long leases granted : true sir , for those clergymen were but men , and their sinnes can at all no more abrogate gods law , then can the sinnes of the laity : yet i could name you church-men of great note , who totally refused to be preferred by that queene to any bishopricke at all , because they would by no meanes submit their conscience unto the base acts of such alienations , and one of them was bishop andrews : i could tell you too that those long leases he speakes of , might have one cause more then the marriage of the clergy ; for when they saw men so sharply set upon the inheritance of the church ; when they saw a stoole of wickednesse set up , of sacrilegious wickednes , that imagined mischiefe by a law , some , not the worst of men , thought it fit to make those long leases , that the estate of the church might appeare the more poore , and so lesse subject unto harpies , and then their hope was , at the length ▪ at least after many yeares spent , it might returne whole unto their successours . he goes on , but to deale clearely with you doctor , i do not understand how there can be any sacriledge ( properly so called ) which is not a theft and more , viz. a theft of some thing dedicated to holy use , ( a co●●munion cup for instance or the like ) and th●se you know must be of things moveable , 〈…〉 civil law , and how theft can be of lands , or 〈…〉 by alienating church lands ; i pray aske your friend holborne , and his fellow lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question . ) it seemes sir they are very merry at london , or at least this epistler thinks so ; for being winners he might perhaps conceive they make themselves pleasant at a feather . and that this argument is as light a thing , appeares before from my third assertion : for can any man thinke in earnest , that t is sacriledge , and so a sinne , to take a cup from the church , and t is none to take away a mannour ? as if ahab had been indeed a thiefe , had he rob'd naboth of his grapes , but eliah was too harsh to that good king , because he only tooke away his vineyard : indeed there is such a nicety in the civill law , that actio furti lyes only against him , who has stolne rem mobilem : for justinian it seemes in the composition of his digests ( which he tooke from the writings of the old jurisprudentes ) thought it fit to follow ulpians judgement , and yet sabinus in his booke de furtis , a man of note amongst those men , was known to be of another opinion : non tantum ( sayes he ) rerum moventium , sed fundi quoque , et aedium fieri furtum : a theft properly so call'd may be of things immoveable : i would gladly know of the epistler whether he thinks all men both divines and others , bound to frame all the phrases of their speech according to the criticismes of the civill law , as it s now put out by justinian ? if not , why may not some use the word furtum in sabinus his sense , as well as others may in ulpians ? and then sacriledge may be properly called a theft , and as properly in immoveables ; or if we will needs speake according to his sense whom justinian hath approved , i do not well see how men can spoile the church of her lands , and at the civil law escape an action of theft : for it lyeth against him that takes the trees , & the fruits , and the stones , and i am confident there is no church-robber , but he intends to make use of these kinds of moveables ; otherwise what good wil the church-land do him ? and if he does make this use , a thiefe he is in the civill law phrase , & then in the very sense of this epistler himself , he is without doubt a sacrilegious person : but where i wonder did that londoner learne , that furtum strictè sumptum , was the genus of sacriledge ? so that where there is no theft in the civill law sense there is none of this kind of sin : i am sure t is neither intimated by the greek , nor the latine word : nor i believe delivered by any learned authors on the subject : so that i must set down an assertion , ( i conceive well grounded too ) point blanck against this londoner , and affirme there may be a sacriledge properly so call'd , which is not a theft in the civill law-sense ( which has been grounded in the third assertion ) and then we need not trouble sir robert holborne ( that learned gentleman may have other busines ) nor his fellow lawyers , for i doubt not there are enough besides , who will here smile at this passage , and will thinke that this epistler hath met with a civill law quirke , which he knew not well how to weild : but to say truth he deales clearely with the doctor , and tels him that for his particular , he doth not yet understand ; which for my part i believe ; and do not only wonder , he would gibe at another man , in a point he could no better master . but these arguments it seemes are but only the forlorne-hope , the main battell is yet to come . he calls this the main quere , and desires patience from the doctor , first ( saith he ) i lay this as a foundation , that there is no divine command that ministers under the gospell should have any lands . true , the clergy under the gospell hold not their lands by a divine command , but they do by a divine acceptation by christs most gracious acceptance of such goods and possessions which have been given him by good christians : and this title you now heare will go as farre as a law , and that is we conceive farre enough , for it gives god a propriety in such lands , and so keeps men from a re-assumption . he goes on , the hire of a labourer at most , as fitting maintenance , is all that can be challenged : i but that maintenance must be honourable , or else we christians shall use god like no other men ; farre worse i am sure then do pagans : and when such a maintenance hath been once given in lands , the acceptation of christ will soone make it irrevocable : so that it signifyes little to say the apostles had no lands ; for they who had the money for lands fold , might ( no man can well doubt ) have still kept the lands had they liked it : but the church was straight to be in hot persecution , the disciples were to fly , and lands we know are no moveables , and it were very strange if not ridiculous to affirme that ananias and his wife sinned in taking back● that money which they promised , but if in specie they had given their lands , they might have revoked that gift without sacriledge . he proceeds , which i mention to avoid the groundlesse argument upon the lands and portions allotted to the tribe of levi by gods appointment ▪ to whom our ministere have no succession . our ministers challenge nothing which belongs to that tribe , by leviticall right : but where things are once given to god for the use of his ministers , they there get a morall interest ; and what wee read of this kind in the old testament , doth as much obli●ge christians , as if it were found in the now . [ and 〈…〉 that they enjoy their 〈◊〉 by the 〈…〉 others do , and must be subject to that law which alone gives strength to their title . ] out into 〈◊〉 : have church-men no title to those possessions they enjoy , but by the law of this land alone ? yes , besides these , they have christs acceptation , and so they are become theirs by law evangelicall : their lands are gods own propriety , and so they hold from him by the law morall too ; and therefore though by the lawes of the land they hold estates in fee-simple , and so may alienate without punishment from the law of england : yet they cannot do it without the guilt of sinne , as being a breach of the law evangelicall and morall : except then only when they better themselves by some gainfull , or at least by some not hurtfull permutation . besides , were the argument good , it would only follow , that the clergy by their owne act might alienate their lands , but no man else without their consent . and i conceive it would not now prove so easie a taske to bring church-men to such an alienation . but the parliament may do it ▪ for ( sayes he ) i am sure it will be granted , that ( by the lawes of this nation ) whosoever hath lands or goods , hath them with this inseparable limitation and condition : viz. that the parliament may dispose of them or any part of them at pleasure . this you have oft told me sir is strange doctrine ; for either the parliament , ( i hope he meanes the king in parliament ) doth this , as being the supreame power , or as being representative , and so including the consent of the whole people of england . if as being the supreame power , it will follow , that any absolute prince may as lawfully do the like ▪ and yet this hath been ever held tyrannicall in the great turk , as being against the rules of justice and humanity . indeed samuel 〈◊〉 the israelites , that since they would needs change their theocracy , the immediate government of god himselfe , though it were into monarchy , the best of all humane governments , the king should take their sons and their daughters , their fields , and their vineyards , &c. and they should cry , and should find no help : yet the best divines think , that this would be most unjust , most sinful in their king , and expresly against the law of moses , who leaves every man his propriety , onely the prophet there averres it should be not punishable in him , they should have no remedy , since being the supreame power , 't was in no subjects hands to judge him : so if the king in parliament should take away church-lands , there is ( i confesse ) no resistance to be made , though the act were inhumanely sinfull . or secondly , the parliament does this as representing the whole people ▪ and so including their consent ( for they who consent can receive no injury ) and then i understand not which way it can at all touch the clergy , who are neither to be there by themselves , nor yet ( god knowes ) by representation : or if againe they were there , i would gladly know what burgesse , or what knight of a shire , nay what clerke , or what bishop doth represent christ ( whose lands these are ) and by vertue of what deputation ? nor doe i beleeve that any subject intends to give that power to him that represents him in parliament , as to destroy his whole estate , except then onely , when the known laws of the land make him lyable to so high a censure . but grant that this were true in mens lands , yet sure it will not hold in god's . for since in magna charta ( that hath received by parliament at least 30. confirmations ) the lands we speak of are now given to god , and promise there made , that the church shall hold her whole rights and liberties inviolable . sure the kingdome must keep what she hath thus promised to god , and must now think to beginne to tell him of implyed conditions , or limitations : for it were a strange scorne put upon god , if men should make this grand promise to their maker , and then tell him after so many hundreds of yeares , that their meaning was to take it back at their pleasure : i believe there is no good pagan that would not blush at this dealing , and conclude , that if christians may thus use their god , without doubt he is no god at all . he goes on , [ hence is it they sometimes dispose some part in subsidies , and other taxes . ] the parliament disposeth part of mens estates in subsidies , and taxes , and with their consents , ergo , it may dispose of all the church lands , though church-men themselves should in down right termes contradict it : truly sir , this argument is neither worth an answere nor a smile : for i am sure you have often told me that the parliament in justice can destroy no private mans estate : or if upon necessity it may need this or that subjects land for some publique use , yet that court is in justice bound to make that private man an amends . subsidies you said were supposed to be laid on salvo contenemento , so that a duke might still live like a duke , and a gentleman like a gentleman : is it not so with the clergy too ? by their own consent indeed , and not otherwise ; they are often imposed , and they are paid by them ; but yet they are burthens which they may beare salvo contenemento : and they are paid not out of gods propriety , by alienating of his lands , but out of that usus fructus they receive from god : and so the maine doth still go on to their successors . so that to inferre from any of these usages , that the 〈◊〉 of bishops , and deanes , and chapters , may be wholly alienated from the church , is an inference that will prevaile with none but those , who being led by strong passions that it should be so , make very little use of their reason to oppose that passion . he proceeds , [ now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an expresse condition or limitation in the deeds of donation , ( which would silence all dispute ) whereas it is as cleare a truth , that where any thing is necessarily by law implyed , it is as much as in plain termes expressed . ] no marvell if such conditions be not expressed in benefactors deeds of donation , because it would make pious deeds most impiously ridiculous : for who would not blush to tell god , that indeed he gives him such lands , but with a very clear intent to revoke them ; and what christian will say that such an intent is tacitely there , which it were impiety to expresse ? nay t is apparantly cleare , in the curses added by such donors , upon those who shall attempt to make void their gifts , that their meaning was plaine , such lands should remaine gods for ever : by magna charta these gifts are confirmed unto the church for ever , ( she shall have her whole rights and liberties inviolable ) and yet is there a tacite condition in the selfe-same law that they may be violated . no marvell if with us men cannot trust men , if god himselfe cannot trust our lawes . and if that charter , or any else made by succeeding princes , do indeed confirme such donations ( as without all doubt they do ) sure they must confirme such donations in that same sence wherein the donors made them ; for so do all other confirmations ; nay in this case of a totall dis-inhaerison , there cannot be in law any such tacite conditions or limitations as the epistler speakes of : for i have shewed such to be unjust ▪ and tyrannicall in a private subjects estate , and therefore in gods they are much more unjust ; because they are sure he cannot offend ; and an unjust and tyrannicall meaning must not be called the meaning of the law . the letter goes on . [ besides , it were somewhat strange , that the donors of the lands should preserve them in the hands of the bishops from the power of parliament , which he could not doe in his owne , and give them a greater and surer right then he had himselfe . ] the lay-donee might preserve them thus in his owne hands , suppose him but an honest person : for though a parliament may impunè disinherit such an innocent man , yet they cannot doe it justè ; and so in this regard both the donor and the donee are in the same condition . besides , t is no such strange thing , for the self-same right ( as a right suppose of fee-simple ) to become more sure in his hands that takes , then it ever was in his hands that gave it . for though the right it self be still the same right , ( for nemo dat quod non habet ) yet by gift it may now come into a more strong hand , and by this meanes that selfe-same right may become the stronger . and sure with us gods hand should be more strong then mans : nay hence , as some think , lands given to the church , were said to come in manum mortuam , as it were into a dead hand , which parts with nothing it hath once closed upon . and why the epistler should call this a strange thing , i doe not yet see the reason , because t is alwayes so , when any one benefactor doth by vertue of a mortmaine convey his lands to any kind of corporation . againe , [ nor doe i understand their meaning , who terme god the proprietor of the bishops lands , and the bishop the usufructuary . ] i conceive i have made this plaine , because such lands were first offered to god , and became his owne property by his owne divine acceptation : and if the dominium directum of these things doe once rest in god , the dominium utile , the usus fructus alone is the onely thing left to be the patrimony of his clergie . but he addes a reason , [ for i know not how ( in propriety of speech ) god is more entitled to their lands , then to his whole creation . ] here the epistler speaks out : for truly , sir , i feare the lawyer your friend is little better then an independent . how ? hath god no more title in propriety of speech to one piece of ground then another ? no more to a place where a church is built , then where men have now placed a stable ? our english homilies , which are confirmed by law , cry downe this crosse piece of anabaptisme . t is true , god made all things , and so the whole world is most justly his by that great right of creation : but yet the psalmists words are as true , the earth hath he given to the children of men . so as that great god is now wel content to receive back what men will give him : and this acceptance of his must needs in all reason make those things his more peculiarly . thus christ calls the temple his fathers house : 't was god's , and god's more peculiarly , not onely by right of creation , but by gift . thus lands given unto god are his , and his more peculiarly ; his , because he made them , and his againe , because having once given them to the children of men , upon their gift he did accept them : so that his priests , and his poore being sustained by them , he calls it in a more peculiar manner , his meat , his drinke , and his cloathing : and then if in point of acceptance with god , there be great difference between feeding his priests , and feeding them that doe him no such service , there must needs be as much difference between lands set out unto that sacred use , and lands of a more common employment . he gives a second reason , [ were clergie-men but usufructuaries , how come they to change , dispose , or alter the property of any thing , ( which an usufructuary cannot doe ) and yet is done by you daily ? ] how come they to change or dispose any thing ? yes , they may change , or dispose , or alter many kinds of things , for so without doubt any usufructuary may doe , so he wrong not his lord by an abuse done to his propriety . thus he may change his corne into clothing , or , if he please , his wool into books : nay he may alter the property of his possessions too , if he have expresse leave of his lord : and god himself did tell levi , that he was well content that men should alter some things that belonged to him , so it were for the tribes advantage , levit. 27. 13 : the letter goes on . [ aske them by what divine law s. maries church in oxford may not be equally imployed for temporall uses , as for holding the vice chancellors court , the university convocation , or their yeerly acts ? ] he might as well have asked , why not as well for temporall uses , as for temporall uses ? for if those he names be not so , his argument is naught ; and if they be so , t is not well put downe . his meaning sure was for other temporall uses , as well as for those . and truly sir , to put a church to any such kind of use , is not to be defended ; and therefore i excuse not the university : especially she having had ( at least for a good time ) so many large places for those meetings . yet something might be said for the vice-chancellours court , because t is partly episcopal , something for the act at least in comitiis , because t is partly divine ; but i had rather it should receive an amendment then an excuse . though it follow not neither , that because this church is sometimes for some few houres abused , therefore it may be alwayes so ; as if because sometimes t is made a profane church , t is therefore fit 't were no church at all . he proceeds . [ and as for their curses ( those bug-beare words ) i could never yet learne that an unlawfull curse was any prejudice but to the author : of which sort those curses must needs be , which restraine the parliament , or any there from exercising a lawfull and undenyable power , which in instances would shew very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice anothers lawfull right . i am sure such curses have no warrant from the law of god , or this nation . ] no warrant from the word of god ? i conceive there is a very cleare one : & our mother-church commends it to the use of her sons in the expresse words of her commination , cursed be he that removeth away the mark of his neighbours lands : and all the people shall say , amen . deut. 27. 17. if he be accursed that wrongs his neighbour in his lands , what shall he be that injures god ? if a curse light upon him ( and a publique curse confirmed by an amen made by all the people ) who removes but the mark whereby his neighbours lands are distinguisht ; sure a private curse may be annexed by a benefactor unto his deed of donation , in case men should rob the very lands themselves that have been once given to their mother . that such curses restraine the parliament in its lawfull undenyable rights , is ( you have told me ) but a great mistake : for though the parliament may impunè ( which in some sense is called lawfully ) take away the church lands , ( though it may doe it without punishment , because ( the king being there ) it is the highest power ) yet that court it selfe cannot do it justè , cannot doe it without sinne , and that a fouler sinne then the removing a land-marke , and then a fouler curse may follow it . let the epistler then take heed of these more then bug-beare words ; for believe it , sir , in such curses as these there is much more then showes and vizards : and if you will give trust to any stories at all , many great families and men have felt it . his last argument is ( for all the rest is but declamation ) [ aske your bishops whether church lands may not lawfully ( the law of the state not prohibiting ) be transferred from one church to another upon emergent occasions , which i thinke they will not deny : if so , who knowes that the parliament will transferre them to layhands ? they-professe no such thing , and i hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the ministery . ] i conceive the bishops answer would be , that t is no sacriledge to transferre lands from one church to another : but yet there may be much rapine and injustice , the will of the dead may be violated , and so sinne enough in that action ; many may be injuriously put from their estates , in which they have as good title by the lawes of the land , as those same men that put them out . to say then the church lands may be totally given up , because the epistler hopes the parliament will commit no sacriledge , is a pretty way of perswasion , and may equally worke on him to give up his own lands , because he may as well hope to be re-estated again , in that the parliament will do no injustice . and now sir , having thus observed your commands , i should have ceased to trouble you ; yet one thing more i shall adventure to crave your patience in : and t is to let you know , that if this epistler had been right in both his conclusions , that episcopacy is not of divine institution , & that sacriledge is no sinne ; yet if you cast your eyes upon his majesties coronation oath , wherein he is so strictly sworne to defend both the episcopall order , and the church-lands and possessions , you would easily acknowledge that the king cannot yeeld to what this letter aims at , though he were in danger of no other sinne then that of perjury ▪ and though i must needs guesse that the epistler knew well of this juratory tye , yet you will the lesse blame him for a concealment of this kind , because he was not retained of the churches counsell . his majesties oath you may read published by himselfe in an answer to the lords and commons in parliament . 26. may , 1642. it runnes thus : episcopus . sir , will you grant and keepe , and by your oath confirme to the people of england , the lawes and customes to them granted by the kings of england , your lawfull and religious predecessors , and namely the lawes , customes , and franchizes granted to the clergy by the glorious king s. edward , your predecessour , according to the lawes of god , the true profession of the gospell established in this kingdome , and agreeable to the prerogative of the kings thereof , and the ancient customes of this realme ? rex . i grant and promise to keepe them . episc. sir , will you keepe peace and godly agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god , the holy church , the clergy , and the people ? rex . i will keepe it . episc. sir , will you ( to your power ) cause law , justice , and discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all your judgements ? rex . i will . episc. will you grant to hold and keep the lawes and rightfull customes which the commonalty of this your kingdome have , and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of god , so much as in you lyeth ? rex . i grant and promise so to do . then one of the bishops reads this admonition to the king , before the people , with a loud voice . our lord and king , wee beseech you to pardon and grant , & to preserve unto us , & to the churches committed to our charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of the bishops and churches under his government . the king answereth , with a willing and devout heart i promise and grant my part , and that i will preserve and maintaine to you and the churches committed to your charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that i will be your protector and defender to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdome by right ought to protect and defend the bishops and churches under his government . then the king ariseth , and is led to the communion table , where he makes a solemne oath in sight of all the people to observe the promises , and laying his hand upon the booke , saith , the oath . the things that i have before promised , i shall performe , and keep ; so helpe me god , and the contents of this booke . in the first clause t is plaine , he makes a promissory oath unto the whole people of england , ( a word that includes both nobility , and clergy , and commons ) that he will confirme their lawes and customes : and in the second paragraph thereof he sweares peculiarly to the clergy , that he will keepe the lawes , customes , and franchises granted to the clergy by the glorious king s. edward : and more plainly in the fift clause , he makes like promissory oath unto the bishops alone in the behalfe of themselves and their churches : that he will reserve and maintaine to them all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice , and that he will be their protector and defender . where first , since he sweares defence unto the bishops by name , t is plaine , he sweares to maintain their order : for he that sweares he will take care the bishops shall be protected in such and such rights , must needs sweare to take care that bishops must first be : for their rights must needs suppose their essence . and where a king sweares defence , what can it imply but defence in a royall kingly way ? tu defende me gladio , & ego defendam te calamo , is the well known speech of an old church-man to a prince : for sure where kings sweare defence to bishops , i do not thinke they sweare to write bookes in their behalfe , or attempt to make it clear to the people that episcopacy is jure divino : but a king , whose propriety it is to beare the sword , sweares to weare it in the defence of bishops ; for though t is against the very principles of the christian faith , that religion should be planted or reformed by bloud , yet when christian kings have by law setled christian religion , and sworne to defend those persons that should preach it , he ought sure to beare his sword to defend his lawes , and to keepe his soule free from perjury . and by canonicall priviledges that belong to them and their churches , there must needs be implyed the honour of their severall orders , as that bishops should be above presbyters , &c. together with all their due rights and jurisdictions . the words , due law and justice , cannot but import that his majesty binds himselfe to see that justice be done to them and the churches , according to the law then in force when he tooke that oath . and when the king sweares protection and defence , that clause must needs reach not only to their persons , but to their rights and estates ; for he sweares not onely to men , but to men in such a condition , to bishops and their churches ; and those conditions of men grow little lesse then ridiculous , if their estates be brought to ruine ; so that such a protection were neither at all worth the asking , nor the swearing , if the king should protect a bishop in his life , and yet suffer him to be made a begger , since to see himselfe in scorne and contempt , might more trouble him then to dye . and whereas he sweares to be their protector and defender to his power by the assistance of god , these words ( to his power ) may seem to acquit him of all the rest , if he fall into a condition wherein all power seemes taken from him : but that sir will prove a mistake ; for one of the greatest powers of the king of england is in the negative in parliament ; so that without him no law can be enacted there , since t is only the power-royall that can make a law to be a law ; so that if the king should passe a statute to take away the church-lands , he protects it not to his power : since t is plaine , that so long as a man lives and speakes , he hath still power to say , no : for it cannot be said that the church in this case may be as it were ravished from the king , and that then he may be no more guilty of that sinne then lucrece was in her rape , for though a chaste body may suffer ravishment , yet the strength of a tarquin cannot possibly reach unto a mans will or his assent . now in all promissory oathes made for the benefit of that party to whom we sweare ; t is a rule with divines , that they of all others do more strictly bind , except then alone when remission is made , consensu illius cui facta est promissio . so although the king sweare unto the people of england , that he will keepe and confirme their lawes , yet if you their commons desire these said lawes , be either abrogated or altered , t is cleare that oath binds no further , because remission is made by their own consent who desired that promise from him : and upon this very ground t is true , that the king sweares to observe the lawes only in sensu composito , so long as they are lawes . but should the desire either to alter or abrogate either law or priviledges , proceed from any other , but from them alone to whose benefit he was sworne , t is cleerely plaine by the rules of all justice , that by such an act or desire his oath receives no remission : for the foundation of this promissory oath is their interest he was sworn to and it cannot therefore be remitted but by them alone for whose sake the oath was taken . so that when ( in the second paragraph of the first clause , and more plainly in the fift ) he sweares a benefit to the bishops alone , in the behalfe of them and their churches , t is apparent that this oath must perpetually bind , except a remission can be obtained from the bishops themselves , and their churches he was sworne to . this then must be confessed to be the sense of the oath , that when the king hath first sworn in generall to grant , keepe and confirme the lawes and customes of the people of england , he farther yet particularly sweares unto the clergy , to preserve their lawes and priviledges , and customes ; because since they are not able to make a negative in parliament , so that the clergy may easily be swallowed up by the people and the lords : therefore in a more particular manner they have obtained an oath to be made unto them by the king , which being for their particular benefit , it cannot be remitted without their expresse consent , so that although an act of parliament being once passed by the votes of the king and both houses , it doth sir ( as you have told me ) bind the whole people of england : yea the whole people as it includes the clergy too ; yet it concernes the king by vertue of his oath to give his vote unto no such act as shall prejudice what he hath formerly sworne unto them , except he can first obtain their expresse consent , that he may be thereby freed from his juratory obligation . it may be said perhaps that in the consent given by both houses of parliament , the consent of the clergy is tacitely implyed , and so it is , ( say our lawyers as you have told me sir ) in respect of the power obligatory , which an act so passed obtaines upon them , for they affirme that it shall as strongly bind the clergy , as if they themselves had in expresse termes consented to it . although bishops being men barred from their votes in parliament , and neither they nor their inferiour clergy having made choice of any to represent them in that great councell , their consents can in no faire sense be said to be involved in such acts as are done as well without their representative presence , as they once without their personall . but the question is , whether a tacite consent , ( though it be indeed against their expresse wils ) can have a power remissory to absolve the king from his oath ; he that affirmes it hath , must resolve to meet with this great absurdity , that although ( besides his generall oath unto the whole people of england ) his majesty be in particular sworne unto the rights . of the clergy , yet they obtaine no more benefit by this , then if he had sworn onely in generall ; which is as much as to say , that in this little draught oathes are multiplyed without necessity , nay without signification at all , and that the greater part of the first , and the whole fourth clause , are nothing else but a meere painfull draught of superfluous tautologies . for his yeelding to the two first lines swears him to keep and confirme the lawes and customes of the whole people of england ; which word ( people ) includes those of the clergy too , and therefore in generall their lawes and customes are confirmed no doubt in those words , and so confirmed that they cannot be shaken but at least by their tacite consent in a parliamentary way . but since the king condescends to afford to their rights , a more particular juratory tye , there is no doubt but it binds in a way too , that is more particular ; so that his majesty cannot expect a remission of this oath , without their consents clearely expressed : for as when the king sweares to keep the lawes of the people in general , he cannot be acquitted but by the expresse consent of the people , or by a body that represents the people , quatenus the people ▪ so that when in particular he sweares unto the lawes and customes of the clergy , this oath must needs bind until it be remitted in an expresse forme , either by the whole clergy , themselves , or by some body of men at least , that represents the clergy , quatenus the clergy , and not only as they are involved in the great body of the people , so that he that shall presume to perswade his majesty to passe an act in prejudice of this ecclesiastical body ( to whom he is thus sworn ) without their expresse consent first obtained , councels him to that which is both grosly injurious unto his fellow subjects , nay which is indeed a most damnable wickednesse against the very soule of the king . sir , as i conceive t is now plaine enough , that if the parliament should destroy the episcopall order , and take away the lands of the church ; the houses in that act would runne themselves into two sinnes , and his majesty into three ; and upon this supposition the epistler and i are agreed : [ i do not thinke ( saith he ) conveniency or necessity will excuse conscience in a thing in it selfe unlawfull ] and before that , he calls the contrary the tenet of the romanist , or jesuited puritan : onely i would beseech him for his own soules sake to consider how great a scandall he hath given to mankind , in defence of such sinnes as these . for i conceive that durand offended more in holding fornication was no sinne against the law naturall , then shechem did ( who was onely under that law ) in his lust upon old jacobs daughter , fraudem legi facere , ( saith the civilian ) is worse then legem violare , it argues a more un-subject-like disposition for a man to put tricks and quirks upon his prince his lawes , then to runne himselfe into a down-right violation : and god we know is king , i am a great king ( saith the lord of hosts ) and a king in whose hand is vengeance , malach. 1. 14. t is true sir , we are thus put into a very sad condition , when the only option that seemes left us now , is either to choose sinne or ruine ; but yet ( if well used ) t is a condition glorious ; a condition wherein all that noble army of martyrs stood , before they could come at martyrdome , and if in preparation of mind we thus lay our lives downe at the feet of christ , i am undoubtedly perswaded t is our only way to preserve them . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a93888e-940 25. h. 8. c. 19. epist. ans. epist ▪ ans. epist. ans. 2 sam. 7. act. 27. 8. mal. 3. 8. aquin. 2. 2. qu. 39. art. 1. ibid. art. 3. 〈◊〉 verum de furto . gel. l. 11. c. ●lt . l. verum . a sermon preached at the consecration of the right reverend father in god ambrose lord bishop of kildare in christ-church, dublin, june 29, 1667 / by the right reverend father in god, henry, lord bishop of meath. jones, henry, 1605-1682. 1667 approx. 122 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47044 wing j948 estc r5267 09464174 ocm 09464174 43197 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47044) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43197) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 386:12, 1311:3) a sermon preached at the consecration of the right reverend father in god ambrose lord bishop of kildare in christ-church, dublin, june 29, 1667 / by the right reverend father in god, henry, lord bishop of meath. jones, henry, 1605-1682. [44], 31 [i.e. 42], [1] p. printed by john crook ... and are to be sold by samuel dancer ..., dublin : 1667. errata: p. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jones, ambrose, d. 1678. bible. -n.t. -titus i, 5-9 -sermons. church polity -sermons. episcopacy -sermons. 2005-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-07 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur mich. dublin . canc. a sermon preached at the consecration of the right reverend father in god ambrose lord bishop of kildare in christ-church , dublin , june 29. 1667. by the right reverend father in god henry lord bishop of meath . dublin , printed by john crook , printer to the king 's most excellent majestie , and are to be sold by samuel dancer in castle-street . 1667. to the most honourable james , duke , marquess , and earl of ormond , earl of ossory and brecknock , viscount thurles , lord baron of arklow and lanthony , lord of the regalities and liberties of the county of tipperary , chancellor of the universitie of dublin , lord lieutenant general , and general governour of his majesties kingdom of ireland , lord lieutenant of the county of somerset , the city and county of bristol , and the cities of bath and wells , one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy councils of his majesties kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , lord steward of his majesties household , gentleman of his majesties bed-chamber , and knight of the most noble order of the garter , his grace , my lord , what of ecclesiastical government in the christian church , hath passed our fore-fathers unquestioned more than one thousand five hundred years , from the apostles downward , that , is become the unhappy dispute of this last age , both as to pen and sword. this had its rise at geneva , anno 1541. a the people having thence tumultuously expelled their bishop , and being thereby without government , and to seek for the way toward it , thereupon did calvin put himself on them , finding , in that , a fit introduction to greatness , and by his prudence , and learning , ( in both which he excelled ) became he there an oracle , and his will a law . of that made he use in meditating , forming , and proposing a model of church-government , ( it being desired of him by the people ; ) which he well ordered to his ends , and interests ; intermixing church , and lay-elders ; ( those fixed , these yearly elected ) appointing a double number of the laity , to what was of the other ; that is , six ministers , and twelve others , chosen out of their three councils of state , viz. six out of their council of two hundred , and four out of that of sixty , and two out of the twenty five ; wherein ( for pleasing the people ) the advantage of major votes was given them in decisions ; and in that , most of power in them ( seemingly ) placed ; whereas , indeed , all was thereby in himself , and in his church-elders principally , well judging , that the fewer ( being learned , leading , and lasting ) might easily influence , and overbear a greater number not so reaching , and changing , whose election also might be by the other so ordered , as to serve a church-interest . and least ( on consideration , ) this might be ( over-soon apprehended and avoided . therefore had calvin ( undertaking that form of government , desired of him ) first , politickly , obliged that people by oath to receive and submit to what should be so proposed ; provided , it were agreeable to gods word , and to the approbation of such of the reformed churches as should be thought fit to be therein consulted . and accordingly , did he carefully hold , in that , to scripture-names and words , knowing , that this could not but sound well howsoever , and that it might take with the less discerning , and would certainly pass with those , whose interest it was to be so satisfied . in which , he fixed principally on the name of elders ; a scripture-name , of which much is spoken in both testaments , but in the new testament sounding toward the frame of government in the christian church : yet , in the new testament was found the word bishop also : and this , as considerable , for church government as could be pretended to , in that other of elders ; and yet , must not ( notwithstanding ) the name of bishop be in this new model mentioned : for , the name would mind the injurious casting off of their bishop , and the thing stood in the way to other grandeures ; therefore with the person must the name of bishop be shut out also . but how may that be without force and wrong to scripture ? where , of the name and office of bishops , is mention frequent and honourable ; as to that , the expedient is readie and easie . it is but ordering the text to the gloss , and framing such an interpretation for that scripture-name bishop , that thenceforth ( although never till then ) by bishops , elders be understood : so as , whatsoever is in the new testament said of bishops , should be of elders onely , & that bishops and elders be as the same , not distinguished in office or work . but such avoiding of express scriptures by private constructions , could not satisfie all : therefore , what is short in that , is to be supplied otherwise ; that is , by the sense and approbation of other reformed churches : and to that is this new law-giver put ( unexpectedly ) by a reluctancy found in the people , they beginning to resent the design , and desiring ( if possible ) to get off , and loose from that , in which they now saw , ( but too late ) themselves intangled . and whereas their late obligation of an oath , could not but stick close , it behoved to seek their libertie some other way , and no other way appeared so ready , as that part of the mentioned proviso , the sense of other churches in the case , by which was hope for evading , it being observed , that no other church was then so modelled in government ; and therefore , was it hoped they might be inclined not to favour this , being new and strange . this , the people now press , and to four of the helvetian cities and churches is by them addressed , with which calvin closeth readily ; that being what he expected , and for what he was prepared , and of which he had already assurance . for , ( all that having been foreseen ) he had before ( underhand ) by letters , dealt with the principals of those churches , that they would not fail to declare for that form of government , in which he had so laboured for geneva , ( saying ) that religion , and piety , and the welfare of that church and people depended on it . whereby when that business was by all parties laid before those churches , the answer was readie ; which was , that they had heard of those consistorial laws , which they acknowledged for godly ordinances , and drawing towards the prescript of gods word : therefore did they think it good for the church of geneva , not to change the same , but rather to keep as they were . thus , is calvins work done , and setled , and the people brought to a succumbency ; onely , it remained , that whereas it had been by those compromising churches , more warily delivered concerning those laws of government , that they were godly ordinances ( which might seem a lean expression ) and that they did draw toward the prescript of gods word , ( which was short and diminishing ) therefore was something to be declared more absolute and positive in the case . and seeing it was not to be expected from other churches , it was thus therefore otherwise ordered ( and as effectually ) first , that this discipline be cried up ( as it was industriously ) for ancient , apostolical , and wholly scriptural ; and so , above all other forms whatsoever , and therefore , to be that to which other churches should conform ; and geneva ( as to church and government , ) to be esteemed of all , and above all best reformed : unto which , in that cursed national covenant in england , was respect had particularly . wherein is to be observed the prodigious growth of this last nights mushrom ; that this , but just now , standing on its good behaviour , and beholding to others votes and approbation ( and that begged ) for introducing it , and needing an oath ( slily imposed , and inconsiderately taken ) for holding the people to it , it self also looking on it self jealously , whether to be or not ; yet should it now from a politick government start up in a moment , and be transformed to what is divine . and therefore no longer begging , but commanding ; nor to be now confined to geneva , ( where first imposed , ) but geneva in that , giving laws to the world , and expecting from other churches conformity to that as the principal . by all which ( notwithstanding ) although other reformed churches had been in all this time , little influenced ; yet ( surely by some fatality ) hath it been with us in these kingdoms otherwise . for this geneva form well pleasing our english , fled to geneva in q. mary's persecution was by them brought thence in their return ; by whom it having been for a time hatched in private conventicles , at length was it brought forth , and after by strong hand imposed on our churches for imitation : as was that idol-altar at damascus patterned for jerusalem . b this began in scotland , where episcopacie was cast off by the reformers ( geneva principled ) and that ( as in geneva , ) in a way popular and tumultuary so imbibing reformation with schism . and although in th● other kingdoms episcopacy still held , and many years flourished after the reformation , ( to the glory of our church above all others reformed ) yet was that sacred hierarchy , in that time , by that party oft pushed at ; and at length , ( they getting head and power in our late dismal times ) our very foundations of government , civil , and ecclesiastical , regal , and episcopal , ( as by a general earthquake ) were at once , and together , overturned , and in their ruins buried : under which universal desolations lay these kingdoms , miserably , when ( as by miracle ) all were again raised and restored to their former beauty and lustre , by his sacred majesties glorious and happy restauration . ( and next and unto his majesty ) doth ireland own your grace in its settlement , both as to church and state , our general settlement of the kingdom by your great hand , speaking your glory to generations . and whereas all these mentioned evils and miseries , had been occasioned by schism , and by that particularly concerning church-government , and that this present generation hath been ( in a great measure ) bred and educated in an age , where that truth hath been silenced , and nothing heard but what hath been loudly against it , and the contrary magnified , as what only is according to scripture : and considering , that this , ( we must now say ) controversie , being cleared , mens minds ( or some of them ) might be satisfied in the truth , and thereby setled in obedience ; therefore ( occasion being for it ) did i take up this subject , in which episcopacy is asserted as apostolical , and the contrary examined , so far , as the short time then allowed me would admit ; which being by your grace commanded from me , it is thus in due obedience presented ; yet in some particulars here and there enlarged , above what was in publick delivery , what is so added , being what was intended to have been then spoken , had i not been enforced by the time , and work of the day , to contract . all which is now laid at your excellencies feet , and under your great and piercing judgment , there , leaving it humbly , and ever praying for your lordships happiness every way ; and that the lord would remember you according to the good by you done for the house of our god , and for the offices thereof . your graces in duty and service . henry midensis . dublin , 16. aug. 1667. my lord , i have more than once read your lordships very excellent sermon , and do think it not only so convincing in what it aims at , but so prudent and seasonable , that with your good leave , i wish it may be printed , and to that end have left the copy you sent me in my lord chancellors hands . what you are pleased to say of me , in your epistle to me , is the only questionable part of the work ; and if i have not been what you say , you teach me what i should be , and i receive the instruction as i ought , and remain . your lordships most affectionate humble servant , ormonde . for the right reverend father in god the lord bishop of meath . these . the preface to the reader . what is here withall now published , was at first intended to have been no farther publique , then as spoken . but it being since then , otherwise ordered , and concieving that so necessary a truth ( now dark and controversal , ) might require more for its explication and proof , then was , or could ( circumstances considered ) be , at that time , in speaking allowed . therefore is this intended in way of supplement at present , which may be hereafter farther enlarged , as opportunity shall be for it ; if not , perhaps , thereunto provoked by gain-sayers , whom i expect and provide for . the asserting the episcopal office and calling , and in that , the government ecclesiastical of the christian church , is that now before us , concerning which that may be found true , which god speaks of some other his truths , in corrupt times . i have ( saith he ) written to them the great things of my law , but they were counted as a strange thing . a and what is now so strange , as to hear of episcopacy , that it is the true , ancient , and apostolical government of the church ? and on the contrary , that the government without elders ( lay or others ) is but feigned , and novel ? yet , is this a great truth , episcopacy having been received , both in profession and practice in all ages of the church , from the first of christianity unto 〈◊〉 last age , whereas now we find this truth , not so much antiquated or forgotten , as utterly denied . but comparing scripture , and authentick records of ancient times 〈…〉 evident , that episcopacy is so far apostolically divine , 1. that bishops were in the 〈◊〉 times of the apostles . 2. and they by the apostles themselves ordained and appointed . 3. and that in those very times of the apostles , in the apostolical churches ( such as were by the apostles themselves planted , and setled , ) there had been an approved succession of bishops . 4. and that in all the following p●●●●tive ages of the church , the 〈◊〉 by bishops , so apostolically ordered , had been accordingly received , and continued , no one church contradicting in word , or practice . 5. lastly , nothing heard , in all that time , of a government by elders , lay , o● other . for manifesting which , briefly , in particulars , it appears , 〈…〉 ( taking that unto the death of 〈◊〉 john , an . 〈◊〉 ) 1. that st. james , ( not the son of 〈◊〉 who was killed by herod b but 〈…〉 killed the 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 brother c or kinsman ) was ( it may be on such respect● ) appointed by the apostles , bishop of jerusalem . he was there , therefore resident , while other the apostles were other where on their work . and on that account might he be ( probably , ) pointed 〈…〉 as principal among the 〈◊〉 d 〈◊〉 ( faith he ) show these things unto james , and to the brethren , speaking of his miraculous deliverance from herod , and from his prison . and after , in the great council 〈◊〉 hierusalem ( the greatest that ever was in the christian world , all the apostles being present ; ) st. james appears there as principal and president , by whom ( as 〈◊〉 by such usual ) the resolve of the council is last , and definitively declared . e also to st. james , is by st. paul at hierusalem expresly addressed . f and again , and again is he honourably mentioned among , and above others , g in which he was considered as bishop of hierusalem , which i need not prove , it being by the other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ●ledged , & proved also , although with some tenderness , as to be willingly passed over . it seemeth ( say the authors of the annot. on the bible printed an . 1651. ) that he was assigned to stay at jerusalem . h but on what account was that ? they test us , i antiquity ( say they ) took him , ( james ) to be superintendent , or bishop of the church of jerusalem , chrys. hom . 33. in act. jerom. to 1 catal. ser. eccles. these are their words and proof for it , of that therefore i need not ( i hope ) say more . after st. james ( who governed that church thirty years ) his brother simon or simeon succeeded in that bishoprick ; k he , living until he was 120 years old , suffered under 〈◊〉 . 2. by appointment of st. peter , st. mark was appointed bishop of alexandria , and the first there . he died five or six years before s. peter or s. paul , and almost 40 years before s. john : him succeeded anianus , then abilius , and after cerdo , all in the apostles time . l 3. by s. paul was timothy made bishop of ephesus , and titus bishop of crete . the postscripts to those epistles stile them bishops ; which beside the antiquity of that testimony , is otherwise averred , for the authors of the centuries m say , that it is evident that paul appointed timothy pastor , and that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or president , which is with beza a bishop . n timothy had first the bishoprick of the church of ephesus , and titus of the churches in crete : so eusebius , o also jerome , p timothy was ordained of s. paul the bishop of the ephesians , and titus bishop of crete : and oecumenius on these words , 1 tim. 1. 3. i be sought thee to abide still at ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . here ( faith he ) he appointed him bishop . q and of titus , r that paul left him to ordain bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having first made him bishop . as for timothies successors in the apostles times ; you have the angel of that church mentioned by s. john , re● . 2. 1. also polycrates bishop of ephesus contemporary to polycarpus bishop of smyrna , ordained by s. john. and of others his successors after , we read in the council of chalcedon ; where stephanus bishop of ephesus being deposed , and it being debated by whom the new bishop should be appointed , whether by the council , or by the provincial synod of asia ; thereupon leontius bishop of magnesia ( of the province of asia ) said , thatfrom s. timothy to that time , there had been 27 bishops of ephesus , all ordained in the province . s as to crete , and of bishops , succeeding titus ; we read , that basil bishop of gortyna ( the metropolis of crete ) was present at the council of trullo . t 4. the apostles s. peter , and s. paul , about the year 45. appointed evodius bishop of antioch , who continued there bishop 20 years . him ignatius succeeded , and sate there 30 years ; both of them in the times of the apostles . u 5. in the year 56. the same apostles ordered linus bishop of rome , who is mentioned 2 tim. 4. 21. after whom followed anacletus , and clemens , w in the apostles times also . clemens did see the apostles , and conversed with them , saith irenaeus ( l. 3. c. 3. ) 6. s. john ordained polycarp bishop of smyrna . x and after his return from exile , he appointed several bishops in divers places . y and as we finde it thus in those apostolical churches ( by themselves , ordered ) so in others also hath it been in like manner , as to apostolical ordination and succession : of which tertullian : as the church of smyrna had polycarpus placed there by s. john , and the church of rome clement ordained by s. peter , so the rest of the churches also did shew what bishops they had received by the appointment of the apostles , to traduce the apostolical seed to them . z in all which are seen , bishops ordained by the apostles ; with their succession , and that , even in the times of the apostles , together with their times and places , ascertaining the truth of it . adde , the universal practice after , of all churches , both orthodox , and heretical ; ( for even the novatians , arians , and donatists , &c. retained the true government of the church by bishops . ) but on the contrary , no instances out of councils , fathers or histories , can be given ( in all that time ) of churches ordered without bishops by elders , of which kind soever ; allowing the time when churches were first constituted ; they being then under the immediate tuition and care of the apostles themselves respectively , until by their removal or otherwise , they found it necessary to appoint others in their places , in which case , the apostles being themsel●es bishops , they then stood in that capacity , which bishops after supplied . that general consent therefore of all churches from the beginning , evidenceth the truth in this undeniably ; if it be not supposed , that all those holy fathers and councils should joyn in one , throughout all those ages , ( no one contradicting , ) in setting up a government in the church ( episcopal , ) contrary to what was by the apostles appointed ; and utterly silencing ( without the least memory ) what the apostles had ordered ( if so it were ) of a government by elders without bishops . but that , were to suppose a conspiracy and combination , as to those holy men uncharitable , and in it self irrational and impossible . this i rather chuse to give in the very words of his late majestie charles i. ( the royal martyr for this church truth , as for the essential priviledges of his crown and kingdoms ) that , being by him delivered in answer to certain papers of the divines attending the commissioners of parliament at the treatie of newpors in the isle of wight anno . 1648. a he that shall find by all the best records extant , that the distinction of bishops from , and the superiority over presbyters was so universally and speedily spread over the face of the whole world ; and their government submitted to so 〈◊〉 by the presbyters that there never was any considerable opposition made there against before aerius ( and that cried down as an hereste ) nor since till this last age , and shall duely consider withall that if episcopal government had not had an indubitable institution from the authority of christ and his apostles ; or if any other forme of church government could have pretended to such instruction , it had been the most impossible thing in the world , when their neither was any outward certain power to enforce it , nor could be any general council to stablish it , to have introduced such a forme of government so suddenly and quietly into all christian churches , and not the spirit of one presbyter for 〈◊〉 that appeareth for above 300. years to 〈◊〉 been provoke either through zeal ; ambition or other motive to stand up in the just defence of their own and the churches libertie against such usurpation . these are his majesties words . thus doth episcopacy derive from the first times , and shews it self generally received , and continued by a succession of after ages , in the christian church . which that by elders without bishops , cannot shew . by this tertullian concludes for the catholick church against heretiques . let them ( saith he ) shew the beginning of their churches , let them run over the succession of their bishops , so as the first of them , may have one of the apostles , or apostolique men , to be a founder , or predecessor . so apostolique churches derive themselves ; so doth the church of smyrna shew policarpus placed there by john : and rome , clements , ordained by peter ; so have other churches those , who were by the apostles appointed bishops by whom the apostolique seed ( or race ) is derived , or continued ( so tertullian , de praescript . advers . haeretic . c. 33. ) thus was it of old , and from th beginning , unto these later times ; when the change of that ancient forme of church government began ; that being occasionally brought in ( it troubles to say it ) with the reformation . ( then i say ) was that occasioned , rather than designed , or approved by the first reformers . for , the truth and puritie of the gospel , being then opposed and persecuted by popish bishops , thereby were those reformers enforced to act in that work of reformation without those bishops , whom they could not gain , and who were to them so contrary . yet did not those reformers in that , cast off episcopacy , with aversness to the order ; but onely in respect of those individual persons of the popish bishops oppressing , they the reformers in the mean time professing for episcopacy , and greatly desiring it , if it might be . it is 〈◊〉 by us endea●oured ( say they ) that bishops be deprived of government , or power , but it is desired , that they suffer the gospel to be purely preached : b and we have oft protested , that we do greatly approve the ecclesiastial politie and degrees in the church , and as much as in us lieth , we desire to preserve them . we do not dislike the authority of bishops , so that they would not compel us to do against gods commandments : c and yet again , we do here protest , and we would have it to be recorded , that we would willingly have the ecclesiastical and canonical politie , if the the bishops cease to tyrannize over our churches . this our desire shall excuse us with all posterity , both before god and all nations . d all which we have in that famous augustan confession of the reformers , who from the word protest , so frequent there , had then and thence the name of protestants , they being there first called protestants , as first christians at antioch e this augustan confession , or profession , or protestation , was signed by the more eminently learned in that age , and work of reformation : among whom , even calvin was a subscriber . yet did others of the chief reformers , adhere to their professions made concerning the right of episcopacy , both as to order and jurisdiction , concluding , that in justice it ought not to be violated . f by what right or law ( saith melan●thon to camerarius ) may we dissolve the ecclesiastical politie , if the bishops will grant us what in reason they ought to grant : and though it were lawful , yet surely it were not expedient . and he writing to luther , you will not believe how they of noricum and others hate me , propter restitutam episcopis jurisdictionem , for restoring the jurisdiction of bishops . g and camerarius in the life of melancthon ▪ saith thus of him , ( h ) melancthon non modo adstipulatore sed etiam authore ipso luthero &c. ) melancthon not onely by the consent , but even by advice also of luther perswaded , that if bishops would grant free use of the true doctrine , the ordinary power , and administration of their several diocesses should be restored to them ; and even beza who succeeded calvin in geneva for the space of ten years in like authority , duering which time , he was strict in his judgment as to his discipline ; yet after danaeu's his comeing thither , whereby that course of continueing long in that place , was altered , and beza laid by ; then could he find those inconveniences in that course , which he could not now remedie , onely , wishing it were otherwise . so speaking of the 34th canon , of those called , the apostles canons , concerning the power of metropolitans over bishops , quid aliud ( saith beza ) hic statuitur , quam ordo ille , quem in omnibus eccles●is restitutum cupimus : what is in this appointed , but that order , which we wish maybe restored , in all the ghurches ? f i shall but add that of zanchius , ( one of the most learned of that side . ) he in a confession , or profession of faith by him composed , speaking of church orders , and saying that arch bishops and patriarchs may be defended , k and sending that his confession to others for their approbation , and consent in it ; he found exceptions taken at that said by him concerning those church orders : his words are . l a certain eminent person , did write to me thus : what you write of your confession , hath been by me , and by n. and others received with great delight ; it being learnedly written , and in an accurate method , with which i was greatly pleased , if you except what in the end you add of archbishops and that hierarchy . on which zanchius maketh for himself this apologie ; when ( saith he ) i wrote this confession of faith : i did write all things out of a good conscience , and as i believed so did i freely speak . now my faith is grounded chiefly and simply on the word of god ; something also , in the next place , on the common consent of the whole ancient catholique church , if that be not repugnant to the scriptures . i do also beleive , that what things were defined in councils and received by the godly fathers , gathered together in the name of the lord , by common consent of all , without any gainsaying of the holy scriptures , that those things also , ( though they be not of the same authority with the holy scriptures ) proceeded from the holy ghost . hence it is , that those things that ●e of this kind , i neither will , nor dare with a good conscience dislike . but what is more certain out of history , councils , and writings of all the fathers , then that those orders of ministers , whereof i speake , were established , and received by the common consent of all christendom ( quis autem ego ? &c ) and who am i , that i should disallow , what the whole church approveth : nor date all the learned men of our times oppose it ; knowing that it was both lawfull for the church so to order it : and that those things proceeded , and were ordained for the best ends , and for the edifying of the elect. ( so zanchius ▪ ) he , in that , agreeing with the sence of the moderate sort of reformers . notwithstanding which , as a little stepping out of the right way , and so proceeding , makes ( in long running ) the return more difficult , so those reformers stepping so , out of the right path of truth , in acting ( as they did ) without bishops ( although thereunto enforced ) thereby was occasion given to those following , to proceed in that error , and so farre , as not onely to be without bishops , but to be also to them ill spirited ; which their leaders , were not , and that , at length , ending in schisme , and seperation . but let such consider , that for that very thing was aerius by the fathers branded with haeresie ( as was before mentioned ? he , as an arian first opposed christ ; and after , his church , in its government ; and that obstinately , and schismatically ; the occasion whereof would be considered . it was his standing for a bishoprick , in competition with eustathius , both of them arians , and in an arian church ; ( for very arians also held the true government of the church by bishops ) but aërius being put by what he so ambitiously desired , and eustathius preferred to the bishoprick , thereupon discontented , ( discontent proyeing oft , a rise to haeresies , and schismes ) aërius did first , set himself against eustathius : and after against the whole episcopal order ; teaching ; that between a preshiter , and a bishop there is no difference : that the order is the same , and the honour alike in both &c ) ( the very doctrine of our late aëriaus ) but in that was he opposed by st. augustin m and by epiphanus . n both censuring that his opinion for heresie ; nor was he by them alone oppugned , but ( as epiphanus , who lived in the same times with him , addeth ) all churches both in city , and country , so detested him , and his followers , ( which were many ) that being abandoned of all they were forced to live in open fields , and woods o which opinion of aërius against bishops being so by the fathers adjudged heresie it was , in that , judged to be contrary to gods word ( for there is no heresie ) that is not contrary to gods word . ) and let those in his case among us , se to this : and how farre they are gone in this seperation , casting of the sacred order of bishops utterly , contrary to the sence of the first reformers , who would have bad bishops if they might , but these will not , though they may ; and those such bishops as are affectionate to them in the truth . and readie to receive them , ( returning ) with embracements of love in christian communion . which spoken of the reformed churches , acting in the first reformation without bishops , is not to be understood , as if they after continued without bishops ; for as soon as could be , they did , ( many of them ) set up that holy order of bishops and archbishops in their churches , yet ( i know not why ) with change of those good ancient names for worse ; in ecclesijs protestantium non desunt reips● episcopi , & archiepiscopi , quo● mutatis●onis graecis nominibus in male latina , vo●ant superintendentes , & generales superintendentes , ( saith zarichius ) the protestant churches , ( understand many of them . ) want not bishops and archbishops , haveing them in effect ; whom changing good greek names , into bad latine names , they call superintendents and general superintendents . p and when it is said , that of the reformed churches , retaineing episcopal government , there are many ; understand those many , for the more considerable . some of them holding to that order , in substance , but under varied names , ( as was said ) others , under the proper appollations of archbishops and bishops and that in their primitive lustre and dignity . among these , and above all , are the churches of great brittaine and ireland , in this , emmently glorious ; where , that apostolical government is here held up , in name , and forme , in title , and substance ; to the lasting honour of those our princes : who in that , as otherwise , well merited the title of defenders of the faith ; ( a glorious gemme in the royal diadem ) an honour ( i may say it ) peculiar to his sacre●d majesty charles the 〈◊〉 above all his 〈◊〉 progenitors they having but maintained what of this they found , and had been delivered into their hands in a long settlement , but he restoring what had 〈◊〉 by a stoole of iniquitie , as by ( a law , ) q 〈◊〉 out ( as they intended ) root and branch . the praise of the reforming princes of juda ( such were asa , jehosaphat , hezekiah , and josiah ) was next those , by whom gods worship was first setled ( david and solomon ) and in that above all others , although other ways good , in maintaining gods worship as they found it delivered to their hands . among these , hezekiah was eminent ; for he found all in confusion ( 〈…〉 29. ) the temple defiled , prophaned , and shut up , and its service neglected , and interrupted . he opened the doors of the house of the lord. ( v. 3. ) and ordered the carrying out the filthyness out of the sanctuary ( v. 5. 15. 16. ) after , setling those , appointed for the holy service , together with then worke ( v. 18. &c , ) and all that by him early begun , and soon perfected . for the first 〈◊〉 and first month of his reign ( v. ● ) and the first day of the month ( v. 17. ) he immediately on his comeing in , was this begun ▪ and so was it industriously followed , as that in sixteen days the work was finished ▪ ( v. 17. ) that expedition , shewing it to be from the ( lord , so is it observed ( v. 36. ) that god prepared the people , for the thing was done suddainly : and ( ch●●●● 〈◊〉 it is said , that in judah , the hand of god was to give the● one heart , to do the commandement of the king , and of the princes , by the word of the lord : on all which followed , great joy in salem ; for since the time of solomon , the son of david king of israell , there was not the like in hierusalem ( 2. chr. 30. 36. ) so was it in hezekiahs reformation . in which we see his sacred majestie our dread soveraign , in his glorious work of reformation , lively portrayed . 1. as to the greatness of the work all was among us in greatest confusion , and deformation , by a pretended reformation ▪ gods houses prophaned , his holy service neglected , interrupted , and despised ; and the sacred office , and officers of the church cast off , and 〈…〉 on : and ( in order to their 〈…〉 ) were the ample 〈◊〉 of the church ( the lords portion ) ●acrilegiously invaded , and designedly alienated into 〈◊〉 , great , and many thereby ingaged to oppose the very office for ever . 2. and as wene the proceedings in hezekiahs reformation , so were they 〈◊〉 of his majesties , answereably 〈◊〉 that work did he set himself early , even the first year , the first month , and the first day of the month , that is , immediately after his majesties happy entrando among his people , and before his own solemn settlement on his royal throne , then , were the doors of the lords house by him opened , and the sanctuary purged from filth , and prophanation ! then the holy offices of the church in gods service setled . and our apostolical church officers , ( arch-bishops and bishops ) set in their respective places . and soon after , were also restored the just possessions of the church , for support of those attending that sacred work . and all this done , as it were , on a suddain silently , and cheerfully , even to astonishment that , shewing it not to be from men , but from god ▪ who , as he ●owed the hearts of the people as one man to his majesties own royal person ; as to david r so the hand of god was on the people , that he gave them one heart , to do the commandement of the king , and of the princes towards this royal reformation as in hezekiah ( s ) and that as there , 〈…〉 with a general rejoyeeing : for the like thing had not been in england since the beginning of christianity . in all which , as we have to bless god greatly for such his goodness to his people : so to begg daily his preserveing to us his sacred majesty ( as our nursing father of his church , ) together with such of the princes , who ( under his majesty ) have been in this great work , eminently instrumental . tit. 1. ver . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. ver. 5. for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee . 6. if any be blameless , the husband of one wife , having faithful children , not accused of riot , or unruly . 7. for a bishop must be blameless , as the steward of god : not self-willed , not soon angry , not given to wine , no striker , not given to filthy lucre . 8. but a lover of hospitality , a lover of good men , sober , just , holy , temperate . 9. holding fast the faithful word , as he hath been taught , that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort and to convince the gainsayers . that , is here verified , which the great apostle of the gentiles s. paul speaketh of himself , his being daily pressed with the care of all the churches ; a that his care began in planting ; and was followed in watering , and continued in settling the churches planted and watered . first , planting where yet none were : in which his pains were great , labours indefatigable , and endeavours succesful ; so that from jerusalem , and round about unto illiricum , i have ( saith he ) fully preached the gospel of christ. b in which round about , are arabia , damafeus , antiochia , seleucin , cyprus , ●amphilia , pisedia , licaonica , siria , cilicia , ●hrygia , galatia , misia , troas , achaia , epirus , and many more ; over all which he passed in few years , in all , powerfully and effectually preaching the gospel of christ ; so were those churches planted . secondly , after that , was his care also in watering and confirming the churches so planted . and that did he : 1. by personal visits ( where it might be ) and staying with them also ( while it was permitted him ; ) so find we him wintering at nicopolis of macedonia , whence this epistle is sent , c and continuing about ephesus the space of three years . d 2. also , sending others for that work , where he himself could not be : so in corinth , where himself had planted , there apollo after watered e and thither sent he also timotheus , that ( saith he ) he should bring you into remembrance of my ways which be in christ , as i teach every where in every church . f 3. further also confirming , in appointing some to be more constant and resident , for instructing and ordering the churches ; so timothy at ephesus , g and titus in crete . h 4. that also by writing , where there was occasion : such are his epistles , whether to those appointed in chief over the churches respectively , as to timothy and titus , or to the churches themselves ; so to the romans , &c. hereby confirming the souls of the disciples , and exhorting them to continue in the faith , and that we must through much tribulation enter into the kingdom of god. i thirdly and lastly , his care was in setling the church planted and confirmed . in that , was his care ( as was said ) continued . this settlement of the church , was 1. by order and government there appointed ; ( without that , were no settlement ) for that , is titus left in crete , to set in order the things there wanting , &c. 2. in appointing persons fitly qualified for that work ; for which is here also provided ( v. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. ) where you see those qualifications in such required . 3. in both , providing for the future , as for the present ; and that , by ordination , ordaining elders in every city . ordination is a standing church ordinance ; answering mortality , supplying vacancies , and extending to all in holy orders ; not to those of lower rank onely , to whom ( in common speaking ) ordination seemeth to be now almost rest ained ; but rising to the higher also , even to bishops , in respect of whom , it is now termed , commonly , consecration . consecration is the highest act of ordination . ordination includeth consecration ; so are bishops ordained , as timothy ordained bishop of ephesus ; k and , titus ordained bishop of crete . l this is the work of this day ; for which , and for what concerns it , are these words now chosen . in which words you have the persons in this sacred ministration considered , 1. in their place , order and work , ( v. 5. ) 2. in their qualifications , apting and fitting for that work ( v. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. ) 1. as to the persons in this great work of church settlement ; see them here considered as chief and subordinate : first , the apostle , next , and under him , titus ; and by titus , others ordained and ordered : so was it there , so in other churches ; so was it then , and to be so in the church successively for ever ; which gives us this doctrinally , that in order and church-government , is church-settlement . in which , speaking of order , are excluded parity and community . 1. parity ; that , and government , are inconsistent ; for , if all equal , who then ruling ? who ruled ? who ordering ? who ordered ? inter pares non est potestas ; government there ceaseth . 2. community : that also is here excluded : community as to government , is but confusion . let quakers , and such , see to this ; among whom ( in divine things ) is no distinction of offices , or persons , no , nor of sexes , even very women ) to whom it is not permitted , but expresly forbidden , to speak in the church , the apostle crying shame on such so speaking , m yet even women so speaking , are among these allowed . lastly , all with them depending ( in divine duties ) on uncertain impulses , whensoever , and from whomsoever : wherein , let them see , if such impulses be ( what they pretend ) from god ; god disowning confusion , and that in the church especially : god is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all the churches of the saints . n and what greater confusion , than for a body to be all in a heap and lump , without head or foot , or distinction of members ? so is it there . levelling parity therefore , and confused community , are in this , excluded , as contrary to order , government and settlement . therefore order here intended , is that wherein is distinction of offices and persons , and degrees , in way of superiority and subordination : this nature , and reason , and scripture shew to be necessary . 1. so is it in the body natural ; where the the members are distinguished in order and use ; which is by the apostle excellently expressed , o shewing , that the body is not one member , but many ; p and , if the whole body were an eye , where were the hearing , and if the whole were hearing , where were the s●elling , q and if they were all one member , where were the body ? but now are they many members , yet but one body ; r shewing after , the use of that distinction , in the usefulness thereby of each member to other , and of all , to the body ; s and that thereby , there should be no schism in the body t applying all that to us ; that as the body is one , and hath many members , and all the members of that one ●od● being many , are one body ; so also ( saith the apostle ) is christ ( ver . 12. ) that is , christ mystical , considered as compleat in head and body , he the head , we ( taking in the church catholick , or universal ) being his body , and each of us distinct members in that body under him the head . lastly , all that , is applied to the present business ; god ( saith he ) hath set some in the church , first , apostles , secondarily , prophets , thirdly , teachers , after that , miracles , then gifts of healings , helps , governments , diversities of tongues ? ( adding ) are all apostles , are all prophets , are all teachers , are all workers of miracles , have all the gifts of healing ? do all speak with tongues , do all interpret ? ( ver . 28 , 29. ) so there . in all , you see a distinction of members in the body natural , distinct in order and use ; and that , every way , necessary . 2. see it so also in the body politique , in all civil societies of men in every condition , whether in families or corporations ( a word borrowed from the body ; ) or in states . in any of which , if no distinction of persons , or of callings , if not difference in place or degrees , how , in reason , can that family , city or kingdom subsist ? 3. and if so elsewhere generally , ( in the body natural and politick ) then so in the church , ( christs mystical body ) and there especially , the church being in this , leading to others . god ( saith the apostle ) is not the author of confusion , but of peace , as in all the churches of the saints w and in that , hath gods care appeared particularly , as is evidenced . 1. in the former ministration and government of the church under the law ; where god appointed , 1. one in chief , an high priest , superior to all in divine things ; he overseeing , ruling and judging gods house . x gods house is his church . y 2. vnder him the high priest , were levites , the lowest in that ministration , and more restrained in duty and at distance in the service of the tabernacle . z 3. from among the levites were priests chosen : who were , as to order , higher than levites , and in service more full , and nearer the altar , tabernacle or temple . 4. and whereas there were of these priests several courses ( 24 in number ) we find each of these 24 courses of priests to have had an overseer a or chief priest ; of which chief priests , much is spoken in the new testament . these chiif priests were in degree and dignity , next the high priest , and above all others . thus , and so , was the church then ordered , in way ( you see ) of preheminsnee and subordination : god himself so appointed it . but is it not now , under the new testament , otherwise ? is not that distinction now removed , all gods people being holy , b and all now a royal priesthood ? which is spoken of saints in a generality . c it is indeed what some would have ; therein , giving a general liberty to all , for acting in holy things in common , one as another ; or where that is by others restrained , they notwithstanding allow not in the church , government in chief , but taking that from others , that they themselves might rule . in which , as to that general liberty for acting in way of parity or community ; that is already cast off , it being inconsistent with order or government ( as hath been shewed . ) and as to that said of all the lords people being holy , therefore none to assume a propriety in divine offices more then others ( which is the consequence by such contended for ) there needs no more to be said of that , but to know whose reasoning that was ; was it not corah and his factious crew , by whom that was urged , against aaron and his d priesthood , which had been by god himself appointed ? that , therefore i ( hope ) will not be now again insisted on . lastly , to what is said of all gods people , that all are a royal priesthood e therefore all to act accordingly ; ( which is by some inferred ) 1. what priviledge is in that now , which had not been before , under the old testament ? for of them also is that spoken , f and yet none then so acted notwithstanding , who had not been thereunto peculiarly called . 2. all gods people are said to be kings also , as priests ; ( a royal priesthood , or a kingdom of priests . ) g and are all kings ? in a sense they are so ; and in that sense and not otherwise , are all priests also . all , that are truly gods , are kings , but that spiritually , and in a private capacity , as to our selves onely ; so are we kings ●ver our selves , ruling over our own hearts and passions , the greatest rule ; h he that is slow to anger , is better than the mighty ; and he that ruleth his spirit , than he that taketh a city ; so , are we all kings . and so , are all of us , priests also ; that is , spiritually ; so as are our sacrifices , an holy priesthood , to offer up spiritual sacrifices , acceptable to god by jesus christ. i all of us are also priests in our private capacities , all praying for our selves and others , and exhorting each other to good : this is incumbent on all christians , as christians , in way of private duty , not of office : for as to publick office , that appertaineth to such only as are thereunto expresly called , and peculiarly appointed ; no man taketh this honor to himself , but he that is called of god , as was aaron : so also even christ glarified not himself to be made an high priest , but he that said unto him , thou art my son , to day have i begotten thee ( as saith the apostle , hebr. 5. 4 , 5. and if not christ , until called to it , then surely none other ; therefore , was king vzziah sacrificing , justly of the high priest reproved , and by god himself punished : k to all it is given to be priests in way of private priviledge , not as to office publiquely . such were gods appointments in this , under the old testament ; nor is it now under the new testament otherwise : and so far is it from such a change now , that the new testament ministration may be observed , to be modelled to that of the old testament ; yet , with allowance of necessary variations , according to the change of times and things : this appears in both testaments , both as to service and government . i. as to service : see ours under the new testament , answering that of old ( although not the same . ) 1. for as there was then a priesthood , so now also : so was it prophesied of the gentile christian church , k i will take of them for priests , and for levites , saith the lord : the admitting gentiles into the priesthood was new , to what was formerly ; that is here promised . and see that expressed in an old testament stile , by priests and levites , shewing a conformisy in both testaments , in that , to each other . 2. as then were priests , so an altar , at which those priests officiated ; so now also have we our altar . let not this offend any ; it should not , they being the apostles words : we have ( saith he ) an altar , whereof they have no right to eat , which serve the tabernacle : l the words we , and they , distinguish persons , and times , and service ; yet both agreeing in an altar for each : but not now as then ; for otherwise , the right of those priests would be to this altar , as to that , but in that , the former priesthood is here excluded . 3. and as to the sacrifices on that altar ; bullocks , &c. were then offered ; m so have we ours also : but , the calves of our lips n prayer and praise , the fruit of our lips ( that is our sacrifice to god ) giving thanks to his name . o 4. maintenance also for those serving at the altar , is new , from what was formerly : do ye not know ( saith the apostle ) that they which minister about holy things , live of the things of the temple ; ( so then : ) even so hath the lord ordained , that they which preach the gospel , should live of the gospel . p 5. and even our very sacraments also are ( in matter ) from the old testament , although not now as then ; 1. our baptism is borrowed from their legal washings . 2. and our bread and wine in the lords supper , from the passeover rites ; but , as to nature , use and efficacy . vastly differing : so , have you seen the new t●stament service ( as to so much , and so far ) ordered and conformed to that before under the old testament . ( the time will not allow me to instance further in it . ) ii. see it so as to church-government also , ours and theirs : ours being now , in substance , modelled to the form of the old testament . 1. for as then there was an high priest over the house of god , supreme and ruling all there ; so is it now ; and such to us , is jesus christ our great high priest ; q of him , and of his priesthood and work , were those high priests , in their person , office and work , types and shadows ; therefore , they , and all that , to cease and give way , christ , the true high priest being manifested , and his work finished . 2. under that high priest were levites ( as you heard ) and they , lowest in that service , and more at distance , and short in ministring . to these answer our deacons , an office apostolically appointed , r and a name from ministring ; these , are with us lowest in office , and restrained in work , not admitted to all sacred duties ( for a time ) as it was with the levites of old . 3. as out of those levites , priests were called ; these being in degree higher and neerer the altar in their ministrings : so among us , are also priests ; ( called so as formerly ) or if called elders ( a name by some rather delighted in ) yet is even that , an old testament name also , s thence borrowed , and derived , and continued to us . these our priests , or elders , are ( as those before ) chosen out of our levite-deacons ; ( so from their conformity may i call them : ) and these our priests , as the other , are in order above deacons , and more enlarged in work and duty . 4. and as there , among those priests , there were some above others , who although of the same order ( both being priests ) yet were they in degrees differing , one being to the other superiour ; therefore termed overseers , and chief priests : these were as to place , next to the high priest , and above all others : and such with us were the apostles of our lord , they being ( in the rule and government of the church ) next unto christ the high priest , and above all others : hence , first apostles , is the place given them , t they are first , and among all other officers in the church the principal . in which apostolick order and work , were some things extraordinary , and some things ordinary . 1. extraordinary : ( for among the extraordinary offices in the church are apostles reckoned v that ( i say ) in this their office extraordinary , was their measure of gifts , infallibility of their doctrine , and the extent of their charge , their universal care of all the churches throughout the whole world ; for although some of them were for the circumcision , or for the jews principally ; and others for the vncircumcision , or gentiles more especially , w yet was not the extent of the apostolick power of either , in that limited , neither their universal care of all the churches ; the care of all the churches was on s. paul the apostle of the gentiles : x these things in the apostolick office extraordinary , were fix'd to their persons , and with themselves expired and determined . in that had they no successors ; therefore romes pretence to an universal bishoprick , and supremacy of care , and rule over all the churches in the world , and that , as s. peters successor , is but vsurpation , as the pretence to infallibility is also evidenced to be otherwise . 2. but in the apostolick office and work , was something also ordinary : such was their overseeing , ordering , ordaining , preaching and baptizing . this part of the work is lasting ; this is now , and ever holding in the church to all generations ; which is intended in their commission given them by our lord , y go ye and teach all nations , baptizing them , &c. and teaching them to observe all things whatsoever , i have commanded you , and lo i am with you alway ( saith christ ) to the end of the world . but how that to the end of the world ? of the prophets it is said , that they are dead , z and that is true of the apostles also . s. paul the aged , a had his time at hand in which he was to be offered up ; b so was s. peters tabernacle to be put off shortly ; c how then to the end of the world ? both are true ; for that which failed with their persons , lasts in their office , and in their work , and successors : so had the apostles successors . and accordingly do we finde them providing for succession , both as to persons and work . for that , were timothy and titus drawn in , and ordained by the apostle s. paul , to be then , his assistants , and to be after , his successors , for supplying his place , care , and work in their churches respectively ; he appointing them also to ordain others with , and under them , and others after to succeed these ; so , to generations unto the end of the world : of which , and of the correspondence of both testaments s. hierom speaks thus , d that we may see apostolical traditions to be taken out of the old testament , look what aaron and his sons , and the levites were in the temple , the same let the bishops , priests and deacons challenge in the church : and e we know bishops and priests to be what were aaron and his sons ; and s. cyprian calleth bishops the apostles successors : f all bishops are the apostles successors , saith s. hierom. g and as so , do we finde the apostles name , place and work , to have been by the apostles given to these their successors . ii. as to the name : the very name of apostle is so given to epaphroditus bishop of the philippians , as bullinger calls him ; h him doth s. paul call their apostle , philip. 2. 25. so is it in the original , whereas in our english ( it would be enquired how well ) it is rendred messenger . for s. ambrose on those words , i he ( epaphroditus ) is by the apostles made their apostle . and s. hierome writing on those words , my fellow souldier , and your apostle : fellow souldier ( saith he ) by reason of his honor , because he also had received the office of being an apostle among them k again , by those chosen by our lord , were others ordained apostles , as appears , in that to the philippians ( phil. 2. 25. ) epaphroditus your apostle , so s. hierom. ( coment . in gal. 1. 19. ) but that name apostle was not intended for a lasting name , as theodoret observeth , l in time past they called the same men presbyters and bishops , and they who are now called bishops , they named apostles ; but in process of time they left the name apostle to them properly called apostles , and the name of bishop they gave to them who had been apostles . apostle was their name , and even that name of bishop ( now more fixed ) is what they had from the apostles ; from whom they derive their office , that of bishop , was the apostles own name of office. so judas numbred with the apostles , and obtaining part of the same ministry with them the apostleship m that his apostleship is called his office ( so we read it ) but by the lxx , it is rendred , his bishoprick ) let another take his office or bishoprick ; n which word bishoprick is is used by the apostle s. peter , citing that in psalm 109. 8. according to the lxx , o and what is there called by the name of bishoprick , is after called apostleship : p the apostles were bishops , which are the words of s. ambrose ( in ephes. 4. 11. & 2 cor. 12. 28. ) and that name of bishop was derived to the apostles from those from whom ( under the old testament ) they derive ( if i may so say ) i mean these chief priests , called in our english , overseers , but by the lxx bishops : q overseers and bishops are the same ; r the holy ghost hath made you overseers , ( so in our english ) but in the greek , bishops : which the apostles name bishop is thus given ( you see ) to their successors bishops to this day . thus as christ the high priest hath the name of apostle ( heb. 3. 1. ) and bishop ( 1 pet. 2. 25. ) and as they sent by him ( his apostles ) were so also called ; so are in like manner they who are by the apostles substituted , as you have seen . ii. and as the apostolick name , so , the same work also , ( as , teaching , ordering , ordaining , &c. is by the apostles committed to their successors ; for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou shouldst set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee , saith the apostle here to titus his successor . s the same work being in all others in like place and trust in the church for ever . iii. and for carrying on that great work and name , had these , the apostles succssors , the apostles place and degree also in the church ; in being above others , and to be accordingly respected and esteemed . t among us ( saith s. hierome ) bishops have the place of the apostles : which his expression , among us , sheweth how bishops were esteemed among oxthodox christians ; other , than was among hereticks , such as montanus , and his followers , against whom he there writes ; blaming them , for so depressing and vilifying that sacred and high order , as they did ; and what is among us , chief and first ( speaking of bishops ) that is ( saith he ) last with them : ( with montanus and his faction ; ) with them bishops are in the third and last place . so , s. hierome ; on whom i fix rather then on many other , to that purpose , he being understood by the contrary side , not to have been of the best friends to bishops , yet in this , is the priviledge and preheminence of bishops by him acknowledged , asserted , and even ( you see ) contended for . thus was it in s. hieromes time , 400 years after christ ; it having been so continued to his days from the times of the apostles : so also after s. hieromes time , through all ages of the church , until that schism raised about 126 years since , in geneva , an. 1541 ( a year to us , in the next century , 1641. on the same account fata● : ) whereby , we find this sacred hierarchy trampled on by inferio● elders , by whom ( although the name of bishop would be forgotten ) yet is the place & power , and work of bishops by them notwithstanding ambitiously sought after , & sacrilegiously usurped , & to themselves alone appropriated ; affirming , all spoken of bishops to be intended onely of elders , and making elders and bishops the same , without difference of degree , or preheminence in any kind . some community there is indeed between bishops and elders , yet so , as that even in that , there appears sufficient to preserve to bishops their being , work and dignity , distinct and above those , who would themselves have all without sharing . let this be considered distinctly in that community , which is by these elders challenged with bishops both in name and work ; by which they conclude bishop and elders the same , and themselves all . as to the names of bishops and elders promiscuously used : for that , are these places of scripture , among others , by them , insultingly , insisted on particularly , acts 20. 28. where the elders of the church of ephesus ( v. 17. ) are v. 28 ) called overseers , or bishops ( so in the greek . ) also phil. 1. 1. the apostle saluteth the saints at philippi , with the bishops and deacons : see ( say they ) bishops ( plurally ) many of them in the same city ; therefore intended of elders , not bishops , and that there also bishops and deacons onely are named , not elders ; elders notwithstanding being intended ; therefore concluding , that in that of bishops , elders are understood , and not bishops . and even this text also ( tit. 1. 5 , 7. ) is by them urged to that purpose : where are elders in every city ( v. 5. ) and those elders ( v. 5. ) called bishops ( v. 7. ) 1. therefore ( say they ) to be meant of elders properly , and not of bishops ; on all , concluding that elders and bishops ( so promiscuonsly vsed ) are therefore the same , and not distinguished ; and therefore no preheminence in bishops over elders : these are the allegations and inferences , in this ; which are to be examined . but , the promiscuous using of those two names of bishops and elders ( the principal ground of these reasonings ) is far from such conclusions ; that because elders are called bishops , or bishops elders , both therefore to be the same , without priority or subordination ; whereas on the contrary , we find usually in scripture , the names of one degree given to another , without confounding them as the same ; or , in that , abating any way the dignity of the higher . see this in the name of deacons ( a name from ministring ; ) and that an order lowest in our ministration : yet , is that given to higher orders : so of timothy , bishop of ephesus , saith s. paul. if thou put the brethren in remembrance of these things , thou shalt be a good ( deacon ; ) we render it minister : v so speaks the apostle of himself , i paulam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a minister ( col. 1. 23 & the whole apostleship is also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a deaconship , or ministry w ; and even jesus christ himself the great high priest , is called a deacon : jesus christ was ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a minister of the circumcision ; x or , ministring to those of the circumcision . y but because our english readings in this , and in the original are diverse ; therefore not so clear to every apprehension ; let this therefore be considered in that other of elder , where it is more plain . in that , we finde the apostle s. john terming himself an elder , more than once , the elder to the elect lady , z and the elder to the well beloved gaius a : so s. peter of himself , the elders which are among you , i exhort , who am also an elder b . you see in that , the apostles called elders ; yet doth not that conclude , apostles and elders to be the same . for how oft do we read of apostles and elders as distinct . c nor doth it conclude , apostles and elders to be equal , because apostles are elders ; but , this it shews , that all apostles are elders ; not , all elders apostles , and that notwithstanding that community of names , they still are distinguished in degree and dignity . so is it as to bishops and elders in like manner , the name of elders is given to bishops , and of bishops to elders , both are true ; for in the bishop ( saith s. ambrose ) are all orders , because he is the first priest , that is , the prince of the priests d . again , e of a bishop and presbyter , there is one order for either of them as a priest , but the bishop is the first ; so that every bishop is a presbyter , but not every presbyter a bishop . so s. ambrose . thus all bishops are granted to be elders , and some elders are bishops , but all elders are not bishops . they who say they are , must prove it , before they can conclude any thing to purpose : nor will that do it , which they alledge out of acts 20. where the elders of the church of ephesus , ( v. 17. ) are termed overseers , or bishops : ( v. 28. ) for those elders were indeed bishops ; if not all , yet some of them , and to those some for all , is there spoken as bishops . this appears in that , ephesus was a see metropolitical , comprehending asia the less ( a large jurisdiction . ) so in the sixth general council of constantinople , theodorus bishop of ephesus thus subscribes , f theodorus by the mercy of god , bishop and primate of ephesus , the metropolis of the asian province , or diocess : g also of polycrates bishop of ephesus , eusebius saith , that he was ruler or chief of the bishops of asia ; h and that by his authority he did assemble a provincial synod to discuss the question about easter ; i and that he did write a synodical letter to victor bishop of rome ( euseb. l. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) we find also in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or distribution of churches by leo the emperor , that ephesus was a metropolis , having 36 suffragane bishops ; k and so is ephesus to be understood in acts 20. as metropolical ; and that meeting of elders , or bishops there as provincial : for it is there called not the churches , but the church of ephesus , metropolitically ; yet , elders ( plurally ) implying . more than of one church : and as in a provincial meeting of the bishops of asia , together with other elders , ( both usually conveening on such occasions , ) might the apostle call those elders , litterally , bishops . irenaeus saith as much , that bishops and presbyters were there convocated from ephesus , and other adjoyning cities , &c. l and ( acts 20. 28. ) the holy ghost hath ( saith the apostle ) made you bishops ( so in the original ) or overseers ( so in our rendring : ) if therefore the holy ghost had made them bishops ; and the apostle call them so accordingly , we may then acquiesce in it , rather than to mince the matter according to pe●verse glossings , it being to so great a prejudice as the disturbance of the peace of the church ; ( so precious ) in this , have we to answer , what is alfo objected out of phil. 1. 1. the apostle sa●nting the saints at philippi , with the bishops and deacons , wherein the authors of the larger annotations on the bib●e , busie themselves exceedingly m in proving out of the second council of nice , and by cornelius bishop of rome ( there cited ) that there should be but one bishop in one city ; thence concluding , in favour of those times , that there being many bishops in philippi , therefore were not they bishops , but elders . but all this is grounded on a supposition , that philippi is restrained to that city of macedonia so called , whereas philippi was a metropolis in macedonia ; n and we read of the churches of macedonia ; o and of the brethren in all macedonia ; p and why may not philippi a metropolis , include its province ? and this epistle to the philippians be to that church at large , where many bishops were to be saluted , without those narrow inferences in confining philippi to a city within its walls , and the bishops and deacons at philippi , to those onely in that city inhabiting ; as to that farther objected from that text , phil. 1. 1. of bishops and deacons onely named ; and that elders being intended ▪ therefore , by bishops , ( say they ) elders are to be understood , and not bishops . but how follows that ? for , 1. may not elders be as well included in , and with that of deacons ? you have seen the name of deacon to have been sufficiently comprehensive of more , and greater than they . 2. or if elders be supposed to be included in that of bishops : let that suffice and satisfie , without excluding bishops : for shall elders included , and not named , exclude bishops , which are expresly named ? 3. or if presbyters be there signified in those many bishops yet was there one chief bishop over all , which was epaphroditus their apostle ( phil. 2. 25. ) of which theodoret q he calleth him apostle , to whom the charge of them was committed ; wherefore ( saith he ) it is manifest ) that they who in the beginning of the epistle were called bishops , were under him , they having the place of presbyters . but this text also , ( pit. 1. 5. 7. ) is pressed in favour of elders against bishops ; for elders ( so named , v. 5. ) are ( v. 7. termed bishops , adding , that there being elders in every city , therefore is that intended of elders properly , and not of bishops , who are not for every city . ( thus they ) 1. it is true , that in every city are to be elders , wheresoever is a meeting of people to be provided for ; so , are elders properly to be understood ; and the word city to be , in that case , strictly taken . 2. but as referring to bishops seats , the word city is to be understood more enlargedly ; not for every city , but such onely as are fit for it ; as places of note , and such as are extended in jurisdiction : we use to say ( traditionally ) that a bishops seat should be a city ; i. e. a place of note : so doth leo expound this very text , writing to the bishops of africa , r to appoint bishops in every city or town , is , ( saith he ) in the greater citres to place bishops , in the less to place priests : he in that , speaking according to the council of sardis ; it is not allowed saith that council ) that a bishop be appointed in every village , or smaller city , where one presbyter may suffice , for there , a bishop needs not be , that the name and authority of a bishop be not vilified : ( con. eard . c. 6. ) in every city , therefore , are to be elders ; and in every city fitting for it , a●e be to bishops . so , hath this been understood in the practice of the church accordingly . and well might crete be capable of many bishops , being an island of great extent , and populous . and titus his enlarged jurisdiction there , over many bishops , ( ordaining and appointing them where necessary , ) sheweth his power to have been archiepiscopal , a though he be stiled onely bishop of crete , as timothy bishop of ephesus ; ( so , in the poscript to those epistles ; ) and usual it is in the councils and elsewhere , to finde archbishops and patriarchs , under the name of bishops . and that cre●e had its archbishop and suffragans we also find . the archbishop of crete was nominated from gortyna its metropolis . dionysius of corinih ( who lived in the next age to the apostles ) writing to the church of gortyna , together with the rest of the churches of crete , commendeth philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their bishop , for his singular piety and virtues s . the city of gnossus in crete , had pintus its bishop : and ( saith theodorus balsamo ) i have perused the ancient code of councils , and defind by the subscriptions , that basiil bishop of gortyna was present at the council of tru●lo . on the whole , therefore , from the community of the names between bishops and elders , is no ground for what is thence inferred , that therefore bishops and elders are the same , without dictinction of persons , offices , or degrees ; for , bishops are elders , and some elders are bishops , and both distinct , in degree , and dignity . but the the strength of the objection is it what concerns the work , common to bishops and elders : for if the same work be common to both , so as , what a bishop doth , that an elder doth also ; then what needs a distinction of persons and and offices ? these are not to be multiplied without necessity . and that the work is common , and the same , both to bishops and elders , is ( by that side ) instanced , in 1. ordination . 2. in overseeing , ( under this of overseeing , all the other pa●ts of the work are comprehended , as preaching , baptizing , &c. ) let these two , be therefore distinctly considered and examined ; whether in the work common to both bishops and e●ders , there be not sufficient to differente each from other . 1. as to ordination : to this , elders or presbyters pretend ; grounding on that , 1 tim. 4. 14. where the apostle exhorts timothy , not to neglect the gift which was given him by prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the presbyterie . here ( say they ) presbyters ordain . 1. but ●et them take all together ; for doth not the same apostle say also to timothy , i put thee in remembrance , that thou stir up the gift of god which is in thee by the putting on of my hands ? ( 2 tim. 1. 6. ) here , we finde another hand ( the apostles ) beside those hands of presbyters imposed on timothy ; therefore , not the hands of presbyters alone : where therefore their hand onely is in the work , there is another yet wanting ; and the work short without it ; ( the case of necessity excepted . ) 2. ordination , must be granted to have been in the apostles primarily , and principally ; and not in elders or presbyters principally ; ( they but acting with the apostles , and that but subordinately : ) by my hand , saith the apostle ( ( 2 tim. 1. 6. ) with the hands of the presbytery ( 1 tim. 4. 14. ) it is by the apostles hand principally , and but with the other , in way of approbation . therefore , is the charge of oedination given principally to timothy , that he lay not hands suddenly on any ; so not to be partaker of other mens sins t : there , presbyters are not named , not as not assisting , but as onely assisting , and not as principals . it is , be not thou partaker of other mens sins ; not , be not ye , ( speaking of presbyters . ) so , you finde it here also as to titus ; to him is that work committed principally and in chief : i left thee ( titus ) in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and that thou shouldest orvain elders in every city , as i have appointed thee v . so is it to be understood , as to others , in like place with timothy and titus . bishops ordain others joyning with them . bishops will not do it without others ; and others must not do it without bishops ; concur elders may , but act in it alone , they must not : the contrary ( where necessity is not ) is an unwarranted usurpation . yet in giving but an hand in the work , they will have all. such notwithstanding are to know , that there is another hand in that work , as beside theirs , so before theirs , and above them : theirs is onely with , not without bishops ; and bishops in that principally . so , for ordination : in which work ( common both to bishops and elders ) is ( you see ) sufficient , notwithstanding , ) to difference both , in degree and office. ii. see it also in the other part of the work , in which bishops and elders act also in common ; as preaching , baptizing , and ordering the flock committed to them ; so , are both overseers . this is granted in common to both bishops and elders ; yet so , as that this is in both , differently : and , so in bishops , as not in others . 1. it is true , that preaching , baptizing , ordering , and overseeing the flock , are incumbent on all ; but in inferior elders more restrainly ; with respect to place and persons ; they acting within precincts , and parishes , among their own people , and within their own districts onely . to these , and there , are they overseers ; and not otherwise : so as , for any such to take on him to oversee , and see what others without , do , or do not , is to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x a bishop in anothers d●ccess , or a busie body in other mens matters ( so is that in our english rendred ; ) whereas , the same work is in the hands of bishops far otherwise ; who as they do it themselves , so is it in them , in way of superintendency , to see it done by others also . so the chief priests under the law ( whom the apostles , and afther them , bishops , represent ; ) they were overseers to others , that the work be done in manner and order , as did become . thus are bishops overseers to those other overseers ; the care of many churches being on them , as was the cure of all churches on the apostles ; whereas the care of particular churches ( this or that ) is onely on others . 2. although presbyters have power to preach , and do what belongs to their function , yet are they in acting that power , limited and ordered by the bishop . wherein , we are to distinguish ( as in the schools ) between power of order , and of jurisdiction ; power of order , presbyters receive in their ordination , to do what belongs to their function , to which they are thereby qualified : but the power of jurisdiction to act that their power of order as ●astors , that , a presbyter hath in his institution from the bishop , being , thereby , appointed to a charge and place , and licensed to discharge the duty of his calling , to which he was before qualified , and now enabled . tertullian saith , y that the chief priest ( which is the bishop ) hath the right of giving baptism , and then the presbyters and deacons , but yet not without the authority of the bishops . so also s. hierome ; z without power from the bishop , neither presbyter nor deacon hath right to baptize . every presbyter therefore hath power in common with a bishop , to preach and administer the sacraments in fulness , ( which an inferior order , a deacon cannot do ; ) yet , the exercise of that power , is subjected to , and regulated by the bishops authority , to be permitted , directed , restrained or suspended , as should be necessary . in which the bishops priviledge of jurisdiction over elders , is he from them eminently differenced . it was said of elders , that they have a power of jurisdiction ; ( understand it , of a power of spiritual and inward jurisdiction , in foro conscienciae , in the court of conscience ) so , as pastors of the flock , is committed to them , the seeding , ruling , teaching , reproving , binding sinners notoriously scandalous ; by denouncing gods judgements in the word , and ( while unreformed ) excluding from the sacrament ; and again loosing , and releasing penitents , by applying the gracious promises of the gospel , and readmiting them to the use of the ordinances . but , that jurisdiction which is in bishops , is more extended , and that , even over elders themselves . for as presbyters are in their ordination , qualified , and by their institution authorized , to their work ; so , are they , after , to behave themselves in that as becometh . it is in bishops ( who are overseers of those overseers ) to expect and exact that from them authoritatively ; and on failing in duty , or manners , ( as to life , and conversation , ) to reprove and punish also . in this , is episcopal jurisdiction given them apostolically , and over inferior elders particalarlarly , to which they are subjected . such was timothies power in ephesus ; a rebuke not an elder ; and , against an elder receive not an accusation , but before two , or three witnesses , them that sin rebuke before all , that others may fear : which words , rebuke not an elder ; is not a restraining , but an ordering that rebuke , that it be not lightly , or on slight grounds ( as in 1 tim. 5. 19 , 20. ) by which appears a jurisdiction in bishops , above elders , directive , coercive , and corective : which is epiphanius his interence on these words , against a presbyter , &c. therefore ( saith he ) presbyters are subject to the bishop as to their judge b . he is their judge , as to doctrine ; that thou mayest charge some that they teach no other doctrine , saith the apostle to timothy , 1 tim. 1. 3. ) and to titus ( tit. 3. 10. ) a man that is an heretick ofter the first and second admonition , reject ; judge also , as of their doctrine , what they teach ; so of their conversation , how they live , as you have heard in that of 1 tim. 1. 5 , 17 , 20 , 21. therefore is the angel of the church of ephesus ( timothies successor ) commended , that he could not bear with them that are evil , and had tryed them which say they are apostles , and are not , and had found them lyars ( rev. 2. 2. ) on the contrary , the angel of the church of thyratira is reproved for suffering such ( rev. 2. 20. ) so as , although there be a community of names , ( in some cases ) between bishops and elders ( bishops are called , elders and elders bishops ; ) and notwithstanding that the worke also , be ( in a kind ) common ; yet is that community so differenced in both , that all pretences of elders , in that , for casting of bishops , as to their office , or divesting them of jurisdiction and dignity , is apparently inconsequent , and evil . for although the names of bishops and presbyters were confounded , and the work ( in a sort ) common to both , yet were not the offices of bishops and presbyters ever confounded until now . 1. and now to sum up al● ; you see the church under the new testamen ordered as before , in way of superiority and subordination ; and that apostolically appointed . so timothy in ephesus ; and titus in crete ; and others elsewhere in like manner ; they ordering persons and things appertaining to that sacred work , within their respective jurisdictions . 2. see those apostolically ordered to that care and charge in the church above others , to be by the apostles , dignified with their own name , ( that standing name of bishops . ) they standing also in their place and stead , and acting in their work , ( ordaining , overseeing , ordering , and correcting as is necessary . ) 3. what hath been by the apostles so ordered in the church , ( whose words christ would have to be observed as his own ; if they have kept my saying , they will keep yours also , john 15. 20. ) that , in this particularly , hath been by christ himself , the high priest approved . for , as the high priest , did christ appeare habited , being cloathed with a garment down to the feet , and girt vbout the paps with a golden girdle , c and also visiting his church ecclesiatim : each of the seven churches particularly , being by him inspected : d in that reproving what was amiss in any , and allowing , what was right . particularly , see that government which was ordered in each of those eminent churches , ( in ephesus and the other six ) under their respective angels , or chiefs , or bishops ; see that order ( i say ) in the church , approved of christ : for , the seven stars , ( the seven angels angels of those churches , their bishops ) were in christs right hand ( rev. 1. 16. 20. ) that is , under his care , and protection . and to those angels of the churches doth our lord direct himself principally in behalf of all under their charge ; expecting from them an accompt of the churches within their respective jurisdictions , each of them being responsible for all that was there , well , or otherwise . 4. lastly , what had been so ordered by the apostles , see it by the church received , and after continued throughout all ages from the beginning : whereby , what might ( seem ) doubtful in the first institution , may be cleared by observing what was of that understood , and after practised by the church accordingly : the church is the pillar and ground of truth ; e and what ( grounding on the scripture ) the church in all ages hath held from the beginning , that we may rely upon for truth . and how did the church understand the apostles appointing bishops and elders in the church for its government ? did they not understand it of bishops distinct from elders , and superior to them ? did they ever understand it of elders without bishops ? or of elders ruling in chief ? much less of lay-elders ? ( of which , is nothing to be found any where , in scripture or antiquity . ) let the constant practise of the church throushhout all ages be judge in that , how the apostles were therein understood . in which i shall use the words of judicious mr. hooker , f very strange it is ( saith he ) that such a discipline as ye ( elders ) speak of , should be taught by christ and his apostles in the word of god , and no church have found it out , nor received it till this present time ; contrariwise , the government against which ye bend your selves , be observed every where throughout all generations and ages of the christian world , no church ever perceiving the word of god to be against it ; ( adding ) we require you to finde out but one church upon the face of the whole earth , that hath been ordered by your discipline , or hath not been ordered by ours , ( that is to say ) by episcopal regiment sithence the time that the blessed apostles were 〈◊〉 conversant . this was mr. hookers challenge to that side in this case , and that , many years since : which hath never been to this day answered , onely by the sword ; and so , was it , indeed , put home to us perilously : antiquity is not to be despised , but that to be advised with , and submitted to in such cases . enquire of the former age and prepare thy self to the search of their fathers ( for we are but of yesterday and know nothing ) shall not they teach thee and tell thee , and utter words out of their hearts : said bildad , to job . 8. 8. 9. 10. so the lord directs by the prophet , thus saith the lord stand ye in the way and see , and ask for the old paths , where is the good way and walk therein and ye shall find rest for your soules : but they said we will not walke therein g which is even what these say in this ; refusing any such tryall in this dispute , well knowing themselves cast in it . but in matters of antiquitie to denye the credit of antiquitie in what is not contradicted by scripture , discovers one addicted to noveltie and singularity rather then to truth . let therefore our church levellers se to this ; who in such their schisme teare and rend the seamless garments of the church , and as a generation of vipers eat out , and through the bowels of their mother ; disturbing church unity and peace , drawing into factions , and filling all with confusions . herein let them see themselves in their forefathers ; for , such there were of old , under both testaments . se some under the old testament setting themselves even against what god himself had expresly ordered concerning the high priest-hood in aron h there , corah of the tribe of levy , raised a partie and faction of 250 princes of the assembly against moses and aron , having the confidence thus to tell them , yee take too much upon you , seing all the congregation are holy every one of them , and the lord is among them , wherefore then lift you your selves above the congregation of the lord ; but moses returns it to them again : yee take too much upon you yee sons of levy , seemeth it but a small thing unto you that the lord god of israel hath separated you from the congregation of israel to bring you near unto himself to do the service of the tabernacle of the lord , to stand before the congregation to minister unto them : and he hath brought thee neer unto him : and all thy brethren , the sons of levi with thee and seek ye the priest-hood also , so was it then . 2. and such corahs we find under the new testament also , of whom the apostle s. jude speaks with a woe i woe to them for they have gone in the way of cain and ran greedily after the error of balaam and perished in the gainsaying of core. where se them ranked with three notoriously wicked ; cain , and balaam , and corab : with cain for blood ; with balaam for covetousness , and with corah for faction , cain the accursed murderer of his brother , righteous abel : so was he the first persecuter of the church k balaam called on to curss the people of god. l and corah , a factious schismatique , to corahs schisme , are they moved , by balaams covetousnesss and ambition ; and to that , going on in the way of cain , in blood and cruelty . and for that see woe , and destruction ; begining with woe ( judgment denounced ) and ending with destruction ( judgment executed ) perishing in the gainsaying of core ; core ( or corah ) of all that faction , is alone mentioned ; others being but his followers in that wicked cause : his destruction being also more remarkable , whether as to those with him in that rebellion ; or as to those other two , notoriously wicked , ( balaam and cain , ) whose ends were not as of others , corah and his followers perishing not by an ordinary judgment like other men , the earth opening its mouth and swallowing up them , and theirs alive , in sight of all the people . m by the dreadfulness of the judgment , let the hainousness of the sin be estimated . 3. and , such have been our corah● also , ( authors of our late confusions and evills in church and state. ) by whom hath been in the church , and inlet and overflowing of blasphemies and of monstrous and pernicious doctrines ( horrible to be mentioned and not , in very confutations , to be remembred ) as if hell it self had broken loose ( the title of a book in which many of those abhominations are collected . ) and no wonder it should be so , church order and government having been , ( as it was ) cast off and trampled on . while that stood , all was well withus ; the face of our church was comely : and truth and peace secured , and the enemies to both , error , and schisme , not daring to shew themselves among us , the church is here militant ; so is it described n terrible as an army with banners ; with banner i. e. in order : so it is by the lxx . rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an army under its banners is in order : and in that order is both beauty and terror , and in that , security ; ( church security and church beauty is in order : ) thou art beautifull o my love as tirza , comely as ierusalem terrible as an army with banners ( cant. 6. 4. ) how pleasant is an army ranged under its banners ! so the church under its colours , leaders and officers , each in their place order , and degree . and as in that is beautie , so also , securitie ; securitie is implied where it is said to be terrible , that is , to enemies , ( to errors and heresies , enemies to truth ; and to schisme and faction , which are contrary to order and vnitie : ) these dare not appear while the church is under its government and in order ; each under his banners , in their order and place , being thereby ready to oppose what shall be contrary . it is otherwise , where order is not in the church but our banners cast down , and our chief leaders taken off ; what can be then 〈◊〉 deformitie for beautie and for order 〈◊〉 on ? what then but terror ? terror to our selves : ( so is , an army , in confusion , to it self terrible ; ) and thereby have enemies their advantages , about , and within ; therefore saith s. ierome . o the safety of the church dependeth on the dignity of the chief priest ( meaning the bishop ) to whom if power be not given , there must be as many schismes in the church ●s there are priests . so s. cyprian . p heresies or schismes have no other beginning but this , that gods priest ( meaning bishop ) is not obeyed . again ; q these be the beginnings of heretiques , these the risings and endeavours of ill minded schismaticks , that they please themselves and contemn their bishops with swelling pride , so do men depart from the church &c. and r hence do men rush into heresies and schismes when they speak evil of priests , and envy their bishops . all which we have found sadly in our late miserable church distractions . 2. and by those evils in the church did follow on our state also confusion and destruction . if the church be borne down , let not the state think to stand ; and we have seen evils designed to the state , carried on by attempting , first , on the church corahs opposition pretended principally against aron , rests not there , for others with corah , had their designes in that , against moses also : and in that against aron , came in moses immediately , they gathered themselves against moses and aron . and ( say they ) to moses ( even in a breach ) wilt thou make thy self altogether a prince over us : s therefore are both joyned by the apostle s. jude t with the gainsaying of core is a speaking evill also of dignities . in both , have we seen and felt the dismall effects of this church schisme . but blessed be god by whom : these breaches are now all made up and repaired both in church and state , by the happy restauration of his sacred majesty to his royall throne and government . 1. hereby , is settlement to the kingdoms . our judges being restored as at the first and our councellors as at the beginning . u 2. and thereby is our church also setled : so as at this day ( even this very day ) we have , and our eyes do behold among us here , such in the church , who sit and rule in chief , setting in order the things that are wanting and ordaining elders , ( bishops ) successively , as hath been apostolically appointed . in that , see we our church settlement . in church order and government , is church settlement ; which was that , in the words , first propounded with which i have now done . as to what remains of the text ( the qualifications of those persons to be called forth to this high and sacred calling and work ; ( of which you have much here v. 6. 7 , 8 , 9. ) of that i may not now speak ; time will not admit it nor needs it at present ; where , in the person now before us , and to be admitted into this sacred function , these qualification ; are already ; nor were it for me ( for me i say ) to shew it so . w i shall therefore conclude with the apostles clerum ( acts 20. ) wherein we have ( to our purpose , ) both exhortation and valediction . first exhortation : you have heard your place and honour asserted , see now your office and work : and in that your care and charge . x take heed unto your selves and to all the flock , over the which , the holy ghost hath made you overseers ( or bishops ) to feed the church of god which he hath purchased with his own blood . in that you have your charge ; ( see you now to the discharge . ) next , and last , follows an apostolical valediction , benediction , and prayer ; which shall be mine also , and with that i now conclude ; y and now brethren i commend you to god and to the word of his grace , which is able to build you up , and to give you an inheritance among all which are sanctified . finis . errata . epistle . p. 3. margin ep . p. 2. dele . p. 10. line 6. first dele p. 13. line 19. and dele p. 14. line 3. for the read this preface . p. 9. marg . ( z ) for contra marcione . 5. r. contra marcion . c. 5. p. 10. l. 2. for bishops r. being bishops p. 11. l. 20. for theire r. there p. 12. l. 20. for policarpus r. polycarpus l. 22. for clemets r. clemens p. 15. marg . ( g ) for 406. r. 306. ibid. marg . r. ( h ) camorar . in vita phil . molaneth sermon . p. 2. l. 7. for licaonica r. lycaonia ibid. marg . for act. 3. 12. r. tit. 3. 12. p. 7. marg . ( x ) for zech. 37. r. zech. 3. 7. p. 9. marg . ( d ) for nunb . 16. 3. r. numb ; 16. 3. ibid. marg . ( g ) for rev : 1. 6. 15. 10. r. rev : 1. 6 : p : 11. l. 28. legal dele p. 12. marg . ( r ) for acts. 1. 6. r. acts. 6. 1. p. 14. marg . ( a ) for phile 9. r. philem v. 9. p. 15. l. 26. for ii. r. i. p. 16. l. 1. sor for r. so l. 2. for apostles r. apostle l. 29. for is is r. is p. 17. l. 2. for in r. on p. 21. l. 29 , for as r. 〈◊〉 p. 22. marg . ( f ) for synod r. 6 : synod p. 23. l. 4. for conveening r. convening p. 25. l. 28. for conc . eard . 〈◊〉 . conc . sard. l. 30. for be to r. to be p. 26. l. 13. for nominated r. denominated p. 32. l. 18. for ofter r. after . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47044-e140 a ric. hookers eccles. pol. pref. ep. p. 2● beza de grad . min. c. 11. b 2 kin. 16. 10 , 11. neh. 13. 14. notes for div a47044-e1740 a hos. 3. 12. b acts 12. 2. c gal. 1. 19. d acts 12. 17. e acts 15. 13 , &c. f 〈…〉 g 〈…〉 h annot. on acts 21. 18. i annot. on acts 12. ●7 . k hiero. catal. scrip. in sim. l niceph. l. 14. 〈…〉 euseb. l. 2. c. 24. doroth. in synop. hie. proëm . in math. & in catalog 〈◊〉 marco , & ad evagr. m cent. 1. l. 2. c. 10. in joh. evang. n beza in 1 tim. 5. 19 o euseb. l. 3. c. 4. p hier. catal . sc. q oecum . in 1 tim. 1. r oecum . in tit. 1. s conc. chalce . act . 11. t theod. balfamo . u euseb. l. 3. c. 22. ignat. ad anti ch . w euseb. l. 5. c. 6. & l. 3. c. 4. &c. 13. &c. 22. iren. l. 3. c. 3. hie. cata . in clement . x iren. l. 3. c. 3. euseb. l. 3. c. 35. hier. in catal . sc. y euseb. l. 3. c. 23. z tertul. de praescrip . c. 32. & l. 4. contra marcione . 5. a his majesties final answer concerning episco pac i. nov. 1. 1648 p. 9. b hist. confess : august per ●hytraeum c ibid pa. 109 , d apolog , confes , august per pap p , 137 , e acts , 11. 26. f hist. august . confess . per chytr . p. 389. g hist. august . confess ; p. 406. f beza de gra●minist . c. 20. k hier. zanch. de relig . cap. 25. l observat in c. 25. apho. 10. 11. m aug. haeres . 53. n epiph. haeres . 75. o id. ibid p zanch. observ . in c. 25. aphor. 10. 11. q psal. 94. 20. r 2. sam. 19. 14. notes for div a47044-e6800 a 2 cor. 11. 20. b rom. 15. 15. unto 22. c acts 3. 12. & in the proscript . d acts 20. 31. e 1 cor. 3. 6. f 1 cor. 4. 17. g 1 tim. 1. 2. h tit. 1. 5. i act● 14. 22. k 2 tim. postscript . l tit. postscript . doctr. m 1 cor. 14. 34 , 35. n 1 cor. 14. 33. o 1 cor. 12 p ver. 14 q ver. 17. r ver. 20. s ver. 21. t ver. 25. w 1 cor. 14. 33. x zac. 37. y 1 tim. 3. 15. z 1 chro. 23. 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32. a 1 chro , 24. 7. to 19. num. 13 , 14 b numb . 16. 3. c 1 pet. 21. 9. d numb . 16. 3 : e 1 pet. 2 5 , 9. f exod. 19. 6. g exod. 19 6. rev. 1. 6. 15. 10. h prov. 16. 32. i 1 pet. 2. 5. k 2 chro. 26 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. k isa. 66. 21. l heb. 13. 10. m psal. 51. 19. n hos. 14. 2. o heb. 13. 15. p 1 cor. 9 , 13 , 14. q heb. 10 21. r acts 1. 6. 1. to 7. 〈◊〉 tim. 3. 10. s 2 ki. 19. 2 ita. 37. 2. t 1 cor. 12. 28. v 1 cor. 12. 28. w gal. 2. 7 x 2 cor. 11. 26. y mat. 28. 19 , 20. z zech. 1. 5 a phile. 9. b 2 tim. 4. 6. c 2 pet. 1. 14. d hi●r . ad evagr. e idem ad nepotianum . f cypr. l. 4. epist. 9. g hier. ad evagr. h bulling . in philip. 2. i ambros. in phil. 2. k hier. in phil. 2. l theod. in 1. tim. m acts 1. 17. n psalm 10● . 8. o acts 1. 2● . p acts 1. 25. q nehem. 11. 14. r acts 20. 28. s t it 1 5. t apud nos apostolorum locum tenent episcopi , apud eos , tertius est episcopus ; quod apud nos primum , apud illos est novissimum . hieronim . ep. 54. ad marceliam adversus montanum . 1. v 1 tim. 4. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . w acts 1 , 17. x rom. 15. 8. y math. 15. 24. z 2 john. v. 1. a 3 john v. 1. b 1 pet. 5. 1 c acts 15. 2 , 4 , 6 , 22 , 23 & 16. 4. d ambr. in ephes. 4. e id. in 1 tim. 3. f s●n●d . constantin● . actione 17. g act. 18. h euseb. l. 5. c. 24. i ib. c. 25. k iur. 〈◊〉 90. l iraen . l. 3. c. 14. m annat . on phil. 1. 1. n acts 16. 12. o 2 cor. 9 1. p 1 thess. 4. 10. q theod. in phil. 2. r leo ad episc. afric . epist. 87. c. 2. s euseb. l. 4. c. 21. & 23 & 29. t 1 tim , 5. 22. v tit. 〈◊〉 . 5. x pet. 4. 15. 2. y tertul. de bapt. z hier. adver . lucif . a 1 tim. 5. 1 , 19 , 20. b epiphan . haeres . 75. c rev. 1. 13. d rev. 2. 3 e 1 tim. 3. 15. f rich-h●oker , of eccles. pol. preface n. 4. g jer. 6. 16. h numb . 16. 1 , 2 , 3 , 9 , 8 , 9 , 10. i jude 10. k math. 23. 35. l nam . 22. 56. m num. 16. 20 , 31 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34. n cant. 6. 4 , 10. o here advers . lucifer . p cypr. 〈◊〉 . 1. epist. 3. q id. l. 3. epist. 5. r id. scr. 2. de zel● & li 〈◊〉 . s numb . 16. 3. 11. 13. t jude v. 8. 11. u is. 1. 26. w flaternam ut propriam tacere gloriam est modestie senec. x acts. 20. 28. y v. 32. the humble answer of the divines attending the honorable commissioners of parliament, at the treaty at newport in the isle of wight. to the second paper delivered to them by his majesty, octob. 6. 1648. about episcopall government. delivered to his majesty, october 17. i appoint abel roper to print this copie, entituled the humble answer of the divines, &c. richard vines, westminster assembly this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89568 of text r204007 in the english short title catalog (thomason e468_21). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 80 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89568 wing m757 thomason e468_21 estc r204007 99863746 99863746 115960 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89568) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115960) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 75:e468[21]) the humble answer of the divines attending the honorable commissioners of parliament, at the treaty at newport in the isle of wight. to the second paper delivered to them by his majesty, octob. 6. 1648. about episcopall government. delivered to his majesty, october 17. i appoint abel roper to print this copie, entituled the humble answer of the divines, &c. richard vines, westminster assembly marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655, attributed name. 40 p. printed for abel roper, at the signe of the sunne over against s. dunstans church in fleet-street, london : 1648. sometimes attributed to stephen marshall, who was one of the newport divines. annotation on thomason copy: "8ber [i.e. october] ye 20th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. episcopacy -early works to 1800. great britain -history -puritan revolution, 1642-1660 -early works to 1800. a89568 r204007 (thomason e468_21). civilwar no the humble answer of the divines attending the honorable commissioners of parliament, at the treaty at newport in the isle of wight. to the westminster assembly 1648 12944 80 15 0 0 0 0 73 d the rate of 73 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-11 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble answer of the divines attending the honorable commissioners of parliament , at the treaty at newport in the isle of wight . to the second paper delivered to them by his majesty , octob. 6. 1648. about episcopall government . delivered to his majesty , october 17. i appoint abel roper to print this copie , entituled the humble answer of the divines , &c. richard vines , london , printed for abel roper , at the signe of the sunne over against s. dunstans church in fleet-street . 1648. the humble answer of the divines attending the honorable commissioners of parliament at the treaty at newport in the isle of wight , to the second paper delivered to them by his maiesty , octob. 6. 1648. delivered to his maiesty , octob. 17. may it please your mahesty , as in our paper of october the third , in answer to your majesties of october the second we did , so now againe we do acknowledge , that the scriptures cited in the margin of your majesties paper do prove , that the apostles in their own persons ; that timothy , and titus , and the angels of the churches , had power respectively , to do those things , which are in those places of scripture specified ; but as then , so now also we humbly do deny , that any of the persons or officers fore-mentioned were bishops , as district from presbyters , or did exercise episcopall government in that sence ; or that this was in the least measure proved by the alleadged scriptures , and therefore our negative not being to the same point , or state of the question which was affirmed ; we humby conceive that we should not be interpreted , to have in effect , denyed the very same thing , which we had before granted , or to have acknowledged that the severall scriptures do prove the thing , for which they are cited by your majesty ; and , if that , which we granted were all , that , by the scriptures cited in your margin , your majesty intended to prove ; it will follow , that nothing hath yet beene proved on your majesties part , to make up that conclusion which is pretended . as then we stood upon the negative to that assertion , so we now crave leave to represent to your majesty , that your reply doth not infirme the evidence given in maintenance thereof . the reason given by your majesty in this paper , to support your assertion : that the persons that exercised the power aforesaid were bishops in distinct sence , is taken from a description of episcopall government ; which is ( as your majesty saith ) nothing else , but the government of the churches within a certaine precinct ( commonly called a diocesse ) committed to one single person , with sufficient authority over the presbyters , and people of those churches for that end ; which government so described , being for substance of the thing it selfe in all the three forementioned particulars , ( ordaining , giving rules of discipline , and censures ) found in scriptures , except we will contend about names & words , must be acknowledged in the sense aforesaid to be sufficiently proved from scriptures : and your majesty saith further , that the bishops do not challeng more , or other power to belong to them , in respect of their episcopal office , as it is distinct from that of presbyters , then what properly fals under one of those three . we desire to speak both to the bishops challenge , and to your majesties description of episcopal government . and first to their challenge ; because it is first exprest in your majesties reply . the challenge we undertake in two respects : 1. in respect of the power challenged , 2. in respect of that ground , or tenure upon which the claim is laid . the power challenged consists of three particulars ; ordaining , giving rules of discipline , and censures . no more , no other , in respect of their episcopal office . we see not , by what warrant this writ of partition is taken forth , by which the apostolical office is thus sha●ed or divided ; the governing part into the bishops hands ; the teaching , and administring sacraments , into the pr●●byters . for besides that the scripture makes no such inclosure , or partition wall ; it appeares , the challenge is grown to more then was pretended unto in the times of growne episcopacie . jerome , and chrysostome do both acknowledge for their time , that the bishop and presbyter differed only in the matter of ordination : and learned doctor bilson makes some abatement in the claim of three , saying , the things proper to bishops , which might not be common to presbyters , are singularly of succeeding , and superiority in ordaining . the tenure or ground upon which the claim is made is apostolical , which with us is all one with divine institution . and this , as far as we have learned , hath not been anciently , openly , or generally avowed in this church of england , either in time of popery , or of the first reformation ; and whensoever the pretension hath been made , it was not without the contradiction of learned , and godly men . the abettors of the challenge , that they might resolve it at last into the scripture , did chuse the most plausible way of ascending by the scale of succession ; going up the river to find the head : but when they came to scriptures , & found it like the head of nile ( which cannot be found ) they shrowded it under the name and countenance of the angels of the churches , and of timothy and titus . those that would carry it higher , endeavoured to impe it into the apostolical office , and so at last called it a divine institution , not in force of any expresse precept , but implicite practise of the apostles ; and so the apostolical office ( excepting the gifts , or enablements confest only extraordinary ) is brought down to be episcopal , and the episcopal raised up to be apostolical . whereupon it follows , that the highest officers in the church are put into a lower orb ; an extraordinary office turn'd into an ordinary distinct office , confounded with that which in the scripture is not found ; a temporary , and an extinct office revived . and indeed if the definitions of both be rightly made , they are so incompatible to the same subject , that he that will take both must lose the one : aut apostolus episcopatum , aut apostolatum episcopus . for the apostles , though they did not in many things ut aliud , yet they acted alio nomine & alio munere , then presbyters , or bishops can do : and if they were indeed bishops , and their government properly episcopal in distinct sense , then it is not needfull to go so far about to prove episcopal government of divine institution , because they practised it ; but to assert expressely , that christ instituted it immediately in them . for your majesties definition of episcopal government , it is extracted out of the bishops of later date , then scripture times , and doth not sute to that meridian , under which there were more bishops then one in a precinct , or church ; and it is as fully competent to archiepiscopal , and patriarchal government , as episcopal . the parts of this definition , materially , and abstractly considered , may be found in scripture . the apostles , timothy and titus , were single persons , but not limited to a precinct : the government of the angels was limited to a precinct , but not in single persons . in several offices , not to be confounded , the parts of this definition may be ●ound ; but the aggregation of them altogether into one ordinary officer cannot be ●ound . and if that word , ordinary , and standing government , had been made the genus in your majesties definition ( as it ought to be ) we should crave leave to say it would be gratis dictum , if not petitio principii : for the scripture doth not put all these parts together in a bishop , who never borrowed of apostles , evangelists and angels , the matter of governing and ordaining , and left the other of teaching , dispensing sacraments and dealing onely in foro interno , to presbyters , untill after times . by this that hath been said , it is manifest enough , that we contend not first de nomine : about the name of episcopall government : which yet ( though names serve for distinction ) is not called or distinguished by that name in scripture . nor secondly de opere about the worke , whether the worke of governing , ordering , preaching &c. be of continuance in the church , which we cleerely acknowledge ; but thirdly de munere , about the office , it being a greatfallacy to argue , that the apostles did the same work which bishops or presbyters are to do in ordinary . therefore they were of the same office : for as it is said of the liberall , and learned arts one and the same thing may be handled in divers of them , and yet these arts are distinguisht by the formalis ratio of handling of them , so we say of offices , they are distinguisht by their callings and commissions , though not by the worke , as all those that are named , ( eph. 4. 11. ) apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors and teachers , are designed to one and the same generall and common worke : the worke of the ministry , ver. 12. and yet they are not therefore all one , for ●ts said , some apostles , some prophets , some evangelists , and some pastors and teachers ; a dictator in rome and an ordinary tribune . moses and the subordinate governours of israel . the court of parliament and of the kings-bench , an apostle and a presbyter or deacon may agree in some common worke , and yet no confusion of offices followes thereupon . to that which your majesty conceives , that the most that can be proved from all , or any of those places , by us alleadged ( to prove that the name , office , and work of bishops and presbyters is one and the same in all things , and not in the least distinguisht ) is that the word bishop is used in them to signifie a presbyter , and that consequently the offi●… , and work mentioned in these places as the office and worke of a bishop are the office of a presbyter , which is confessed on all sides . we make this humble returne , that though there be no supposition , so much as implyed , that the office of a bishop and a presbyter , are distinct in any thing ( for the names are mutually reciprocall , ) yet we take your majesties concession , that in these times of the church , and places of scripture , there was no distinct office of bishops and presbyters ; and consequently that the identity of the office must stand , untill there can be found a cleere distinction or division in the scriptures ; and if we had argued the identity of functions from the community of names , and some part of the work , the argument might have been justly termed a fallacy , but we proved them the same office from the fame worke , per omnia , being allowed so to do by the fulnesse of those two words used in the acts and st. peter his epistle {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} under the force of which words the bishops claime their whole power of government and jurisdiction , and we found no little weight added to our argument from that in the acts , where the apostle departing from the ephesian presbyters or bishops , as never to see their faces more , commits ( as by a finall charge ) the government of that church , both over particular presbyters and people ; not to timothy who then stood at his elbow , but to the presbyters under the name of bishops , made by the holy ghost , whom we read to have set many bishops over one church , not one over either one or many , and the apostles arguing from the same qualification of a presbyter and of a bishop in order to ordination or putting him into office , fully proves them to be two names of the same order or function : the diverse orders of presbyter and deacon , being diversly characterised , upon these grounds ( we hope without fallacie ) we conceive it justly proved , that a bishop and a presbyter are wholly the same . that timothy and titus were single persons , having authority of government , we acknowledge ; but deny , that from thence any argument can be made unto either single bishop or presbyter : for though a single presbyter by the power of his order ( as they call it ) may preach the word and dispense the sacraments ; yet by that example of the presbyterie , their laying on of hands , and that rule of telling the church in matter of scandal , it seems manifest , that ordination and censures are not to be exercised by a single presbyter ; neither hath your majesty hitherto proved , either the names of bishops and presbyters , or the function , to be in other places of scripture at all distinguished ; you having wholly waved the notice or answer of that we did assert ( and do yet desire some demonstration of the contrary ) viz. that the scripture doth not afford us the least notice of any qualification , any ordination , any work or duty , any honour peculiarly belonging to a bishop distinct from a presbyter ; the assignment of which , or any of them unto a bishop , by the scripture , would put this question neer to an issue . that god should intend a distinct and highest kind of officer for government in the church , and yet not expresse any qualification , work , or way of constituting and ordaining of him , seemes unto us improbable . concerning the signification of the word episcopus , importing an overseer , or one that hath a charge committed to him , for instance of watching a beacon , or keeping sheep , and the application of the name to such persons as have inspection of the churches of christ committed to them in spiritualibus : we also give our suffrage , but not to that distinction of episcopus gregis , and episcopus pastorum & gregis ; both because it is the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} or point in question ; and also because your majesty having signified that episcopus imports a keeper of sheep , yet you have not said that it signifies also a keeper of shepheards . as to that which is affirmed by your majesty , that the peculiar of the function of bishops is church-government ; and that the reason why the word episcopus is usually applied to presbyterie , was because church governours had then another title of greater eminencie , to wit , that of apostle ; until the government of the church came into the hands of their successors ; & then the names were by common usage very soon appropriated ; that of episcopus to ecclesiastical governours , that of presbyter to the ordinary ministers . this asser●ion your majesty is pleased to make without any demonstration ; for whom the scripture cals presbyters , rulers , and pastors and teachers , it calls governors ; and commits to them the charge of feeding and inspection as we have proved , and that without any mention of church government peculiar to a bishop ; we deny not , but some of the fathers have conceived the notion that bishops were called apostles , till the names of presbyter and episcopus became appropriate , which is either an allusion or conceipt , without evidence of scripture ; for , while the function was one , the names were not divided ; when the function was divided , the name was divided also , and indeed impropriate ; but we that look for the same warrant , for the division of an office , as for the constitution , cannot find that this appropriation of names , was made till afterwards , or in processe of time , as theodoret ( one of the fathers of this conceit ) affirms , whose saying , when it is run out of the pale of scripture time , we can no further follow ; from which premises laid altogether , we did conclude the cleernes of our assertion , that in the scriptures of the new testament , a bishop distinct from a presbyter in qualification , ordination , office or dignity is not found , the contrary wherof , though your majesty saith , that you have seene confirmed by great variety of credible testimony , yet we believe those testimonies are rather strong in asserting , then in demonstrating the scriptures originall of a bishop , which is declared against by a cloud of witnesses , named in the latter end of our former answer , unto which we should refer if matter of right were not properly tryable by scripture , as matter of fact is by testimony . wee said that the apostles were the highest order of officers of the church , that they were extraordinary , that they were distinguisht from all other officers , and that their government was not episcopall , but apostolicall ; to which answer , your majesty being not satisfyed , doth oppose certaine assertions , that christ himselfe and the apostles received their authority by mission , their ability by unction ; that the mission of the apostles was ordinary , and to continue to the end of the world ; but the unction , wherby they were enabled to both offices & functions , teaching and governing was indeed extraordiry , that in their unction they were not necessarily to have successours , but necessarily in their mission or office of teaching and governing , that in these two ordinary offices , their ordinary successours are presbyters & bishops , that presbyters qua presbyters do immediately succeed them in the office of teaching , and bishops qua bishops immediately in the office of governing ; the demonstration of which last alone , would have carryed in it more conviction then all these assertions put together ; officers are distinguished by that whereby they are constituted , their commission , which being produced , signed by one place of scripture , gives surer evidence , then a pedigree drawne forth by such a series of distinctions as do not distinguish him into another officer from a presbyter ; whether this chaine of distinction be strong , and the links of it sufficiciently tackt together , we crave leave to examine , christ saith , your majesty , was the apostle and bishop of our soules , and he made the apostles both apostles and bishops ; we do not conceive that your majesty meanes that the apostles succeeded christ as the chief apostle , and that as bishops , they succeed christ as a bishop , least thereby christ his mission as an apostle and bishop might be conceived as ordinary as their mission is said to be ; but we apprehend your majesty to mean , that the office of apostle and bishop , was eminently contained in christs office , as the office of a bishop was eminently contained in that of apostleship ; but thence it will not follow that inferior offices being contained in the superior eminently , are therefore existent in it formally ; for because all honours and dignities are eminently contained in your majesty , would it therefore follow that your majesty is formally and distinctly a baron of the realm , as it is asserted the apostles to have been bishops in distinct sense ; that mission refers to office and authority , and vnction only to ability , we cannot consent : for besides that the breathing of christ upon his disciples , saying , receive ye the holy ghost , doth refer to mission as well as unction ; we conceive that in the proper anointing of kings , or other officers , the naturall use and effect of the oyle upon the body , was not so much intended , as the solemn and ceremonious use of it in the inauguration of them ; so there is relation to office in unction , as well as to conferring of abilities ; else how are kings or priests or prophets said to be anointed ? and what good sense could be made of that expression in scripture , of anointing one in anothers room : to omit , that christ by this construction should be called the messias in respect of abilities only . and although we should grant your majesties explication of mission and vnction , yet it will not follow that the mission of the apostles was ordinary , and their unction only extraordinary : that into which there is succession , was ordinary ; that into which there is no succession , ( for succession is not unto abilities or gifts ) extraordinary ; and so the apostles were ordinary officers in all whereunto there is properly any succession , and that is office . they differed from bishops in that wherein one apostle or officer of the same order might differ from another , to wit , in abilities and measure of spirit , but not in that wherein one order of officers is above another by their office ; to which we cannot give consent , for since no man is denominated an officer from his meer abilities or gifts , so neither can the apostles be called extraordinary officers , because of extraordinary gifts , but that the apostles mission and office ( as well as their abilities ) was extraordinary and temporay , doth appeare in that it was by immediate commission from christ without any intervention , of men , either in election or ordination , for planting an authoritative governing of all churches through the world , comprehending in it all other officers of the church whatsoever , and therefore it seemes to us very unreasonable that the office and authority of the apostles should be drawn down to an ordinary , thereby to make it , as it were , a fit stock , into which the ordinary office of a bishop may be ingrafted , nor doth the continuance of teaching and governing in the church more render the office of teaching and governing in the apostles an ordinary office , then the office of teaching , and governing in christ himselfe , render his office therefore ordinary . the reason given , that the office of teaching and governing , was ordinary in the apostles , because of the continuance of them in the church ( wee crave leave to say ) is that great mistake which runnes through the whole file of your majesties discourse , for though there be a succession in the worke of teaching and governing , yet there is no succession in the commission or office by which the apostles performed them ; for the office of christ , of apostles , of evangelists , of prophets , is thence also concluded ordinary , as to teaching and governing , and the distinction of offices extraordinary and ordinary eatenus destroyed ; the succession may be into the same worke , not into the same commission and office , the ordinary officers , which are to manage the work of teaching and governement , are constituted , setled and limited by warrant of scripture , as by another commission then that which the apostles had ; and if your majesty had shewn us some record out of scripture , warranting the division of the office of teaching and governing into two hands , and the appropriation of teaching to presbyters , of governing to bishops , the question had been determined , otherwise we must look upon the dissolving of the apostolicall office , and distribution of it into these two hands , as the dictate of men who have a minde , by such a precarious argument , to challenge to themselves the keyes of authority , and leave the word to the presbyters . in our answer to the instances of timothy and titus ( which doctor bilson acknowledgeth to be the maine erection of episcopall power , if the proofes of their being bishops , doe stand , or subversion , if the answer that they were evangelists be good ) your majesty finds very little satisfaction though all that is said therein could be proved . first , because the scriptures no where implyeth any such things at all , that titus was an evangelist , neither doth the text cleerly prove , that timothy was so . 1. the name of bishop , the scripture neither expresly nor by implication gives to either , the work which they are injoyned to do is common to apostles , evangelists , pastors & teachers , and cannot of it self make a character of one distinct and proper office ; but that there was such an order of officers in the church as evangelists reckoned amongst the extraordinary and temporary offices and that timothy was one of that order , and that both timethy and titus were not ordained to one particular church , but were companions and fellow labourers with the apostles , sent abroad to severall churches as occasion did require , it is as we ( humbly conceive ) clear enough in scripture , and not denyed by the learned defenders of episcopall government nor ( as we remember ) by scultetus himselfe during the time of their travailes . 2. to that which your majesty secondly saith , that we cannot make it appeare by any text of scripture that the office of evangelist is such as we have discribed , his worke seeming , 2 tim. 2. 4 , 5. to be nothing else but diligence in preaching the word , notwithstanding all impediments and oppositions , we humbly answer , that exact definitions of these or other church officers are hard to bee found in any text of scripture , but by comparing one place of scripture with another , it may bee proved aswell that they were , as what the apostles and presbyters were , the description by us given being a character made up by collation of scriptures , from which mr. hooker doth not much vary , saying that evangelists were presbyters of principall sufficiency whom the apostles sent abroad & used as agents in ecclesiasticall affaires , wheresoever they saw need . and that pastors & teachers , were settled in some certain charge and therby differed from evangelists , whose work that it should be nothing but diligence in preaching , &c , which is common to apostles , evangelists , pastors and teachers , and so not distinctive of this particular office , argueth to us , that as the apostles office was divided into episcopall and apostolicall , so this also is to be divided in episcopall and evangelistical , ordination and censures belonging to timothy as a bishop , and diligence in preaching only being left to the evangelists , which division ( as we humbly conceive ) is not warranted by the scripture . thirdly , your majesty saith that that which we so confidently affirme of timothy and titus , their acting as evangelists is by some denyed and refuted , yea even with scorne rejected by some rigid presbyterians , and that which we so confidently deny , that they were bishops , is consirmed by the consentient testimony of all antiquity , recorded by ierome himselfe that they were bishops of pauls ordination , acknowledged by very many late divines , and that a catalogue of 27 bishops of ephesus lineally succeeding from timothy out of good record is vouched by dr. reynolds and other writers . our confidence ( as your majesty is pleased to call it ) was in our answer exprest in these words , wee cannot say that timothy and titus were bishops in the sense of your majesty , but extraordinary officers or evangelists , in which opinion we were then clear , not out of a totall ignorance of those testimonies which might be alledged against it , but from intrinsick arguments out of scripture , from which your majesty hath not produced any one to the contrary , nor is our confidence weakned by such replys as these , the scripture never cals them bishops , but the fathers do , the scripture calls timothy an evangelist , some of late have refuted it , and rejected it with scorn , the scripture relates their motions from church to church , but some affirme them to be fixed at ephesus and in creet , the scripture makes distinction of evangelists and pastors , but some say that timothy and titus were both , we cannot give your majesty a present account of scultetus and gherards arguments , but do believe that m. gillespi and rutherford are able with greater strength to refute that opinion of timothy and titus their being bishops , then they do ( if they do ) with scorne reject this of their being evangelists ; as for testimonies and catalogues though we undervalue them not , yet your majesty will be pleased to allow us the use of our reason , so far as not to erect an office in the church , which is not found in scripture , upon generall appellations or titles and allusions frequently found in the fathers , especially when they speake vulgarly , and not as to a point in debate , for even ierome who as your majesty saith doth record that timothy and titus were made bishops , and that of st. pauls ordination , doth when he speaks to the poynt between your majesty and us , give the bishops to understand that they are superior to presbyters consueitudine magis quam dominicae veritatis dispositione ; for catalogues their creditrests upon the first witnesses from whom they are reported by tradition from hand to hand , whose writings are many times suppositions , dubius or not extant , besides that these catalogues do resolve themselves into some apostle or evangelist as the first bishop , as the catalogue of ierusalem into the apostle iames , that of antioch into peter , that of rome into peter and paul , that of alexandria into marke , that of ephesus into timothy , which apostles and evangelists can neither themselves be degraded by being made bishops , nor be succeeded in their proper calling or office , and it is easy for us to proceed the same way and to finde many antient rites and customs generally received in the church ( counted by the antients apostolicall traditions ) as neer the apostles times as bishops , which yet are , confessedly , not of divine institution ; and further , if timothy and the rest that are first in the catalogue were bishops with such sole power of ordination and censures , as is asserted , how came their pretended successors , who were but primi presbyterorum ( as the fathers themselves call them ) to lose so much episcopall power as was in their predecessors , and as was not recovered in 300 years ? and therefore we cannot upon any thing yet said , recide from that of our saviour , ab initio non fuit sic , from the begining is was not so . your majesty saith , that wee affirme but upon very weak proofes , that they were from ephesus and crete removed to other places , the contrary whereunto hath been demonstrated by some , who have exactly out of scripture , compared the times , and order of the severall journeyes , and stations of paul and timothy . it is confessed that our assertion , that timothy and titus were evangelists , lies with some stresse upon this , that they removed from place to place , as they were sent by or accompanied the apostles , the proofe whereof appeares to us , to bee of greaten strength then can bee taken off by the comparison which your majesty makes of the divines of the assembly at westminster . wee begin with the travailes of timothy , as we finde them in order recorded in the scripture-places cited in the margin , and we set forth from a berea , where we finde timothy , then next at b athens , fromwhence paul sends him to c thessalonica , afteward having been in macedonia , he came to paul at d corinth , and after that , he is with paul at ephesus , and thence sent by him into e macedonia , whether paul went after him , and was by timothy accompanied into f asia , who was with him at g troas and h miletus , to which place saint paul sent for the presbyters of the church in ephesus , and gave them that solemne charge to take heede unto themselves , and to all the flock , over which the holy ghost hath made them bishops , not speaking a word of recommendation of that church to timothy , or of him to the elders . and if timothy was bishop of ephesus , he must bee so when the first epistle was sent to him , in which he is pretended to receive the charge of exercising his episcopall power in ordination and government ; but it is manifest that after this epistle sent to him , he was in continuall journeyes , or absent from ephesus . for paul left him at ephesus when he went into i macedonia , and he left him there to exercise his office , in regulating and ordering that church and in ordaining ; but it was after this time that timothy is found with paul at miletus , for aftur paul had been at miletus , he went to jerusalem , whence he was sent prisoner to rome , and never came more into macedonia , and at k rome we find timothy a prisoner with him , and these epistles which paul wrote while he was prisoner at rome , namely the epistle to the philippians , to philemon , to the colossians , to the hebrewes , doe make mention of timothy as his companion at these times , nor doe we ever finde him againe at ephesus , for we finde that after all this , towards the end of saint pauls life , after his first answering before nero , and when he said his departing was at hand , hee sent for timothy to rome , not from ephesus ; for it seemes that timothy was not there , because paul giving timothy an account of the absence of most of his companions sent into divers parts , he saith , tychicus have i sent to ephesus . now if your majesty shall bee pleased , to cast up into one totall that which is said ; the severall journeyes and stations of timothy , the order of them , the time spent in them , the nature of his imployment , to negotiate the affaires of christ in severall churches and places , the silence of the scriptures , as touching his being bishop of any one church , you will acknowledge that such a man was not a bishop fixed to one church or precinct , and then by assuming that timothy was such a man , you wil conclude that he was not bishop of ephesus . the like conclusion may be inforced from the like premisses , from the instance of titus , whom we finde at a jerusalem before he came to crete , from whence hee is sent for to b nicopolis , & after that he is sent to corinth , from whence he is expected at c troas , and met with paul in d macedonia , whence he is sent againe to e corinth , and after all this is neere the time of pauls death at rome , from whence he went not into crete , but unto f dalmatia , and after this is not heard on in the scripture ; and so we hope your majesty doth conceive , that we affirme not upon very weak proofes , that tymothy and titus were from ephesus & crete removed to other places . in the fifth exception your majesty takes notice of two places of scripture cited by us , to prove that they were called away from those places of ephesus & crete , which if they doe not conclude much of themselves , yet being accompanied by two other places which your majesty takes no notice of , may seeme to conclude more , and these are 1 tim. v. 1. 3. titus 1. 5. as i be sought thee to abide still at ephesus , for this cause left i thee in creete , in both which is specifed the occasionall imployment , for which they made stay in those places : and the expressions used , i besought thee to abide still at ephesus , i left thee in crete , doe not sound like words of installment of a man into a bishoprick , but of an intendment to call them away again , and if the first and last be put together , his actuall revocation of them both , the intimation of his intention , that they should not stay there for continuance , and the reason of his beseeching the one to stay , & of his leaving the other behind him , which was some present defects and distempers in those churches , they will put faire to prove that the apostle intended not to establish them bishops of those places , and therefore did not ; for the postscripts , because your majesty layes no great weight upon them , we shall not be solicitous in producing evidence against them , though they doe bear witnesse in a matter of fact , which in our opinion never was , and in your majesties judgement was long before they were borne , and so we conclude this discourse about timothy and titus with this observation , that in the same very epistle of paul to timothy , out of which your majesty hath endeavoured to prove that he was a bishop , and did exercise episcopall government , there is cleare evidence both for presbyters imposing hands , in ordination , and for their ruling . in the next point concerning the angels of the churches , though your majesty saith , that you lay no weight upon the allegory or mystery of the denomination , yet you assert , that the persons bearing that name were personae singulares , & in a word bishops , who yet are never so called in scripture , & the allegorical denomination of angels or stars , which in the judgement of ancient and moderne writers doth belong to the faithfull ministers and preachers of the word in generall , is appropriate ( as we may so say ) to the myter and crosierstaffe , and so opposed to many expresse testimonies of scripture ; and if your majesty had been particular in that , wherein you say the strength of your instance lies , viz. the judgement of all ancient , & of the best moderne writers , and many probabilities in the text it selfe , we hope to have made it apparent , that many ancient & eminent writers , many probabilities out of the text it self do give evidence to the contrary . to that which is asserted , that these singular persons were bishops in distinct sence , whether we brought any thing of moment to infirm this we humbly submit to your majesties judgement , and shall only represent to you that in your reply you have not taken notice of that which in our answer seems to us of moment , which is this , that in mysterious & prophetick writings or visionall representations ( such as this of the stars and golden candlesticks is ) a number of things or persons is usually exprest in singulars , and this in visions is the usuall way of representation of things , a thousand persons making up one church , is represented by one candlestick ; many ministers making up one presbytery by one angell . and because your majesty seemes to call upon us to be particular , though we cannot name the angels , nor are satisfied in our judgement , that those whom some do undertake to name were intended by the name of angells in those epistles ; yet we say , first , that these epistles were sent unto the churches , and that under the expression of this thou dost , or this thou hast , and the like , the churches are respectively intended , for the sin reproved , the repentance commanded , the punishments threatned , are to be referred to the churches and not to the singular angells onely , and yet wee do not thinke that salmatius did intend , nor doe wee , that in formall denomination the angells and candlesticks are the same ; secondly ; the angels of these churches or rulers were a collective body , which wee endeavoured to prove by such probabilities as your majesty takes no notice of , namely the instance of the church of ephesus , where there were many bishops , to whom the charg of that church was by saint paul at his finall departure from them committed ; as also by that expression revel. 2. 24. to you , and to the rest in thiatyra ; which distinction makes it very probable , that the angel is explained under that plurality to you ; the like to which many expressions may be found in these epistles , which to interpret according to the consentient evidence of other scriptures of the new testament , is not safe only , but solid and evidentiall . thirdly , these writings are directed as epistolary , letters , to collective bodyes , usually are ( that is ) to one , but intended to the body ; which your majesty illustrateth by your sending a message to your . two houses , and directing it to the speaker of the house of peers ; which as it doth not hinder ( we confesse ) but that the speaker is one single person ; so it doth not prove at all , that the speaker is alwayes the same person ; or if he were , that therefore because your message is directed to him he is the governour or ruler of the two houses in the least , and so your majesty hath given cleare instance , that though these letters be directed to the angels , yet that notwithstanding they might neither be bishops , not yet perpetuall moderators . for the severall opinions specified in your majesties paper , three of them , by easie and faire accommodati●n ( as wee declared before ) are soon reduced and united amongst themselves , and may be holden wi●hout ecesse from the received iudgement of the christian church ▪ by such as are far from m●●iting that aspersion , which is cast upon the reformed divines , by popish writers , that they have divided themselves from the common and received iudgment of the christian church ; which imputation , wee hope , was not in your majesties intention to lay upon us , untill it bee made cleare that it is the common and received iudgement of the christian church that now is , or of that in former ages , that the angels of the churches were bishops having prelacy as well over pastors as people within their churches . in the following discourse we did deny , that the apostles were to have any successors in their office , and affirmed onely 〈◊〉 orders of ordinary and standing officers in the church , vizt. presbiters and deacons . concerning the former of which your majesty refers to what you had in part already declared : that in those things which were extraordinary in the apostles , as namely , the measure of their gifts , &c. they had no sucessors in cundem graedum ; but in those things which were not extraordinary , as the office of teaching and power of governing ( which are necessary for the service of the church in all times ) they were to have and had no successours : where your majesty deli●●●s a doctrine new to us . namely , that the apopost●es had successors into their offices , not into their 〈◊〉 : for ( besides that , succession is not 〈◊〉 into abiliti●s ▪ but into offic● ▪ we cannot say , that one 〈◊〉 another in his 〈◊〉 ▪ o● 〈◊〉 , or patts , but into his roome and function , 〈◊〉 ●●nceive , that the office apostolicall was 〈…〉 in whole , because their mission and 〈◊〉 was ●o , and the service or work of ▪ teaching and governing being to continue in all times doth not render their office ordinary ; as the office of moses was not rendred ordinary , because many workes of government exercised by him , were re-committed to the standing elders of israel : and if they have successors , it must be , either into their whole office , or into some parts : their successors into the whole ( however differing from them in measure of gifts and peculiar qualifications ) must be called apostles , the same office gives the 〈◊〉 denomination , and then we shal confesse that bishops , if they be their successors in office , 〈◊〉 of divine institution , because the apostolicall office him so ; if their successors come into part of their office only , the presbiters may as well bee called their 〈◊〉 ▪ ●● the bishops , and so indeed they are called by 〈◊〉 of the ancient fathers , 〈◊〉 , origen , 〈◊〉 , and others : whereas in much the apostle● 〈◊〉 not properly successors into office , but the ordin●ry power of teaching and governing ( which 〈…〉 the church for 〈◊〉 ) is 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 in the hands of ordinary officers by a 〈…〉 and commission according to the rules of 〈◊〉 and calling in the word , 〈◊〉 the bishop hath 〈◊〉 yet produced for himselfe , and without which he cannot challenge it upon the 〈…〉 by the 〈◊〉 without 〈◊〉 . and whereas your 〈…〉 of their work 〈…〉 in the apostles , we could wish that you had declared whether it belong to their mission or unction ; for we humbly conceive , that their authorative power to do their work in all places of the world did properly belong to their mission , and consequently that their office , as wel as their abilities was extraordinary and so by your majesties own concession not to be succeded into by the bishops . as to the orders of standing officers of the church your majesty doth reply , that although in the places cited , phil. 1. 1. 1 tim. 3. 8. there be no mention but of the two orders only of bishops or presbiters , and deacons , yet it is not thereby proved that there is no other standing office in the church besides , which we humbly conceive is justly proved , not only because there are no other named , but because there is no rule of ordeyning any third , no warrant or way of mission , and so the argument is as good , as can be made , a non cause ad non effectum ; for we do not yet apprehend that the bishops pretending to the apostolick office do also pretend to the same manner of mission , nor do we know hat those very many divines that have afferted two orders onely , have concluded it from any other grounds then the scriptures cited . there appears ( as your majesty saith ) two other manifest reasons why the office of bishops might not bee so proper to be mentioned in those places . and wee humbly conceive there is a third more manifest then those two , vizt , because , it was not . the one reasun given by your majesty , is because in the churches which the appostles themselves planted ; they placed presbiters under them for the office of teaching , but reserved in their own hands the power of governing those churches for a longer , or shorter time before they set bishops over them . which under your majesties favour is not so much a reason why bishops are not mentiioned to bee in those places as that they indeed were not ; the variety of reasons ( may we say or conjectures ) rendred why bishops were not set up at first , as namely because fit men could not be so soon found out , which is epiphanius his reason , or for remedy of schisme , which is jeromes reason , or because the apostles saw it not expedient , which is your majesties reason doth shew that this cause labours under a manifest weaknesse ; for the apostles reserving in their own hands the power of governing , we grant it , they could no more devest themselves of power of governing , then ( as dr. bilson saith ) they could loose their apostleship : had they set up bishops in all churches , they had no more pa●ted with their power of governing , then they did in seting up the presbyters , for we have proved that presbyters , being called rulers , governours , bishops , had the power of governing in ordinary , committed to them , as well as the office of teaching , and that both the keys ( as they are called ) being by our saviour comitted into one hand , were not by the apostles divided into two : nor do we see , how the apostles could , reasonably commit the government of the church to the presbyters of ephesus , act. 20 , and yet reserve the power of governing ( viz. in ordinary ) in his own hands , who took his solemn leave of them , as never to see their faces more . as that part of the power of government , which for distinction sa●e may be called legis-lative , and which is one of the three fore-mentioned things challenged by the bishops , viz giving rules , the reserving of it in the apostles hands hindred not , but that in your majesties iudgment timothy and titus were bishops of 〈◊〉 and creete , to whom the apostles gives rules for ●●●ring and governing of the church : nor is there ●●y more reason , that the apostles reserving that part of the power of governing which is called e●●cuti●● in such cases , and upon such occasions as they thought 〈◊〉 should hinder the setting up of bishops , if they had intended it ; and therefore the reserving of power in their hands can be no greater reason why they did not set up bishops at the first , then that they never did . and since ( by your majesties concession ) the presbiters were placed by the apostles first , in the churches by them planted , and that with power of governi●● , as wee prove by scripture , you must prove the 〈…〉 of a bishop over the presbyters by the apostles in some after times , or else we must conclude that the bishop got both his name and power of government out of the presbyters hand , as the tree in the ●●ll m●ns out the stones by little and little as i● 〈◊〉 grows ▪ as touching phillippi , where you majesty saith , it may be probable there was yet 〈◊〉 bishop , it is certaine there were many , like them , 〈…〉 at epheful , to whom if only the office of teaching did belong they had the most labori●us and honorable part that which was less honorable being reserved in the apostles hands and the churches left in the mean time without ordinary government . the other reason given why two orders only a●● mentioned in those places is , because he wrot in the 〈◊〉 to timothy and titus to them that were bishops , ●● there was no need to writ any thing concerning the 〈…〉 qualification of any other sort of 〈◊〉 then such , as belonged to their ordination , or inspection , which were presbyters and deacons only , and no bishops . the former reason why two only orders are mentioned in the epistle to the philip●●ans , was , because there was yet ●● bishop ▪ this latter reason why the same two onely are mentioned in these epistles , is because there was no bishop i●●● ordained we might own the reason for good , if there may bee found any rule for the ordination of the other order of bishops in some other place of scripture , but if the ordination cannot be found , how should we find the order ? and it is reasonable to think , that the apostle in the chapter formerly alleadged , 1 tim. 3. where he passes immediatly from the bish to the de●●on , would have 〈◊〉 exprest , or at least hinted what sort of bishop he meant whither the bishop ●ver presbyters , or the presbiter bishop , to have avoyded the confusion of the name , and to have set as it were some mark of difference in the 〈◊〉 of the presbiter-bish . if there had bin some other bishop of 〈…〉 . and wheras your ma● . saith there was no need to writ to them about 〈…〉 in a distinct sence , who belonged not to their ordination and inspection ▪ we conceive that in your majesties judgment , bishops might then have ordeined bishops like themselves ; for there was then no ca●●● forbiding one single bish to ordain another of his own rank , and ther being many cities in creete , titus might have found it expedient ( as those ancient fathers that call him arch-bishop think he did ) to have set up bishops in some of those cities ▪ so that this reasoning his against the principles , of those 〈…〉 to have been bishops , for our part we beleeve that ●word-● belonged unto 〈◊〉 and titus with 〈…〉 churches where they might 〈…〉 any time have the office of ordeyning and governing , as it is written in the same chapter , 1 tim. 3. 14 , 15. those things i have written unto th●● , &c. that thou mayest know how to be have thy selfe in the house of god , which is the church ; and therefore if there had been any proper character or qualification of a bishop distinct from a presbyter , if any ordination or office , we think the apostle would have signified it , but because he did not , we conclude ( and the more strongly from the insufficiency of your majesties two reasons ) that there are onely two orders of officers , and consequently that a bishop is not superiour to a presbyter , for we find not ( as we said in our answer ) that one officer is superiour to another , who is of the same order . concerning the ages succeeding the apostles . your majesty having in your first paper said , that you could not in conscience consent to abolish episcopall government , because you did conceive it to be of apostolicall institution , practised by the apostles themselves , and by them comitted and derived to particular persons as their successors , and have ever since til these last times bin exercised by bishops in al the churchs of christ : we thought it necessary in our answer , to subjoyne to that we had said out of the scriptures , the iudgment of divers ancient ●riters and fathers , by whom bishops were not acknowledged as a divine , but as an ecclesias●ticall institution , as that which might very much conduce both to the easing of your majesties scruple , to consider that howsoever episcopal government was generally currant , yet the superscription was not jugded divine , by some of those that either were themselves bishops , or lived under that government , & to the vindication of the opinion which we hold , from the prejudice of novellisme , or of recesse from the iudgement of all antiquity . we doe as firmely beleeve ( as to matter of fact ) that chrysostome and austin were bishops , as that aristotle was a philosopher , cicer● an orator ; though wee should rather call out faith and beliefe thereof ●●rtaine in matter of fact , upon humane testimonies uncontrouled , then infallible , in respect of the testimonies themselves . but where is your majestie saith , that the darknesse of the historie of the church , in the time succeeding the apostles , is a strong argument for episcopacie , which notwithstanding that darknesse hath found so full proofe by unquestioned catalogues , as scarce any other matter of fact hath found the like : wee humbly conceive , that those fore-mentioned times were darke to the catalogue-makers , who must derive the series of succession from , and through those historicall darknesses , and so make up their catalogues very much from tradition and reports , which can give no great evidence , because they agree not amongst themselves : and that which is the great blemish of their evidence is , that the neerer they come to the apostles times ( wherein they should be most of all clear , to establish the succession firm and cleare at first ) the more doubtfull , uncertaine , and indeed contradictorie to one another ; are the testimonies . some say , that clemens was first bishop of rome , after peter ; some say , the third : and the intricacies about the order of succession , in lin●s , anacletus , clemens , and another called cletus ( as some affirme ) are inextricable . some say , that titus was bishop of crate ; some say , arch-bishop ; and some , bishop of dalmatia . some say , that timothy was bishop of ephesus ; and some say , that iohn was bishop of ephesus at the same time . some say , that polycarpus was first bishop of smyrna : another saith , that he succeeded one b●colus ; and another , that arist● was first . some say , that alexandria had but one bishop , and other cities two ; and others , that there was but one bishop of one citie at the same time . and how should those catalogues be unquestionable , which must be made up out of testimonies that fight one with another ? wee confesse , that the ancient fathers , tertulltan , irenaus , &c. made use of succession , as an argument against heretikes , or innovators , to prove that they had the traduces apostoliei seminis , and that the godly and orthodox fathers were on their side . but that which we now have in hand , is succession in office ; which , according to the catalogues , resolves it selfe into some apostle , or evangelist , as the first bishop of such a citie , or place , who ( as we conceive ) could not be bishops of those places , being of an higher office ; though , according to the language of after-times , they might by them that drew up the catalogues , be so called , because they planted and founded , or watered those churches to which they are entituled , and had their greatest residence in them ; or else the catalogues are drawne from some eminent men that were of great veneration and reverence in the times and places where they lived , and presidents or moderators of the presbyteries , whereof themselves were members : from whom , to pretend the succession of after-bishops , is as if it should be said , that caesar was successor to the roman consuls . and we humbly conceive , that there are some rites and ceremonies used continually in the church of old , which are asserted to be found in the apostolicall and primitive times , and yet have no colour of divine institution ; and , which is argument above all other , the fathers , whose names wee exhibited to your majestie in our answer , were doubtlesse acquainted with the catalogues of bishops who had beene before them , and yet did hold them to be of ecclesiasticall institution . and lest your majestie might reply , that however the testimonies and catalogues may varie , or be mistaken , in the order , or times , or names of those persons that succeeded the apostles , yet all agree , that there was a succession of some persons ; and so , though the credit of the catalogues be infirmed , yet the thing intended is confirmed thereby : we grant , that succession of men to feed and governe those churches , while they continued churches , cannot be denyed , and that the apostles and evangelists , that planted and watered those churches ( though extraordinarie and temporarie officers ) were by ecclesiasticall writers , in complyance with the language and usage of their owne times , called bishops ; and so were other eminent men , of chiefe note , presiding in the presbyteries of the cities or churches , called by such writers as wrote after the division or distinction of the names of presbyters , and bishops : but that those first and ancientest presbyters were bishops in proper sence , according to your majesties description , invested with power over presbyters and people , to whom ( as distinct from presbyters ) did belong the power of ordaining , giving rules and censures ; wee humbly conceive can never be proved by authentike or competent testimonies . and granting , that your majestie should prove the succession of bishops from the primitive times seriatim ; yet if these from whom you draw , and through whom you derive it , be found either more then bishops , as apostles , and extraordinarie persons , or lesse then bishops , as meerly first presbyters , having not one of the three essentials to episcopall government ( mentioned by your majestie ) in their owne hand ; it will follow , that all that your majestie hath proved by this succession , is the homonymy and equivocall acceptation of the word episcopus . for clemens his testimonie , which your majestie conceiveth to be made use of , as our old fallacie , from the promiscuous use of the words to inferre the indistinction of the things ; wee referre our selves to himselfe in his epistle , now in all mens hands , whose testimonie wee thinke cannot be eluded , but by the old artifice , of hiding the bishop under the presbyters name : for they that have read his whole epistle , and have considered , that himselfe is called a bishop , may doubt of clemens opinion , concerning the distinct offices of bishops and presbyters , or rather not doubt of it , if onely his one epistle , may be impaneld upon the inquest . concerning ignatius his epistles , your majesty is pleased to use some earnestnesse of expression , charging some of late , without any regard of ingenuity or truth , out of their partiall disaffection to bishops , to have endeavoured to discredit his writings . one of those cited by us , cannot ( as we conceive ) be suspected of disaffection to bishops ; and there are great arguments drawn out of those epistles themselves , betraying their insincerity , adulterate mixtures , and interpolations ; so that ignatius cannot be distinctly known in ignatius . and if we take him in grosse , we make him the patron ( as baronious , and the rest of the popish writers do ) of such rites and observations , as the church in his time cannot be thought to have owned . he doth indeed give te●timonie to the prelacy of a bishop above a presbyter , that which may justly render him suspected , is that he gives too much . honour ( saith he ) the bishop as gods high priest , and after him you must honour the king . he was indeed a holy martyr , and his writings have suffered martyrdom , aswell as he ; corruptions could not go currant , but under the credit of worthy names . that which your majesty saith in your fourth paragraph , that we might have added , ( if we had pleased ) that iames , timothy , titus , &c. were constituted and ordained bishops , of the forementioned places respectively , and that all the bishops of those times , were reputed successors to the apos●les in their episcopall office : we could not have added it without prejudice ( as we humbly conceive ) to the truth ; for the apostles did not ordein any of themselves bishops , nor could they do it , for even by your majesties concession , they were bishops before , viz. as they were apostles , nor could any apostle his choyce of a certain region or place to exercise his function in , whilest he pleased , render him a bishop , any more then paul was bishop of the gentiles , peter of the circumcision . neither did the apostles ordein the evangelists bishops of those places unto which they sent them ; nor were the bishops of those times any more then as your majesty saith , reputed successours to the apostles in their episcopall office , they came after the apostles in the churches by them planted , so might presbyters do ; but that 's not properly succession , at least not succession into office ; and this we say with a salv● to our assertion , that in those times there were no such bishops distinct from presbyters : neither do we understand , whether the words episcopall office , in this section , refer to the bishops or apostles ; for in referrence to apostles , it insinuates a distinction of the apostles office , into apostolicall and episcopall , or that the office apostolicall , was wholly episcopall , unto neither of which we can give our consent for reasons forementioned . to the testimonies by us recited in proof of two onely orders , your majesty answers first , that the promiscuous use of the names of bishops and presbyters , is imported ; that which your majesty not long ago called our old fallacy , is now your answer , onely with this difference , we under promiscuous names hold the same office : your majesty under promiscuous names supposes two , which if as it is often asserted , was but once proved ▪ we should take it for a determination of this controversie . secondly , that they relate to a school-point , or a nicety , utrum episcopat●● sit ordo vel gradus , both sides of the questionists or disputants in the mean time acknowledging the right of church-government in the bishops alone ; it is confest by us , that that question as it is stated by popish authors , is a curious nicety , to which we have no eye or reference ; for though the same officers may differ fromand excell others of the same order in gifts or qualifications , yet the office it self , is one and the same , without difference or degrees , as one apostle or presbyter , is not superiour to another in degree of office ; they that are of the same order are of the same degree , in respect of office , as having power and authority to the same acts. nor doth the scripture warrant or allow , any superiority of one over another of the same order ; and therefore the proving of two orders onely in the church , is a demonstration , that presbyters and bishops are the same . in which point , the scripture will counter-ballance the testimonies of those that assert three degrees or orders , though ten for one . but for easing of your majesty of the trouble of producing testimonies against those cited by us , we make this humble motion , that the regiments on both sides may be discharged out of the field , and the point disputed by dint of holy scripture , id verum quod primum . having passed through the argumentative parts of your majesties reply , wherein we should account it a great happinesse , to have given your majesty any satisfaction , in order whereunto you pleased to honour us with this imployment , we shall contract our selves in the remainder , craving your majesties pardon , if you shall conceive us to have been too much in the former , and too little in that which follows . we honour the pious intentions and munificence of your royall progenitors , and do acknowledge that ornamentall accessions granted to the person , do not make any substantiall change in the office ; the reall difference between that episcopall government , which first obtained in the church , and the present hierarchy , consists in ipso regimine & modo regiminis , which cannot be clearly demonstrated in particulars , untill it be agreed on both sides , what that episcopacy was then , and what the hierarchy is now , and then it would appear , whether these three forementioned essentialls of episcopall government , were the same in both : for the power under christian princes , and under pagan , is one and the same , though the exercise be not . and we humbly receive your majesties pious advertisement , ( not unlike that of constantines ) stirring us up as men unbyassed with private interests , to study the neerest accommodation and best resemblance to the apostolicall and primitive times . but for your majesties salve to the bishops sole power , of ordination and iurisdiction , and that distinction of ordination , authoritative in the bishop , and concomitant in the presbytery , which you seem to found upon these two texts , 2 tim. 1. 6. 1 tim. 4. 14. and which is used by d. bilson , and other defenders of episcopacy , in explication of that cannon of the fourth councell of carthage , which enjoyns the joyns imposition of the bishops and presbyters hands , we shall give your majesty an accompt , when we shall be called to the disquisition thereof ; albeit that we do not for the present see , but that this proviso of your majesty , renders our accommodation to the apostolicall and primitive times ( where unto you did exhort us ) unseasonable . we not withstanding , do fully professe our acknowledgement of subordination of the outward exercise of iurisdiction , to the soveraign power , and our accomptablenesse to the laws of the land . as for your majesties three questions of great importance , whether there be a certain form of government left by christ or his apostles , to be observed by all christian churches ; whether it binde perpetually , or be upon occasion alterable in whole , or in part ; whether that certain form of government , be the episcopall , presbyterian , or some other , differing from them both : the whole volume of ecclesiasticall policy , is contained in them ; and we hope that neither your majesty expected of us a particular answer to them at this time , nor will take offence at us , if we hold onely to that which is the question , in order to the bill of abolition ; for we humbly professe our readinesse to serve your majesty , answering these or any other questions , within our proper cognizance , according to the proportion of our mean abilities . for your majesties condescension , in vouchsafing us the liberty and honour of examining your learned reply , clothed in such excellency of stile , and for your exceeding candour , shewed to such men as we are ; and for the acceptation of our humble duty , we render to your majesty most humble thanks , and shall pray , that such a pen in the hand of such abilities , may ever be imployed in a subject worthy of it . that your majesty would please to consider , that in this point under debate , succession is not the best clew , and most certain , and ready way to finde out the originall ; for to go that way , is to go the furthest way about , yea , to go backward ; and when you are at the spring , viz. the scripture it self ▪ you go to the rivers end , that you may seek the spring . and that the lord would guide your majesty , and the two houses of parliament , by the right hand of his councell , and shew you a happy way of healing our unhappy differences , and of settling the common-wealth of jesus christ , which is the church ; so as all the members thereof , may live under you in all godlinesse , peace , and honesty . imprimatur ia. cranford . octob. 19. 1648. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a89568e-190 eccle. pol l. b. 5 a acts 17. 14. b 15. c 1 thess. 3. 1 , 2. d acts 18. 5. e acts 19. 22. f acts ●0 . 4 g 5. 6. h 17. i 1 tim. 1. 3. k heb. 13. 23. phil. 1. 1. philem. ver. 1. col. 1. 1. heb. 13. 23. 2 tim. 4. 6. 10. 11. 12. 16. a galat. 1. 2. b titus 3. 12. c 2 cor. 2. 12. d 2 cor. 5. 6. e 2 cor. ● . 6. f 2 tim 4. 10. the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton ; in two books. milton, john, 1608-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50949 of text r3223 in the english short title catalog (wing m2175). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 166 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50949 wing m2175 estc r3223 12578479 ocm 12578479 63661 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50949) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63661) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 250:e137, no 9) the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton ; in two books. milton, john, 1608-1674. [2], 65 p. printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. church and state -england. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a50949 r3223 (wing m2175). civilwar no the reason of church-governement urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton. in two books. milton, john 1642 32451 365 0 0 0 0 0 112 f the rate of 112 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 rina kor sampled and proofread 2002-09 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the reason of church-governement urg'd against prelaty by mr. john milton . in two books . london , printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at the sunne in pauls church-yard . 1641. the reason of church-government urg'd against prelaty . the preface . in the publishing of humane lawes , which for the most part aime not beyond the good of civill society , to set them barely forth to the people without reason or preface , like a physicall prescript , or only with threatnings , as it were a lordly command , in the judgement of plato was thought to be done neither generously nor wisely . his advice was , seeing that persuasion certainly is a more winning , and more manlike way to keepe men in obedience then feare , that to such lawes as were of principall moment ; there should be us'd as an induction , some well temper'd discourse , shewing how good , how gainfull , how happy it must needs be to live according to honesty and justice , which being utter'd with those native colours and graces of speech , as true eloquence the daughter of vertue can best bestow upon her mothers praises , would so incite , and in a manner , charme the multitude into the love of that which is really good , as to imbrace it ever after , not of custome and awe , which most men do , but of choice and purpose , with true and constant delight . but this practice we may learn , from a better & more ancient authority , then any heathen writer hath to give us , and indeed being a point of so high wisdome & worth , how could it be but we should find it in that book , within whose sacred context all wisdome is infolded ? moses therefore the only lawgiver that we can believe to have beene visibly taught of god , knowing how vaine it was to write lawes to men whose hearts were not first season'd with the knowledge of god and of his workes , began from the book of genesis , as a prologue to his lawer ; which josephus● ight well hath noted . that the nation of the jewes , reading therein the universall goodnesse of god to all creatures in the creation , and his peculiar favour to them in his election of abraham their ancestor , from whom they could derive so many blessings upon themselves , might be mov'd to obey si cerely by knowing so good a reason of their obedience . if then in the administration of civill justice , and under the obscurity of ceremoniall rites , such care was had by the wisest of the heathen , and by moses among the jewes , to instruct them at least in a generall reason of that government to which their subjection was requir'd , how much more ought the members of the church under the gospell seek● to informe their understanding in the reason of that government which the church claimes to have over them : especially for that the church hath in her immediate cure those inner parts and affections of the mind where the seat of reason is ; having power to examine our spirituall knowledge , and to demand from us in gods behalfe a service intirely reasonable . but because about the manner and order of this government , whether it ought to be presbyteriall , or prelaticall , such endlesse question , or rather uproare is arisen in this land , as may be justly term'd , what the feaver is to the physitians , the eternall reproach of our divines ; whilest other profound c● erks of late greatly , as they conceive , to the advancement of prelaty , are so earnestly meting out the lydian proconsular asia , to make good the prime metropolis of ephesus , as if some of our prelates in all haste meant to change their solle , and become neighbours to the english bishop of chalcedon ; and whilest good breerwood as busily bestirres himselfe in our vulgar tongue to divide precisely the three patriarchats , of rome , alexandria , and antioch , and whether to any of these england doth belong , i shall in the meane while not cease to hope through the mercy and grace of christ , the head and husband of his church , that england shortly is to belong , neither to see patriarchall , nor see prelaticall , but to the faithfull feeding and disciplining of that ministeriall order , which the blessed apostles constituted throughout the churches : and this i shall assay to prove can be no other , then that of presbyters and deacons . and if any man incline to thinke i undertake a taske too difficult for my yeares , i trust through the supreme inlightning assistance farre otherwise ; for my yeares , be they few or many , what imports it ? so they bring reason , let that be looke on : and for the task , from hence that the question in hand is so needfull to be known at this time chiefly by every meaner capacity , and containes in it the explication of many admirable and heavenly privileges reacht out to us by the gospell , i conclude the task must be easie . god having to this end ordain'd his gospell to be the revelation of his power and wisdome in christ jesus . and this is one depth of his wisdome , that he could so plainly reveale so great a measure of it to the grosse distorted apprehension of decay'd mankinde . let others therefore dread and shun the scriptures for their darknesse , i shall wish i may deserve to be reckon'd among those who admire and dwell upon them for their clearnesse . and this seemes to be the cause why in those places of holy writ , wherein is treated of church-government , the reasons thereof are not formally , and profestly set downe , because to him that heeds attentively the drift and scope of christian profession , they easily imply themselves , which thing further to explane , having now prefac'd enough , i shall no longer deferre . chap. i. that church-government is prescrib'd in the gospell , and that to say otherwise is unsound . the first and greatest reason of church-government , we may securely with the assent of many on the adverse part , affirme to be , because we finde it so ordain'd and set out to us by the appointment of god in the scriptures ; but whether this be presbyteriall , or prelaticall , it cannot be brought to the scanning , untill i have said what is meet to some who do not think it for the ease of their inconsequent opinions , to grant that church discipline is platform'd in the bible , but that it is left to the discretion of men . to this conceit of theirs i answer , that it is both unsound and untrue . for there is not that thing in the world of more grave and urgent importance throughout the whole life of man , then is discipline . what need i instance ? he that hath read with judgement , of nations and common-wealths , of cities and camps , of peace and warre , sea and land , will readily agree that the flourishing and decaying of all civill societies , all the moments and turnings of humane occasions are mov'd to and fro as upon the axle of discipline . so that whatsoever power or sway in mortall things weaker men have attributed to fortune , i durst with more confidence ( the honour of divine providence ever sav'd ) ascribe either to the vigor , or the slacknesse of discipline . nor is there any sociable perfection in this life civill or sacred that can be above discipline , but she is that which with her musicall cords preserves and holds all the parts thereof together . hence in those perfect armies of cyrus in xenophon , and scipio in the roman stories , the excellence of military skill was esteem'd , not by the not needing , but by the readiest submitting to the edicts of their commander . and certainly discipline is not only the removall of disorder , but if any visible shape can be given to divine things , the very visible shape and image of vertue , whereby she is not only seene in the regular gestures and motions of her heavenly paces as she walkes , but also makes the harmony of her voice audible to mortall eares . yea the angels themselves , in whom no disorder is fear'd , as the apostle that saw them in his rapture describes , are distinguisht and quaternion● into their celestiall princedomes , and satrapies , according as god himselfe hath writ his imperiall decrees through the great provinces of heav'n . the state also of the blessed in paradise , though never so perfect , is not therefore left without discipline , whose golden survaying reed marks out and measures every quarter and circuit of new jerusalem . yet is it not to be conceiv'd that those eternall effluences of sanctity and love in the glorified saints should by this meanes be confin'd and cloy'd with repetition of that which is prescrib'd , but that our happinesse may or be it selfe into a thousand vagancies of glory and delight , and with a kinde of eccentricall equation be as it were an invariable planet of joy and felicity , how much lesse can we believe that god would leave his fraile and feeble , though not lesse beloved church here below to the perpetuall stumble of conjecture and disturbance in this our darke voyage without the card and compasse of discipline . which is so hard to be of mans making , that we may see even in the guidance of a civill state to worldly happinesse , it is not for every learned , or every wise man , though many of them consult in common , to invent or frame a discipline , but if it be at all the worke of man , it must be of such a one as is a true knower of himselfe , and himselfe in whom contemplation and practice , wit , prudence , fortitude , and eloquence must be rarely met , both to comprehend the hidden causes of things , and span in his thoughts all the various effects that passion or complexion can worke in mans nature ; and hereto must his hand be at defiance with gaine , and his heart in all vertues heroick . so far is it from the kenne of these wretched projectors of ours that bescraull their pamflets every day with new formes of government for our church . and therefore all the ancient lawgivers were either truly inspir'd as moses , or were such men as with authority anough might give it out to be so , as min● s , lycurgus , numa , because they wisely forethought that men would never quietly submit to such a discipline as had not more of gods hand in it then mans : to come within the narrownesse of houshold government , observation will shew us many deepe counsellers of state and judges to demean themselves incorruptly in the setl'd course of affaires , and many worthy preachers upright in their lives , powerfull in their audience ; but look upon either of these men where they are left to their own disciplining at home , and you shall soone perceive for all their single knowledge and uprightnesse , how deficient they are in the regulating of their own family ; not only in what may concerne the vertuous and decent composure of their minds in their severall places , but that which is of a lower and easier performance , the right possessing of the outward vessell , their body , in health or sicknesse , rest or labour , diet , or abstinence , whereby to render it more pliant to the soule , and use● ull to the common-wealth : which if men were but as good to disci● ne themselves , as some are to tutor their horses and hawks , it could not be so grosse in most housholds . if then it appear so hard and so little knowne , how to governe a house well , which is thought of so easie discharge , and for every mans undertaking , what skill of man , what wisdome , what parts , can be sufficient to give lawes & ordinances to the elect houshold of god ? if we could imagine that he had left it at randome without his provident and gracious ordering , who is he so arrogant so presumptuous that durst dispose and guide the living arke of the holy ghost ; though he should finde it wandring in the field of bethshemesh , without the conscious warrant of some high calling . but no profane insolence can paralell that which our prelates dare avouch , to drive outragiously , and shatter the holy arke of the church , not born upon their shoulders with pains and labour in the word , but drawne with rude oxen their officials , and their owne brute inventions . let them make shewes of reforming while they will , so long as the church is mounted upon the prelaticall cart , and not as it ought betweene the hands of the ministers , it will but shake and totter , and he that sets to his hand though with a good intent to hinder the shogging of it , in this unlawfull waggonry wherein it rides , let him beware it be not fatall to him as it was to v● a. certainly if god be the father of his family the church , wherein could he expresse that name more , then in training it up under his owne all-wise and dear oeconomy , not turning it loose to the havock of strangers and wolves that would ask no better plea then this to do● in the church of christ , what ever humour , faction , policy , or ●centious will would prompt them to . againe , if christ be the churches husband expecting her to be presented before him a pure unspotted virgin ; in what could he shew his tender love to her mo● then in prescribing his owne wayes which he best knew would be to the improvement of her health and beauty with much great● care doubtlesse then the persian king could appoint for his queen●esther , those maiden dietings & set prescriptions of baths , & odo● which may tender her at last the more amiable to his eye . for o● any age or sex , most unfitly may a virgin be left to an uncertaine and arbitrary education . yea though she be well instructed , yet is she still under a more strait tuition , especially if betroth'd . in like manner the church bearing the same resemblance , it were not reason to think she should be left destitute of that care which is as necessary , and proper to her , as instruction . for publick preaching indeed is the gift of the spirit working as best seemes to his secret will , but discipline is the practick work o● preaching directed and apply'd as is most requisite to particular duty ; without which it were all one to the benefit of souls , as it would be to the cure of bodi● s , if all the physitians in london should get into the severall pulpits of the city , and assembling all the diseased in every pari● should begin a learned lecture of pleurisies , palsies , lethargies , to which perhaps none there present were inclin'd , and so without so much as feeling one puls , or giving the least order to any skilfull apothecary , should dismisse 'em from time to time , some groaning , some languishing , some expiring , with this only charge to look well to themselves , and do as they heare . of what excellence and necessity then church-discipline is , how beyond the faculty of man to frame , and how dangerous to be left to mans invention who would be every foot turning it to sinister ends , how properly also it is the worke of god as father , and of christ as husband of the church ; we have by thus much heard . chap. ii. that church governement is set downe in holy scripture , and that to say otherwise is untrue . as therefore it is unsound to say that god hath not appointed any set government in his church , so is it untrue . of the time of the law there can be no doubt ; for to let passe the first institution of priests and levites , which is too cleare to be insisted upon , when the temple came to be built , which in plaine judgement could breed no essentiall change either in religion , or in the priestly government ; yet god to shew how little he could endure that men should be tampring and contriving in his worship , though in things of lesse regard , gave to david for solomon not only a pattern and modell of the temple , but a direction for the courses of the priests and levites , and for all the worke of their service . at the returne from the captivity things were only restor'd after the ordinance of moses and david ; or if the least alteration be to be found , they had with them inspired men , prophets , and it were not sober to say they did ought of moment without divine intimation . in the prophesie of ez-kiel from the 40 chapt. onward , after the destruction of the temple , god by his prophet seeking to weane the hearts of the jewes from their old law to expect a new and more perfect reformation under christ , sets out before their eyes the stately fabrick & constitution of his church , with al the ecclesiasticall functions appertaining ; indeed the description is as sorted best to the apprehension of those times , typicall and shadowie , but in such manner as never yet came to passe , nor never must literally , unlesse we mean to annihilat the gospel . but so exquisit and lively the description is in portraying the new state of the church , and especially in those points where government seemes to be most active , that both jewes and gentiles might have good cause to be assur'd , that god when ever he meant to reforme his church , never intended to leave the governement thereof delineated here in such curious architecture , to be patch't afterwards , and varnish't over with the devices and imbellishings of mans imagination . did god take such delight in measuring out the pillars , arches , and doores of a materiall temple , was he so punctuall and circumspect in lavers , altars , and sacrifices soone after to be abrogated , left any of these should have beene made contrary to his minde ? is not a farre more perfect worke more agreeable to his perfection in the most perfect state of the church militant , the new alliance of god to man ? should not he rather now by his owne prescribed discipline have cast his line and levell upon the soule of man which is his rationall temple , and by the divine square and compasse thereof forme and regenerate in us the lovely shapes of vertues and graces , the sooner to edifie and accomplish that immortall stature of christs body which is his church , in all her glorious lineaments and proportions . and that this indeed god hath done for us in the gospel 〈◊〉 shall see with open eyes , not under a vaile . we may passe over the history of the acts and other places , turning only to those epistle● of s. paul to timothy and titus : where the spirituall eye may discerne more goodly and gracefully erected then all the magnifice● ce of temple or tabernacle , such a heavenly structure of evangel● ck discipline so diffusive of knowledge and charity to the prosperous increase and growth of the church , that it cannot be wonder'd if that elegant and artfull symmetry of the promised new temple in ezechiel , and all those sumptuous things under the law were made to signifie the inward beauty and splendor of the christian church thus govern'd . and whether this be commanded let it now be j● dg'd . s. paul after his preface to the first of timothy which hee concludes in the 17 verse with amen , enters upon the subject of his epistle which is to establish the church-government with a command . this charge i commit to thee son timothy : according to the prophecies which went before on thee , that thou by them might'st war a good warfare . which is plain enough thus expounded . this charge i commit to thee wherein i now go about to instruct thee how thou shalt set up church-discipline , that thou might'st warre a good warfare , bearing thy selfe constantly and faithfully in the ministery , which in the i to the corinthians is also call'd a warfare : and so after a kinde of parenthesis concerning hymenaeus he returnes to his command though under the milde word of exhorting , cap. 2. v. 1. i exhort therefore . as if he had interrupted his former command by the occasionall mention of hymeneus . more beneath in the 14 v. of the 3 c. when he hath deliver'd the duties of bishops or presbyters and deacons not once naming any other order in the church , he thus addes . these things write i unto thee hoping to come unto thee shortly ( such necessity it seems there was ) but if i tarry long , that thou ma●'st know how thou ought'st to behave thy s● lfe in the house of god . from this place it may be justly ask'● , whether timothy by this here written might know what was to be knowne concerning the orders of church-governours or no ? if he might , then in such a cleere t● xt as this may we know too without further j● ngle ; if he might not , then did s. paul write insufficiently , and moreover said not true , for he saith here he might know , and i perswade my selfe he did know ere this was written , but that the apostle had more regard to the instruction of us , then to the informing of him . in the fifth chap. after some other church precepts concerning discipline , mark what a dreadfull command followes , verse 21. i charge thee before god and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , that thou observe these things , and as if all were not yet sure anough , ● e closes up the epistle , with an adj● ring charge thus . i give thee charge in the sight of god who quickneth all things , and before christ jesus , that thou keepe this commandement : that is the whole commandement concerning discipline , being them ine purpose of the epistle : although hooker would faine have this denouncement referr'd to the particular precept going before , because the word commandement is in the singular number , not remembring that even in the first chapt. of this epistle , the wo● commandement is us'd in a plurall sense , vers. 5. now the end of the commandement is charity . and what more frequent then in like manner to say the law of moses . so that either to restraine the significance too much , or too much to inlarg it would make the adjuration either not so waighty , or not so pertinent . and thus we find here that the rules of church-discipline are not only commanded , but hedg'd about with such a terrible impalement of commands , as he that will break through wilfully to violate the least of them , must hazard the wounding of his conscience even to death . yet all this notwithstanding we shall finde them broken wellnigh all by the faire pretenders even of the next ages . no lesse to the contempt of him whom they fain to be the archfounder of prelaty s. peter , who by what he writes in the 5 chap. of his first epistle should seeme to be farre another man then tradition reports him : there he commits to the presbyters only full authority both of feeding the flock , and episcopating : and commands that obedience be given to them as to the mighty hand of god , wch is his mighty ordinance . yet all this was as nothing to repell the ventrous boldnesse of innovation that ensu'd , changing the decrees of god that is immutable , as if they had been breath'd by man . neverthelesse when christ by those visions of s. iohn foreshewes the reformation of his church , he bids him take his reed , and meet it out againe after the first patterne , for he prescribes him no other . arise , said the angell , and measure the temple of god and the altar , and them that worship therein . what is there in the world can measure men but discipline ? our word ruling imports no lesse . doctrine indeed is the measure , or at least the reason of the measure , t is true , but unlesse the measure be apply'd to that which it is to measure , how can it actually doe its proper worke . whether therefore discipline be all one with doctrine , or the particular application thereof to this or that person , we all agree that doctrine must be such only as is command● , or whether it be something really differing from doctrine , yet 〈◊〉 it only of gods appointment , as being the most adequat measure of the church and her children , which is here the office of a gr● evangelist and the reed given him from heaven . but that par● of the temple which is not thus measur'd , so farre is it from being 〈◊〉 gods tuition or delight , that in the following verse he rejects i● , however in shew and visibility it may seeme a part of his church , yet in as much as it lyes thus unmeasur'd he leaves it to be trampl'd by the gentiles , that is to be polluted with idolatrous and gentilish rites and ceremonies . and the the principall reformation here foretold is already come to passe as well in discipline as in doctrine the state of our neighbour churches afford us to behold . thus through all the periods and changes of the church it hath beene prov'd that god hath still reserv'd to himselfe the right of enacting church-government . chap. iii. that it is dangerous and unworthy the gospell to hold that church-government is to be pattern'd by the law , as b. andrews and the primat of armagh maintaine . we may returne now from this interposing difficulty thus remov'd , to affi● me , that since church-government is so strictly commanded in gods word , the first and greatest reason why we should submit thereto , is because god hath so commanded . but whether of these two , prelaty or presbytery can prove it selfe to be supported by this first and greatest reason , must be the next dispute . where in this position is to be first layd down as granted ; that i may not follow a chase rather then a● argument , that one of these two , and none other is of gods ordaining , and if it be , that ordinance must be evident in the gospell . for the imperfect and obscure institution of the law , which the apostles themselves doubt not o● t-times to ● ilifre , cannot give rules to the compleat and glorious ministration of the gospell , which lookes on the law , as on a childe , not as on a tutor . and that the prelates have no sure foundation in the gospell , their own guiltinesse doth manifest : they would not else run questing up as high as adam to fe● h their originall , as t is said one of them lately did in publick . to which assertion , had i heard it , because i see they are so insatiable of antiquity , i should have gladly assented , and confest them ye● more ancient . for lucifer before adam was the fir● prela● angel , and both he , as is commonly thought , and our 〈◊〉 adam , as we all know , for aspiring above their order● , were miser● bly degraded . but others better advis'd are content to receive their beginning from aaron and his sons , among whom b. andrews of late ye● res , and in these times the primat of armagh for their learning are reputed the best able to say what may be said in this opinion . the primat in his discou● se about the originall of episcopacy newly revis'd begins thus . the ground of episco● cy is fetcht partly from the pattern prescribed by god in the old testament , and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the apostles . herein i must entreat to be excus'd of the desire i have to be satisfi'd , how for example the ground of episcop . is fetch't partly from the example of the old testament , by whom next , and by whose authority . secondly , how the church-government under the gospell can be rightly call'd an imitation of that in the old testament ? for that the gospell is the end and fulfilling of the law , our liberty also from the bondage of the law i plainly reade . how then the ripe age of the gospell should be put to schoole againe , and learn to governe her selfe from the infancy of the law , the stronger to imitate the weaker , the freeman to follow the captive , the learned to be lesson'd by the rude , will be a hard undertaking to evince from any of those principles which either art or inspiration hath written . if any thing done by the apostles may be drawne howsoever to a likenesse of somethi● g mosaicall , if it cannot be prov'd that it was done of purpose in imitation , as having the right thereof grounded in nature , and not in ceremony or type , it will little availe the matter . the whole judaick law is either politicall , and to take pattern by that , no christian nation ever thought it selfe o● g'd in conscience ; or morall , which containes in it the observation of whatsoever is substantially , and perpetually true and good , either in religion , or course of life . that which is thus morall , besides what we f● tch from those unwritten lawes and ideas which nature hath ingraven in us , the gospell , as stands with her dignity most , lectures to us from her own authentick hand-writing and command , not copies out from the borrow'd manuscript of a subservient scrow● , by way of imitating . as well might she be said in her sacrame● of water to imitate the baptisme of iohn . what though ● he retaine excommunication ● s'd in the syna ● ogue , retain the morality of the sabbath , she does not therefore imitate the law her underling , but perfect her . all that was morally deliver'd from the law to the gospell in the office of the priests and levites , was that there should be a ministery set a part to teach and discipline the church ; both which duties the apostles thought good to commit to the presbyters . and if any distinction of honour were to be made among them , they directed it should be to those not that only rule well , but especially to those that labour in the word and doctrine . by which we are taught that laborious teaching is the most honourable prelaty that one minister can have above another in the gospell : if therefore the superiority of bishopship be grounded on the priesthood as a part of the morall law , it cannot be said to be an imitation ; for it were ridiculous that morality should imitate morality , which ever was the same thing . this very word of patterning or imitating excludes episcopacy from the solid and grave ethicall law , and betraies it to be a meere childe of ceremony , or likelier some misbegotten thing , that having pluckt the gay feathers of her obsolet bravery to ● i de her own deformed barenesse , now vaunts and glories in her stolne plumes . in the meane while what danger there is against the very life of the gospell to make in any thing the typical law her pattern , and how impossibl● in that which touches the priestly government , i shall use such light as i have receav'd , to lay open . ● t cannot be unknowne by what expressions the holy apostle s. paul spar● s not to explane to us the na● ure and condition of the l● calling those o● dinances which were the chiefe and 〈◊〉 offices of the priests , the elements and rudiments of the world both weake and beggarly . now to br● ed , and bring up the child● en of the promise , the heirs of liberty and grace under such a kinde of government as is profest to be but an imitation of that ministery which engender'd to b● ndage the so● s of agar , how can this 〈◊〉 but a foul injury and derogation , if not a cancelling of that birth-right and immunity which christ hath purchas'd for us with his blood . for the ministration of the law consisting of c● all things , drew to it such a ministery as consisted of ca● all respects , dignity , precedence , and the like . and such a ministery establish't in the gospell , as is founded upon the points and ter● of superiority , and nests it selfe in worldly honour , will draw to it , and we see it doth , such a religion as ● unnes back againe to the old pompe and glory of the flesh . for doubtlesse there is a certaine attraction and magnetick force betwixt the religion and the ministeriall forme thereof . if the religion be pure , spirituall , simple , and lowly , as the gospel most truly is , such must the face of the ministery be . and in like manner if the forme of the ministery be grounded in the worldly degrees of autority , honour , temporall jurisdiction , we see it with our eyes it will turne the inward power and purity of the gospel into the outward carnality of the law ; evaporating and exhaling the internall worship into empty conformities , and gay sh● wes . and what remains then but that wee should runne into as dangerous and deadly apostacy a● our lamented neighbours the papists , who by this very snire and pitfall of imitating the ceremonial law , fel into that irrecoverable superstition , as must need● make void the cov● nant of salvation to them that persist in this blindnesse . chap. iv. that it is impossible to make the priesthood of aaron a pattern whereon to ground episcopacy . that which was promis'd next , is to declare the impossibility of grounding evangelick government in the imitation of the jewish priesthood : which will be done by considering both the quality of the persons , and the office it selfe . aaron and his sonnes were the princes of their tribe before they were sanctified to the priesthood : that personall eminence which they held above the other levites , they receav'd not only from their office , but partly brought it into their office : and so from that time forward the priests were not chosen out of the whole number of the levites , as our bishops , but were borne inheritors of the dignity . therefore unlesse we shall choose our prelat● only out of the nobility , and let them runne in a blood , there can be no possible imitation of lording over their brethren in regard of their persons altogether unlike . as for the office wch was a representation of christs own person more immediately in the high priest , & of his whole priestly office in all the other ; to the performance of wch the levits were but as servitors & deacons , it was necessary there should be a distinction of dignity betweene two functions of so great od● . but there being no such difference among our ministers , unlesse it be in reference to the deacons , it is impossible to found a 〈◊〉 upon the imitation of this priesthood . for wherein , or in w● worke is the office of a prelat excellent above that of a pa● in ordination you 'l say ; but flatly against scripture , for there we know timothy receav'd ordination by the hands of the presby● y , notwithstanding all the vaine delusions that are us'd to 〈◊〉 that testimony , and maintaine an unwarrantable usurpation . but wherefore should ordination be a cause of setting up a superiour degree in the church● is not that whereby christ became our saviour a higher and greater worke , then that whereby he did ordai● e messengers to preach and publish him our saviour ? every minister sustains the person of christ in his highest work of communicating to us the mysteries of our salvation , and hath the power of binding and absolving , how should he need a higher dignity to represent or execute that which is an inferior work in christ ? why should the performance of ordination which is a lower office exalt a prelat , and not the seldome discharge of a higher and more noble office 〈◊〉 is preaching & administring much rather depressehim ? verily neither the nature , nor the example of ordinationdoth any way require an imparity betweene the ordainer and the ordained . for what more naturall then every like to produce his like ; man to beget man , fire to propagate fire , and in examples of highest opi●●on the ordainer is inferior to the ordained ; fo● the pope is not ma● e by the precedent pope , but by cardinals , who ordain and consecrate to a higher and greater office then their own . chap. v. to the arguments of b. andrews and the primat . it followes here to attend to certaine objections in a little treatise lately printed among others of like sort at oxford , and in the title said to be out of the rude draughts of bishop andrews . and surely they bee rude draughts indeed , in so much that it is marvell to think what his friends meant to let come abroad such shallow reasonings with the name of a man so much bruited for learning . in the 12 and 23 pages he seemes most notoriously inconstant to himselfe ; for in the former place he tels us he forbeares to take any argument of prelaty from aaron , as being the type of christ . in the latter he can forbeare no longer , but repents him of his rash gratuity , affirming , that to say , christ being come in the flesh , his figure in the high priest ceaseth , is the shift of an anabaptist ; and stiffly argues that christ being as well king as priest , was as well fore-resembled by the kings then , as by the high priest . so that if his comming take away the one type , it must also the other . marvellous piece of divinity ! and well worth that the land should pay six thousand pound a yeare for , in a bishoprick , although i reade of no sophister among the greeks that was so dear , neither hippias nor protagoras , nor any whom the socratick schoole famously refuted with out hire . here we have the type of the king sow'd to the typet of the bishop , suttly to cast a jealousie upon the crowne , as if the right of kings ; like m● ager in the metamorphosis , were no longer liv'd then the firebrand of prelaty . but more likely the prelats fearing ( for their own guilty carriage protests they doe feare ) that their faire dayes cannot long hold , practize by possessing the king with this most false doctrine , to ingage his power for them , as in his owne quarrell , that when they fall they may fall in a generall ruine , just as cruell tyberius would wish , when i dye , let the earth be roul'd in flames . but where , o bishop , doth the purpose of the law set forth christ to us as a king ? that which never was intended in the law , can never be abolish'● as part thereof . when the law was made , there was no king : if before the law , or under the law god by a speciall type in any king would foresignifie the fut● re kingdome of christ , which is not yet visibly come , what was that to the law ? the whole ceremoniall law , and types can be in no law else , comprehends nothing but the propitiatory office of christs priesthood , which being in substance accomplisht , both law and priesthood fades away of it selfe , and passes into aire like a transitory vision , and the right of kings neither stands by any type nor falls . we acknowledge that the civill magistrate weares an autority of gods giving , and ought to be obey'd as his vicegerent . but to make a king a type , we say is an abusive and unskilfull speech , and of a morall solidity makes it seeme a ceremoniall shadow . therefore your typical chaine of king and priest must unlink . but is not the type of priest taken away by christs comming ? no saith this famous protestant bishop of winchester ; it is not , and he that saith it is , is an anabaptist . what think ye reade● , do ye not understand him ? what can be gather'd hence but that the prelat would still sacrifice ? conceave him readers , he would missificate . their altar● indeed were in a fair forwardnesse ; and by such arguments as the they were setting up the molten calfe of their masseagaine , and of their great hierarch the pope . for if the type of priest be not taken away , then neither of the high priest , it were a strange behe● ding ; and high priest more then one there cannot be , and that o● e can be no lesse then a pope . and this doubtlesse was the bent of his career , though never so covertly . yea but there was something else in the high priest besides the figure , as is plain by s. pauls acknowledging him . t is true that in the 17 of deut , whence this autority arise● to the priest in matters too hard for the secular judges , as must needs be many in the occasions of those times involv'd so with ceremoniall niceties , no wonder though it be commanded to enquire at the mouth of the priests , who besides the magistrat● their collegues had the oracle of uri● to consult with . and whether the high priest ananias had not incroach't beyond the limits of his priestly autority , or whether us'd it rightly , was no time then for s. paul to contest about . but if this instance be able to assert any right of jurisdiction to the clergy , it must impart it in common to all ministers , since it were a great folly to seeke for counsell in a hard intricat scruple from a dunce prelat , when there might be found a speedier solution from a grave and learned minister , whom god hath gifted with the judgement of urim more amply oft-times then all the prelates together ; and now in the gospell hath granted the privilege of this oraculous ephod alike to all his ministers . the reason therefore of imparity in the priests , being now as is aforesaid , really annull'd both in their person , and in their representative office , what right of jurisdiction soever , can be from this place levitically bequeath'd , must descend upon the ministers of the gospell equally , as it findes them in all other points equall . well then he is finally content to let , aaron go . el● r will serve his turne , as being a superior of superiors , and yet no type of christ in aarons life time . o thou that would'st winde into any figment , or phantasme to save thy miter ! yet all this will not fadge , though it be cunningly interpolisht by some second hand with crooks & emendations ; heare then ; the type of christ in some one particular , as of entring yearly into the holy of holies and such like , rested upon the high priest only as more immediately personating our saviour : but to resemble his whole satisfactory office all the lineage of aaron was no more then sufficient . and all , or any of the priests consider'd separately without relation to the highest , are but as a livelesse trunk and signifie nothing . and this shewes the excellente or christs sacrifice , who at once and in one person fulfill'd that which many hunderds of priests many times repeating had anough to foreshew . what other imparity there was among themselves , we may safely suppose it depended on the dignity of their birth and family , together with the circumstances of a carnall service , which might afford many priorities . and this i take to be the summe of what the bishop hath laid together to make plea for p● laty by imitation of the law . i hough indeed , if it may stand , it will inferre popedome all as well . many other courses he tries , enforcing himselfe with much ostentation of endlesse genealogies , as if he were the man that s. paul forewarnes us of in timothy , but so unvigorously , that i do not feare his winning of many to his cause , but such as doting upon great names are either over-weake , or over sudden of faith . i shall not refuse therefore to lea● ne so much prudence as i finde in the roman souldier that attended the crosse , not to stand breaking of legs , when the breath is quite out of the body , but passe to that which follows . the primat of armagh at the beginning of his tractat seeks to availe himselfe of that place in the 66 of esaiah , i will take of them for priests and levites , saith the lord ; to uphold hereby such a forme of superiority among the ministers of the gospell , succeeding those in the law , as the lords day did the sabbath . but certain if this method may be admitted of interpreting those propheticall passages concerning christian times in a punctuall correspondence , it may with equall probability be urg'd upon us , that we are bound to observe some monthly solemnity answerable to the new moons , as well as the lords day which we keepe in lieu of the sabbath : for in the 23 v. the prophet joynes them in the same manner together , as before he did the priests and levites , thus . and it shall come to passe that from one new moone to another , and from one sabbath to another shall all flesh come to worship before me , saith the lord . undoubtedly with as good consequence may it be alledg'd from hence , that we are to solemnize some religious monthly meeting different from the sabbath , as from the other any distinct formality of ecclesiasticall orders may be inferr'd . this rather will appeare to be the lawfull and unconstrain'd sense of the text , that god in taking of them for priests and levites , will not esteeme them unworthy though gentiles , to undergoe any function in the church , but will make of them a full and perfect ministery , as was that of the priests and levites in their kinde . and bishop an● rows himselfe to end the controversie , sends us a candid exposition of this quoted verse from the 24 page of his said book , plainly deciding that god by those legall names there of priests and levites means our presbyters , and deacons , for which either ingenuous confession , or slip of his pen we give him thanks , and withall to him that brought these treatises into one volume , who setting the contradictions of two learned men so neere together , did not foresee . what other deducements or analogies are cited out of s. paul to pro● e a likenesse betweene the ministers of the old and new testament , having tri'd their sinewes . i judge they may passe without harme doing to our cause . we may remember then that prelaty neither hath nor can have foundation in the law , nor yet in the gospell , which assertion as being for the plainnesse thereof a matter of eye sight , rather then of disquisition i voluntarily omitt , not forgetting to specifie this note againe , that the earnest des● e which the prelates have to build their hierarchy upon the sandy bottome of the law , gives us to see abundantly the little assurance which they finde to reare up their high roofs by the autority of the gospell , repulst as it were from the writings of the apostles , and driven to take sanctuary among the jewes . hence that open confession of the primat before mention'd . episcopacy is fetcht partly from the patterne of the old testament & partly from the new as an imitation of the old , though nothing ca● be more rotten in divinity then such a position as this , and is all one as to say episcopacy is partly of divine institution , and partly of mans own carving . for who gave the autority to fetch more from the patterne of the law then what the apostles had already fetcht , if they fetcht any thing at a● l , as hath beene prov'd they did not . so was jer● oams episcopacy partly from the patterne of the law , and partly from the patterne of his owne carnality ; a parti-colour'd and a parti-member'd episcopacy , and what can this be lesse then a monstrous ? others therefore among the prelats perhaps not so well able to brook , or rather to justifie this foule relapsing to the old law , have condiscended at last to a plaine confessing that both the names and offices of bishops and presbyters at first were the same , and in the scriptures no where distinguisht . this grants the remonstrant in the fift section of his desc● e , and in the preface to his last short answer . but what need respect he had whether he grant or grant it not , when as through all antiquity , and even in the lo● iest times of prelaty we finde it granted . ierome the learned'st of the fathers hides not his opinion , that custome only , which the proverbe cals a tyrant , was the maker of prelaty ; before his audacious workman● p the churches were rul'd in common by the presbyters , and such a certaine truth this was esteem'd , that it became a decree among the papall canons compil'd by gratian . ans● l me also of canturbury , who to uphold the points of his prelatisme made himselfe a traytor to his country , yet commenting the epistles to titus and the philippians acknowledges from the cleernesse of the text , what ierome and the church rubrick hath before acknowledg'd . he little dreamt then that the weeding-hook of reformation would after two ages pluck up his glorious poppy from insulting over the good corne . though since some of our brittish prelates seeing themselves prest to produce scripture , try all their cunning , if the new testament will not help them , to frame of their own heads as it were with wax a kinde of mimick bishop limm'd out to the life of a dead priesthood . or else they would straine us out a certaine figurative prelat , by wringing the collective allegory of those seven angels into seven single rochets . howsoever since it thus appeares that custome was the creator of prelaty being lesse ancient then the government of presbyters , it is an extreme folly to give them the hearing that tell us of bishops through so many ages : and if against their tedious muster of citations , sees , and successions , it be reply'd that wagers and church antiquities , such as are repugnant to the plaine dictat of scripture are both alike the arguments of fooles , they have their answer . we rather are to cite all those ages to an arraignment before the word of god , wherefore , and what pretending , how presuming they durst alter that divine institution of presbyter● , which the apostles who were no various and inconstant men surely had set up in the churches , and why they choose to live by custome and catalogue , or as s. paul saith by sight and visibility , rather then by faith ? but first i conclude from their owne mouthes that gods command in scripture , which doubtlesse ought to be the first and greatest reason of church-government , is wanting to prelaty . and certainly we have plenteous warrant in the doctrine of christ to determine that the want of this reason is of it selfe sufficient to confute all other pretences that may be brought in favour of it . chap. vi . that prelaty was not set up for prevention of schisme , as is pretended , or if it were , that it performes not wh● t it was first set up for , but quite the contrary . yet because it hath the outside of a specious reason , & specious things we know are aptest to worke with humane lightnesse and frailty , even against the soli● est truth , that sounds not plausibly , let us think it worth the examining for the love of infirmer christians , of what importance this their second reason may be . tradition they say hath taught them that for the prevention of growing schisme the bishop was heav'd above the presbyter . and must tradition then ever thus to the worlds end be the perpetuall cankerworme to eat out gods commandements ? are his decrees so inconsiderate and so fickle , that when the statutes of solon , or lycurgus shall prove durably good to many ages , his in 40 yeares shall be found defective , ill contriv'd , and for needfull causes to be alter'd ? our saviour and his apostles did not only foresee , but foretell and forewarne us to looke for schisme . is it a thing to be imagin'd of gods wisdome , or at least of apostolick prudence to set up such a government in the tendernesse of the church , as should incline , or not be more able then any other to oppose it selfe to schisme ? it was well knowne what a bold lurker schisme was even in the houshold of christ betweene his owne disciples and those of iohn the baptistabo● fasting : and early in the acts of the apostles the noise of schisme had almost drown'd the proclaiming of the gospell ; yet we rea● e not in scripture that any thought was had of making prelates , no not in those places where dissention was most rife . if prelaty had beene then esteem'd a remedy against schisme , where was it more needfull then in that great variance among the corinthians which s. paul so labour'd to reconcile ? and whose eye could have found the fittest remedy sooner then his ? and what could have made the remedy more available , then to have us'd it speedily ? and lastly what could have beene more necessary then to have written it for our instruction ? yet we see he neither commended it to us , nor us'd it himselfe . for the same division remaining there , or else bursting forth againe more then 20 yeares after s. pauls death , wee finde in clements epistle of venerable autority written to the yet factious corinthians , that they were still govern'd by presbyters . and the same of other churches out of hermas , and divers other the scholers of the apostles by the late industry of the learned salmatius appeares . neither yet did this worthy clement s. pauls disciple , though writing to them to lay aside schisme , in the least word advise them to change the presbyteriall government into prelaty . and therefore if god afterward gave , or permitted this insurrection of episcopacy , it is to be fear'd he did it in his wrath , as he gave the israelites a king . with so good a will doth he use to alter his own chosen government once establish'd . for marke whether this rare device of mans braine thus prefe● ' d before the ordinance of god , had better successe then fleshly wisdome not counseling with god is wont to have . so farre was it from removing schisme , that if schisme parted the congregations before , now it rent and mangl'd , now it ● ag'd . heresie begat heresie with a certaine monstrous haste of pregnancy in her birth , at once borne and bringing forth . contentions before brotherly were now hostile . men went to choose their bishop as they went to a pitcht field , and the day of his election was like the sacking of a city , sometimes ended with the blood of thousands . nor this among hereticks only , but men of the same beliefe , yea confessors , and that with such odious ambition , that eusebius in his eighth book testifies he abhorr'd to write . and the reason is not obscure , for the poore dignity or rather burden of a ● ochial presbyter could not ingage any great party , nor that to any deadly feud : but prelaty was a power of that extent , and sway , that if her election were popular , it was seldome not the cause of some faction or broil in the church . but if her dignity came by favour of some prince , she was from that time his creature , and obnoxious to comply with his ends in state were they right or wrong . so that in stead of finding prelaty an impeacher of schisme or faction , the more i search , the more i grow into all perswasion to think rather that faction and she as with a spousall ring are wedded together , never to be divorc't . but here let every one behold the just , and dreadfull judgement of god meeting with the a● dacious pride of man that durst offer to mend the ordinances of heaven . god out of the strife of men brought forth by his apostles to the church that beneficent and ever distributing office of deacons , the stewards and ministers of holy almes , man out of the pretended care of peace & unity being caught in the snare of his impious boldnesse to correct the will of christ , brought forth to himselfe upon the church that irreconcileable schisme of perdition and apostasy , the roman antichrist : for that the exaltation of the pope arose out of the reason of prelaty it cannot be deny'd . and as i noted before that the patterne of the high priest pleaded for in the gospel ( for take away the head priest the rest are but a carcasse ) sets up with better reason a pope , then an archbishop , for if prelaty must still rise and rise till it come to a primat , why should it stay there ? when as the catholick government is not to follow the division of kingdomes , the temple best representing the universall church , and the high priest the universall head ; so i observe here , that if to quiet schisme there must be one head of prelaty in a land or monarchy rising from a provinciall to a nationall primacy , there may upon better grounds of repressing schisme be set up one catholick head over the catholick church . for the peace and good of the church is not terminated in the schismelesse estate of one or two kingdomes , but should be provided for by the joynt consultation of all reformed christendome : that all controversie may end in the finall pronounce or canon of one arch-primat , or p● otestant pope . although by this meanes for ought i see , all the diameters of schisme may as well meet and be knit up in the center of one grand falshood . now let all impartiall men arbitrate what goodly inference these two maine reasons of the prelats have , that by a naturall league of consequence make more for the pope then for themsel● . yea to say more home are the very wombe for a new subantichrist to breed in ; if it be not rather the old force and power of the same man of sin counterfeiting protestant . it was not the prevention of schisme , but it was schisme it selfe , and the hatefull thirst of lording in the church that first bestow'd a being upon p● elaty ; this was the true cause , but the pretence is stil the same . the prelates , as they would have it thought , are the only mawls of schisme . forsooth if they be put downe , a deluge of innumerable sects will follow ; we shall be all brownists , familists anabaptists . for the word p● ritan seemes to be quasht , and all that heretofore were counted such , are now brownists . and thus doe they raise an evill report upon the expected reforming grace that god hath bi● us hope for , like those faithlesse spie● , whose carcasses shall perish in the wildernesse of their owne confused ignorance , and never taste the good of reformation . doe they keep away schisme ? if to bring a num and chil stupidity of soul , an unactive blindnesse of minde upon the people by thei● leaden doctrine , or no doctrine at all , if to persecute all knowing and zealous christians by the violence of their courts , be to keep away schisme , they keep away schisme indeed ; and by this kind of discipline all italy and spaine is as p● ely and politickly kept from schisme as england hath beene by them . with as good a plea might the dead pal● boast to a man , ti● i that free you from stitches and paines , and the troublesome feeling of cold & heat , of wounds and strokes ; if i were gone , all these would molest you . the winter might as well vaunt it selfe against the spring , i destroy all noysome and rank weeds , i keepe downe all pestilent vapours . yes and all wholesome herbs , and all fresh dews , by your violent & hid ● bound frost ; but when the gentle west winds shall open the fruitfull bosome of the earth thus over-gird● d by your imprisonment , then the flowers put forth and spring and then the s● ne shall scatter the mists , and the ma●ing hand of the tiller shall roo● up all that burdens the soile without thank to your bondage . but farre worse then any frozen captivity is the bondage of p● elates , for that other , if it keep down any thing which is good , within the earth , so doth it likewise that which is ill , but these let out freely the ill , and keep down the good , or else keepe downe the less● r ill , and let out the greatest . be asham'd at last to tell the parlament ye curbe schismaticks , when as they know ye cherish and side with papists , and are now as it were one party with them , and t is said they helpe to petition for ye . can we believe that your government strains in good earnest at the petty g● at s of schisme , when as we see it makes nothing to swallow the camel heresie of rome ; but that indeed your throat● are of the righ● pharisaical straine . where are those schismaticks with whom the prelats hold such hot skirmish ? shew us your acts , those glorious annals which your courts of loathed memory lately deceas'd have left us ? those schismaticks i doubt me wil be found the most of them such a● whose only schisme was to have spoke the truth against your high abominations and cruelties in the church ; this is the schisme ye hate most , the removall of your criminous hierarchy . a politick government of yours , and of a pleasant conceit , set up to remove those as a pretended schisme , that would remove you as a palpable heresie in government . if the schisme would pardon ye that , she might go jagg'd in as many cuts and ● lashes as she pleas'd for you . as for the rending of the church , we have many reasons to thinke it is not that which ye labour to prevent so much as the rending of your pontificall sleeves : that schisme would be the sorest schisme to you , that would be brownisme and an●baptisme indeed . if we go downe , say you , as if adrians wall were broke , a flood of sects will rush in . what sects ? what are their opinions ? give us the inventory ; it will appeare both by your former prosecutions and your present instances , that they are only such to speake of as are offended with your lawlesse government , your ceremonies , your liturgy , an extract of the masse book translated . but that they should be contemners of publick prayer , and churches us'd without superstition , i trust god will manifest it ere long to be as false a sl● nder , as your former slanders against the scots . noise it till ye be hoarse ; that a rabble of sects will come in , it will be answer'd ye , no rabble sir priest , but a unanimous multitude of good protestants will then joyne to the church , which now because of you stand separated . this will be the dreadfull consequence of your removall . as for those terrible names of sectaries and schismaticks which ye have got together , we know your manner of fight , when the quiver of your arguments which it ever thin , and weakly stor'd , after the first brunt is quite empty , your course is to be take ye to your other quiver of slander , wherein lyes your best archery . and whom ye could not move by sophisticall arguing , them you thinke to confute by scandalous misnaming . thereby inciting the blinder sort of people to mislike and deride sound doctrine and good christianity under two or three vile ● nd hatefull terms . but if we could easily indure and dissolve your doubtiest reasons in argument , we shall more easily beare the worst of your unreasonablenesse in calumny and false report . especially being foretold by christ , that if he our master were by your predecessors call'd samaritan and belzebub , we must not think it strange if his best disciples in the reformation , as at first by those of your tribe they were call'd lollards and hussites , so now by you be term'd puritans , and brownists . but my hope is that the people of england will not suffer themselves to be juggl'd thus out of their faith and religion by a mist of names cast before their eyes , but will search wisely by the scriptures , and look quite through this fraudulent aspersion of a disgracefull name into the things themselves : knowing that the primitive christians in their times were accounted such as are now call'd familists and adamites , or worse . and many on the prelatickside like the church of sardis have a name to live , and yet are dead ; to be protestants , and are indeed papists in most of their principles . thu● perswaded , this your old fallacy wee shall soone unmask , and quickly apprehend how you prevent schisme , and who are your schismatick● . but what if ye prevent , and hinder all good means of preventing schisme ? that way which the apostles us'd , was to call a councell ; from which by any thing that can be learnt from the fifteenth of the acts , no faithfull christian was debarr'd , to whom knowledge and piety might give entrance . of such a councell as this every parochiall consistory is a right homogeneous and constituting part being in it selfe as it were a little synod , and towards a generall assembly moving upon her own basis in an even and firme progression , as those smaller squares in battell unite in one great cube , the main phalanx , an embleme of truth and stedfastnesse . whereas on the other side prelaty ascending by a graduall monarchy from bishop to arch-bishop , from thence to p imat , and from thence , for there can be no reason yeilded neither in nature , nor in religion , wherefore , if it have lawfully mounted thus high , it should not be a lordly ascendent in the horoscope of the church , from primate to patriarch , and so to pope . i say prelaty thus ascending in a continuall pyramid upon pretence to perfect the churches unity , if notwithstanding it be found most needfull , yea the utmost helpe to dearn up the rents of schisme by calling a councell , what does it but teach us that prelaty is of no force to effect this work which she boasts to be her maister-peice ; and that her pyramid aspires and sharpens to ambition , not to ● erfection , or unity . this we know , that as often as any great schisme disparts the church , and synods be proclam'd , the presbyters ● ve as great right there , and as free vote of old , as the bishops , which the canon law conceals not . so that prelaty if she will seek to close up divisions in the church , must be forc't to dissolve , and unmake her own pyramidal figure , which she affirmes to be of such ● niting power , when as indeed it is the most dividing , and schism● icall forme that geometricians know of , and must be faine to inglobe , or incube her selfe among the presbyters ; which she hating to do , sends her haughty prelates from all parts with their fork● d miters , the badge of schisme or the stampe of his clov● n foot whom they serve i think , who according to their hierarchies ac● nating still higher and higher in a cone of prelaty , in stead of healing up the gas● es of the church , as it happens in such pointed bodies m● eting , fall to gore on● another with their sharpe spires for upper place , and precedence , till the councell it 〈◊〉 prove the greatest schisme of all . and thus they are so farre fro● hindring dissention , that they have made unprofitable , and eve● noysome the chiefest remedy we have to keep christendom at one , which is by councels : and these if wee rightly consider apostolick example , are nothing else but generall presbyteries . this seem'd so farre from the apostles to think much of , as if hereby their dignity were impair'd , that , as we may gather by those epistles of peter and iohn , which are likely to be latest written , when the church grew to a setling , like those heroick patricians of rome ( if we may use such comparison ) hasting to lay downe their dictatorship , they rejoys't to call themselves and to be as fellow elders among their brethren . knowing that their high office was but as the scaffolding of the church yet unbuilt , and would be but a troublesome disfigurement , so soone as the building was finis● . but the lofty minds of an age or two after , such was their small discerning , thought it a poore indignity , that the high rear'd government of the church should so on a sudden , as it seem'd to them , squat into a presbytery . next or rather before councels the timeliest prevention of schisme is to preach the gospell abundantly and powerfully throughout all the land , to instruct the youth religiously , to endeavour how the scriptures may be easiest understood by all men ; to all which the proceedings of these men have been on set purpose contrary . but how o prelats should you remove schisme , and how should you not remove and oppose all the meanes of removing schism ? when prelaty is a schisme it selfe from the most reformed and most flourishing of our neighbour churches abroad , and a sad subject of discord and offence to the whole nation 〈◊〉 home . the remedy which you alledge is the very disease we groan under ; and never can be to us a remedy but by removing it selfe . your predecessors were believ'd to assume this preeminence above their brethren only that they might appease dissention . now god and the church cals upon you , for the same reason to lay it down , as being to thousands of good men offensive , burdensome , intolerable . surrender that pledge which unlesse you sowlely us● rpt it , the church gave you , and now claimes it againe , for the reason she first lent it . discharge the trust committed to you prevent schisme , and that yeoan never do , but by discharging your selves . that government which ye hold , we con● esse pr● s much , hinders much 〈◊〉 move● much , but what th● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the church ? — no , but all the peace and unity , all the welfare not of the church alone , but of the whole kingdome . and if it be still permitted ye to hold , will cause the most sad i know not whether separation be anough to say , but such a wide gulph of distraction in this land as will never close her dismall gap , untill ye be forc't ( for of your selv● ye wil never do as that roman curtius nobly did ) for the churches peace & your countries , to leap into the midst , and be no more seen . by this we shal know whether yours be that ancient prelaty which you say was first constituted for the reducement of quiet & unanimity into the church , for thē you wil not delay ● o prefer that above your own preferment . if otherwise , we must be confident that your prelaty is nothing else but your ambition , an insole● t preferring of your selves above your brethren , and all your learned scraping in antiquity even to disturbe the bones of old aaron and his sonnes in their graves , is but to maintain and set upon our necks a stately and severe dignity , which you call sacred , and is nothing in very deed but a grave and reverent gluttony , a sanctimonious avarice , in comparison of which , all the duties and dearnesses which ye owe to god or to his church , to law , custome , or nature , ye have resolv'd to set at nought . i could put you in mind what counsell clement a fellow labourer with the apostles gave to the presbyters of corinth , whom the people though unjustly sought to remove . who among you saith he , is noble minded , who is pittifull , who is charitable , let him say thus , if for me this sedition , this enmity , these differences be , i willingly depart , i go my wayes , only let the flock of christ be at peace with the presbyters that are set over it . he that shall do this , saith he , shall get him great honour in the lord , and all places will receave him . this was clements counsell to good and holy men that they should depart rather from their just office , then by their stay , to ravle out the seamlesse garment of concord in the church . but i have better counsell to give the prelats , and farre more acceptable to their cares , this advice in my opinion is fitter for them . cling fast to your pontificall sees , bate not , quit your selves like barons , stand to the utmost for your haughty courts and votes in parliament . still tell us that you prevent schisme , though schisme and combustion be the very issue of your bodies your first born ; and set your country a bleeding in a prelaticall mutiny , to fight for your pompe , and that ill favour'd weed of temporall honour that sits dishonourably upon your laick shoulders , that ye may be fat and fleshy , swo● with high thoughts and big with mischievous designes , when god comes to visit 〈◊〉 you all this forescore yeares vexation of his church under your egyptian tyranny . for certainly of all those blessed soules which you have persecuted , and those miserable ones which you have lost ; the just vengeance does not sleepe . chap. vii . that those many sects and schismes by some suppos'd to be among us , and that rebellion in ireland , oug● t not to be a hindrancc , but a hastning of reformation . as for those many sects and divisions rumor'd abroad to be amongst us , it is not hard to perceave that they are partly the meere fictions and false alarmes of the prelates , thereby to cast amazements and panick terrors into the hearts of weaker christians that they should not venture to change the present deformity of the church for fear of i know not what worse inconveniencies . with the same objected feares and suspicions , we know that suttle prelat gardner sought to divert the first reformation . it may suffice us to be taught by s. paul that there must be f● cts for the manifesting of those that are sound hearted . these are but winds and flaws to try the floting vessell of our faith whether it be stanch and sayl well , whether our ballast be just , our anchorage and cable strong . by this is seene who lives by faith and certain knowledge , and who by credulity and the prevailing opinion of the age ; whose vertue is of an unchangeable graine , and whose of a slight wash . if god come to trie our constancy we ought not to shrink , or stand the lesse firmly for that , but passe on with more stedfast resolution to establish the truth though it were through a lane of sects and heresies o● each side . other things men do to the glory of god : but sects and errors it seems god suffers to be for the glory of good men , that the world may know and reverence their true fortitude and undaunted constancy in the truth . let ● s not therefore make these things an incumbrance , or an excuse of our delay in reforming which god sends us as an incitement to proceed with more honour and alacrity . for if there were no opposition where were the triall of an unfai● d goodnesse and magnanimity ? vertue that wavers is 〈◊〉 vertue , but vice revolted from i● selfe , and after a while returning . the actions of just and pious men do not darken in their middle course but solomon tels us they are as the shining light , that shineth more and more unto the perfet day . but if we shall suffer the trifling doubts and jealousies of future sects to overcloud the faire beginnings of purpos'st reformation , let us rather fear that another proverb of the same wiseman be not up● ided to us , that the way of the wicked is as darknesse , they stumble at they know not what . if sects and schismes be turbulent in the unseal'd estate of a church , while it lies under the amending hand , it best beseems our christian courage to think they are but as the throws and pangs that go before the birth of reformation , and that the work it selfe is now in doing . for if we look but on the nature of elementall and mixt things , we know they cannot suffer any change of one kind o● quality into another without the struggl of contrarietie● . and in thing● artificiall , seldome any elegance is wrought without a superfluous wast and refuse in the transaction . no marble statue can be po● itely carv'd , no fair edifice built without almost as much ● bbish and sweeping . insomuch that even in the spirituall conflict of s. pauls conversion there fell scales from his eyes that were not perceav'd before . no wonder then in the reforming of a church which is never brought to effect without the fierce encounter of truth and fashood together , if , as it were the splinters and shares of so violent a jousting , there fall from between the shock many fond errors and fanatick opinions , which when truth has the upper hand , and the reformation shall be perfet● d , will easily be rid out of the way , or kept so low , as that they shall be only the exercise of our knowledge , not the disturbance , or interruption of our faith . as for that which barcl● y in his image of minds writes concerning the horrible and barbarous conceits of englishmen in their religion . i deeme it spoken like what hee was , a fugitive papist traducing the hand whence he sprung . it may be more judiciously gather'd from hence , that the englishman of many other nations is least atheisticall , and bears a naturall disposition of much reverence and awe towards the deity ; but in hi● weaknesse and want of better instruction , which among us too f●quently is neglected , especially by the meaner sort turning the b● nt of his own wits with a scrupulous and ceaselesse care what he might do to informe himselfe a right of god and his worship , he may fall not unlikely sometimes as any otherland man into an uncouth opinion . and verily if we look ● t his native towardli● sse i● the roughcast without breeding , some nation or other may haply be better compos'd to a naturall civility , and right judgement the● he . but if he get the benefit once of a wise and well rectifi'd ●ture , which must first come in generall from the godly vigilance of the church , i suppose that where ever mention is made of countries manners , or men , the english people among the first that shall be prais'd , may deserve to be accounted a right pious , right honest , and right hardy nation . but thus while some stand dallying and deferring to reform for fear of that which should mainly hasten them forward , lest schism and error should encrease , we may now thank our selves and our delayes if instead of schism a bloody and inhumane rebellion be strook in between our slow movings . indeed against violent and powerfull opposition there can be no just blame of a lingring dispatch . but this i urge against those that discourse it for a maxim , as if the swift opportunities of establishing , or reforming religion , were to attend upon the ● eam of state businesse . in state many things at first are crude and hard to digest , which only time and deliberation can supple , and concoct . but in religion wherein i● no immaturity , nothing out of season , it goes farre otherwise . the doore of grace turnes upon smooth hinges wide opening to send out , but soon shutting to recall the precious offers of mercy to a nation : which unlesse watchfulnesse and zeale two quick-sighted and ready-handed virgins be there in our behalfe to receave , we loose : and still the of● er we loose , the straiter the doore opens , and the lesse is offer'd . this is all we get by demurring in gods service . t is not rebellion that ought to be the hindrance of reformation , but it is the want of this which is the cause of that . the prelats which boast themselves the only bridle● of schisme god knows have been so cold and backward both there and with us to represse heresie and idolatry , that either through their carelessenesse or their craft all this mischiefe is befal● . what can the irish subject do lesse in gods just displeasure against us , then revenge upon english bodies the little care that our prelate have had of their souls . nor hath their negligence been new in that iland but ever notorious in queen elizabeths dayes , as camden their known friend forbears not to complain . yet so little are they touch● with remorce of these their cruelties , for these cruelties are theirs , the bloody revenge of those souls which they have famisht , that wh● s against our brethren the scot● , who by their upright and loyall and loyall deed● have now bought themselves a● honourable name to posterity , whatsoever malice by slander could invent , rag● i● hostility attempt , they greedily attempted , toward these murd● ous irish the enemies of god and mankind , a cursed off-spring of their own connivence , no man takes notice but that they seeme to be very calmely and indifferently affected . where then should we begin to extinguish a rebellion that hath his cause from the misgovernment of the church , where ? but at the churches reformation , and the removall of that government which pe● sues and war● es with all good christians under the name of schismaticks , but maintains and fosters all papists and idolaters 〈◊〉 tolerable christians . and if the sacred bible may be our light , we are neither without example , nor the witnesse of god himselfe , that the corrupted estate of the church is both the cause of tumult , and civill warres , and that to stint them , the peace of the church must first be s●l'd . now for a long season , saith azariah to king asa , israel hath 〈◊〉 without the true god , and without a teaching priest , and without , law ; and in those times there was no peace to him that went out , ● or to hi● that came in , but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries . and nation was destroy'd of nation , and city of city , f● god did vex them with all adversity . be ye strong therefore , saith he to the reformers of that age , and let not your hands be weake , for your worke shall bee rewarded . and in those prophets that liv'd in the times of reformation after the captivity often doth god stirre up the people to consider that while establishment of church matters was neglected , and put off , there was no peace to him that went out or came in , for i , saith god , had set all men every one against his neigbour . but from the very day forward that they went seriously , and effectually about the welfare of the church , he tels them that they themselves might perceave the sudden change of things into a prosperous and peacefull condition . but it will here be said that the reformation is a long work , and the miseries of ireland are urgent of a speedy redresse . they be indeed ; and how speedy we are , the poore afflicted remnant of our martyr'd countrymen that sit there on the sea-shore , counting the houres of our delay with their sighs , and the minuts with their falling teares , perhaps with the destilling of their bloody wounds , if they have not quite by this time cast off , and almost curst the vain hope of our founder'd ships , and aids , can best judge how speedy we are to their reliefe . but let their succors be hasted , as all need and reason is , and let not therefore the reformation which is the chiefest cause of successe and victory be still procrastinated . they of the captivity in their greatest extremities could find both counsell and hands anough at once to build , and to expect the enemies assault . and we for our parts a populous and mighty nation must needs be faln into a strange plight either of effeminacy , or confusion , if ireland that was once the conquest of one single earle with his privat forces , and the small assistance of a petty kernish prince , should now take up all the wisdome and prowesse of this potent monarchy to quell a barbarous crew of r● bels , whom if we take but the right course to subdue , that is beginning at the reformation of our church , their own horrid murders and rapes , will so fight against them , that the very sutler● and horse boyes of the campe will be able to rout and chase them without the staining of any noble sword . to proceed by other method in this enterprize , be our captains and commanders never so expert , will be as great an error in the art o● warre , as any novice in souldiership ever committed . and thus i leave it as a declared truth , that neither the feare of sects no nor rebellion can be a fit plea to stay reformation , but rather to push it forward with all possible diligence and speed . the second book . how happy were it for this frail , and as it may be truly call'd , mortall life of man , since all earthly things which have the name of good and convenient in our daily use , are withall so cumbersome and full of trouble if knowledge yet which is the best and , lightsomest possession of the mind , were as the common saying is , no burden , and that what it wanted of being a load to any part of the body , it did not with a heavie advantage overlay upon the spirit . for not to speak of that knowledge that rests in the contemplation of naturall causes and dimensions , which must needs be a lower wisdom , as the object is low , certain it is that he who hath obtain'd in more then the scantest measure to know any thing distinctly of god , and of his true worship , and what is infallibly good and happy in the state of mans life , what in it selfe evil and miserable , though vulgarly not so esteem'd , he that hath obtain'd to know this , the only high valuable wisdom indeed , remembring also that god even to a strictnesse requires the improvment of these his entrusted gifts cannot but sustain a sore● burden of mind , and more pressing then any supportable toil , or waight , which the body can labour under ; how and in what manner he shall dispose and employ those summes of knowledge and illumination , which god hath sent him into this world to trade with . and that which aggravats the burden more is , that having receiv'd amongst his allotted parcels certain pretious truths of such an orient lustre as no diamond can equall , which never the lesse he has in charge to put off at any cheap rate , yea for nothing to them that will , the great marchants of this world searing that this cours would soon discover , and disgrace the fals glitter of their deceitfull wares wherewith they abuse the people , like poor indians with beads and glasses , practize by all means how they may suppresse the venting of such rarities and such a cheapnes as would undoe them , and turn their trash upon their hands . therefore by gratifying the corrupt desi● of men in fleshly doctrines , they stirre them up to persecute with hatred and contempt all those that seek to bear themselves uprightly in this their spiritual factory : which they forseeing though they cannot but testify of tr● th and the excellence of t● at heavenly traffick which they bring against what opposition , or danger soever , yet needs must it sit heavily upon their spirits , that being in gods prime intention and their own , selected heralds of peace , and dispensers of treasures inestimable without price to them that have no pence , they finde in the discharge of their commission that they are made the greatest variance and offence , a very sword and fire both in house and city over the whole earth . this is that which the sad prophet ieremiah laments , wo is me my mother , that thou hast born me a man of strife , and contention . and although divine inspiration must certainly have been sweet to those ancient profets , yet the irksomnesse of that truth which they brought was so unpleasant to them , that every where they call it a burden . yea that mysterious book of revelation which the great evangelist was bid to eat , as it had been some eye-brightning electuary of knowledge , and foresight , though it were sweet in his mouth , and in the learning , it was bitter in his belly ; bitter in the denouncing . nor was this hid from the wise poet sophocles , who in that place of his tragedy where tirefias is call'd to resolve k. edipus in a matter which he knew would be grievous , brings him in bemoaning his lot , that he knew more then other men . for surely to every good and peaceable man it must in nature needs be a hatefull thing to be the displeaser , and molester of thousands ; much better would it like him doubtlesse to be the messenger of gladnes and contentment , which is his chief intended busines , to all mankind , but that they resist and oppose their own true happinesse . but when god commands to take the trumpet and blow a dolorous or a jarring blast , it lies not in mans will what he shall say , or what he shall conceal . if he shall think to be silent , as ieremiah did , because of the reproach and derision he met with daily , and all his familiar friends watcht for his halting to be reveng'd on him for speaking the truth , he would be forc'● to confesse as he confest , his word was in my heart as a burning fire shut up in my bones , i was weary with forbearing , and could not stay . which might teach these times not suddenly to condemn all things that are sharply spoken , or vehemently written , as proceeding out of stomach , virulence and ill nature , but to consider rather that if the prelats have leav to say the worst that can be said , and doe the worst that can be don , while they strive to keep to themselves to their great pleasure and commodity those things which they ought to render up , no man can be justly offended with him that shall endeavour to impart and bestow without any gain to himselfe those sharp , but saving words which would be a terror , and a torment in him to keep back . for me i have determin'd to lay up as the best treasure , and solace of a good old age , if god voutsafe it me , the honest liberty of free speech from my youth , where i shall think it available in so dear a concernment as the churches good . for if i be either by disposition , or what other cause too inquisitive , or suspitious of my self and mine own doings , who can help it ? but this i foresee , that should the church be brought under heavy oppression , and god have given me ability the while to reason against that man that should be the author of so foul a deed , or should she by blessing from above on the industry and courage of faithfull men change this her distracted estate into better daies without the lest furtherance or contribution of those few talents which god at that present had lent me , i foresee what stories i should heare within my selfe , all my life after , of discourage and reproach . timorous and ingratefull , the church of god is now again at the foot of her insulting enemies : and thou bewailst , what matters it for thee or thy bewailing ? when time was , thou couldst not find a syllable of all that thou hadst read , or studied , to utter in her behalfe . yet ease and leasure was given thee for thy retired thoughts out of the sweat of other men . thou hadst the diligence the parts , the language of a man , if a vain subject were to be adorn'd or beautifi'd , but when the cause of god and his church was to be pleaded , for which purpose that tongue was given thee which thou hast , god listen'd if he could heare thy voice among his zealous servants , but thou wert domb as a beast ; from hence forward be that which thine own brutish silence hath made thee . or else i should have heard on the other care , slothfull , and ever to be set light by , the church hath now overcom her late distresses after the unwearied labours of many her true servants that stood up in her defence ; thou also wouldst take upon thee to share amongst them of their joy : but wherefore tho● where canst thou shew any word or deed of thine which might have ha● ten'd her peace ; whatever thou dost now talke ; or write , or look is the almes of other me● active prudence and zeale . dare not now to say , or doe any thing better then thy former sloth and infancy , or if thou darst , thou dost impudently to make a thrifty purchase of boldnesse to thy selfe out of the painfull merits of other men : what before was thy sin , is now thy duty to be , abject , and worthlesse . these and such like lessons as these , i know would have been my matins duly , ● nd my even-song . but now by this litle diligence , mark what a privilege i have gain'd ; with good men and saints to clame my right of lamenting the tribulations of the church , if she should suffer , when others that have ventur'd nothing for her sake , have not the honour to be admitted mourners . but if she lift up her drooping head and prosper , among those that have something more then wisht her welfare , i have my charter and freehold of rejoycing to me and my heires . concerning therefore this wayward subject against prelaty , the touching whereof is so distastfull and disquietous to a number of men , as by what hath been said i may deserve of charitable readers to be credited , that neither envy nor gall hath ente● d me upon this controversy , but the enforcement of conscience only , and a preventive fear least the omitting of this duty should be against me when i would store up to my self the good provision of peacefull hours , so lest it should be still imputed to me , as i have found i● hath bin , that some self-pleasing humor of vain-glory hath incited me to contest with men of high estimation now while green yeer● are upon my head , from this needlesse sor● isall i shall hope to disswade the intelligent and equal auditor , if i can but say succesfully that which in this exigent behoovs me , although i would be heard only , if it might be , by the elegant & learned reader , to whom principally for a while i shal beg leav i may addresse my selfe . to him it will be no new thing though i tell him that if i hunted after praise by the ostentation of wit and learning , i should not write thus out of mine own season , when i have neither yet compleated to my minde the full circle of my private studies , although i complain not of any insufficiency to the matter in hand , or were i ready to my wishes , it were a folly to cōmit any thing elaborately compos'd to the carelesse and interrupted listening of these tumultuous timer . next if i were wise only to mine own ends , i would certainly take such a subject as of it self might catch applause , whereas this hath all the disadvantages on the contrary , and such a subject as the publishing whereof might be delayd at pleasure , and time enough to pencill it over with all the curious touches of art , even to the perfection of a faultlesse picture , whenas in this argument the not deferring is of great moment to the good speeding , that if solidity have leisure to doe her office , art cannot have much . lastly , i should not chuse this manner of writing wherin knowing my self inferior to my self , led by the genial power of nature to another task , i have the use , as i may account it , but of my left hand . and though i shall be foolish in saying more to this purpose , yet since it will be such a folly as wisest men going about to commit , have only confest and so committed , i may trust with more reason , because with more folly to have courteous pardon . for although a poet soaring in the high region of his fancies with his garland and singing robes about him might without apology speak more of himself then i mean to do , yet for me sitting here below in the cool element of prose , a mortall thing among many readers of no empyreall conceit , to venture and divulge unusual things of my selfe , i shall petition to the gentler sort , it may not be envy to me . i must say therefore that after i had from my first yeeres by the ceaselesse diligence and care of my father , whom god recompence , bin exercis'd to the tongues , and some sciences , as my age would suffer , by sundry masters and teachers both at home and at the schools , it was found that whether ought was impos'd me by them that had the overlooking , or betak'n to of mine own choise in english , or other tongue prosing or versing , but chiefly this latter , the stile by certain vital signes it had , was likely to live . but much latelier in the privat academies of italy , whither i was favor'd to resort , perceiving that some trifles which i had in memory , compos'd at under twenty or thereabout ( for the manner is that every one must give some proof of his wit and reading there ) met with acceptance above what was lookt for , and other things which i had shifted in scarsity of books and conveniences to patch up amongst them , were receiv'd with written encomiums , which the italian is not forward to bestow on men of this side the alps , i began thus farre to assent both to them and divers of my friends here at home , and not lesse to an inward prompting which now grew daily upon me , that by labour and intent study ( which i take to be my portion in this life ) joyn'd with the strong propensity of nature , i might perhaps leave something so written to aftertimes , as they should not willingly let it die . these thoughts at once possest me , and these other . that if i were certain to write as men buy leases , for three lives and downward , there ought no regard be sooner had , then to gods glory by the honour and instruction of my country . for which cause , and not only for that i knew it would be hard to arrive at the second rank among the latines , i apply'd my selfe to that resolution which aristo follow'd against the perswasions of bembo , to fix all the industry and art i could unite to the adorning of my native tongue ; not to make verbal curiosities the end , that were a toylsom vanity , but to be an interpreter & relater of the best and sagest things among mine own citizens throughout this iland in the mother dialect . that what the greatest and choycest wits of athens , rome , or modern italy , and those hebrews of old did for their country , i in my proportion with this over and above of being a christian , might doe for mine : not caring to be once nam'd abroad , though perhaps i could attaine to that , but content with these british ilands as my world , whose fortune hath hitherto bin , that if the athenians , 〈◊〉 some say , made their small deeds great and renowned by their eloquent writers , england hath had her noble atchievments made small by the unskilfull handling of monks and mechanick● . time serv● not now , and perhaps i might seem too profuse to give any certain account of what the mind at home in the spacious circuits of her musing hath liberty to propose to her self , though of highest hope , and hardest attempting , whether that epick form whereof the two poems of homer , and those other two of virgil and tasso are a diffuse , and the book of iob a brief model● or whether the rules of aristotle herein are strictly to be kept , or nature to be follow'd , which in them that know art , and use judgement is no transgression , but an inriching of art . and lastly what k or knight before the conquest might be chosen in whom to lay the pattern of a christian heroe . and as tasso gave to a prince of italy his chois whether he would command him to write of godfreys expedition against the infidels , or belisarius against the gothes , or charlemain against the lombards ; if to the instinct of nature and the imboldning of art ought may be trusted , and that there be nothing advers in our climat , or the fate of this age , it haply would be no rashnesse from an equal diligence and inclination to present the like offer in our own ancient stories . or whether those dramatick constitutions , wherein sophocles and euripides raigne shall be found more doctrinal and exemplary to a nation , the scripture also affords us a divine pastoral drama in the song of salomon consisting of two persons and a double chorus , as origen rightly judges . and the apocalyps of saint iohn is the majestick image of a high and stately tragedy , shutting up and intermingling her solemn scenes and acts with a sevenfold chorus of halleluja's and harping symphonies : and this my opinion the grave autority of pare● commenting that booke is sufficient to confirm . or if occasion shall lead to imitat those magnifick odes and hymns wherein pin●darus and callimachus are in most things worthy , some others in their frame judicious , in their matter most an end faulty : but those frequent songs throughout the law and prophets beyond all these , not in their divine argument alone , but in the very critical art of composition may be easily made appear over all the kinds of lyrick poesy , to be incomparable . these abilities , wheresoever they be found , are the inspired guift of go● rarely bestow'd , but yet to some ( though most abuse ) in every nation : and are of power beside the office of a pulpit , to inbreed and cherish in a great people the seeds of vertu , and publick civility , to allay the perturbations of the mind , and set the affections in right tune , to celebrate in glorious and lofty hymns the throne and equipage of gods almightinesse , and what he works , and what he suffers to be wrought with high providence in his church , to sing the victorious agonies of martyrs and saints , the deeds and triumphs of just and pious nations doing valiantly through faith against the enemies of christ , to deplore the general relapses of kingdoms and states from justice and gods true worship . lastly , whatsoever in religion is holy and sublime , in vertu amiable , or grave , whatsoever hath passion or admiration in all the changes of that which is call'd fortune from without , or the wily suttleties and refluxes of mans thoughts from within , all these things with a solid and treatable smoothnesse to paint out and describe . teaching over the whole book of sanctity and vertu through all the instances of example with such delight to those especially of soft and delicious temper who will not so much as look upon truth herselfe , unlesse they see her elegantly drest , that whereas the paths of honesty and good life appear now rugged and difficult , though they be indeed easy and pleasant , they would then appeare to all men both easy and pleasant though they were rugged and difficult indeed . and what a benefit this would be to our youth and gentry , may be soon guest by what we know of the corruption and bane which they suck in dayly from the writings and interludes of libidinous and ignorant poetasters , who having scars ever heard of that which is the main consistence of a true poem , the choys of such persons as they ought to introduce , and what is morall and decent to each one , doe for 〈◊〉 most part lap up vitious principles in sweet pils to be swallow'd down , and make the tast of vertuous documents harsh and sowr . but because the spirit of man cannot demean it selfe lively in this body without some recreating intermission of labour , and serious things , it were happy for the common wealth , if our magistrates , as in those famous governments of old , would take into their care , not only the deciding of our contentious law cases and brauls , but the managing of our publick sports , and festival pastimes , that they might be , not such as were autoriz'd a while since , the provaction● of drunkennesse and lust , but such as may inure and harden o● bodies by martial exercises to all warlike skil and performance , and may civilize , adom and make discreet our minds by the learned and affable meeting of frequent academies , and the procurement of wise and artfull recitations sweetned with ● oquent and gracefull inticements to the love and practice of justice , temperance and fortitude , instructing and bettering the nation at all opportunities , that the call of wisdom and vertu may be heard every where , a●salomon saith , she crieth without , she uttereth her voice in the streets , in the top of high places , in the chief concours , and in the openings of the gates . whether this may not be not only in pulpits , but after another persuasive method , at set and solemn paneguries , in theaters , porches , or what other place , or way may win most upon the people to receiv at once both recreation , & instruction , let them in autority consult . the thing which i had to say , and those intentions which have liv'd within me ever since i could conceiv my self any thing worth to my countrie , i return to crave excuse that urgent reason hath pluckt from me by an abortive and foredated discovery . and the accom● lishment of them lies not but in a power above mans to promise ; but that none hath by more studious ways endeavour'd , and with more unwearied spirit that none shall , that i dare almost averre of my self , as farre as life and free leasure will extend , and that the land had once infranchis'd her self from this impertinent yoke of prelaty , under whose inquisitorins and tyra● ical duncery no free and splendid wit can flourish . neither doe i think it shame to covnant with any knowing reader , that for some few yeers yet i may go on trust with him toward the payment of what i am now indebted , as being a work not to be rays'd from the heat of youth , or the vapours of wine , like that which flows at wast from the pen of some vulgar ● word● , or the trencher fury of a riming parasite , nor to be obtain'd by the invocation of dame memory and her siren daughters , but by devout prayer to that eternall spirit who can enrich with all utterance and knowledge , and sends out his seraphim with the hallow'd fire of his altar to touch and purify the lips of whom he pleases : to this must be added industrious and select reading , steddy observation , insight into all seemly and generous arts and affaires , till which in some measure be compast , at mine own peril and cost i refuse not to sustain this expectation from as many as are not loath to hazard so much credulity upon the best pledges that i can g● ve them . although it nothing content me to have disclos'd thus much before hand , but that i trust hereby to make it manifest with what small willingnesse i endure to interrupt the pursuit of no lesse hopes then these , and leave a calme and pleasing solitaryn● s fed with cherful and confident thou● hts , to imbark in a troubl'd sea of noises and hoars disputes , put from beholding the bright countenance of truth in the quiet and still air of delightfull studies to come into the dim reflexion of hollow antiquities sold by the seeming bulk , and there be fain to club quotations with men whose learning and beleif lies in marginal stuffings , who when they have like good sumpter● laid ye down their hors load of citations and fathers at your dore , with a rapsody of who and who were bishops here or there , ye may take off their packsaddles , their days work is don , and episcopacy , a● they think , stoutly vindicated . let any gentle apprehension that can distinguish learned pains from unlearned drudgery , imagin what pleasure or profoundnesse can be in this , or what honour to deaf against such adversaries . but were it the meanest under-service , if god by his secretary conscience injoyn it , it were sad for me if i should draw back , for me especially , now when all men offer their aid to help ease and enlighten the difficult labours of the church , to whose service by the intentions of my parents and friends i was destin'd of a child , and in mine own resolutions , till comming to some maturity of yeers and perceaving what tyranny had invaded the church , that he who would take orders must subscibe slave , and take an oath withall , which unlesse he took with a conscience that would ● etch he must either strait perjure , or split his faith , i thought it better to preferre a blamelesse silence before the sacred office of speaking bought , and begun with servitude and forswearing . howsoever thus church-outed by the prelats , hence may appear the right i have to meddle in these matters , as before , the necessity and constraint appear'd . chap. i. that prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the gospel three ways , and first in her outward form . after this digression it would remain that i should single o● some other reason which might undertake for prelaty to be a fit and lawfull church-government ; but finding none of like validity with these that have alredy sped according to their fortune , i shall adde one reason why it is not to be thought a church-government at all , but a church-tyranny , and is at hostile terms with the end and reason of christs evangelick ministery . albeit i must confesse to be half in doubt whether i should bring it forth or no , it being so contrary to the eye of the world , and the world so potent in most mens hearts , that i shall endanger either not to be regarded , or not to be understood . for who is ther almost that measures wisdom by simplicity , strength by suffering , dignity by lowlinesse , who is there that counts it first , to be last , somthing to be nothing , and reckons himself of great command in that he is a servant ? yet god when he meant to subdue the world and hell a● once , part of that to salvation , and this wholy to perdition , made chois of no other weapons , or auxiliaries then these whether to save , or to destroy . it had bin a small maistery for him , to have drawn out his legions into array , and flankt them with his thunder ; therefore he sent foolishnes to confute wisdom , weaknes to bind strength , despisednes to vanquish pride . and this is the great mistery of the gospel made good in christ himself , who as he testifies came not to be minister'd to , but to minister ; and must he fulfil'd in all his ministers till his second comming . to goe against these principles s. paul so fear'd , that if he should but affect the wisdom of words in his preaching , he thought it would be laid to his charge , that he had made the crosse of christ to be of none effect whether then prelaty do not make of none effect the crosse of christ by the principles it hath so contrary to these , nullifying the power and end of the gospel , it shall not want due proof , if it want not due belief . neither shal i stand to trifle with one that will tell me of quiddities and formalities , whether prelaty or prelateity in abstract notion be this or that , it suffices me that i find it in his ● kin , so i find it inseparable , or not oftner otherwise then a pheni● hath bin seen ; although i perswade me that whatever faultines was but superficial to prelaty at the beginning , is now by the just judgment of god long since branded and inworn into the very essence therof . first therefore , if to doe the work of the gospel christ ou● lord took upon him the form of a servant , how can his servant in this ministery take upon him the form of a lord ? i know bils● hath decipher'd us all the galanteries of signore and monsignore , and monsieur as circumstantially as any punctualist of casteel , naples , or fountain blea● could have don , but this must not so complement us out of our right minds , as to be to learn that the form of a servant was a mean , laborious and vulgar life aptest to teach ; which form christ thought fittest , that he might bring about his will according to his own principles choosing the meaner things of this world that he might put under the high . now whether the pompous garb , the lordly life , the wealth , the haughty distance of prelaty be those meaner things of the world , wherby god in them would manage the mystery of his gospel , be it the verdit of common sense . for christ saith in s. iohn , the servant is not greater then his lord , nor he that is sent greater then he that sent him . and addes , if ye know these things , happy are ye if ye do● them . then let the prelates well advise , if they neither know , nor do these things , or if they know , and yet doe them not , wherin their happines consists . and thus is the gospel frustrated by the lordly form of prelaty . chap. ii. that the ceremonius doctrin of prelaty opposeth the reason and end of the gospel . that which next declares the heavenly power , and reveales the deep mistery of the gospel , is the pure simplicity of doctrine accounted the foolishnes of this world , yet crossing and confounding the pride and wisdom of the flesh . and wherin consists this fleshly wisdom and pride ? in being altogether ignorant of god and his worship ? no surely , for men are naturally asham'd of th● . where then ? it consists in a bold presumption of ordering the worship and service of god after mans own will in traditions and ceremonies . now if the pride and wisdom of the flesh were to be defeated and confounded , no doubt , but in that very point wherin it was proudest and thought it self wisest , that so the victory of the gospel might be the more illustrious . but our prelats instead of expressing the spirituall power of their ministery by warring against this chief bulwark and strong hold of the flesh , have enter'd into fast league with the principall enemy against whom they were se● , and turn'd the strength of fleshly pride and wisdom against the pure simplicity of saving truth . first , mistrusting to find the autority of their or● er in the immediat institution of christ , or his apostles by the cleer evidence of scripture , they fly to the c● nal supportment of tradition : when we appeal to the bible , they to the unweildy volumes of tradition . and doe not shame to reject the ordinance of him that is eternal for the pervers iniquity of sixteen hunderd yeers ; choosing rather to think truth it self a lyar , the● that sixteen ages should be taxe with an error ; not considering the general a postasy that was foretold , and the churches flight into the wildernes . nor is this anough , instead of shewing the reason of their lowly condition from divine example and command , they seek to prove their high pre-eminence from humane consent and autority . but let them chaunt while they will of prerogatives , we shall tell them of scripture ; of custom , we of scripture ; of acts and statutes , stil of scripture , til the quick and pearcing word enter to the dividing of their soules , & the mighty weaknes of the gospel throw down the weak mightines of mans reasoning . now for their demeanor within the church , how have they disfigur'd and defac't that more then angelick brightnes , the unclouded serenity of christian religion with the dark overcasting of superstitious coaps and flaminical vestures ; wearing on their backs ; and , i abhorre to think , perhaps in some worse place the unexpressible image of god the father . tell me ye priests wherfore this gold , wherfore these roabs and surplices over the gospel● is our religion guilty of the first trespasse , and hath need of cloathing to cover her nakednesse ? whatdoes this else but hast an ignominy upon the perfection of christs ministery by seeking to adorn it with that which 〈◊〉 the poor remedy of our ● word● . ● eleive it , wondrous doctors , all corporeal resemblances of inward holinesse & beauty are now past ; he that will cloath the gospel now , intimates plainly , that the gospel is naked , uncomely , that i may not say reproachfull . do not , ye church maskers , while christ is cloathing upon our barenes with his righteous garment to make us acceptable in his fathers fight , doe not , as ye do , cover and hide his righteous verity with the polluted cloathing of your ceremonies to make it seem more decent in your own eyes . how beautifull , saith isaiah , are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings , that publisheth salvation ! are the feet so beautifull , and is the very bringing of these tidings so decent of it self ? what new decency then can be added to this by your spinstry ? ye think by these gaudy glisterings to stirre up the devotion of the rude multitude ; ye think so , because ye forsake the heavenly teaching of s. paul for the hellish sophistry of papism . if the multitude be rude , the lips of the preacher must give knowledge , and not ceremonies . and although some christians be new born babes comparatively to some that are stronger , yet in respect of ceremony which is but a rudiment of the law , the weakest christian hath thrown off the robes of his minority , and is a perfect man , as to legal rites . what childrens food there is in the gospel we know to be no other then the sincerity of the word that they may grow thereby . but is heer the utmost of your outbraving the service of god ? no . ye have bin bold , not to set your threshold by his threshold , or your posts by his posts , but your sacrament , your ● igne , call it what you will , by his sacrament , baptizing the christian infant with a solemne sprinkle , and unbaptizing for your own part with a profane and impious forefinger : as if when ye had layd the purifying element upon his forehead , ye meant to cancel and crosse it out again with a caracter not of gods bidding . o but the innocence of these ceremonies ! o rather the fottish absurdity of this excuse ! what could be more innocent then the washing of a cup , a glasse , or hands before meat , and that under the law when so many washings were commanded , and by long tradition , yet our saviour detested their customes though never so seeming harmlesse , and charges them severely that they had transgrest the commandments of god by their traditions and worshipt him in vain . how much more then must these , and much grosser ceremonies now in force delude the end of christs comming in the flesh against the flesh , and stifle the sincerity of our new cov'nant which hath bound us to forsake all carnall pride and wisdom especially in matters of religion . thus we see again how prelaty sayling in opposition 〈◊〉 the main end and power of the gospel doth not joyn in that ●sterious work of christ , by lowlines to confound height , by simplicity of doctrin the wisdom of the world , but contrariwise hath made it self high in the world and the flesh to vanquish things by the world accounted low , and made it self wise in tradition and fleshly ceremony to confound the purity of doctrin which is the wisdom of god . chap. iii. that prelatical jurisdiction opposeth the reason and end of the gospel and of state . the third and last consideration remains , whether the prelats in their function doe work according to the gospel practizing to subdue the mighty things of this world by things weak : which s. paul hath set forth to be the power and excellence of the gospel , or whether in more likelihood they band themselves with the prevalent things of this world to overrun the weak things which christ hath made chois to work by : and this will soonest be discern'd by the cours of their jurisdiction . but heer again i find my thoughts almost in suspense betwixt yea and no , and am nigh turning mine eye which way i may best retire , and not proceed in this subject , blaming the ardency of my mind that fixt me too attentively to come thus farre . for truth , i know not how , hath this unhappinesse fatall to her , ere she can come to the triall and inspection of the understanding , being to passe through many little wards and limits of the severall affections and desires , she cannot shift it , but must put on such colours and attire , as those pathetick handmaids of the soul please to lead her in to their queen . and if she find so much favour with them , they let her passe in her own likenesse ; if not , they bring her into the presence habited and colour'd like a notorious falshood . and contrary when any falshood comes that way , if they like the ● rrand she brings , they are so artfull to counterfeit the very shape and visage of truth , that the understanding not being able to discern the ● ucus which these inchantresses with such cunning have laid upon the feature sometimes of truth , sometimes of falshood interchangeably , sentences for the most part one for the other at the first blush , according to the suttle imposture of these sensual mistresses that keep the port● and passages between her and the object . so that were it not for leaving imperfect that which is already said , i should goe neer to relinquish that which is to follow . and because i see that most men , as it happens in this world , either weakly , or falsly principl'd , what through ignorance , and what through custom of licence , both in discours and writing , by what hath bin of late written in vulgar , have not seem'd to attain the decision of this point , i shall likewise assay those wily arbitresses who in most men have , as was heard , the sole ushering of truth and falshood between the sense , and the soul , with what loyalty they will use me in conuoying this truth to my understanding ; the rather for that by as much acquaintance as i can obtain with them , i doe not find them engag'd either one way or other . concerning therfore ecclefial jurisdiction , i find still more controversie , who should administer it , then diligent enquiry made to learn what it is , for had the pains bin taken to search out that , it had bin long agoe enroul'd to be nothing el● but a pure tyrannical forgery of the prelats ; and that jurisdictive power in the church there ought to be none at all . it cannot be conceiv'd that what men now call jurisdiction in the church , should be other thing then a christian censorship ; and therefore is it most commonly and truly nam'd ecclesiastical censure . now if the roman censor a civil function , to that severe assise of survaying and controuling the privatest , and sliest manners of all men and all degrees had no jurisdiction , no courts of plea , or inditement , no punitive force annext , whether it were that to this manner of correction the intanglement of suits was improper , or that the notic● of those upright inquisitors extended to such the most covert and spiritous vices as would slip easily between the wider and mo● e material grasp of law ; or that it stood more with the majesty of that office to have no other serjeants or maces about them but thos● invisible ones of terror and shame : or lastly , were it their feare , lest the greatnes of this autority and honour arm'd with jurisdiction might step with ease into a tyranny . in all these respects with much more reason undoubtedly ought the censure of the church be quite devested and disintal'd of all jurisdiction whatsoever . for if the cours of judicature to a political censorship seem either too tedious , or too contentions , much more may it to the discipline of church whose definitive decrees are to be speedy , but the execution of rigour slow , contrary to what in legal proceedings is mo● usual , and by how much the lesse contentious it is , by so much will it be the more christian . and if the censor in his morall episcopy being to judge most in matters not answerable by writ or action could not use an instrument so grosse and bodily as jurisdiction is , how can the minister of gospel manage the corpulent and secular trial of bill and processe in things meerly spiritual . or could that roman office without this juridical sword or saw strike such a reverence of it self into the most undaunted hearts , as with one single dash of ignominy to put all the senate and knighthood of r● into a tremble , surely much rather might the heavenly ministery of the evangel bind her self about with farre more pearcing beams of majesty and aw by wanting the beggarly help of halings and amercements in the use of her powerful keies . for when the church without temporal support is able to doe her great works upon the unforc't obedience of men , it argues a divinity about her . but when she thinks to credit and better her spirituall efficacy , and to win her self respect and dread by strutting in the fals visard of worldly autority , t is evident that god is not there ; but that her apostolick vertu is departed from her , and hath left her key-cold . which she perceaving as in a decay'd nature seeks to the outward fomentations and chafings of worldly help , and external flourishes , to fetch , if it be possible , some motion into her extream parts , orto hatch a counterfeit life with the crafty and arteficial heat of jurisdiction . but it is observable that so long as the church in tr● e imitat● on of christ can be content to ride upon an asse carrying her self and her government along in a mean and simple guise , she may be as he is , a lion of the tribe of iuda , and in her humility all men with loud hosanna's will confesse her greatnes . but when despising the mighty operation of the spirit by the weak things of this world she thinks to make her self bigger and more considerable by using the way of civil force and jurisdiction , as she sits upon this lion she changes into an asse , and instead of hosanna's every man pel● s her with stones and dirt . lastly , if the wisdom of the romans fear'd to commit jurisdiction to an office of so high esteem and d● d as wa● the ors , we may see what a solecism in the art of policy it hath bin all this while through christendom to g● jurisdiction to ecclesiastical censure . for that strength joyn'd with religion abus'd and pretended to ambitions ends must of necessity breed the heaviest and most quellingty ranny not only upon the necks , but even to the souls of men : which if christian rome had bin so cautelous to prevent in her church , as pagan rome was in herstate , we had not had such a lamentable experience thereof as now we have from thenceupon all christendom . for although i said before that the church coveting to ride upon the lionly form of jurisdiction makes a transformation of her self into an asse , and becomes despicable , that is to those whom god hath enlight'nd with true knowledge ; but where they remain yet in the reliques of superstition , this is the extremity of their bondage , and blindnes , that while they think they doe obeisance to the lordly visage of a lion , they doe it to an asse , that through the just judgement of god is permitted to play the dragon among them because of their wilfull stupidity . and let england here well rub her eyes , lest by leaving jurisdiction and church censure to the same persons , now that god hath bin so long medcining her eyesight , she do● not w● her overpolitick fetches marre all , and bring her self back again to worship this asse bestriding a lion . having hit herto explain'd , that to ecclesiasticall censure no jurisdictive power can be added without a childish and dangerous oversight in polity , and a pernicious contradiction in evangelick discipline , as anon more fully ; it will be next to declare wherin the true reason and force of church censure consists , which by then it shall be laid open to the root , so little is it that i fear lest any crookednes , any wrincle or spo● should be found in presbyterial governnient that if bodin the famo● french ● r though a papist , yet affirms that the commonwelth which maintains this discipline will certainly flourish in vertu and piety , i dare assure my self that every true protestant will admire the integrity , the uprightnes , the divine and gracious purposes therof , and even for the reason of it so coherent with the doctrine of the gospel , besides the evidence of command in scripture , will confesse it to be the only true church-government , and that contrary to the whole end and m● ry of christs comming in the flesh a false appearance of the same is exercis'd by prelaty . but because some count it rigorous , and that hereby men shall be liable to a double punishment , i will begin somwhat higher and speak of punishment . which , as i● is an evil , i esteem t● be of two forty , or rather two degrees only , a reprobat conscience in this life , and hell in the other world . whatever else men ● l punishment , or censure is not properly an evil , so it be not an illegall violence , but a saving med'cin ordain'd of god both for the publik and privat good 〈◊〉 man , who consisting of two parts the inward and the outward , 〈◊〉 by the eternall providence left under two sorts of cure , the church and the magistrat . the magistrat hath only to deale with the outward part , i mean not of the body alone , but of the mind in all her outward acts , which in scripture is call'd the outward man . so that it would be helpfull to us if we might borrow such autority 〈◊〉 the rhetoricians by parent may give us , with a kind of prometh● skill to shape and fashion this outward man into the similitude 〈◊〉 a body , and set him visible before us ; imagining the inner man only as the soul . thus then the civill magistrat looking only upon the outward man ( i say as a magistrat , for what he doth further , he doth it as a member of the church ) if he find in his complexion , skin , or outward temperature the signes and marks , or in his doings the effects of injustice , rapine , lost , cruelty , or the like , sometimes he shuts up as in frenetick , or infectious diseases ; or confines within dores , as in every sickly estate . sometimes he shaves by penalty , or mulct , or els to cool and take down those luxuriant humors which wealth and excesse have caus'd to abound . otherwhiles he ser● , he cauterizes , he scarifies , lets blood , and finally for utmost remedy cuts off . the patients which mostanend are brought into his hospital are such as are farre gon , and beside themselves ( unlesse they be falsly accus'd ) so that force is necessary to tame and quiet them 〈◊〉 their unruly fits , before they can be made capable of a more human ● ure . his general end is the outward peace and wel-fare of the commonwealth and civil happines in this life . his p● ular ● nd in every man is , by the infliction of pain , dammage , a● disgrace , that the senses and common perceivance might carry this message to the soul within , that it is neither easefull , profitable , nor prais-worthy in this life to doe evill . which must needs tend to the good of man , whether he be to live or die ; and be undoubtedly the f● means to a natural man , especially an offender , which might open his eyes to a higher consideration o● good and evill , as it is taught in religion . this is seen in the often penitence of those that suffer , who , had they scapt , had gon on sinning to an immeasurable hea● , which is one of the extreamest punishments . and this is all that the civil magistrat , as so being , conser● to the healing of mans mind , working only by terrifying 〈◊〉 upon the rind & orifice of the ● ore , and by all outward appli● , as the logicians say , a post● , at the effect , and not from the cause : not once touching the inward bed of corruption , and that hectick disposition to evill , the sourse of all vice , and obliquity against the rule of law . which how insufficient it is to cure the soul of man , we cannot better guesse then by the art of bodily phisick . therfore god to the intent of further healing mans deprav'd mind , to this power of the magistrat which contents it self with the restraint of evil doing in the external man , added that which we call censure , to purge it and remove it clean out of the inmost soul . in the beginning this autority seems to have bin plac't , as all both civil and religious rites once were , only in each father of family . afterwards among the heathen , in the wise men and philosophers of the age ; but so as it was a thing voluntary , and no set government . more distinctly among the jews as being gods peculiar , where the priests , levites , prophets , and at last the scribes and pharises took charge of instructing , and overseeing the lives of the people . but in the gospel , which is the straitest and the dearest cov'nant can be made between god and man , wee being now his adopted sons , and nothing fitter for us to think on , then to be like him , united to him , and as he pleases to expresse it , to have fellowship with him , it is all necessity that we should expect this blest efficacy of healing our inward man to be minister'd to us in a more familiar and effectual method then ever before . god being now no more a judge after the sentence of the law , nor as it were a school maister of perishable rites , but a most indulgent father governing his church as a family of sons in their discreet age ; and therfore in the sweetest and mildest manner of paternal discipline he hath committed this other office of preserving in healthful constitution the innerman , which may be term'd the spirit of the soul , to his spiritual deputy the minister of each congregation ; who being best acquainted with his own flock , h● th best reason to know all the secret● st diseases likely to be , there . and look by how much the inter●● an is more excellant and noble then the external , by so muc● 〈◊〉 his cure more exactly , more throughly , and more particularly to be perform'd . for which cause the holy ghost by the apostles joyn'd to the minister , as assistant in this great office sometimes a certain number of grave and faithful brethren , ( for neither doth the phisitian doe all in restoring his patient , he prescribes , another prepares the med'cin , some read , some watch , some visit ) much more may a minister partly not see all , partly erre as a man : besides that nothing can be more for the mutuall honour and love of the people to their pastor , and his to them , then when in select numb● and cours● they are seen partaking , and doing reverence to the holy 〈◊〉 discipline by their serviceable , and solemn presence , and receiving honour again from their imployment , not now any more to be separated in the church by vails and partitions as laicks and unclean , but admitted to wait upon the tabernacle as the rightfull clergy of christ , a chosen generation , a royal priesthood to off● up spiritual sacrifice in that meet place to which god and the congregation shall call and assigne them . and this all christians ought to know , that the title of clergy s. peter gave to all gods people , till pope higinus and the succeeding prelates took it from them , appropriating that name to themselves and their priests only ; and condemning the rest of gods inheritance to an injurious and alienat condition of laity , they separated from them by local partitions in churches , through their grosse ignorance and pride imitating the old temple : and excluded the members of christ from the property of being members , the bearing of orderly and fit offices in the ecclesiastical body , as if they had meant to sow up that iewish vail which christ by his death on the crosse rent in sunder . although these usurpers could not so : presently over-maister the liberties and lawfull titles of gods freeborn church , but that origen being yet a lay man expounded the scriptures publickly , and was therein defended by alexander of jerusalem , and theoctistus of caesarea producing in his behalf divers examples that the privilege of teaching was anciently permitted to many worthy laymen ; and cyprian in his epistles professes he will doe nothing without the advice and assent of his assistant laicks . neither did the first nicene councel , as great and learned as it was , think it any robbery to receive in , and require the help and presence of many learned lay brethren , as they were then calld . many other autorities to confirm this assertion bot● 〈◊〉 of scripture and the writings of next antiquity golartius hath collected in his notes upon cyprian ; whereby it will be evident that the laity not only by apostolick permission , but by consent of many the aucientest prelates did participat in church offices as much as is desir'd any lay elder should now do . sometimes also not the elders alone , but the whole body of the church is interested in the work of discipline , as 〈◊〉 as publick satisfaction is given by those that have given publick scandal . not to speak now of her right in elections . but another reason there is in it , which though religion did not commend to us , yet morall and civil prudence could not but extol . it was thought of old in philosophy , that shame or to call it better , the reverence of our elders , our brethren , and friends was the greatest incitement to vertuous deeds and the greatest dissuasion from unworthy attempts that might ● word● . hence we may read in the iliad where hector being wisht to retire si ō the battel , many of his forces being routed , makes answer that he durst not for shame , lest the trojan knights and dames should think he did ignobly . and certain it is that wheras terror is thought such a great stickler in a commonwealth , honourable shame is a farre greater , and has more reason● for where shame is there is fear , but where fear is there is not presently shame . and if any thing may be done to inbreed in us this generous and christianly reverence one of another , the very nurs and guardian of piety and vertue , it can not sooner be then by such a discipline in the church , as may use us to have in aw the assemblies of the faithful , & to count it a thing most grievous , next to the grieving of gods spirit , to offend those whom he hath put in autority , as a healing superintendence over our lives and behaviours , both to our own happines and that we may not give offence to good men , who without amends by us made , dare not against gods command hold communion with us in holy things . and this will be accompanied with a religious dred of being outcast from the company of saints , and from the fatherly protection of god in his church , to consort with the devil and his angels . but there is yet a more ingenuous and noble degree of honest shame , or call it if you will an esteem , whereby men bear an inward reverence toward their own persons . and if the love of god as a fire sent from heaven to be ever kept alive upon the altar of our hearts , be the first principle of all godly and vertuous actions in men , this pious and just honouring of our selves is the second , and may be thought as the radical moisture and fountain head , whence every laudable and worthy enterpri● issues forth . and although i have giv'n it the name of a liquid thing , yet is it not incontinent to bound it self , as humid things are , but hath in it a most restraining and powerfull abstinence to start back , and glob it self upward from the mixture of any ungenerous and unbeseeming motion , or any soile ● ewith it may peril to stain it self . something i confesse it is to ● ' d of evil doing in the presence of any , and to reverence the opinion and the countenance of a good man rather then a bad , fearing most in his ● ght to offend , goes so farre as almost to be vertuous ; yet this is but still the feare of infamy , and many such , when they find themselves alone , 〈◊〉 their reputation will compound with other scruples , and co● close treaty with their dearer vices in secret . but he that holds himself in reverence and due esteem , both for the dignity of gods 〈◊〉 upon him , and for the price of his redemption , whi● he thin● 〈◊〉 visibly markt upon his forehead , accounts himselfe both a fit person to do the noblest and godliest deeds , and much better worth then to deject and defile , with such a debasement and such a pollution as sin is , himselfe so highly ransom'd and enobl'd to a new friendship and filiall relation with god . nor can he fear so much the offence and reproach of others , as he dreads and would 〈◊〉 at the reflection of his own severe and modest eye upon him● , if it should see him doing or imagining that which is sinfull though in the deepest secrecy . how shall a man know to do himselfe this right , how to performe this honourable duty of estimation and respect towards his own soul and body ? which way will leade 〈◊〉 best to this hill top of sanctity and goodness● above which there is no higher ascent but to the love of god which from this self-pious regard cannot be assunder ? no better way doubtlesse then to let him duly understand that as he is call'd by the high calling of god to be holy and pure , so is he by the same appointment ordain'd , and by the churches call admitted to such offices of discipline in the church to which his owne spirituall gifts by the example of apostolick institution have autoriz'd him . for we have learnt that the scornfull terme of laick , the consecrating of temples , carpets , and table-clothes , ● he railing in of a repugnant and contradictive mount sinai in the gospell , as if the touch of a lay christian who is never the lesse gods living temple , could profane dead judaisms , the exclusion of christs people from the offices of holy discipline through the pride of a usurping clergy , causes the rest to have an unworthy and object opinion of themselves ; to approach to holy , duties with a slavish fear , ● nd to unholy doings with a familiar ● ldnesse . for seeing such a wide and terrible distance between religious things and themselves , and that in respect of a woodden table & the perimeter of holy ground about it , a flagon pot , and 〈◊〉 corporal , the priest 〈◊〉 their lay-ships unhallow'd and ● word● , they fear religion with such a fear as loves not , and think the purity of the gospell too pure for them , and that any uncleannesse is more sutable to their 〈◊〉 estate . but when every good christian throughly acquainted with all those glorious privileges of sanctification and adoption which render him more sacred then any dedicated altar or element , shall be restor'd to his right in the church , and not excluded from such place of spirituall government as his christian abilities and his approved good life in the eye and testimony of the church shall preferre him to , this and nothing sooner will open his eyes to a wise and true valuation of himselfe , which is so requisite and high a point of christianity , and will stirre him up to walk worthy the honourable and grave imployment wherewith god and the church hath dignifi'd him : not fearing left he should meet with some outward holy thing in religion which his lay touch or presence might profane , but lest something unholy from within his own heart should dishonour and profane in himselfe that priestly unction and clergy-right whereto christ hath entitl'd him . then would the congregation of the lord soone recover the true likenesse and visage of what she is indeed , a holy generation , a royall priesthood , a saintly communion , the houshold and city of god . and this i hold to be another considerable reason why the functions of church-government ought to be free and open to any christian man though never so laick , if his capacity , his faith , and prudent demeanour commend him . and this the apostles warrant us to do . but the prelats object that this will bring profanenesse into the church , to whom may be reply'd , that none have brought that in more then their own irreligious courses ; nor more 〈◊〉 holinesse out of living into livelesse things . for whereas god who hath cleans'd every beast and creeping worme , would not suffer s. peter to call them common or unclean , the prelat bishops in their printed orders hung up in churches have proclaim'd the best of creatures , mankind , so unpurifi'd and contagious , that for him to lay his hat , or his garment upon the chancell table they have defin'd it no lesse hainous in expresse words then to profane the table of the lord . and thus have they by their canaanitish doctrine ( for that which was to the jew but jewish is to the christian no better then canaanitish ) thus have they made common and unclean , thus have they made profane that nature which god hath not only cleans'd , but christ also hath assum'd . and now that the equity and just reason is so perspicuous , why in ecclesiasic● censure the assistance should be added of such , 〈◊〉 whom not the vile odour of gaine and fees ( forbid it god and blow it with a whirle● out of our land ) but charity , neighbourhood , and duty to church-government hath call'd together , where could a wiseman wish a more equall , gratuitous , and meek examination of 〈◊〉 offence that he might happen to commit against christianity 〈◊〉 here ? would he preferre those proud simoniacall courts ? 〈◊〉 therefore the minister assisted attends his heavenly and spirituall cure . where we shall see him both in the course of his proceeding , and first in the excellence of his end from the magistrate farre different , and not more different then excelling . his end is to recover all that is of man both soul and body to an everlasting health : and yet as for worldly happinesse , which is the proper sphere wherein the magistrate cannot but confine his motion without a hideous exorbitancy from law , so little aims the minister , as his intended scope , to procure the much prosperity of this life , that oft-times he may have cause to wish much of it away , a● a diet puffing up the soul with a slimy fleshinesse , and weakning her principall organick parts . two heads of evill he has to cope with , ignorance and malice . against the former he provides the daily manna of incorruptible doctrine , not at those set meales only in publick , but as oft as he shall know that each infirmity , or constitution requires . against the latter with all the branches thereof , not medling with that restraining and styptick surgery which tho law uses , not indeed against the malady but against the eruptions , and outermost effects thereof . he on the contrary beginning at the prime causes and roo● of the disease sends in those two divine ingredients of most cleansing power to the soul , admonition & reproof , besides which two there is no drug or antidote that can reach to purge the mind , and without which all other experiments are but vain , unlesse by ●dent . and he that will not let these passe into him , though he be the greatest king , as plato affirms , must be thought to remaine impure within , and unknowing of those things wherein his purenesse and his knowledge should most appear . as soon therefore as it may be discern'd that the christian patient by feeding 〈◊〉 here on meats not allowable , but of evill juice , hath disorder'd his diet , and spread an ill humour through his 〈◊〉 immediatly disposing to a sicknesse , the minister as being much neerer both in eye and duty , then the magistrats , speeds him betimes to overtake that diffus'd malignance with some gentle potion of admonishment ; or if ought be obstructed , puts in his opening and disenssive con● . this not succeeding after once or twice or oftner , in the 〈◊〉 of two or three his faithfull brethren appointed thereto be advis● him to be more carefull of his dearest health , and what it is that he so rashly hath let down in to the divine vessel of his soul gods temple . if this obtaine not , he then with the counsell of more assistants who are inform'd of what diligence hath been already us'd , with more speedy remedies layes neerer siege to the entrenched causes of his distemper , not sparing such servent and well aim'd reproofs as may best give him to see the dangerous estate wherein he is . to this also his brethren and friends intreat , exhort , adjure , and all these endeavours , as there is hope left , are more or lesse repeated . but if , neither the regard of himselfe , nor the reverence of his elders and friends prevaile with him , to leave his vitious appetite , then as the time urges , such engines of terror god hath given into the hand of his minister as to search the tenderest angles of the heart : one while he shakes his stubbornnesse with racking convulsions nigh dispaire , other whiles with deadly corrosives he gripes the very roots of his faulty liver to bring him to life through the entry of death . hereto the whole church beseech him , beg of him , deplore him , pray for him . after all this perform'd with what patience and attendance is possible , and no relenting on his part , having done the utmost of their cure , in the name of god and of the church they dissolve their fellowship with him , and holding forth the dreadfull sponge of excommunion pronounce him wip't out of the list of gods inheritance , and in the custody of satan till he repent . which horrid sentence though it touch neither life , nor limme , nor any worldly possession , yet has it such a penetrating force , that swifter then any chimicall sulphur , or that lightning which harms not the skin , and rifles the entrals , it scorches the inmost soul . yet even this terrible denouncement is left to the church for no other cause but to be as a rough and vehement cleansing medcin , where the malady is obdurat ; a mortifying to life , a kind of saving by undoing . and it may be truly said , that as the mercies of wicked men are cruelties , so the cruelties of the church are mercies . for if repentance sent from heaven meet this lost wanderer , and draw him out of that steep journey wherein he was hasting towards destruction , to come and reconcile to the church , if he bring with him his bill of health , and that he is now cleare of infection and of no danger to the other sheep , then with incredible expressions of joy all his brethren receive him , and set before him those perfumed bankets of christian consolation ; with pretious ointments bathing and fomenting the old and now to be forgotten stripes which terror and shame had inflicted ; and thus with heavenly solaces they cheere up his humble remorse , till he regain his first health and felicity . this is the approved way which the gospell prescribes , these are the spirituall weapons of holy censure , and ministeriall warfare , not carnall , but mighty through god to the pulling downe of strong holds , casting down imaginations , and every high thing that exalteth it selfe against the knowledge of god , and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of christ . what could be done more for the healing and reclaming that divine particle of gods breathing the soul , and what could be done lesse ? he that would hide his faults from such a wholsome curing as this , and count it a two-fold punishment ; as some do , is like a man that having foul diseases about him , perishes for shame , and the fear he has o● a rigorous incision to come upon hi● flesh . we shall be able by this time to discern whether prelaticall jurisdiction be contrary to the gospell or no . first therefore the government of the gospell being economicall and paternall , that is , of such a family where there be no servants , but all sons in obedience , not in servility , as cannot be deny'd by him that lives but within the sound of scripture , how can the prelates justifie to have turn'd the fatherly orders of christs houshold , the blessed meeknesse of his lowly roof , those ever open and inviting dores of his dwelling house which delight to be frequented with only filiall accesses , how can they justifie to have turn'd these domestick privileges into the barre of a proud judiciall court where fees and clamours keep shop and drive a trade , w● ere bribery and corruption solicits , paltring the free and monilesse power of discipline with a carnall satisfaction by the purse . contrition , humiliation , confession , the very sighs of a repentant spirit are there sold by the penny . that undeflour'd and unblemishable simplicity of the gospell , not she her selfe for that could never be , but a false-whi● ed , a lawnie resemblance of her , like that aire-born helena in the fables , made by the sorcery of prelats , instead of calling her disciples from the receit of custome , is now turn'd publican her self ; and gives up her body to a mercenary whor● ome under those fornicated ches which she cals gods house , and in the fight of those her altars which she hath set up to be ador'd makes merchandize of the bodies and souls of men . rejecting purgatory for no other reason , as it seems , then because her greedines cannot deferre ● ut had rather use the utmost extortion of redeemed penances in this life . but because these matters could not be thus carri'd without a begg'd and borrow'd force from worldly autority , therefore prelaty slighting the deliberat● d chosen counsell of christ in his spirituall government , whose glory is in the weaknesse of fleshly things to t● ad upon the crest of the worlds pride and violence by the power of spirituall ordinances , hath on the contrary made these her freinds and champions which are christs enemies in this his high designe , smothering and extinguishing the spirituall force of his bodily weaknesse in the discipline of his church with the boistrous and carnall tyranny of an undue , unlawfull and ungospellike jurisdiction . and thus prelaty both in her fleshly supportments , in her carnall doctrine of ceremonie and tradition , in her violent and secular power going quite counter to the prime end of christs comming in the flesh , that is to revele his truth , his glory and his might in a clean contrary manner then prelaty seeks to do , thwarting and defeating the great mistery of god , i do not conclude that prelaty is antichristian , for what need i ? the things themselves conclude it . yet if such like practises , and not many worse then these of our prelats , in that great darknesse of the roman church , have not exempted both her and her present members from being judg'd to be antichristian in all orthodoxall esteeme , i cannot think but that it is the absolute voice of truth and all her children to pronounce this prelaty , and these her dark deeds in the midst of this great light wherein we live , to be more antichristian then antichrist himselfe . the conclusion . the mischiefe that prelaty does in the state . i adde one thing more to those great ones that are so fond of prelaty , this is certain that the gospell being the hidden might of christ , as hath been heard , hath over a victorious power joyn'd with it , like him in the revelation that went forth on the white horse with his bow and his crown conquering , and to conquer . if we let the angell of the gospell ride on his own way , he does his proper businesse conquering the high thoughts , and the proud reasonings of the flesh , and brings them under to give obedience to christ with the salvation of many souls . but if ye turn him out of his rode , and in a manner force him to expresse his irresistible power by a doctrine of carnall might , as prelaty is , 〈◊〉 will use the , fleshly strength which ye put into his hands to subdue your spirits by a servile and blind superstition , and that againe shall hold such dominion over your captive minds , as returning with an insatiat greedinesse and force upon your worldly wealth and power wherewith to deck and magnifie her self , and her false worships , she shall spoil and havock your estates , disturbe your ease , diminish your honour , inthraul your liberty under the swelling mood of a proud clergy , who will not serve or feed your soules with spirituall food , look not for it , they have not wherewithall , or if they had , it is not in their purpose . but when they have glutted their ingratefull bodies , at least if it be possible that those open sepulchers should ever be glutted , and when they have stufft their idolish temples with the wastefull pillage of your estates , will they yet have any compassion upon you , and that poore pittance which they have left you , will they be but so good to you as that ravisher was to his sister , when he had us'd her at his pleasure , will they but only hate ye and so turne ye loose ? no● they will not , lords and commons , they will not fauour ye so much . what will they do then in the name of god and saints , what will these man-haters yet with more despight and mischiefe do ? i le tell ye , or at least remember ye , for most of ye know it already . that they may want nothing to make them true merchants of babylon , as they have done to your souls , they will sell your bodies , your wives , your children , your liberties , your parlaments , all these things , and if there be ought else dearer then these , they will sell at an out-cry in their pulpits to the arbitrary and illegall dispose of any one that may hereafter be call'd a king , whose mind shall serve him to listen to their bargain . and by their corrupt and servile doctrines boring our eares to an everlasting slavery , as they have done hitherto , so will they yet do their best to repeal and erase every line and clause of both our great charter● . no● is this only what they will doe , but what they hold as the main● reason and mystery of their advancement that they must do ; ● e the prince never so just and equall to his subjects ; yet such are their malicious and depraved eyes , that they so look on him , & so understand him , as if he requir'd no other gratitude , or piece of service si● thē then this . and indeed they stand so opportunly for the disturbing or the destroying of a state , being a knot of creatures whose dignities , means , and preferments have no foundation in the gospel , as they themselves acknowledge , but only in the princes favour , & to continue so long to them , as by pleasing him they shall deserve , whence it must needs be they should bend all their intentions , and services to no other ends but to his , that if it should happen that a tyrant ( god turn such a scourge from us to our enemies ) should come to grasp the scepter , here were his speare men and his lances , here were his firelocks ready , he should need no other pretorian band nor pensionry then these , if they could once with their perfidious preachments aw the people . for although the prelats in time of popery were sometimes friendly anough to magnacharta , it was because they stood upon their own bottom , without their main dependance on the royal nod : but now being well acquainted that the protestant religion , if she will reform her self rightly by the scriptures , must undresse them of all their guilded vanities , and reduce them as they were at first , to the lowly and equall order of presbyters , they know it concerns them neerly to study the times more then the text , and to lift up their eyes to the hils of the court , from whence only comes their help ; but if their pride grow weary of this crouching and observance , as ere long it would , and that yet their minds clime still to a higher ascent of worldly honour , this only refuge can remain to them , that they must of necessity contrive to bring themselves and us back again to the popes supremacy , and this we see they had by fair degrees of late been doing . these be the two fair supporters between which the strength of prelaty is born up , either of inducing tyranny , or of reducing popery . hence also we may judge that prelaty is meer falshood . for the property of truth is , where she is publickly taught , to unyoke & set free the minds and spirits of a nation first from the thraldom of sin and superstition , after which all honest and legal freedom of civil life cannot be long absent ; but prelaty whom the tyrant custom begot a natural tyrant in religion , & in state the agent & minister of tyranny , seems to have had this fatal guift in her nativity like another midas that whatsoever she should touch or come ne● r either in ecclesial or political government , it should turn , not to gold , though she for her part could wish it , but to the drosse and scum of slavery breeding and setling both in the bodies and the souls of all such as doe not in time with the sovran tr● le of sound doctrine provide to fortifie their hearts against her hierarchy . the service of god who is truth , her liturgy confesses to be perfect freedom , but her works and her opinions declare that the service of prelaty is p● rfect slavery , and by consequence perfect falshood . which makes me wonder much that many of the gentry , studious men , as i heare should engage themselves to write , and speak 〈◊〉 in her ●fence , but that i beleeve their honest and ingenuous natures coming to the universities to store themselves with good and solid learning , and there unfortunately fed with nothing else , but the s● gged and thorny lectures of monkish and miserable sophistry , w● re sent home again with such a scholastical burre in their throats , as hath stopt and hinderd all true and generous philosophy from entring , crackt their voices for ever with metaphysical gargarisms , and hath made them admire a sort of formal outside men prelatically addicted , whose unchast'nd and unwrought minds never yet initiated or subdu'd under the true lore of religion or moral vertue , which two are the best and greatest points of learning , but either slightly train'd up in a kind of hypocritical and hackny cours of literature to get their living by , and dazle the ignorant , or els fondly overstudied in uselesse cōtroversies , except those which they use with all the specious and delusive suttlety they are able , to defend their prelatical sparta , having a gospel and church-government set before their eyes , as a fair field wherin they might exercise the greatest vertu's , and the greatest deeds of christian autority in mean fortunes and little furniture of this world , which even the sage heathen writers and those old fabritii , and curii well knew to be a manner of working , then which nothing could lik'n a mortal man more to god , who delights most to worke from within himself , and not by the heavy luggage of corporeal instrument , they understand it not , & think no such matter , but admire & dote upon worldly riches , & honours , with an easie & intemperat life , to the bane of christianity : yea they and their seminaries shame not to professe , to petition and never lin pealing our eares that unlesse we fat them like boores , and cramme them as they list with wealth , with deaneries , and pluralities , with baronies and stately preferments , all learning and religion will goe underfoot . which is such a shamelesse , such a bestial plea , and of that odious impudence in church-men , who should be to ● is a pattern of temperance and frugal mediocrity , who should teach us to contemn this world , and the gaudy things thereof , according to the promise which they themselves require from us in baptisme , that should the scripture stand by and be mute , there is not that sect of philosophers among the heathen so dissolute , no not epicurus , nor aristippus with all his cyrenaick rout , but would shut his school dores against such greasy sophisters : not any college of mountebanks , but would think scorn to discover in themselves with such a brazen forehead the outrageous desire of filthy lucre . which the prelats make so little conscience of , that they are ready to fight , and if it lay in their power , to massacre all good christians under the names of horrible schismaticks for only finding fault with their temporal dignities , their unconscionable wealth and revenues , their cruell autority over their brethren that labour in the word , while they sno● in their luxurious excesse . openly proclaming themselvs now in the sight of all men to be those which for a while they fought to cover under sheeps cloathing , ravenous and savage wolves threatning inrodes and bloody incursions upon the flock of christ , which they took upon them to feed , but now clame to devour us their prey . more like that huge dragon of egypt breathing out wast , and desolation to the land , unlesse he were daily fatn'd with virgins blood . him our old patron saint george by his matchlesse valour slew , as the prelat of the garter that reads his collect ● an tell . and if our princes and knights will imitate the same of the t old champion , as by their order of knighthood solemnly taken , they vow , farre be it that they should uphold and side with this english dragon ; but rather to doe as indeed their oath binds them , they should make it their knightly adventure to pursue & vanquish this mighty sailewing'd monster that menaces to swallow up the land , unlesse her bottomlesse gorge may be satisfi'd with the blood of the kings daughter the church ; and may , as she was wont , fill her dark and infamous den with the bones of the saints . nor will any one have reason to think this as too incredible or too tragical to be spok'n of prelaty , if he consider well from what a masse of slime and mud , the sloathful , the covetous and ambitious hopes of church-promotions and fat bishopricks she is bred up and nuzzl'd in , like a great python from her youth , to prove the general poyson both of doctrine and good discipline in the land . for certainly such hopes and such principles of earth as these wherein she welters from a yong one , are the immediat generation both of a slavish and tyranous life to follow , and a p● stiferous contagion to the whole kingdom , till like that fenborn serpent she be shot to death with the darts of the sun , the pure and powerful beams of gods word . and this may serve to describe to us in part , what prelaty hath bin and what , if she stand , she is like to be toward the whole body of people in england . now that it may appeare how she is not such a kind of evil , a● hath any good , or use in it , which many evils have , but a distill'd quintessence , a pure elixar of mischief , pestilent alike to a● i shal shew briefly , ere i conclude , that the prelats , as they are to the subjects a calamity , so are they the greatest underminers and betrayers of the monarch , to whom they seem to be most favourable . i cannot better liken the state and person of a king then to that mighty nazarite samson ; who being disciplin'd from his birth in the precepts and the practice of temperance and sobriety , without the strong drink of injurious and excessive desires , grows up to a noble strength and perfection with those his illustrious and sunny locks the laws waving and curling about his god like shoulders . and while he keeps them about him undiminisht and unshorn , he may with the jaw-bone of an asse , that i● , with the word of his meanest officer suppresse and put to confusion thousands of those that rise against his just power . but laying down his head among the strumpet flatteries of prelats , while he sleeps and thinks no harme , they wickedly shaving off all those bright and waighty tresses of his laws , and just prerogatives which were his ornament and strength , deliver him over to indirect and violent councels , which as those philistims put out the fair , and farre-sighted eyes of his natural discerning , and make him grinde in the prison house of their sinister ends and practices upon him . till he knowing this prelatical rasor to have bereft him of his wonted might , nourish again his puissant hair , the golden beames of law and right ; and they sternly shook , thunder with ruin upon the heads of those his evil counsellors , but not without great affliction to himselfe . this is the sum of their loyal service to kings ; yet these are the men that stil cry the king , the king , the lords anointed . we grant it , and wonder how they came to light upon any thing so true ; and wonder more , if kings be the lords anointed , how they dare thus oyle over and bes● eare so holy an unction with the corrupt and putrid oyntment of their base flatteries , which while they smooth the skin , strike inward and envenom the life blood . what fidelity kings can expect from prelats both examples past , and our present experience of their doings at this day , whereon is grounded all that hath bin said , may suffice to inform us . and if they be such clippers of regal power and shavers of the laws , how they stand affected to the law giving parlament , your selves , worthy peeres and commons , can best testifie ; the current of whose glorious and immortal actions hath bin only oppos'd by the obscure and pernicious design of the prelats : until : their insolen● broke out to such a bold affront , as hath justly immur'd their haughty looks within strong wals . nor have they done any thing of late with more diligence ; then to hinder or break the happy assembling of parlaments , however needfull to repaire the shatter'd and disjoynted frame of the common-wealth , or if they cannot do this , to crosse , to disinable , and traduce all parlamentary proceedings . and this , if nothing else , plainly accuses them to be no lawful members of the house , if they thus perpetually mutine against their own body . and though they pretend like salomons harlot , that they have right thereto , by the same judgement that salomon gave , it cannot belong to them , whenas it is not onely their assent , but their endeavour continually to divide parlaments in twain ; and not only by dividing , but by all other means to abolish and destroy the free use of them to all posterity . for the which and for all their former misdeeds , wherof this book and many volumes more cannot contain the moytie , i shal move yee lords in the behalf i dare say of many thousand good christians , to let your justice and speedy sentence passe against this great malefactor prelaty . and yet in the midst of rigor i would beseech ye to think of mercy ; and such a mercy , i feare i shal overshoot with a desire to save this falling prelaty , such a mercy ( if i may venture to say ● word● ) a● may exceed that which for only ten righteous persons would have sav'd sodom . not that i dare advise ye to contend with god whether he or you shal be more merciful , but in your wise esteems to ballance the offences of those peccant citties with these enormous riots of ungodly mis-rule that prelaty hath wrought both in the church of christ , and in the state of this kingdome . and if ye think ye may with a pious presumption strive to goe beyond god in mercy , i shall not be one now that would dissuade ye . though god for lesse then ten just persons would not spare sodom , yet if you can finde after due search but only one good thing in prelaty either to religion● or civil govern● to king or parliament 〈◊〉 prince or people , to law , liberty , 〈◊〉 learning , spare her , 〈◊〉 her live , let her spread among ye , till with her shadow , all your dignities and honours , and all the glory of the land be darken'd and obscurd . but on the contrary if she be found to be malignant , hostile , destructive to all these , as nothing can be surer , then let your severe and impartial doom imitate the divine vengeance ; rain down your punishing force upon this godlesse and oppressing government : and bring such a dead sea of subversion upon her , that she may never in this land rise more to afflict the holy reformed church , and the elect people of god . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50949e-120 1 tim. 5● zechar. 8. haggai 2. notes for div a50949e-1880 cor. 2. 10. a discourse of episcopacy and sacrilege by way of letter written in 1646 / by richard stewart ... steward, richard, 1593?-1651. 1683 approx. 88 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61495 wing s5519 estc r15105 11924086 ocm 11924086 51001 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61495) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51001) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 515:26) a discourse of episcopacy and sacrilege by way of letter written in 1646 / by richard stewart ... steward, richard, 1593?-1651. [8], 36 p. printed for thomas dring..., london : 1683. "never before printed." reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy. 2003-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-10 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discourse of episcopacy and sacrilege . by way of letter . written in 1646. by richard steward , d. d. clerk of the closet to king charles the first . never before printed . london , printed for thomas dring , at the harrow next chancery-lane end in fleet-street . 1683. the preface . he that will reflect upon the last four years , will scarce believe a prefatory apology needful for printing this discourse : if at present the madness of the people be in some measure stilled , i think it not ill-timed , for i have taken the advantage of a lucid interval , and have offered them reason when they have recovered their senses , though not their temper . it is with them as it is with the restless ocean , posito flatu inquietum mare . so now , though the popular breath of a pretended patriot does not blow hard upon the nation , yet the giddy multitude remain unsettled , and are in great danger of a relaps into the like lunacy . this letter was writ , 't is true , in 46 , but it is exactly calculated for 82. for of late we have only transcribed those times , as if we intended to copy out the iniquities of our fore-fathers . we are now full of murmurings and repinings , the natural product of ease and plenty , being almost tired with too long a happiness , as if we had deflowred our felicity : for though we cry out so loud of grievances , they are most like that of the effeminate sybarite , who , seneca says , saepius questus est quod foliis rosae duplicatis incubuisset . we do not complain because we are really hurt , but because we are too delicate . i may boldly challenge the tenderest person of the discontented party to shew me one princes reign since the conquest , in which the people of england have sat under the shadow of their own vines with less disturbance : but they that make the greatest noise are men that have been rejected by the government , or else persons that would be silenced by preferment , and would willingly lose their tongues with a silver quinzy . there is a pleasant story in the history of great britain of gondemar the spanish embassador and a lady , very applicable to our times . in those days there were some ladies ( who pretended to be wits ) had fair nieces , or daughters , which drew great resort to their houses ; and where company meet , the discourse is commonly of the times . these ladies gondemar sweetned with presents that were too sour in their expressions . he lived at ely-house in holborn ; his passage to the court was ordinarily through drury-lane , and that lane and the strand were the places where most of the gentry lived ; and the ladies as he went knowing his times , would not be wanting to appear at their balconies or windows to present him their civilities , and he would watch for it ; and as he was carried in his litter , or bottomless chair ( the easiest seat for his fistula ) he would strain himself as much as an old man could do to the humblest posture of respect . one day passing by the lady jacobs house in drury-lane , she exposing her self for a salutaion , he was not wanting to her , but she moved nothing but her mouth , gaping wide open upon him . he wondred at the ladys incivility , but thought it might be happily a yawning fit took her at that time , for trial whereof the next day he finds her in the same place , and his courtesies were again accosted with no better expressions than an extended mouth . whereupon he sent a gentleman to her to let her know , that the ladies of england were more gracious to him than to encounter his respects with such affronts . she answered , it was true , he had purchased some of their favours at a dear rate ; and she had a mouth to be stopped as well as others . gondemar finding the cause of the emotion of her mouth , sent her a present , which cured her of that distemper . we find this gaping-sickness is broke out afresh in our times , but it is grown much worse ; for we are not only troubled with a silent extension of the jaws , but it is attended with horrid yellings against evil counsellors , when under that appellation we would extort from our king his dearest friends . neither has the king only been remotely attacqued in his ministers of state , but the mercenary scriblers of the age have blasphemed him in their prints . what swarms of written lampoons besides have crept abroad , some writ by wretches cursed with a wit too good , since they employ their talents only to commit an ingenious iniquity . alexander thought it too great at priviledge for every common hand to pourtraict majesty , and therefore established that liberty by a law to none but famed apelles : had he lived in our days , when princes sit to every drunken poet , who purposely deforms his soveraign , he had been impatient of so high an indignity : but now treason is uttered under the strong protection of a rhime , and he passes for the greatest wit , whose talent 't is to fling the filthiest dirt in the face of gods anointed . my blood has oft grown warm at the repetition of a modish libel , to see how it has tickled the conceits of empty fops , whose parts could reach no higher , than to understand the fulsome ribaldry : for if there chanced to be any quaint conceit , that was but lost to their pert dulness , and pass'd by with an ignorant silence . he that will burlesque his prince , and suits reproaches to the genius of the age , must please by a gross and naked obscenity : for men are come to that unnatural dyscrasie as to relish or digest nothing but poyson , and keck , and vomit when you offer to their filthy stomacks a wholsom and a cleanly banquet . the strumpet-muse of these our modish poets was bred up in stews , and brothels , and by her language she betrays her education . they know not how to reach the noble heights of a civil well writ poem , but grow weary of unaccustomed goodness if once they dare to undertake that task , for then their parts are overcome , being not befriended , with those baser helps of speaking those things that most men blush to hear . unhappy is that state where princes faults are made the pastime of buffoons ; they are the common calamities of the nation , and every subject should become a penitent when the king 's a sinner , for they provoke heavens vengeance by their representative , and often feel the punishments that result from his iniquities . quicquid delirant reges plectuntur achivi . but if this consideration cannot restrain this incontinency of rhiming , but their debauched fancies will still make majesty the subject of their droll , publick authority , it is to be hoped , will correct these poetical traytors ; and if they cannot be taught better religion , they will be forced to better manners . i must confess i have ventured to censure this as an immortality , and as an innovated crime of latter ages ; but i find in a modern author , it is a christian liberty of great antiquity ; for he has run it up so high , that i was in great dread that he would have proved it of apostolical institution . but it seems it was certainly in practice amongst the primitive christians at antioch , whose example he does alledge for its justification ; for he says , they lampoon'd the beard of the emperour iulian , and burlesqued his princely whiskers . surely this instance serves much better to prove the lawfulness of reviling the king , than to confute the doctrine of passive obedience . but yet this revolted divine would pass for a true son of the church of england , though he renounces her doctrine and practice ; for he is very angry she will furnish her magazines with no other weapons than tears and prayers , for he thinks he could manage a carnal sword for preferment much better than a spiritual , and for that reason likes the alcoran beyond the gospel . i know he blames our saviour in 's heart for commanding st. peter to put up his sword , and for not making use of those many legions of angels that would gladly have rescued him from the iews . but alas ! this son lyes in his mothers bosom only to betray her , and stays in the vineyard , for the same reason the boar does , that he may have the better conveniency of rooting of it up . i know how unpalatable a doctrine is maintained in this discourse , but though , like the best physick , it be bitter , it is wholsome , and will certainly cure the divisions of the church , for they can have no pretence to quarrel episcopacy , if once they be perswaded that the government by bishops is iure divino . neither do i believe the notion of sacriledge will have a better taste in their mouths ; for it will not be worth while to pull down the bishops if the church-lands cannot be shared , god almighty being the real proprietor . i hope this little book may convince some of their errors , but if not , i am sure it will confirm those that have embraced the truth . sir , you have put an odd task upon me , in commanding my judgment on a letter lately sent to a doctor in oxon , with a commission to shew it to my lord dorset , and to as many more as own reason and honesty ; for thus it is in the post-script , and many like passages more in the letter : as , that the more wise and honest party would make use of that reason , &c. and i know you to be too great a master of reason to be unsatisfied , which makes me fear , if perhaps i should dissent in opinion from this epistler , i might be thought ( at least in his conceit ) to incur a sharp censure both of reason and honesty ; which ( i confess ) at first somewhat troubled me , till i remembred you were wont to say , that when once vessels make such noises as these , it was a shrewd sign they were empty . he who wrote the letter seems most desirous of peace , and truly so am i. besides , we agree in this , that we must not commit sin for a good cause : so that if peace it self cannot be obtained without that guilt , we must be content with a worse estate . but you very well know , with how many several deceits our affections can mislead our reason ; you remember who it was that said it to the very face of a prophet , i have kept the commandments of the lord : and yet his sin remained a great sin still , and much the worse because he excused it ; for his guilt is less , that commits a sin only , than his that undertakes to defend it ; because this cuts off all repentance , nay , it makes a sin grow up to that more wicked height of a scandal ; and so it is not only a snare to the sinner himself , but it warrants many more to be sinful . whether this oxford-londoner ( for so i take this epistler to be ) hath not defended or made apologies for sin , and hath not in that sense done evil , that good may come thereof , i am now to make enquiry ; and i shall follow him in his two generals . 1. the delivering up of the kings friends , whom they above call evill counsellors . and , 2. in the business of the church . 1. for the kings friends he sayes . i know not how you can with reason gain-say the bringing of an offender to iustice. indeed nor i neither , but what if they be not offenders ? what if they be brought to injustice ? i know no man will refuse to be judged by a parliament , whose undoubted head , is the king sitting there with an unquestioned negative ; nay , for his majesty to refer deliquents to be judged by the house of peers sitting in a parliament , and judging according to the know laws of the realm , is that at least which in my opinion will be stuck at . but the parliaments prerogative which this letter speaks of , being now so extended , we have cause to think it is a doubt in this case ; whether not only in point of honour , but in point of justice and conscience , the king for his own peace , can leave his friends to such men , whom he is bound by so many grand ties to protect . but this , sir , i shall commit to you to determine ; and if you return me a negative , i shall not presume to question either your reason or honesty . nor shall i perswade the kings friends that they should banish themselves , unless it were to do that great favour to the two houses of westminster , as to keep them from some future inhumane act of oppression and blood , because they shall have none left to act them on . 2. for the business of the church , which he again divides into two parts . 1. that of episcopacy . 2. that of sacriledge . in those , sir , i shall speak with less hesitation , and clearly tell you the epistler is quite out ; and though you know me a great honourer of your profession , yet i cannot hold it fit for you to decide cases of conscience , or in humane actions to tell us , what is sin , or not sin : and i am confident , sir , you will not take this ill at my hands . 1. for episcopacy , his words are , if i mistake not ( and if i do , i pray you inform me ) the opinion , that the government by bishops is jure divino , hath but lately been countenanced in the church of england , and that but by some few of the more lordly clergy . these last words makes me suspect some passion in the writer , as being in scorn heretofore taken up by men , who for a long time were schismaticks in heart , and are now rebels in their actions . and since the laws of the land makes some church-men lords , i do the more marvel , that the epistler , who seems so zealous for the laws , should be angry at that . so that though his profession be that he has undergone labours and hazards for the episcopal government ; yet truly sir , i must think that it is then only fit for the church to give him thanks , when she has done all her other business . but grant the tenent to be but of late countenanced , it thence follows not , that it is any whit the less true : for in respect of the many hundred years of abuse , the reformation was but lately countenanced , and yet i take it for an unquestionable truth , that the laity ought to have the cup ; and though i was not desired to reform the epistlers errors , yet in charity i shall tell him he is out , when he affirms , that this opinion was but of late countenanced in the church , as i could shew out of archbishop whitgift , by bishop bilson , and divers others . and since perhaps he might think these to be men of the more lordly clergy , i shall name one more who may stand for many , and who wrote forty years since , that most excellent man mr. hooker ( a person of incomparable learning , and of as much modesty , who , i dare be bold to say , never once dreamed of a rochet ) he avers in clear terms . there are at this day in the church of england , no other than the same degrees of ecclesiastical order ; namely bishops , presbyters and deacons , who had their beginning from christ and his blessed apostles themselves ; or as he expounds himself , bishops and presbyters are , and by christ himself in the apostles , and seventy , and then deacons by the apostles . i may add bucer too ( no man i am sure of the lordly clergy ) who though he was not english born , yet he was professour here in king edwards time , and wrote , and dyed in this kingdom . bishops ( saith he ) are ex perpetua ecclesiarum ordinatione ab ipsis jam apostolis ; and more , visum est spiritui sancto ; and surely , if bishops be from the apostles , and from the holy spirit himself , they are by divine ordination . nay , what think you , if this tenent be approved by a plain act of parliament ? i hope then it wants no countenancer england can give it , and it needs not fly for shelter under the wings of the lordly clergy . you have these words in the books of consecration of archbishops and bishops , which is confirmed by parliament : it is evident to all men reading holy scripture and ancient authors , that from the apostles time , there have been these orders of ministers in christs church , bishops , priests , and deacons . and again , the prayer in the form of consecrating bishops — almighty god , giver of all good things , which by thy holy spirit hast appointed divers orders of ministers in thy church ; mercifully behold this thy servant now called to the work and ministry of a bishop . and in the question to the person to be consecrated bishop , are you perswaded you be called truly to this ministration , according to the will of the lord iesus christ , &c. i beseech you sir , consider , whether these words , or the prayer , could fall from any man not possessed with this tenent , that episcopacy is of divine right : for if the three orders may be found by reading scripture , together with antient authors ; if men are taught to pray , that god by his spirit hath appointed divers orders in his church , and this made the ground of praying for the present bishop ; if the person to be consecrated must profess , that he is called according to the will of our lord jesus christ : either all this must be nothing but pure pageantry , and then the parliament mocked god by their confirmation ; or else episcopacy is grounded on scripture , is appointed by the spirit of god , is according to the will of our lord jesus , and all this hath not been said of late , and countenanced only by some , &c. and we have the less reason to doubt , that this tenent was countenanced in this church of ours , because we find it desired in those parts that have lost episcopacy . for we are told by doctor charelton ( after bishop of chichester , one that writ against the arminians ) more than twenty-five years since , that sitting at dort , he there protested in open synod , that christ ordained no parity , but made twelve apostles the chief ; so under them the seventy disciples , then bishops succeeded the twelve , and presbyters the seventy disciples . he affirmed this order had still been maintained in the church , and then challenged the judgment of any learned man that could speak to the contrary : their answer was silence , which was approbation enough . but after ( saith he ) discoursing with divers of the best learned of the synod , he told them how necessary bishops were to suppress the then rising schisms . their answers were , that they did honour & much reverence that good order and discipline of the church of england , and with all their hearts would be glad to have it established amongst them , but that could not be hoped for in their estate ; their hope was , that seeing they could not be what they desired , god would be merciful to them that did what they could . if they hoped for mercy to pardon what they did , sure they must suppose that what they did was sinful ; nay , they thought their necessity it self could not totally excuse that sin ; for then in that particular there had been no need of mercy . nor could they well think otherwise , for being pressed , they denied not but that episcopacy was of christs own institution , and yet they were not lordly clergy . nor do i well see how either by charitable or civil men , they can at all be taxed either for want of reason or honesty . but this londoner goes on , and proves this tenent , could not be here countenanced ; for we alwayes allowed the protestants of germany , the low countrys , &c. part of the reformed catholick-church , though they had no bishops . the reformed catholick protestant-church , a pretty expression , just like that so well known , the roman-catholick church , which we were wont to call a popish solecisme , an universal particular . but wee 'l forgive him this slip : suppose his sence be well worded , yet he has as ill luck in his argument as his expression . for though we do maintain , that episcopacy is of divine right ( i. e. ) of divine institution ; does it then follow , that germany and the low countrys are no protestant churches , or no part of the catholick church . i could almost believe , that the author of this letter writ from london indeed , for sure oxford makes no such arguments . no , it must be a crime of most horrid nature , that makes a church run in non ecclesiam : for though that of the iews was bad , idolatrically bad ; yet god seriously professes , he had sent her no bill of divorce . nay , no learned man of judgment durst ever yet affirm , that the romaen church her self ; was become no true part of the church catholick ; and yet she breaks a flat precept of christs ; drink ye all of this . and shall we be thought to deny the same right unto christians without bishops , when they brake but christ's institutions ? no! churches they are , true parts of the catholick church , but in point of ordination and apostolical government they are not : and to affirm this , will ( i hope ) he thought ( i am assured by learned men ) neither irrational nor unhonest . he goes on — i am certain the king would never have have way for extirpation of bishops in scotland , had he conceived them to be jure divino . grant it were so ; yet of all mankind , are kings only bound that they must not change their opinions ? or if perhaps they have done ill , must they for their repentance be far more reproached than subjects for their crimes ? the king would not have given way to presbyterians and independents to exercise religion here in their own way ( as by his late engagement ) when such a toleration in the face of a divine law must needs be sinful . there is a great mistake in this argument ; for , to tolerate , doth not at all signify either to approve or commend factions ; neither of which the king could at all do to gross schismatiques without sin : but it meerly implyes not to punish , which kings may forbear upon just reason of state , as david forbare the punishing of ioabs murther ( i say , in person he forbare , though he bequeathed it to his son ) : and we our selves in our english state , have no punishment for all kind of lyars , and yet their sin is against a flat law divine ; and we should not be still vexed with so much poetical-news , had we sanction made that might prohibit and punish them . and now sir , i conceive , you think that what the londoner hath said , in this point , amounts to just nothing ; yet , since you would needs enjoyn me , to acquaint you with the state and grounds of the tenent he is pleased to deride , i shall readily obey you ; for truly sir , i have ever held you a gentleman of a pious inclination , and am confident you will welcome truth for his sake who is truth , though it should cross both your gain and peace . indeed , this tenent of divine right of episcopacy hath been long since , and of late much years opposed ; as on the one side by the pope and his party in the council of trent , and after that by some warmer iesuites ; so on the other side by schismatiques and sectaries , that call themselves of the reformation . and i remember you and i were oft wont to say , that commonly the truth ( our english churches tenents ) lay in the midst between those , and did seem the more christian , because they were crucified oft between two such kind of thieves . we affirm then , episcopacy to be of divine right , ( i. e. ) of divine institution , and that must needs imply a divine precept too ; for to what end are things instituted by god , but that it is presumed it is our part to use them ? to what end should some men be appointed to teach and to govern , but that it is clearly implyed there are other men too , who ought both to hear and obey them ? he that erects a bridge over a broad swelling stream , needs not ( you will think ) add any express command , that men should not hazzard drowning by going into the water . thus when our blessed saviour made his institution of that great sacrament the eucharist , he gave command indeed concerning the bread , do this in remembrance , &c. and concerning the cup , drink ye all of this ; but he gave no express command to do both these together , and yet his institution hath been ever held to have the nature of a command : and so for one thousand years the whole christian church did ever practise it , save only in some few cases , in which men supposed a kind of necessity . i say then , episcopacy is of divine right , instituted by christ in his apostles ; who , since they took upon them to ordain and govern churches , you need not doubt they received from their master an authority to do both ; for sure men will not think they will break their own rules : no man takes this upon him , but he that was called of god , as was aaron . episcopacy then was instituted in the apostles , who were bishops , and aliquid amplius , and distinguished by christ himself from the seventy , who were the presbyters , so the most antient fathers generally : or , if you will take st. ieroms opinion ( who neither was a bishop , nor in his angry mood any good friend to that order ) they were instituted by the apostles , who being episcopi & amplius did in the latter time formalize , and bound out that power which we do still call episcopacy , and so these received opinions may well stand together ; for episcopatus being in apostulatu , tanquam consulatus in dictatura , as the latter and subordinate power is alwayes in the greater ; we may truly say , it was instituted by christ in his apostles , who had episcopal power and more , and then formalized , and bounded by the apostles themselves , in the persons of timothy , titus , and others ; so that call the episcopal order either of divine right or apostolical institution , and i shall not at all quarrel with it , for apostolical ( i hope ) will seem divine enough to christians : i am sure claudius salmasius thinks so ( a sharp enemy to the episcopal order ) if ( saith he ) it be from the apostles , it is of divine right . thus we find the power of ordination and jurisdiction , to be given to those men alone , for then that power is properly episcopal , when one man alone may execute it . so st. paul to timothy , lay hands , &c. in the singular number , against an elder receive not an accusation under two or three witnesses , 1 tim. 5. 19. and then the text is plain , he and he alone might do it . so to titus , for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou ( and thou alone ) shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city . where plainly these two powers are given to one man of government and ordination , so st. iohn to the seven churches of asia , rev. 14. where he presumes all the governing power to reside in the angels of those churches , and in them alone , as all the antients understand it . and hence it is plain that though we should yield , that the apostles only did institute bishops ; yet in this revelation christ himself immediately in his own person , and the holy spirit withall did both approve and confirm them : and the bishops of those sees are called angels by st. iohn who was born a iew , because in palestine their chief priests were there called their angels , and so this appellation was taken up by the apostle in that place , because those were the chief of those churches . this truth appears not only from cleare texts , but from the universal consent and practise of more than one thousand five hundred years space of all the christian churches ; so that neither st. ierom nor any other ancient did either hold orders lawfully given , which were not given by a bishop , nor any church-jurisdiction to be lawfully administred , which was not either done by their hands , or ( at least ) by their deputation . i know there are men lately risen up especially in the last century , who have collected and spread abroad far other conclusions , and that from the authority of text it self : but as it is a maxime in humane laws , consuetudo optima legum interpres ; so no rational man but will easily yield , it as well holds in lawes divine . for i would gladly ask , what better way there can be for interpreting texts , than that very same means whereby i know text to be text , to wit , the consent of the church . shall i believe , and yet disbelieve that self-same consent , which is the best ground of my belief ? this is as 't were to say , that i believe such a tale for the authors sake , who hath told it , and yet now i do hold the self-same man to be a lyar. men do believe the testimony of universal consent , in the sense it gives of singular terms , and why not in the sense it gives of sentences and propositions ? without the help of this consent ( which indeed is the ground of our dictionaries ) how shall we know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the resurrection of the body , which the socinians at this day deny ? and i know no such way to confute their errour as by the authority of this consent . admit then of that rule that consent universal is the best interpreter of the text , and then i am sure , that it is as clear as true , that episcopacy is of divine or apostolical right . and that proposition , there can be no ordination without the hands of a bishop , will clearly appear to be as well grounded as this . there can be no baptism without a lawful minister , which yet is good divinity amongst our new masters in scotland , and antiquity allowed it , extra casum necessitatis ; for i ask upon what text do they ground this rule ? i suppose they will say upon our saviours words , go teach all nations and baptize them ; but in the institution of the eucharist , he spake those words too , but only to the twelve , drink , &c. mat. 26. i demand then , how shall we know that when our saviour spake those words to the eleven , he spake them only as to lawful ministers , but when he spake the other to the twelve , he spake them at large as to them that did represent all christian men ? so that though only ministers may baptize , yet all christians may receive the cup ? perhaps they l say , that this general receiving the cup is manifest from the 1 cor. 11. ( and i think so too ) where st. paul seems to chide the whole church for their irreverence at the sacrament : but if a quarreller should reply , that he there speaks but of the presbitery only , whereof many were at that time at corinth , as when in chap. 5. he seems to chide the whole church for not excommunicating the incestuous person ; yet t is plain , that he means none but the men in government ( as sure all presbyterians will allow me . ) i know not what could be said , but to make it appear out of the fathers and others , that the whole christian church never took the words in that sence . and if to stop the mouth of the contentious , we must be constrained to quote the authority of universal consent , and of the common practise of christs church , then you 'l easily see , that those two propositions named , do stand fast on the same bottom . there can be no baptism without a lawful minister extra casum necessitatis , for so the practise and consent of universal church have still interpreted that text. and again , 't is true there can be no ordination without the hands of a bishop , for so those texts out of timothy and titus have been understood and practised for one thousand five hundred years together , by the consent of the whole church of christ. 't is true that this precept of christ , go ye , teach all nations , and baptize them , runs not in exclusive words , ye apostles , or ye lawful ministers , and none else ; yet extra casum necessitatis , none was allowed but a lawful minister : so that though those commands , lay hands suddainly on no man , and do thou ordain elders in every city , run not in verbis exclusivis , thou and none but thou , or men of thine order only , yet the church understanding , and preaching them in an exclusive sense , no man for one thousand and five hundred years in any setled church , was held rightly ordained without , the hands of a bishop . nay , that there is something divine in the episcopal order , will appear clearly by this ; that immediately from the times of christ and his apostles , yea within the reach of those times , it was universally spread throughout the whole church ; so that no man can name a nation , that was once converted to the christian faith , but he shall soon find there were bishops . so that there must needs have been an universal cause for an effect that was so universal . general council there was none about it , at which all christians might have met , and might thence have obeyed their directions : nor can any name a power to which all christians would submit ( for they were soon fallen into factions ) but either the authority of christ or his apostles ; from them then must needs flow the episcopal order , and at that fountain i shall leave it : i say within the reach of the apostles times , for before st. iohn dyed , there are upon good church records above twenty-eight bishops appointed to their several sees , as at ierusalem , alexandria , antioch , rome , ephesus , crete , athens , colosse , and divers others , a catalogue whereof i shall be ready to attend you with , when you shall be pleased to command it . and hence it will be plain , how great a corruption , nay how flat a sin is brought into christs church , when episcopacy is thrown down , and so where ordination is performed by any hands without theirs , 't is as gross as if the laymen should be allowed to baptize where a presbyter stands by . nay more , 't is as bad , as if the order of presbytery should be thrown down , that laymen might baptize . what is this but wilfully to run into necessity , which may thence create an apology ? 't is a corruption far worse , than if a church should audaciously attempt to put down the lords day , since the observation of that time is neither built on so clear a text , nor on the help of so universal consent as is the order of episcopacy . so that if men can think it sinful to part with the lords day , though the institution of it be merely apostolical ; they must needs confess , that there is at least as much sin ( nay indeed more ) in parting with their bishops : and then the oxford doctrine he abuses , and talks of as transmitted for orthodox truth , will ( it seems ) prove no less in earnest . secondly , for the point of sacriledge ; and the better to clear this , i must premise these directions . 1. that god accepts of things given him , and so holds a propriety as well in the new as old testament . 2. that god gets that propriety in those things he holds , as well by an acceptation of what is voluntarily given , as by a command that such things should be presented unto him. 3. to invade those things , be they moveable or unmovable , is expresly the sin of sacriledge . 4. that this sin is not only against gods positive , but plainly against the moral-law . for the first , i quote this text , i hangred , and ye gave me meat , i thirsted , &c. mat. 25. if christ do not accept of these things , he might say indeed , that you offered me meat ; but he cannot say , that you gave it , for a present , is then only to be called a gift , when it is accepted as his own that takes it . and doth he thus accept of meat and cloathing , and doth he not accept of those kind of endowments , that bring both those to perpetuity ? will he take meat , and refuse revenues ? doth he like ( can you imagine ) to be fed and cloathed to day , and in danger to be starved to morrow ? the men thus provided for , he calls no less than his brethren , in as much as you have done it , &c. whether those were of those brethren which he enjoyned to teach others , or of those he would have instructed , the text then doth not decide : without doubt it must be meant of both , for 't were a strange thing to affirm , that christ likes it extream well , to be fed and cloathed in all those he calleth his , but only in the twelve and seventy . but to put it out of doubt , that what is done to these , is done to him too , his own words are very clear , he that receiveth you , receiveth me ( you teaching disciples ) in the work of the gospel , when he sends them forth to preach ; and that reception implys all such kind of provision , as is apparent throughout the whole tenour of that chapter . and again , i quote that so well known passage of ananias , and saphira his wife , acts 5. his sin was , he kept part of the price of those lands he had given to god , for the publick use of christ's church ; they were given to god , and 't is as plain god did accept them . for st. peter ( you know ) thus reproves him , why hast thou lyed , or why hast thou deceived the holy ghost ? for so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth properly import ; why dost thou so cheat him of what is now his proper right ? and again , thou hast not lyed unto men , but unto god , ver . 4. and is this so strange a thing ? are our lyes to be accounted sins before god ? yes , all against god , as a witness and a judge , but not all as a party : and so this is a more remarkable , a more signal lye. thou hast not lyed to man , a negative of comparison , not so much to man , as to god ; what 's done to them is scarce worth the naming : but thou hast lyed to god as a witness , and a judge , and a party too : thou hast lyed , and robbed god by lying , and so run thy self into a most horrible sin , and it shall appear in god's judgment : so the fathers generally expound the place , both of the greek and latine church ; and affirm , his crime was a robbing of god of that wealth , which by vow or promise was now become god's propriety ; so the modern interpreters ; so calvin , sacrum esse deo profitebatur ; and beza , praedium dco consecrassent ; and he that will not believe so universal consent in the interpreting of a place of scripture , should do well to consider , whether on the same ground ( as i told you before ) he may not be brought to doubt of his dictionary ( for that 's but universal consent ) he may as well almost doubt , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify god , and altogether as well , whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify the gospel . the new-testament will afford more places for that purpose , rom. 2. 22. thou that abhorrest idols , committest thou sacriledge ? 't is true , these words are spoken , as to the person of an unconverted iew ; and may be therefore thought to aim only at those sins which were against the law of moses : but do but view st. paul's way of arguing , and you shall find quickly they come home to us too . he there tells the iew , that he taught others those things which yet he would not do himself ; and he strives to make this good , by three several instances : first , thou that preachest a man should not steal , dost thou steal ? secondly , not commit adultery , dost thou commit adultery ? in both which , 't is plain , that the iew he dealt with , did the same thing he reprehended ; and straitway the third comes , thou that abhorrest idols , dost thou commit sacriledge ? so that hence will follow ( if st. paul's words have any logick in them ) that these two sins are of the self-same nature too ; and that to commit sacriledge , is a breach of the same law as to commit idolatry : so that this crime will appear without all doubt , a plain robbing of god. for he that steals from men , yea , though a whole community of men ; yet he sins but against his neighbour , 't is but an offence against the second table of the law : but sacriledge layes hold on those things which the latine laws call bona nullius , it strikes down right immediately at god ; and in that regard no idolatry can can do it ; 't is a breach of the first table of the law ; and both these crimes are equally built on the self-same contempt of god. the offender in both kinds , the idolater , and the sacrilegious person both think meanly of him. the first conceives he will patiently look on , while his honour is shared to an idol ; the other imagines he will be as unconcerned , though his goods be stolen to his face . this was , without doubt , the sence of all the ancient church ; for upon what grounds could they profess they gave gifts to god , but only that they presumed , that god was pleased to accept them . so saith irenaeus , we offer unto god our goods , in token of thankfulness . so origen , by gifts to god , we acknowledge him lord of all. so the fathers generally : so emperors and kings : so charles the great , to god we offer , which we deliver to his church , in his well known capitulary ; and our own kings have still spoken in this good old christian language ; we have granted to god , for us , and our heirs for ever , that the church of england shall be free , and have her whole rights and liberties inviolable : they are the first words of our magna charta ; her whole rights and liberties ; words of a very large extent , that imply far more than her substance , and yet these , and all these lands , honours , and jurisdictions , all these have been given to god ; yea , and frequently confirmed by the publick acts of this kingdom . and if ananias might thus promise , & yet rob god ; i beseech you sir consider , whether england may not do so too . for the second , 't is plain in the text , that god did as much take the temple to be his , as he did the iews tythes and offerings ; these last indeed were his by special and express law and command , 2 sam. 7. but the temple was the voluntary design of king david , and the voluntary work of king solomon . nay , god expresly tells david , that he had been so far from commanding that house , that he had not so much as asked this service . and therefore st. paul , in his apology , tells the iews , neither against the laws of the jews , nor against the temple , have i offended any thing , act. 25. 8 for he might in some cause offend against the temple , and yet not against the law : notwithstanding god pleads as much for his temple in the prophet haggai , as he doth in malachi , for his tythes and offerings . in this , his words are — ye have robbed me in tythes and offerings . in the other — is it time for you , o ye , to dwell in cieled houses , and this house lie waste ? therefore ye have sown much , and bring in little ; ye eat , but ye have not enough . and to affirm in the new testament , that god doth accept of meat , drink , and cloathing as is plain ; of money , for which the land was sold , as in the case of ananias : and yet he doth not accept of land it self , is so contrary to all reason , so contrary to the practice not only of the christian , but of the heathen world ; so contrary to what god himself hath expressed in the old testament , and no where recalled in the new ; that he which can quiet conscience with such conceits as these , may ( i doubt not ) attain to the discovery of some evasions , which , in his conceit , may palliate murther or adultery ; or to think those possessions are indeed gods which he commands , but not those which he accepts , is to use god so , as we would neither use our selves , nor our neighbours : for no man doubts , but that 's as properly mine which i accept , as what i attain to by my own personal acquisition , be it by a just way , by study , by merchandize , &c. for the third : sacriledge is then committed , ( say the schools and casuists , and they speak in their own profession ) quando reverentia rei sacrae debita violatur ; when we violate the reverence due to a thing sacred , by turning it into a thing profane , so that this violation may be committed either per furtum , strictly so taken , by stealing a thing moveable ; or , per plagium , by stealing of a man ; or , per invasionem , by spoiling men of lands or things immoveable : for as any one of these done against our neighbour , is , no doubt , in scripture phrase theft , a sin against the eighth precept ; so done against god , 't is no doubt a sacriledge , and a breach of the table , be it against the first or second commandment , i stand not now to dispute . thus the word in the new testament to express this sin , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praeda , or spolium so that sacriledge is not only to be defined by stealth strictly taken , but 't is a depredation , a spoliation of things consecrated ; and so the word extends it self as properly ( it not more ) to lands , as to things moveable . and hence aquinas is plain , that sacriledge reaches out its proper sense — ad ea quae deputata sunt ad sustentationem ministrorum , sive mobilia , sive immobilia : for 't would be very strange to affirm , that in the sacking of ierusalem , nebuchadnezzar was sacrilegious , when he transported the holy vessels ; but not at all , when he burnt the temple . for the fourth : common reason hath taught all , even the pagan nations , to hold sacriledge a sin ; so that lactantius observes , ( and he was well read in humane learning ) and therefore chosen tutor to a son of constantine the great : in omni religione nihil tale sine vindicta ; god will remarkably revenge this sin , not only in the true , but amongst men of the most false religions . and 't were easie to shew , that no nation did ever yet adore a god , but they thought he did accept them , and possess himself of some substance ; i omit those proofs that would be thought too tedious , 't is enough to quote the prophet's words which he speaks to the iews . will a man rob god ? yet ye have robbed me , malachi 3. 8. a man , any man , though an amorite , or a meer philistine , a pagan , ( that must be the sense ) will not do that to his god , which you iews do to me : for the law written in his heart , ( and he can go by no other ) that law controlleth this offence , and so plainly tells him , that because his god may be robbed , or despoiled , he may therefore have a property . and if sacriledge be a sin against the law moral , 't will follow , that what we read in the old testament against that sin , must be as moral ( and that whereby we christians are as much obliged ) as what we read against theft or adultery : save only these passages which are peculiarly proper unto the policy of the iews , and we may let them go for judicial . these directions premised , i return to this epistler , who conceives it no sacriledge to take away church-lands . — nor do i ( saith he ) ground my opinion barely upon the frequent practice of former times not only upon acts of parliament , ( in the times of queen elizabeth , king james , and king charles , if you have not forgotten the exchange of durham-house , as well as hen. 8. ) but even by the bishops themselves , &c. he will not ground his opinion upon bare practice , and indeed he hath little reason for it ; for if from a frequent practice of sin , we might conclude it were no sin , we might take our leaves of the decalogue and ( as our new masters do ) put it out of our directory , because our intent is to sin it down . and therefore i shall say no more of such laws of hen. 8. than i would of david's adultery , that it is no ground at all to make men bold with other mens wives . queen elizabeth made a law , ( so you have told me , sir for i speak nothing in this kind but from you ) that bishops might not alienate their castles , mannors , &c. but only to the crown : but if she sometimes took order that churchmen should not be bishops , till they had first made such alienations , ( as i have oft heard you say she did ) i know not how to defend it , but must withall tell you , that if prince or subjects resolve to sell the church preferments , it is great odds but in a clergy consisting of ten thousand persons , they shall have chapmen for them . for king iames , i must highly commend that most christian prince , you say amongst his first laws took away that of queen elizabeth . nor can i well tell when this epistler doth quote king charles for this purpose , unless it were only for the alienation of york-house ; but i must inform him that that act was lawful , because it was for the advantage of that archiepiscopal see , there being clear text for it , that the levites themselves might change that which was theirs by divine law , so they gained by permutation ; and this answer will serve for what king charles did about durham-house . but he thinks it an argument — that by the bishops themselves , deans and chapters , such things were done , alienations were made , long leases were granted . true , sir , for these clergymen were but men , and their sins can no more abrogate law , than can the sins of the layety ; yet i could name you churchmen of great note , who totally refused to be preferred by that queen to any bishoprick at all , because they would by no means submit their conscience to the base act of such alienations , and one of them was bishop andrews . i could tell you too , that those long leases he speaks of , had one cause more than the marriage of the clergy ; for when they saw a stool of wickedness set up , of sacrilegious wickedness , that imagined mischief by a law ; some , not the most men , thought it fit to make those long leases , that the estate of the church might appear more poor , and so the less subject unto harpies , and then their hope was , that at the length ( at least after many years spent ) it might return whole unto the successors . he goes on — but to deal clearly with you , sir , i do not understand how there can be any sacriledge , ( properly so called ) which is not a theft , and more , viz. a theft of something dedicated to holy vse , ( a communion cup , for instance , or the like ) and theft , you know , must be of things moveable , even by the civil law ; and how theft can be of lands or sacriledge by alienating church-lands , i pray ask your friend holborne , and his fellow-lawyers , for ours here deride us for the question ? — it seems they are very merry at london , or at least this epistler thinks so ; for being winners , he might perhaps conceive they make themselves pleasant with a feather ; and that this argument is as light a thing , appear'd before by my 3 d answer . for can any man think ( in earnest ) that 't is sacriledge ( and so a sin ) to take away a cup from a church , but 't is none to take away a mannor ? as if ahab had been indeed a thief , had he robbed naboth of his grapes ? but elijah was too harsh when he talked to that good king , because he only took away his vineyards . indeed there is such a nicety in the civil law , that actio facti lies only against him that hath stolen rem mobilem ; for iustinian ( it seems ) in the composition of his digests , ( which he took from the writing of the old iuris prudentis ) thought it fit to follow vlpian's judgment ; and yet sabinus in his book de furtis , ( a man of note amongst those men ) was known to be of another opinion — non tantùm rerum moventium . sed fundi & aedium fieri furtum . i would gladly know of this epistler , whether he thinks all men , both divines and others , bound to frame all the phrases of their speech , according to the criticisms of the civil law , as it is now put out by iustinian ? if not , why may not some use the word furtum in sabinus's sense , as well as others may in vlpian's , and then sacriledge may be properly a theft , and as properly in immoveables ; or if we must needs speak in your sense whom iustinian hath approved , i do not well see how a man can spoil the church of her lands , and at the civil law 'scape an action of theft ; for it lies against him that takes the trees , fruits , and stones . and i am confident there 's no church-robber , but he intends to make use of those kind of moveables ; otherwise , what good will his church-land do him ? and if he make this use , a thief he is in the civil law phrase ; and then in the sense of this epistler himself , he is without doubt a sacrilegious person . but where ( i wonder ) did the londoner learn that furtum strictè sumptum , was that genus of sacriledge ? so that where there is no theft in the civil law sense , there is none of this kind of sin. i am sure 't is neither intimated by the greek , nor latine word , nor ( i believe ) delivered by any learned author on this subject : so that i must set down an assertion , and ( i conceive well grounded too ) point blank against this londoner , and affirm there may be a sacriledge properly so called , whch is not a theft in the civil law sense ; which has been proved in the 3 d affertion , and need not trouble sir r. holborne , ( that learned gentleman may have other business ) nor his fellow-lawyers : for i doubt not there are enough besides who will here smile at this passage , and will think that this epistler hath met with a civil law quirk , which he knew not well how to wield : but , to say truth , he deals clearly with the doctor , and tells him , that for his particular , he doth not yet understand , which for my part i do believe , and do only wonder , that he would laugh at another , in a point he could no better satisfie him in . he goes on — the hyre of a labourer at most as sitting maintenance , is all that can be challenged . but the maintenance must be honourable , or else we christians , use god like no other men , far worse , i am sure , than do pagans . and when such a maintenance hath been once given in lands , the acceptation of it will soon make the gift immoveable ; so that it signifies little , to say the apostle had no lands , for they who had the money for lands sold , might ( no man will doubt ) have still kept the lands , had they liked them : but the church being in her persecution , the disciples were to flie , and lands , we know , are no moveables . and 't were very strange , if not ridiculous , to affirm , that ananias and his wife sinned , in taking back what they had promised ; but if in specie they had given those lands , they might have revoked that gift without sacriledge . he proceeds — which i mention , to avoid the groundless arguments upon the lands and portions allotted to the tribe of levi by god's appointment , to whom our ministers have no succession . our ministers challenge nothing which belonged to the tribe by levitical right , but where things are once given to god for the use of his ministers , they there get a moral interest ; and what we read of this kind in the old testament , doth as much oblige christians , as if it were in the new. and then 't will follow , that they enjoy your lands by the same law of the state as others do , and must be subject to that law which alone gives strength to their title . out toto coelo ! have churchmen no title to those possessions they enjoy , but by the law of this land alone ? yes , besides these , they have christ's acceptation , and so they are become theirs by law evangelical ; their lands are god's own propriety , and so they hold them from him by the law moral too . and therefore though by the new constitution of the laws of the land , they hold estates in fee simply , and so may alienate , without punishment from the law of england ; yet they cannot do it without guilt of sin , as being a breach of the law evangelical and moral , except then only when they better themselves by some gainful , at least not hurtful permutation . besides , were this argument good , it would only follow , that the clergy by their own , yet might alienate their lands , but none else without their consent . and i conceive it would not now prove so easie a task to bring churchmen to such an alienation : but the parliament may do it . — for ( saith he ) i am sure it will be granted , that ( by the laws of this nation ) whosoever hath lands or goods , hath them with this unseparable condition of limitation , ( viz. ) that the parliament may dispose of them , or any part of them , at their pleasure . this you have told me , sir , is strange doctrine : for neither the parliament ( i hope he means the king in parliament ) doth this , as being the supreme power , or as being representative , and so including the consent of the whole people of england . if as being the supreme power , it will follow that any absolute prince may as lawfully do the like ; and yet this hath ever been held tyrannical in the great turk , as being against the rules of all justice and humanity . indeed samuel tells the israelites , that since they would needs change their theocracy , the immediate government of god himself , though it were into a monarchy , the best of all humane governments . their kings should take your sons , and your daughters , their fields and their vineyards , &c. and they shall cry , and find no help . yet the best divines think this would be most sinful and most unjust in those kings , and expresly against the law of moses , who grants to every man his propriety : only the prophet avers it should not be punishable in him , they should have no remedy , since being the supreme power , it was in no subjects hands to judge him . so if the kings in parliament should take away the church-lands , there is ( i confess ) no resistance to be made , though the act were inhumanely sinful : or else the parliament doth this , as representing the whole people , so including their consent : ( for they who do consent , can receive no injury . ) and then i understand not which way it can now at all touch the clergy , who are neither to be there by themselves , nor yet ( god knows ) by representation . or if again they were there , i would gladly know what burgess , or what knight of a shire , nay , what clerk or bishop do represent christ , ( whose lands these are ) and by vertue of what deputation ? or do i believe that any subject intends to give that power to him that represents him in parliament , as to destroy his whole estate , except then only when the known laws of the land make him liable to so high a censure ? but grant this doctrine were true in mens lands , yet sure it will not hold in gods : for since in magnâ chartâ ( that has received by parliament at least thirty confirmations ) the lands we now speak of are given to god , and promise there made , that the church , her whole right and liberties should be held inviolable . surely the kingdom must keep what she hath thus promised to god , and must not now think to tell him of implied conditions or limitations . for 't were a strange scorn put upon him , that men should make this grand promise to their maker , and then tell him , after so many hundred years , that their meaning was , to take it back at their pleasure . i believe there 's no good pagan that will not blush at this dealing , and conclude , that if christians may thus use their god , without doubt he is no god at all . hence it is ( saith he ) they sometimes dispose some part in subsidies , and other taxes , the parliament disposes part of mens estate in subsidy , and without their consent , ergo it may dispose of all the church-lands , though the churchmen themselves should in down-right terms contradict it . surely , sir , this account is neither worth an answer , nor a smile : for i am sure you have oft told me , that the parliament in justice can destroy no man's estate , though private ; or if upon necessity it may need this or that man's lands for some publick use , yet the court is bound in justice to make that man amends . subsidies , you say , were imposed salvo contenento ; so that a duke may still live like a duke , and a gentleman like a gentleman . is 't not so with the clergy too ? by your own consent indeed , and not otherwise , they are often imposed , and payed by them ; but if they are burdens , which they may bear salvo contenento , they are payed not out of god's propriety , by alienating his lands , but out of the vsus fructus they receiv'd from god , and so the name doth go on to their successors . so that to infer from any of these usages , that the lands of bishops , deans and chapters , may be wholly alienated from the church , is an inference that will prevail with none but those , who being led by strong passions that it should be so , make very little use of the reason . he proceeds — now hence comes the mistake , by reason there is not such an express condition or limitation in the deed of donation , ( which should silence all dispute ) wherein it is as clear as truth , that where any thing is necessarily by law implied , 't is as much as if in plain terms expressed , &c. no marvel if such conditions be not expressed in benefactors deeds of donation , because it will make such pious deeds most impiously ridiculous : for who would not blush to tell god , that indeed he gives him such lands but yet with very clear intent to revoke them ? and what christian will say , that such an intent is tacitely there , which were impiety to express ? nay , it is apparently clear , by the curses added by such donors upon those who shall attempt to make void their gifts , that their meaning was plain , that such lands should remain gods. for ever by magna charta these gifts are confirmed unto the church of england , ( she shall have all her whole rights and liberties inviolable ) and yet is there a tacite condition in that self-same law that they may be violated ? no marvel if with us , men cannot trust men , if god himself must not trust our laws ; and if that charter , or any else made by succeeding princes , do indeed confirm such donations , ( as without all doubt they do ) sure they must confirm them in the same sense wherein the donors made them , for so do all other confirmations . i say in this case of a total disinherison , there cannot be in law any such tacite conditions , or limitations , as the epistler speaks of ; for i have shewed you such to be tyrannical and unjust in a private subject's estate , therefore in gods they are much more unjust , because we are sure he cannot offend , and the tyrannical and unjust meaning cannot be called the meaning of the law. the letter goes on — besides , it were somewhat strange , that the donors of the land should preserve them in the hands of the bishops from the power of the parliament , which they could not do in their own , and give them to a greater and surer right than they had themselves . the lay-donor might preserve them thus in his own hands , suppose him but an honest person ; for though a parliament may impunè disinherit such an innocent man , yet they cannot do it justly , and so in this regard , both the donor and they are ( you see ) in the very same condition . besides , 't is no such very strange thing for the self-same right ( as a right suppose a fee-simple ) to become more sure in his hand that takes it , than it ever was in his hand that gave it . for though the right it self be still the same right , ( for nemo dat quod non habet ) yet by gift it may come into a stronger hand , and so by this means that self-same right may become the stronger . and sure with us , god's hands should be more stronger than man's : nay hence , as some think , lands given to the church , were said to come in manum mortuam , as 't were a dead hand , that parts with nothing it hath once closed upon . and why the epistler should call this a strange thing , i do not yet see the reason , because 't is always so when any one benefactor doth by vertue of a mortmayne , convey his lands to any kind of corporation . again — nor do i understand their meaning , who term god the proprietary of the bishops lands , and the bishops the usu fructuarii . i conceive i have made this plain , because such lands were first offered to god , and become his own propriety , by his own divine acceptation . and if the dominiam ad rectum of kings do once rest in god , the dominum utile , the vsa fructus only is left a patrimony to the clergy . but he adds a reason — for i know not how ( in propriety of speech ) god is more entitled to their lands , than to his whole creation . here the epistler speaks out ; for truly , sir , i fear this lawyer , your friend , is little better than an independant : for has god no more title ( in propriety of speech ) to one piece of ground than another ? no more to a church , no more to a place where a church is built , that where men have placed a stable ? our english homilies , which are confirmed by law , cry down this gross piece of anabaptism . 't is true , god made all things , and so the whole world is most justly his , by that great work of creation : but yet the psalmist's words are as true , the earth hath he given to the children of men . so as that great god is well content to receive back what men will give him , and this acceptance of his must needs in all reason make those things his more particularly . thus christ calls the temple , my father's house : 't was gods , and gods more peculiarly ; not only by the right of creation , but of donation . thus lands given to god are his , and his more peculiarly ; so that his priests and his poor being sustained by them , he calls it in a more peculiar manner , his meat , and his drink , and his cloathing . and then , if in point of acceptance with god , there be a great difference betwixt feeding his priests , and feeding them that do him no service , there must needs be as much difference betwixt lands set out to that sacred use , and lands of a meer common employment . he gives a second reason — were clergymen the usu fructuarii , how come they to change , dispose , and alter the propriety of any thing , which an usu fructuarii cannot do , and yet is done by them daily ? yes , they may change or dispose , or alter many kinds of things , ( for so , without doubt , may an vsa fructuarii do ) so that he wrong not his lord , by an abuse done to his propriety . thus he may change his corn into cloathing , or his wooll into books . nay , he may alter the very propriety of his possessions too , if he have express leave of his lord. and god himself did tell levi , that he was well content that men should alter some things that belonged unto him , so that it were to that tribes advantage . the letter goes on — ask then by what divine law st. mary's church in oxon may not be equally employed for temporal vses , as for holding the vicechancellor's court , the vniversity , convocation , or the yearly acts ? he might as well have asked , why not for temporal uses as for temporal uses ; for if these he means be not so , his argument is naught ; and if they be so , it is not well put down . his meaning surely was , for other temporal uses , as well as for these . and truly , sir , to put a church to any such kind of use , is not to be defended ; and therefore i excuse not the university , especially she having had at least for a good time so many large places for these meetings : yet something may be said for the vicehancellor's court , because 't is partly episcopal ; something for the act , at least in comitiis , because 't is partly divinity ; but i had rather it should receive an amendment , than an excuse , though it follow not neither , that because this church is sometimes for some few hours abused , therefore it may be always so ; as if because sometimes it is made a prophane church , therefore fit 't were no church at all . he proceeds — and for the curses , ( those bugbear words ) i could never yet learn , that an unlawful curse was any prejudice but to the author , of which sort these curses must be , which restrain the parliament , or any other , from exercising a lawful and undeniable power , which in instances would seem very ridiculous , if any curse should prejudice another lawful right ; i am sure such curses have no warrant from the law of god , or this nation . no warrant from the law of god ? i conceive there is a very clear one , and our mother the church commends it to the use of her sons , in the express words of the commination , cursed be he that removes the marks of his neighbours lands , and all the people shall say , amen . if he be accursed that wrongs his neighbour in his lands , what shall he be , that injures his god ? if a curse light on him , and a publick curse , ( confirmed by amen , made by all the people ) who removes but the mark whereby his neighbours lands are distinguished , sure a private curse may be annexed by a benefactor unto his deed of donation , in case men should rob the very lands themselves that have been given to their maker . that such curses restrain the parliament in their undeniable right , is ( you have told me ) but a great mistake : for though the parliament may impunè ( which in some case is called lawful ) take away church lands , yet the church it self cannot do it justly without a sin , and that a greater sin , than removing a land-mark , and then a higher may follow it . let the epistler then take heed of those more than bugbear words , for believe it , sir , in such curses as these , there is much more than shows or vizards , and if you will give trust to any stories at all , many great men have sadly felt it . his last argument is — ask your bishops , whether church lands may not lawfully ( the law of the states not prohibiting ) be transferred from one church to another , upon emergent occasions , which i think they will not deny ; if so , who knows that the parliament will transfer them to lay-lands ? they profess no such thing , and i hope they will not , but continue them for the maintenance of the ministry . i conceive the bishops answer would be , that it is no sacriledge to transfer land from one church to another , but yet there may be much rapine and injustice , the will of the dead may be violated , and so sin enough in the action . men may be injuriously put from the estates , in which they have as good title by the law of the land , as these same men that put them out . to say then that the church lands may be totally given up , because the epistler hopes the parliament will commit no sacriledge , is a pretty way of persuasion , and may equally work on him to give up his own lands , because he may as well hope to be re-estated again , in that the parliament will do no injustice . and now , sir , having thus observed your commands , yet one thing more i shall adventure to crave your patience in , and 't is to let you know , that if this epistler had been right in both his conclusions — that episcopacy is not of divine right , and that sacriledge is no sin ; yet if you cast your eyes upon his majesties coronation oath , wherein he is so strictly sworn to defend both the episcopal order , and the church lands and possessions , you would easily acknowledge , that the king cannot yield to what this letter aims at . and though i must needs guess , and that the epistler knew well enough his juratory tye , yet you will the less blame him for his concealment in this kind , because he was not retain'd of the churches councel . his majesties oath you may find published by himself , in an answer to the lords and commons in parliament , 26 may. it runs thus : episcopus . ] sir , will you grant and keep , and by your oath confirm unto the people of england , the lavs and customs to them granted by the kings of england , your lawful and religious predecessors ; and namely , the laws , customs and franchises granted to the clergy by the glorious king edward your predecessor , according to the laws of god , the true profession of the gospel established in this kingdom , and agreeable to the prerogative of the kings thereof , and the ancient customs of this realm ? rex . ] i grant and promise to keep them . episcopus . ] sir , will you keep peace and godly agreement intirely ( according to your power ) both to god , the holy church , the clergy , and the people ? rex . ] i will keep it . episcopus . ] sir , will you ( to your power ) couse law , iustice and discretion , in mercy and truth to be exeruted in all your iudgments ? rex . ] i will. episcopus . ] will you grant to hold and keep the laws , and rightful customs which the commonalty of this your kingdom have ? and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of god , as much as in you lieth ? rex . i grant and promise so to do . then one of the bishops reads this admonition to the king before the people , with a loud voice : our lord and king , we beseech you to pardon , and grant and preserve unto us , and to the churches committed to our charge , all canonical priviledges , and due law and iustice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good king in his kingdom ought to be protector and defender of the bishops , and the churches under their government . then the king ariseth , and is led to the communion table , where he makes a solemn oath in the sight of all his people , to observe the promises , and laying his hand upon the book , saith — the things which i have before promised , i shall perform and keep . so help me god , and the contents of the book . in the first clause ( it is plain ) he makes a promissory oath to the whole people of england , ( a word that includes both nobility , clergy , and commons ) that he will keep and confirm their laws and customs . and in the second , he swears a particular promise to the clergy , that he will keep the laws , customs and franchises granted to the clergy by the glorious king edward . and again ( more plain in the fifth clause ) he makes the like promissory oath to the bishops alone , in behalf of themselves , and their churches , that he will preserve and maintain to them all canonical priviledges , and due law and iustice : and that he will be their protector and defender . where since he swears protection to the bishops by name , 't is plain he swears to maintain their orders : for he that swears he will take care , that bishops be preserved in such and such rights , must needs swear to take care , that bishops shall first be , for their rights must needs suppose their essence . and where the king swears defence , it must needs be in a royal kingly way : tu defende me gladio , & ego defendam te calamo , is the well known speech of a worthy churchman to his prince . for sure where kings swear defence to bishops , i do not think they swear to write books in their behalf , or to attempt to make it clear to their people , that episcopacy is iure divino : but a king ( whose propriety it is to bear the sword ) swears to bear it in defence of bishops . for though it be against the very principles of christian faith , that religion should be planted and reformed by blood , yet when christian kings have by law setled this religion , and sworn defence of those persons that should preach it , he ought sure to bear his sword to defend his laws , and to keep his soul free from perjury , as well to them , as the rest of his subjects . and as by canonical priviledge that belong to them and their churches , there must needs be implied the honour of their several orders , ( as that bishops should be above presbyters , &c. ) together with all the due rights and jurisdictions . and the words , due law and iustice , cannot but import , that his majesty binds himself to see that justice be done to them and their churches , according to law then in force when he took that oath . and the king swears protection and defence , that clause must needs reach not only to their persons , but to their rights and estates ; for he swears not only to men , but to men in such a condition , to bishops of their churches . and whereas he swears to be their protector and defender , to his power , in the assistance of god ; those words , to his power , may seem to acquit him of all the rest , if he fall into a condition wherein all power is taken from him. but , sir , i will prove that a mistake for one of the greatest powers of the king of england ; is his negative in parliament so , that without him no law can be enacted there , since 't is only the power royal that can make a law to be law ? so so that if the king should pass a statute to take away the churches lands , he protects it not to his power : since 't is plain , so long as a man lives and speaks , he hath still power to say no : for it cannot be said in this case , that the church may be ( as it were ) ravisht from the king , and then he may be no more guilty of the crime , than lucretia was in her rape ; for though a chaste body may suffer ravishment , yet the strength of a tarquin cannot possibly reach to man's will or assent . now in all promissory oaths made for the benefit of that party to whom we swear , 't is a rule with divines , that they ( of all others ) do most strictly bind , except then allow when remission is made — consensu illius cui facta est promissio . so although the king swear to the people of england , that he will keep and preserve their laws , yet if upon their common desires these laws be either abrogated , or altered , 't is clear that oath binds no farther , because a remission is made by their own consent who desired that promise from him. and upon this ground 't is true , the king swears to observe the laws only in sensu composito , so long as they are laws ; but should this desire either to alter or abrogate either law or priviledge , proceed from any other but from them alone to whose benefit he was sworn , 't is plain by the rules of all justice , that by such an act or desire , his oath receives no remission ; for the foundation of this promissory is the oath he was sworn to , and it cannot be remitted but by them alone for whose sakes it was taken ; so that when ( in the second part of the first clause , and more plainly in the fifth ) he swears a benefit unto the bishops alone in behalf of them and their churches , 't is apparent this oath must perpetually bind , except a remission can be obtained from the bishops themselves , and their churches he was sworn to . this then must be confessed to be the sense of the oath , that when the king hath first sworn in general , to grant , keep and confirm the laws and customs of the people of england , he farther yet swears to the clergy , to preserve their laws and priviledges , and since these are not able to make a negative in parliament , so that the clergy may be easily swallowed up by the people , and by the lords ; therefore in a more particular manner , they have obtained an oath to be made unto them by the king , which being for their particular benefit , it cannot be remitted without their express consent : so that although an act of parliament being once passed by the votes of the king , and both houses , it doth ( sir , as you have told me our lawyers say ) bind the whole people of england , yea , the whole people , as it includes the clergy too ; yet it concerns the king , by vertue of his oath , to give his vote to no such act as shall prejudice what he hath formerly sworn unto them , except he can first obtain their express consent , that he may be thereby freed from his juratory obligation . it may be said , perhaps , that in the consent given by both houses of parliament , the consent of the clergy is tacitly implied , and so it is ( say our lawyers , as you have told me sir ) in respect of the powers obligatory , which an act so passed obtains upon them ; for they affirm , that it shall strongly bind the clergy , as if they themselves had in express terms consented to it , although bishops being debarr'd from the votes in parliament , and neither they nor their inferiour clergy having made choice of any to represent them in that great council , their consent can be in no fair sense said to be involved in such acts as are done , as well without their representative presence , as their personal . but the question is , whether such tacit consent ( though it be indeed against their express wills ) can have a power remissory to the king , to absolve him of his oath ? he that affirms it must resolve to meet with this great absurdity , that although besides his general oath to all the people of england , his majesty be in particular sworn ot the rights of the clergy , yet they obtain no more benefit by this , than if he had sworn only in general ; which is as much as to say , that in this little draught , oaths are multiplied without necessity ; nay , without signification at all : and that the greatest part of the first , and the whole fourth clause , are nothing else but a more painful draught of superfluous tautologies . for his yielding to the two first lines , swears him to keep and to confirm the laws and customs of the whole people of england ; which word people , includes those of the clergy too , and so in general their laws and customs are confirm'd ( no doubt ) in these words , and so confirm'd , that they cannot be shaken , but at least by their tacit consent in parliamentary way : and since the king condescends to afford to their rights a more particular juratory tye , there is no doubt but it binds in a way too that 's more particular ; so that his majesty cannot expect a remission of this oath , without the consent clearly expressed . for as when the king swears to keep the laws of the whole people in general , he can by no means acquire a remission of this oath , but by the express consent of the people . so when in particular he swears unto the laws and customs of the clergy , this oath must needs bind , until it be remitted in an express form , either by the whole clergy themselves , or by some body of men ( at least ) that represents the clergy , quatenus a clergy , and not only as they are involved in that great body of the people . so that he that presumes to persuade his majesty to pass any act in prejudice of the ecclesiastical body , ( to whom he is thus sworn ) without their express consent first obtained , counsels him that which is both injurious to his fellow subjects ; nay , which is indeed a most damnable wickedness against the very soul of the king. sir , as i conceive , it is now plain enough , that if the parliament should destroy the episcopal order , and take away the lands of the church , the houses in that act will run themselves into two sins , and his majesty into three . and upon this supposition the epistler and i have agreed ; i do not think , saith he , that convenience or necessity will excuse conscience in a thing in it self unlawful : and before that , he calls the contrary , the tenent of the romanist , or iesuited puritan ; only i will beseech him for his own souls sake , to consider how great a scandal he hath given to mankind , in defence of such sins as these : for , i conceive , that durand offended more , in holding that fornication was no sin against the law natural , than sechem did ( who was only under that law ) in his lust upon old iacob's daughter ; for fraudem legi facere , ( saith the civilian ) is worse than legem violare . it argues a more unsubject-like disposition , for a man to put tricks and fallacies upon his princes laws , than to run himself into a downright violation : and god ( we know ) is a king ; i am a great king , saith the lord of hosts , and a king in whose hands is a vengeance . 't is true , sir , we are thus put into a very sad condition , when the only option that seems left us now , is either to chuse sin or ruine ; but yet ( if well us'd ) 't is a condition glorious , a condition in which all that noble army of martyrs stood , before they could come at martyrdom . and if in preparation of mind , we thus lay our lives down at the feet of christ , i am undoubtedly persuaded it is the onely way to preserve them ; for this word of god is the lord of hosts too , and for his glories sake , he oft effects to save them who have lost both their strength and hopes : but to you , sir , whom i know so well , such persuasions as these are needless . i rest your very faithful servant . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61495-e480 m. i. 3. 8. hagg. 1 4. & 6. mat. 25. aquin. 22. acts 1. gell. l. 11. l. ult . f. l. v. 1. lev. 27. 13. deut. 27. 17. 1646. a detection or discovery of a notable fraud committed by r.b., a seminary priest of rome, upon two of the articles of the church of england in a booke imprinted in anno 1632, intituled, the judgment of the apostles and of those of the first age in all points of doctrine, questioned betweene the catholikes and protestants of england as they are set downe in the nine and thirty articles of their religion : with an appendix concerning episcopacy / by a lay gentleman. harlowe, pedaell. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45589 of text r21855 in the english short title catalog (wing h780). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 139 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45589 wing h780 estc r21855 12260993 ocm 12260993 57892 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45589) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57892) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 187:3) a detection or discovery of a notable fraud committed by r.b., a seminary priest of rome, upon two of the articles of the church of england in a booke imprinted in anno 1632, intituled, the judgment of the apostles and of those of the first age in all points of doctrine, questioned betweene the catholikes and protestants of england as they are set downe in the nine and thirty articles of their religion : with an appendix concerning episcopacy / by a lay gentleman. harlowe, pedaell. [12], 42, [1] p. printed by e.p. for william leake ..., london : 1641. "epistle dedicatory" signed: pedaell harlowe. richard broughton is the author of the judgement of the apostles. cf. dnb. errata on p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. marginal notes. eng broughton, richard. -judgement of the apostles. church of england. -thirty-nine articles. episcopacy. a45589 r21855 (wing h780). civilwar no a detection or, discovery of a notable fraud committed by r.b. a seminary priest of rome, upon two of the articles of the church of england. harlowe, pedaell 1641 21513 45 0 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-07 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a detection or , discovery of a notable fravd committed by r. b. a seminary priest of rome , upon two of the articles of the church of england . in a booke imprinted in anno 1632. intituled , the judgment of the apostles , and of those of the first age , in all points of doctrine , questioned betweene the catholikes and protestants of england , as they are set downe in the nine and thirty articles of their religion . with an appendix , concerning episcopacy . by a lay gentleman . london , printed by e. p. for william leake , and are to be sold at his shop in chancery-lane , neere the rowles . 1641. to the right honourable , henry earle of manchester , lord privy seale , and one of his majesties most honourable privie councell . my most honoured lord , seeing it is a maxime of divine and humane law , most infallibly true , suum cuiq . reddere , i hold my selfe obliged in obedience to it , to dedicate unto your honourable patronage the ensuing tract , most truly and humbly acknowledging tam me , quam omne meum , to be your lordships creature , made fortunate by the rayes of those sweet influences which have issued from your lorships ever candide aspect , which bounty ( my inability wanting means of any requitall or other retribution ) doth claime this my poore infant-worke , together with all other services , both as a duty of tribute unto your lordships high merit , and as a signall or testimoniall badge of that ever bounden gratitude and recognition which my heart and tongue rendreth unto your lordships goodnesse . your honourable greatnesse [ as able ] and your gracious benignity ( as willing ) to protect it , hath encourag●d my humble boldnesse , to beseech your noble acceptance of it . i neither will nor can presume it worthy your lordships perusall , not daring to arrogate so high as to invite so great a iudgement to discend beneath it's proper spheare , to behold a thing so meane and low : it 's sufficient that your lordship vouchsafe the loane of your honourable name , to give it credit unto others of the lesser orbe . for though this tract ( as i am somewhat confident ) containes in it nothing but what is justifiable by the evidence of truth ; yet it is likely to meet with opposition , quia veritas odium parit ; but it being quitted from harms by such as are friends to the vertue of truth ( splendent as light radiated from the sun ) it may serve ut fragmentum in cophinis christi , or otherwise , ut minutumi : gazophylacio ecclesiae : how ever your lordship and the world may find , that inter res seculares , i have spared some time for sacred designes , taught to doe so well by the rare president of your lordships divine enchyridion de contemplatione mortis et immortalitatis , a piece of such admirable excellence , as would exse ( without your honourable name or dignity ) protect it selfe . but my modicum ( lesser than a meere shadow to that perfect substance ) implores both your honourable regard to the author and worke , and also fronte serena to entertaine this humble duty of him , whose perpetuall suit unto the supremest is , for all successefull blessings on the person and state of your honourable lordship , and noble posterity both in stocke and branches , as well for health and life , to be happily lengthned here , as for eternity , to be enjoyed hereafter ; & for some manifestation of his cordiall meaning ( the soule of verball expressions ) he really wishes for such imployment as may testifie him to bee your lordships most faithfull and humble servant ; pedaell harlowe . to the reader . in lent 1639 , there came to my hands commended , and esteemed by some ( as a choice piece ) a booke intituled , the judgement of the apostles , and of those of the first age in all points of doctrine , questioned betweene catholikes and protestants of england , as they are set downe in the nine and thirty articles of their religion , by an old student in divinity , dedicated to her most excellent majesty queene mary , subscribed r. b. which booke opening about the middest of it , with intent to read such part of it , as first offered it seife to my view , i casually lighted on the ninth chapter thereto the six & twentieth chapter hath reference , both which chapters doe treat of the consecration of our bishops , and the ordination of our priests , ministers , and deacons , wherein ( as it is there delivered ) is concerned the standing or ruine of our whole religion : hereat making some pause as morthy the reading , which being perusid , me thought it was a point not to be slighted , jam securis ad radicem , ' its ayme was to strike at the roote for the utter overthrow and razing up the basis and foundation of the visible entity of that church ( whereof my selfe is an unworthy member ) and consequently as it concerned the generall , so it concerned me in particular : how much my soule was afflicted and troubled at it , cannot be exprest , because the particulars urged by the adversary are chiefely or altogether matters of fact and record , not matter of dispute , reasoning , or argumentation , so as nothing could be had from the reach of reason , or my onne understanding on which i presume not , nor from literature whereof my portion is but small , how to be brought out of the bryers : and for that purpose applying my selfe to the learned of our church in print , especially master francis mason , late archdeacon of norfolke now with god , who have most exactly and gravely , to their eternall praise and renowne , vindicated our church in the matter of consecration and ordination , against a great company of virulent , cunning and subtile adversaries , i could not meet with any of those particulars alleadged in these two chapters of this author's booke , anywhere objected , treated of , or answered , which happened as i beleeve , because this booke came either under the presse since those workes were finished , or else it lurk't so close , as it came not to the view of those brave defendors of our church : whereupon being become restlesse in my selfe , and holding it too supine negligence , to continue still ignorant in so weighty a matter , without some indeavour to be satisfied in so reall a concernment , i became resolved to make such search into it my selfe , as my weake abilities could attaine unto , which having in some poore measure atchieved , it was originally intended for my owne selfe-satisfaction ; but thereof , some of my friends having view , they became very desirous to be pleasured with copies of it , which being found to be too tedious and over-chargeable , it was earnestly desired to be made vnlgar by the presse , but being loath to be read in print , it hath lyen by me by the space of a yeare , in which time it having gotten approbation by some of eminent learning , i am become obedient to the desires of others , in that behalfe , holding it better to communicate a browne morsell , than to be totally uncharitable , being pers●aded it can doe no hurt , but to the adversary by detection of his fraud , and hoping that this piece of plainnesse may at present , give some content and satisfaction , if not to all , yet to such as thinke it better to have a little light , than none at all , untill an abler pen , as meaner than mine cannot be , should vouchsafe a more polite and exact vindication of our afflicted church , from this aversaries false accusation , wherenith it hath stood charged unhappily these eight yeeres , which will ( in my simple opinion ) be worth the undertaking , to the end the foule mouth of this romish adversarie may be as fully stopped in the particulars now in question , as other like underminers of our churches foundation , have beene already , concerning all other their vaine plots and devices against our episcopall consecration , and sacerdotall ordination , to their utter shame and perpetuall silence , which brave worke concerning these parpiculars had ere this time ( i beleeve ) shewed it selfe conspicuous to the world , if this booke of r. b. had in all this time come to the viem ( before me ) of any of our brave and able champions of our israel ; in the meane season if this shall ( as a taste ) yeeld any relish , or product any profit at all , it is a blessing farre beyond my deserts ; and if errors in it bee remitted , or passed over in gentle silence , it is a favour of grace heartily supplicated ; howsoever my meaning is good ; ultra non — : and although this worke is concerning church affaires , and consequently lay-hands may bee said , arr not sacred enough to handle it ; yet upon perusall it will appeare to bee so dependant on temporall lawes and acts municipall , as will i trust , take off the censure , mittendi falcem in messem alienam . and for the accommodation of the vulgar , who understand not the latine tongue , such latine sentences as are produced out of authors , are translated into our vulgar tongue , for their ease and satisfaction , save onely a few scriptures , for which they may turne to in their english bibles ; all which neverthelesse is humbly submitted to the correction of superiours , and to the judgement of those , who can judge , what it is to take paines without hope of gaines , accounting my reward very great , if what i have done shall be in any sort accepted , or can doe any service . hoping you will not blame him , who hath thus laboured for your sakes , and would if he could , doe more , to bee , your ready and faithfull friend , pedaell harlowe . to r. b. or to such other pontifician as shall assume to be his vindicatour . though the proverbe be ( good wine needs no bush ) yet where both good wine is within the house , and also a faire bush or brave signe without at the doore , it is the more compleat and sutable , and so giving full content , it increases custome , and advances credit to the owner : but let the signe be never so brave and fine without , if corrupt wine be within , that house soone looses custome , fals to neglect , and becomes contemptible . such ( sir ) is your booke , whose title is so faire , ( having the apostolike image in front ) as meriteth ( eo nomine ) highest reverence , honour , and esteeme in all christendome over : the worke of an old student in divinity , beares with it a double portion of reverence amongst all men for sagenesse of age , and also among the best sort of men , for divinities sake . and it being dedicated to our most royall queene mary , consort to our most dread soveraigne lord king charles , of ever renouned memory , it drawes another parcell of honourable regard unto it ; which brave and fine outside requires the inside to be sutable in the beauty of truth , honesty , and goodnesses otherwise howsoever your favourers may flatter your wit , for putting on a fair & rich garment , on an ugly and foul carcase , to make it passe the better with such as will be easily cozened with shadowes , your judgement neverthelesse must needes suffer , for presuming such brave and rich furniture to decke an unworthy and base creature withall , for a present , for such as can discover her deformitie , as soone as they see her ; if your booke be such ( as such indeed it is ) then those glorious titles and attributes of apostolike judgement , divinity , and royall majestie , must be taken from it , as too much prophaned and presumptuously taken in vaine : whereas if your booke were correspondent unto , and justifyable by that title , it would be a volumne of truths , veritas in tolo , et veritas in qualibet parte , even the truth , the whole truth , & nothing but truth , according to the constant custome of the holy apostics of jesus christ , in delivering heavenly doctrines purely & sincerely without fraud or deceit , as by st. paul is protested , not onely to the church of rome , veritatem dico , non mentior , testimonium mihi perbibente conscientiâ meâ in spiritu sancto : but also to the church of corinth , deus , et pater domini nostri iesu christi scit , quod non mentior : and likewise to the church of galatia , ecce , coram deo non mentior , and so also for the church of ephes veritatem dico , non mentior ; but contrarily lying & fraud punctually suites and agrees with the judgement and practice of apostataes and apostaticall men , ( builders and upholders of the church malignant whose doom is destruction ) qui in temporibus novissimis discedent à fide , attendentes spiritibus erroris , et doctrinis daemoniorum , in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium , et cauteriatam habentium conscientiam suam : so as the judgment of the apostles is verities dialect ; the judgement of apostataes is errors rhetorick : now unto which of these two judgements ( apostalicall , or apostaticall ) this adversary of ours r. b. and his booke doe properly belong , let the sequell determine it ; whereby it will evidently appeare ( i trust ) that r. b. very well deserves the signe of the whetstone , to be prefixed to the front of his booke , — in perpetuan rei memoriam . your tell-troth-friend . p. h. a direction for the quotations . having with great industry , difficulty , and paines , had a visible knowledge ( not trusting to second helpes ) concerning all the authorities and quotations cited in this tract , ( save onely one which i could find neither among the stationers or booksellers , nor the libraries at westminster , or sion colledge , nor private studies ) i have for the accommodation of the searching reader , set downe each quotation so direct and certaine in the marginall notes , as the same may be found with ease ; so as the severall impressions of each booke , be also here set downe ; which are as followeth . viz. names of the authors . the times and places of impression . augustinus . basilia . 1542. archidiaconus . venctiis . 1601. antiquitates britannicae . hanoviae . 1605. bellarminus . coloniae agrippinae . 1628. baronius . coloniae agrippinae . 1624. binius . coloniae agrippinae . 1618. budaus . parisiis . 1541. biel. in epistola . 1620. dominicus soto . salmantica . 1568. franciscus de victoria . lugduni . 1588. gregorius de valentia . lutetiae . 1609. godwinus episc. londavens . londini ( anglicè ) 1615. historia ecclesiastica per basiliae . 1611. eusebium , socratem , zozomenum &c. basiliae . 1611. iohannis reignolds . londini . 1602. mercellus . venetiis . 1582. optatus milevitanus . parisiis . 1631. petrus paludanus . panormitarms . 1527. ruewardus tapperus . coloniae . 1577. registrum cantuariense , in libris pergamenis , in officina registrarii principalis archiepiscopi cantuariensis , in vico vocato ( doctors comous ) lon , sleidonnis . argeotorari . 1558. a discovery of a notable fraude and deceit committed by r. b. a seminarie priest , upon two of the articles of the church of england . sect. i. num. 1 this romish adversary r. b. raises his engines for undermining of our church upon these two severall articles of ours , to wit , the three and twentieth articles , and the sixe and thirtieth article following . it is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publike preaching in the congregation , before he be lawfully called and sent to execute the same ; and those wee ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be chosen and called to this worke by men , who have publike authority given them in the congregation to call , and send ministors in the lords vineyard . the booke of consecration of archbishops , and ordering of priests and deacons , lately set forth in the time of k. edward the sixt , and confirmed the same time by authority of parliament , doth containe all things necessary to such consecration and ordering , neither had it any thing that of it selfe is superstitious or ungodly , and therefore whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the rites of that booke , since the second yeare of the aforenamed king edward unto this time , or shall be hereafter consecrated or ordered according to the same rites , we decree all such to be rightly and lawfully consecrated , and ordered . upon these two articles , are three such engines devised by r. b. for overthrow of the foundation of the visible and outward entity of our church of england in point of consecration and ordination , ( here delivered in his owne words ) as are novell , and consequently unconfuted ; the particulars whereof , are as followeth . r. b. obiection . i. num. 2 this new protestant queene elizabeth ( her raigne beginning here in the yeare 1558. and 1559. in her first parliament ) never had any knowne , publike , allowed square , rule , forme , maner , order or fashion whatsoever , for any to have publicke authority to call , make , send , or set forth any pretended minister untill the yeare 1562. when their religion was foure yeares old , and these articles were made , and in them the booke of king edward the sixt about ten or eleven yeares old , when he set it forth by parliament , was first called from death , wherewith it perished in the first yeare of queene , mary : it hath beene pretended — that mathew parker was made a bishop — on the seventeenth day of december ; but ( alas ) they had then no forme or order to doe such a businesse — untill foure yeares after this pretended admittance , alleaged to have beene the seventeenth of december 1559. here i have proved demonstratively , that they neither have any lawfull iurisdiction or ordination among them : but to doe a worke of supererogation , in this so much concerning the standing or overthrow of our frotestants whole religion , quite overthrowne by this one dispute , if they have no rightly orderly and lawfully consecrated bishops , priests or deacons ; i thus further demonstrate . first then , if the decree of this ( later ) article ( as they terme it ) were to be accepted and received for a just and law , full decree , yet the first — protestant — bishops , priests and deacons in queene elizabeths time , ( from which all that now be in england , or have beene since then , ) cannot be said to be rightly , orderly and lawfully consecrated by this very article it selfe : for that supposed booke of king edward the sixt being abrogated and taken away by queene maries lawes , and not afterwards revived by the protestant — lawes of queene elizabeth , untill in those articles , in the yeare of christ 1562. ( as their date is ) queene elizabeth beginning her raigne the 17 of november 1558 , all their first pretended bishops , priests and deacons , must needs be unrightly , unorderly and unlawfully made , though by that booke of king edward , because there was no protestant right order or law to make or admit any into such places by that booke not approved or allowed by any protestant — right , order or law all that time . p. h. answer . num. 4 this objection ( more then once repeated ) is nothing but a litigious and impertinent quarrell for want of matter : for posito , that archbishop parker wanted in his consecration some punctilioes of outward order for me or fashion according to the prescript tenor of our lawes or rules , or that there was not any law , or publike rule of our common-meale prescribing an outward for me of consecration then in ●cre , yet such want or fayler did not nor could vitiate , destroy , or annibilate his consecration , celebrated in a sufficient church manner , in esse and substance good and valide , in regard regall lawes and ecclesiasticall canons are but circumstantiall and ad bene ●sse , fitting and directing ( quatenùs ad nos ) the ceremony and outward forme thereof , which order and forme , if it hap at any time upon just or reasonable occasion , not to be pursued , the same is not destructive to such consecration to make it invalide or fruitlesse . but of all others this objection becomes not r. b. nor any romanist : first because the (a) pontificians do exclude all civill and municipall lawes of princes and republikes from intermedling with those ecclesiasticall affaires : wherein your romish rote is like the bold (b) protest of the donatists against insperiall authority in church businesse : quid imperatori cum ecclesia ? what have emperours , kings and princes to dowith ecclesiasticall affaires ? whereas seeing kingsare both (c) custodes utriusque tabulae & nutritii ecclesiae keepers , of both tables , and nursing fathers and nursing mothers of the christian church , it belongs unto , and is a duty of regality , to constitute and ordeine lawes concerning ecclesiasticall hierarchy , and the regiment of the church , and per potestatem coactivam , by power coactive to enforce the due execution of the duties of religion , and to cause punishments to be inflicted on the delinquents , to succour the oppressed , and to cherish the good , both among priests and laikes , as well in church as common-weale : but indeed the immediate actes of the episcopall , priestly and ministeriall office , as preaching , administration of sacraments , and the actuall consecration of bishops and ordination , of priests , ministers and deacons , belongs properly to the pastorall charge . numb. 5 secondly , because the romish church is guilty of violation both of canons , and it's owne pontificall , being content to derive succession from many incanonicall and irregular consecrations : for contrary to the tenor of the first generall (d) councell of nice , and their owne iurists and (e) doctors , determining , that consecration of a bishop ought to be by three bishops at the least , the romish church hath not onely consecrated some bishops by (f) one onely bishop and two mitred abots , but hath permitted boy (g) — priests , boy — bishops , boy — cardinals : and boy — pope too . and where , by the sixt councell of (h) calcedon each bishop ought to be designed to some particular diccesse , your (i) panormitan sayes , multi sunt episcopi sine administratione episcopatuum , ut sunt illi qui vulgariter nullatenenses appellantur , there are many bishops without administration of a bishopricke , and they are those who are commonly called nullatenenses , meere titulary bishops without profit or substance ; such was olaus (k) magnus , stiled vpsalensis , & rokertus venantius , stiled armachanus , who ( being bishops in conceit ) were sent to the councell of trent to fill up the number , and to make voyces : and such ( i say ) was your doctor smith your late bishop of chalcedon , commorant therefore here in england , and now or late in france ; such vtopian no — bishops have passed for currant in your church of rome , where all regularities , formalities , canons , and legalities have suffered most shamefull violation , as testifies your owne baronius , speaking of the state of your church in ages long since past : quae tunc facies sanctae ecclesiae romanae ? quam foedissima ? cum romae dominarentur potentissimae aequé ac sordidissimae meretrices ? quatum arbitrio mutarentur sedes , darentur episcopi , et ( quod auditu horrendum , & intandum est ) intruderentur in sedem petri earum amasii pseudopontifices , qui non sunt ( nisiad consignanda tantrum tempora ) in catalogo romanorum pontificum scripti ; quis enim a scortis hujusmodi intrusos sine lege legitimos dicere possit romanos fuisse pontifices ? nusquam cleri eligentis , vel postea consentientis aliqua mentio : canones omnes pressi silentio , decreta pontificum suffocata , proscriptae antiquae traditiones veteresque in eligendo summo pontifice consuetudines , sacrique ritus , & pristinus usus prorsits extincti : what then was the face of the holy romane church ? how filthy ? seeing most potent and filthy whores did governe and rule at rome , at whose pleasure sees were changed , bishops appointed , and ( which is horrid to be heard and hainous ) their lovers false — popes were thrust into peters — seate , who are not ( unlesse onely for designing the times ) written in the catalogue of the bishops of rome : for who can say that these who were put in by such strumpets without law , were lawfull bishops of rome ? no mention is made of the clergie electing or afterwards consenting ; all canons were silenced , pontificall decrces choaked , antient traditions proscribed , and the old customes and holy rites and antient usage in electing the high bishop , utterly extinct . was not this a very bad time , thinke you ? what was the latter age better ? your-budeus will tell you , sacrosanctos canones melioribus annis factos , ut iis velut regulis vita clericorum dirigeretur , & velut patrum praescriptis posteri formarentur ; jam in amusses plumbeas'evasisse ( quis non videt ? ) quales olim fuisse canones lesbiae structurae tradit aristoteles : nam ut canones plumbei & molles non structuram operum tenore aequabili dirigunt , sed exstructorum commodo & libidine stexiles structurae accommodantur : sic canones pontificil excusu ecclesiae antistitum flexibiles plumbei & cerei facti sunt , ut jam diu instituta majorum , & sanctiones pontificiae non moribus regendis ●●sui esse , sed ( propemo●ùm dixeram ) argentariae factitandae authoritatem accommodare videantur ; the holy canons made in better ages , that thereby as by rules , the life of the clergie should be directed , and posierity be formed as by praescripts of the fathers , are now turned into leaden rules ( who see's not ? ) such as aristotle says the lesbian ru'es-for building were in times past : for now as leaden and soft rules doe not direct the structure with an equall tenor ; but are accommodated and bended unto the building at the will of the builders : so the pope's canons are by practice of the prelates of the church made flexible as lead and wax , as that now along time our ancestours decrees , and popes canons serve not for guiding our maners , but ( as i may say ) seeme to be imployed for money — bankes . and also let your iesuite franciscus de victoria doctor of the chaire at sa●mani●e , in spaine , tell you his knowledge herein , videmus quotidie a roman â curiâ tam largas , imo omnino dissolutas dispensationes prosect is , ur orbis ferre non posset , nec solum in scandalum pusillorum , sed majorum ; and also he sayes , nullus quaerit dispensationem quin obtineat : we see such large , yea such dissolute dispensations to come daily from the count of rome , as the world cannot beare it , not only in scandall and offence of little ones ; but of the great-ones also — no man seekes a dispensation out he obtaineat : this is further consirmed by your ruardus tappesus chancellor of lovame , abusus romanae curiae inexcusabiles agnosci oportere , totum ecclesrae corpus contaminatum lapsu disciplinae , venalia esse omnia per monstrosas provisions , regressus , & retrogressus , per commendationes abbatiarum , & episcopat num , per dispensations super pluralitate beneficiorum , & super aliis plurimis , super quibus nec christus ipse dispensare posset . the abuses of the court of rome we must acknowledge to be inexcusable , the whole body of the church is contaminated by the decay of discipline , all things are sold by mastrens provisions , r. turnes out-goings , by besi●●ing abbathies and bishopricks by dispon sations in plurality of benefices , and on many other things wherwith christ himselfe cannot distense : now seeing your romane church ( not withstanding she hath canons and rules enough . ) hath neverthelesse departed fouly therefrom , doe's it not ill become r. b. ( a child of that church ) to cast dirt most causelessely on the beautifull face of our purer church . ( yea i say ) so pure and perfect as no church this day can parallel her for doctrine and discipline , so conformable to the primitive church ) and unjustly to traduce her for supposed want of legall forme of consecration at the time of doctors parkers consecration ? num. 6 and if it be true , that there was then no legall outward forme or fashion prescribed for episcopall consecration , then was not doctor parkers consecration any transgression of our lawes , and so the lesse peccant or offensive : but indeed , neither peccant , nor offensive at all either to god , or man ; not to god , in regard it was performed in apostolicall manner by imposition of hands , by apt words of the gospell , accipe spiritum sanctum ( which is essentiall ) done by men having power from god to consecrate , and with all essentiall requisits whatsoever , and with fit circumstances , as holy prayer , learned sermon , and holy communion , as indeed nothing is therein urged by r. b. to the contrary : not to man , being done by the consent , approbation and command of royall power signified by letters patents , under the great seale of england , after orderly & due election ; wherby the tenor of the former of the decrecs of our church cited by r. b. before mentioned , ( even before those nine and thirty artieles of our church were established ) was accomplished ; so as he did not assume on himselfe that office , but was thereunto called by lawfull authority : and as for the latter of our decrees before mentioned , cited by r.b. ( whereby it is ordained , that those who be consecrated according to the tenor of king edwards booke , are thereby adjudged to be lawsully consecrated ) if it were true ( as r. b. affirmes it ) that king edwards book of consecration was dead at the very time of archbishop parkers consecration , or if he were not consecrated in all particulars according to the tenor and prescript of that booke , yet it does not follow that his consecration must be utterly void and invalid , as r. b. resolutely affirmes it , pretending that the standing or overthrow of our protestants whole religion depends thereon ; for if so , it would go very far for overthrow of the antient church , or at least it would receive a deadly wound thereby : for notwithstanding the councell of sardica ordained : — episcopus — non prius ordinaretur , nisi et ante lectoris munere et officio diaconi et presbyteri fuerit perfunctus , et ita per singulos gradus ( sidignus fuerit ) ascendat in culmen episcopatus ; potest enim per has promotiones ( quae habent utiq . prolixum tempus ) probari quâ fide sit , quâve modestiâ , et gravitate , et verecundiâ a bishop may not be ordained unlesse he hath first performed the duty of a reader , and the office of a deacon , and presoyter , and so through each degree ( if he shall be found worthy ) let him ascend the height of episcopacy ; for by these promotions ( which verily require long time ) , he may be tryed of what faith , modesty , gravity , and reverence he is : yet neverthelesse eusebius (a) deacon of alexandria was immediately made bishop of laodicea , and (b) nectarius , a neophyte and unbaptized , catechumene was elected patriarch of constantinople (b.c) and presently made bishop in the second generall counsell , held at constantinople : (a c c) and st. ambrose of a consul was baptized and consecrated bishop of millaine . ( d ) and eusebius a magistrate , was baptized and made archbishop of cesarea . (e) and also saint tharasius being a lay-man , was consecrated a bishop : and (f) in like sort petrus moronaeus , of a lay-man was made pope of rome . and ( i beleeve ) nether r. b. nor any well advised romanist will , or dare say , their consecrations were void : much lesse can r. b. irritate or make void the consecration of arch-bishop parker if it were true , that king edwards booke of consecration was indeed atterly dead at the time of his consecration , because our decree concerning that book ( before ricited ) does not ordaine that if any consecration be celebrated , not in all and every punctilio of that book , that such consecration is judged , deemed , and decreed , to be utterly void and of none effect ; no , that article is utterly silent therein , it onely affirmatively sayes that such as are consecrated according to the tenor of that booke , are deemed and decreed to be rightly & lawfully consecrated : so as the conclusion inferred by r. b. cannot be supported by the premisses : try it syllogistically , and it will be most manifest . whosoever is consecrated bishop according to the rites of king edwards booke of consecration , is rightly & lawfully consecrated , so sayes our article ; but doctor parker was not consecrated according to the tenor of king edwords book of consecration , so sayes r. b. in regard it was then dead , and not m●rerum natura , as he alledgeth ; ergo — doctor parker was not rightly & lawfully consecrated ; so is the conclusion of r b. which is a false syllogisme , being in no figure nor mood , nor any way consonane to the rules of dialectical argumentation , if the little skill i have in that learning does not misguide me very much : for it were necessary for maintenance of this conclusion of r. b. ( that doctor parker was not rightly and lawfully consecrated , and thereby our whole r●ligion overthrowne ) that our decree should have bin of this tenor , ( viz ) such as are consecrated bishops in an other manner than is prescribed by k. edwards booke of consecration , we decree him to be unrightly and unlawfully consecrated ; & thereon r. b. mighthave had some colour , or matter to inferre his conclusion , with this manner of argument ; num. 7 whensoever is consecrated bishop in any other manner . forme , or fashion , thou is prescribed by king edwards booke of consecration , be is not rightly orderly or lawfully comsecrated ; but doctor parker was consecrated in an other mammer , forme , and fashion , than is preseribed by king edwards book of consecration ; ergo , doctor parker was not rightly , orderly , or lawfully , consecrated . and yet this would not directly maintaine this pontifician's conclusion , unlesse it went more directly thus , whosoever is consecrated bishop in other manner , than according to king edwards booke , his consecration is irruat ; and voyd . but doctor parker was consecrated in other manner than is prescribed by king edwards booke , ergo doctor parkers consecration is irruate and voyd : but this matter being already most learnedly handled , and most soundly cleered by such heroes of our church , as i am unworthy to hold the candle unto , i have been too long on this point , because the thing undertaken by me here , is not to consider how well and sufficiently r. b. hath disputed , but how truely hee hath spoken , in the matters by him brought into question ; wherin the issue is whether king edwards booke of consecration ( being put to death by queene maries lawes ) was never revived to life , till the making of our nine and thirtie articles in anno 1562 , in the fourth yeare of the raigne of queene elizabeth ? num. 8 for the better discovery of the truth wherof , i thinke it meet , here to set downe the substance of the severall acts of parliament concerning the matter ; viz. statute 2. & 3. edw. 6. cap. 1. the kings majestie hath appointed the archbishop of canterbury and certaine of the most learned and discreet bishops , and other learned men of this real me to — draw and make one convenient and meet order , rite , and fashion , of common and open prayer , and administration of the sacraments , to be had and used in england and wales ; the which — with one uniforme agreement is of them concluded — in a booke intituled the booke of common prayer , and administration of the sacraments and other rites and ceremonies , after the use of the church of england ; wherefore it — be — ordained and enacted that — all — ministers — shall — be bounden to say , and use the mattens , evensong , celebration of the lords supper , and all their common and open prayer , in such order and forme , as is mentioned in the same booke , and none other , nor otherwise . numb. 9 by this stature there was onely the forme of common prayer , adminisiration of the sacraments , and other rites and ceremonies established ; but the forme of consecration of bishops , and ordination of priests and deacons was not thereby settled or established : and therefore afterwards there was made the statute of 5. and 6. of king edward the fixt , cap. 1. the kings most excellent majestie hath caused the aforesaid order of common service ( intituled , the booke of common prayer ) to be faithfully and godly perus●d , explained and made fully perfect , and — hath adjoyned it to this present statute , adding also a forme and manner of making and consecrating of archbishops , bishops , priests , and deacons ; to be of like force , authority and value , as the same like aforesaid booke ( intituled , the booke of common prayer ) was before , and to be accepted , received , used & esteemed in like sort and manner — as by the said act — of the second yeare of the kings majesties raigne was ordained — for uniformity of service and administration of the sacraments — ; and the aforesaid act to stand in full force — to and for the establishing the booke of common prayer now explained and hereunto annexed : and also the said forme of making archbishops , bishops , priests and deacons hereunto annexe , is it was for the former book : and — bee it further enacted that if any person shall wittingly or wilfully heare or be present at any other — form of common prayer , administration of sacraments , making of ministers , and — other rites then are mentioned — in the said booke — shall suffer , &c. — hereby ( as is manifest ) the forme both of common prayer & celebration of the s●●am●n●s , and also ordination and consecration of bishops priests and deacons , was made one intire booke or volume : and afterwards queene marie ha●ing attained the crowne , did ( as r. b. sayes ) make an act of repeale in anno primo regni sui cap. 2. thus : it is enacted and established , that one — act — of parliament — in 2. edward . 6. intituled an act for the uniformity of service and administration of the sacraments throughout the realme , and also one other act made 5. edward . 6. entituled an act for the uniformity of common prayer and administration of the sacraments — shall be from henceforth utterly repealed , — and of none effect . — this being that act of parliament , which r. r. sayes , killed king edwards booke of consecration , it is to be observed , that this act of repeale doe's expressely neither mention any thing in particular , nor in precise words repeale any law made for preseribing the forme of consecration , &c. — but it doe's repeale and mention onely the foresaid lawes , intituled , acts for the uniformity of common prayer and administration of sacraments ; which particular is not here urged to gainesay it , but that thereby the authority for that manner of consecration and ordination was repealed and annihilated , but it is here offered for removall of a weake objection , which peradventure may be made upon the statute of revier ( hereafter mentioned ) made in the very beginning of the raigne of queene elizabeth . num. 10 but such was the high wisedome of royall queene elizabeth ( of ever most famous memory ) as that ( notwithstanding the confident affirmation of r. b. ) there was not in her raigne ( for preventing of all scruples doubts and quarels ) any consecration , till queene maries law therein was repealed , and made vtterly voyd by stat. 1. eliz. cap. 2. thus , wheras at the death of our late soveraign lord king edward the sixt , there remained one uniforme order of common service and prayer and administration of sacraments , and other rites and ceremonies in the church of england , authorized by act of parliament holden in the sift and sixt yeares of our said late soveraigne king edward the sixt , intituled an act for the uniformioy of common prayer and administration of sacraments , the which was repealed and taken away by act of parliament in the first yeare of the raigne of our late soveraigne lady queene mary , to the great decay of the honour of god and discomfort to the professors of the truth of christs — religion — be it enacted by authority of this present parliament , that the estatute of repeale and every thing therein conteined , onely concerning the said booke , and the service , administration of the sacraments , rites , and ceremonies cont eyned or appointed in or by the said booke , shall be void and of none effect , from and after the feast of the nativity of saint iohn baptist next comming : and that the said booke with the order of service , administration of the sacraments rites and ceremonies , with the alterations and additions therein added and appointed by this statute shall stand and be from and after the said feast of the nativity of saint iohn baptist in full force and effect according to the tenor and effect of this statute , any thing in the foresaid estature of repeale to the contrary not withstanding : now by this acte of parliament the aforesaid acte of queene mary being repealed as concerning this very booke which comprised in it as well the consecration of bishorps and ordination of priests and deacons , as the celebration of divine servic : and administration of the sacraments ; and from and after mid-summer then following , in anno 1559. the same booke being in all things become againe in full vigour and force , then afterwards was doctor parker ( our first protestant bishop , which was made in queene elizabeths raigne ) elected , and consecrated archbishop of canterbury ( for ought by r.b. urged to the contrary ) rightly , orderly & lawfully according to publike knowne and allowed square , rule , forme , order & fashion : which booke and all consecrations ab initio regni elizabethae reginae , were againe confirmed by acte of parliament 8. elizab. cap. 1. not for any need of it , but to satisfie some causelesse scrupulofities ; if it be objected , that in this last act there is no expresse mention of consecration , then it is answered ( as before touched , ) that queene maries lawe made no expresse mention of consecration neither : but to make it sans doubt , by this law is queene maries law made utterly voyd , whereby king edwards lawes therein became in force , and more-over , by this law of queene elizabeth that booke ( which is but one totum ) is recontinued and set in it 's full strength and vertue : hereby it appeares what little regard r. b. had either to the force of truth , or to his owne reputation and credit , by affirming with bold considence , that this booke was first called from death to life , by the nine and thirty articles only , and that the church of england had not for the space of foure yeares any publicke allowed forme of consecration of bishops or ordination of priests and deacons . sect. ii. r.b. obiection . ii. num. 11 againe the first protestant censecration or admittance of any to be a bishop by that booke or order in queene elizabeths raigne , was on the 17 day of december in her second yeare ( as they pretend from the register of marthew parker ) but their owne both private and publike authorities prove , that both matthew parker ( their first pretended archbishop ) and others were received and allowed for arch-bishops , and bishops about 6 moneths before their first pretended consecration on the 17 of december ; — for parker barlow , scory , and grindall , were allowed and received for bishops in the moneth of august before in publike s●emniti●s : — none can say ; these were onely bishops elect , and not perfectly allowed or admitted for the true bishops ; for by the statute of hen. 8. anno 25. revived by queene elizabeth in her first parliament anno 1. cap. 1. it is ordained that consecration must be within twenty dayes of election . p. h. answer . numb. 12 it is readily yeelded unto , that doctor parker not our first protestant arch-bishop , seeing ( arch-bishop cranmer was his predecessor , but our first in queene elizabeths time ) was allowed arch-bishop of canterbury five or sixe moneths before the 17 of december 1559 , which is the time ascribed for his consecration ; and also barlow ; scory , and grindall were allowed , and acknowledged bishops before ; but what use you would make of it i know not , unlesse it be to the end , that the reg●ster which records the consecration of archbishop parker on the 17 of december 1559. should be thereby conceived to be fictitious and untrue , such ( i thinke ) is your meaning , because you elsewhere call that register ( a new-borne register ) which is contraryed by the outhenticke register of canterbury , whereby it so appeares to be a true and faithfull register as nothing needs to be said for it : but be your meaning there in what it will , i had upon the first reading of the former part of this objection , this ready ! answer that doctor parker might be bishop elect all that time . but r. b. well foreseeing the readines of that kind of answer , did immediatly take that help from me ( as he thought ) by trumping in my way his statute of consecration within twenty dayes after election , so as it cannot ( as he sayes ) be alleadged that he stood bishop onely elect for the space of five or six moneths together : but shall r. b. be so gently used , as to say , he in mistaken ? if i should so deale with him , i shall ( in good sooth ) be mistaken then too . for i cannot conceive that an old student can be so mistaken in such a matter as ordinary schoole-boyes may easily know by meere reading , without helpe of tutor or expositor ; i pray god it was not wilfully done , contra dictamen conscientia suae , against his owne particular knowledge per bypocrism . here are the words of the statute . num. 13 be it enacted that if any archbishop or bishop within the kings dominions after election — shall be signified unto them by the kings letters patents , shall refuse and doe not confirme , invest and consecrate with all due circumstance — such person as shall be elected-and to them signified — within twentie dayes next after the kings letters of such signification — shall come to their hands — that then — every archbishop , bishop and other persons so offending — shall runne into the dangers , paines , and penalties of the estatute of provision & praemunire . it it not most evidently obvious to every reader , that this , act doth not ordaine that consecration shall be within twentie dayes next after election , but within twentie dayes next after the kings letters signifying such election , shall come to those who are by his majestie appointed to be consecrators of the new-bishop ? and the very troth is , that matthew parker was elected to be archbishop of canterbury on the first day of august 1559. but the queenes letters patents signifying his election were dated not before the sixt of december following , and bee was confirmed the ninth , and consecrated the seventeenth of december aforesaid : so as his consecration was celebrated within the time limited by the law , and on the 21 of the same december was edmond grindall consecrated bishop of london , and from the time of their elections , they stood all the while lord bishop elect : and barlow and scory were bishops consecrated long before q elizabeth came to the crowne , as in answer to the subsequent objection shall evidently appeare : but in the meane time , let it be observed , that where he sayes in this place , that barlow and scory were allowed bishops in august 1559 ; hee elsewhere sayes , the said barlow and scory were not allowed for bishops till the 20 of december following , and is not that a direct contradiction ? but what cares bee or the iesuited partie for contradictions or false-hoods , so as beliefe be gained from the simply credulous ? sect. iii. r. b. objection iii. numb. 14 neither was there any one of the pretended consecratours of matthew parker ( from whom all the rest doe claime ordination , ) a true and lawfull bishop by protestant proceedings : these they name unto us , william barlow , iohn scory , mikes coverdale , iohn hodikins ; by these was matthew parker consecrated archbishop of canterbury the seventeenth of december in the yeare 1559. two of these fower ( namely ) coverdale and hodskins were never allowed for bishops inall queene elizabeths time , as the pretended register , the printed antiquitates britamicae , godwyn , mason , and others of them confesse , confessing also , that the other two were but bishops elect , barlow elect bishop of chichester , scory elect of heresord ; but all men grant both catholikes and protestants , that men onely elect bishops , not consecratedor admitted , cannot consecrate bishops , much lesse an archbishop metropolitan . and william barlow , and iohn scory were not allowed by these protestants for bishops or such men , untill matthew parker was ( as they pretend by their register ) consecrated ; by them william barlow , stiled before doctor of divinity , or a priest regular , — and iohn scory then stiled onely bachelour of divinity and priest regular , — were first allowed for bishops , or such men , the 20 of december 1559 , even three dayes after matthew parker's pretended * ordination by them . p. h. answer . num. 15 the two former objections were purposely framed for the undermining of the consecration of archbishop parker and all his successors , as done without any protestant — order , rule , forme , or fashion , which is ( as you see ) vindicated to be regular and formall , according to protestant-publike right , square , forme , and order , notwithstanding any thing urged by r. b. to the contrary : now the last objection tends to the destraction of all episcopall abilities in the consecration of archbishop parker ; first r.b. sayes , that two of them were never allowed for bishops in queene elizabeths raigne : and secondly the other two were but bishops elect , and consequently uncapable to consecrate any other ; unto both which i returne this answer . num. 16 first , as the two , supposed not to be allowed by queene elizabeth ( to wit ) coverdale and hodskins , hee sayes not , that they were not bishops de facto , but not allowed to be bishops , what strength is there in that proposition ? examine it thus , and you shall find nothing in it . whosoever ( though once consecrated for bishops ) were not by protestants in queene elizabeths raigne allowed for bishops , did become in such sort no bishops , as that their episcopall acts were ipso facto , meere nullities , and of no validity . but coverdale and hodgkins ( though both once consecrated bishops ) were not allowed for bishops by protestants in queene elizaboths raigne . ergo the episcopall acts of coverdale & hodskins , ( though once consecrated bishops ) were ipso facto me●re nullities and of no validity . if r.b. or his vindicatour will grant the major , then i know what will become of the romish church in england , and of all episcopall and sacerdotall acts by romish bishops and priests in consecrations , ordinations , marriages , sacrifices , absolutions , &c. even to be here in england meere nullities : againe i perceive r. b. did faint in his assertion , not adventuring to say , that coverdale and hodskins were either no bishops at that time de factor , num. 17 or were disallowed to exercise episcopacy , which for to doe , he ought to maintaine that they were never at all consecrated to be eishops ; and if he allow them to be once consecrated bishops , then hee ought to produce some act or sentence for unbishoping of them , or for discharge of their exercise of episcopacy , which he doe's not goe about to doe ; but ( i say ) it was neither the one , not the other , but it proceeded from themselves whatsoever was wanting therein , they beingin truth long before consecrated lawfull bishop , neither they themselves nor the state of the realme holding or judging them to be no bishops here quoad officium , or passing any sentence against exercise of it , but they did not exercise of themselves at that time episcopacy here quoad beneficium . but posito , these two had beene excommunicate , deprived , deposed , or degraded , had they not neverthelesse by your owne doctrine continued bishops , quoad characterem , & quoad officium , ( as well as priests ) having such a character by consecration and ordination imprinted as is indelible ? your councell of trent determines it for you ; siquis dixerit per sacram ordinationem non imprimi characterem , vel cum ( qui sacerdos semel fuit ) laicum rursùs fieri posse , anathema sit ; if any one shall say that a character is not imprinted by holy orders , or that he which once was a priest can be made lay againe , let him be accursed : and such also is the character of episcopacy , as according to the romish doctrine , neither by schisme , heresie , excommunication , suspension , deposition or degradation , it can be obliterated , as your (a) gregory de valentia , (b) gabriel biel , (c) dominicus à soto , (d) capreohis say . and also your great (e) cardinall bellarmine sayes , observandum est characterem episcopalem esse absolutam perfectam & independentem potestatem conferendi sacramenta confirmationis & ordinis , ideo non solum posse episcopum sine aliâ dispensatione confirmare , & ordinare ; sed etiam non potest impediri ab ullâ superiori potestate , quin re verâ sacramenta ista conferat , si velit , licet pecc●t , si id faciat prohibente summo pontifice : it is to be observed , that the episcopall character is an absolute perfect and independant power to conferre the sacraments of confirmation and orders , therefore a bishop may ( without any dispensation ) constitute , & ordaine ; and not onely he cannot be hindred by any superiour power , but also hee may conferre those sacraments , if hee will , though he offend if he doe it , the high bishop prohibiting it : and likewise your petrus de palnde sayes . si non omnis episcopus potest ordines conferre , hoc esset , vel propter demeritum'vitae , quia esset malus ; vel propter defectum fidei , quia haereticus ; vel propter sententiam ecclesiae , quia esset excommunicatus , vel suspensus , vel alias praecisus ; vel propter depositionem ab ordine , vel quia esset degradatus , sed nihil istorum impedit , quin omnis episcopus possit veros ordines conferre : if every bishop cannot conferre orders , it would be either by reason of demerit of life , because he is wicked ; or by defect of faith , because be is an hereticke , or else by reason of the sentence of the church , because he is excommunicated , or suspended , or otherwise cut off ; or because hee is deposed from orders , or because he is degraded ; but none of these doe hinder , but that every bishop may conferre true orders . so as if coverdale and hodskins had beene deposed in queene elizabeths time , yet might they consecrate an other : and if you say , fieri non debet it ought not to be done , then i say , factum valet , & dissolvi non potest , being done it availeth , and cannot be undone : but here the consecration of archbishop parker by imposition of their hands was so farre from doing ought therein in contempt of or against authority , as that it was done by regall assent and command comprised in the queenes letters patents directed to them and others to consecrate doctor parker to be archbishop of conterbury : the letters patents are thus : elizabetha dei gratiâ , &c. reverendis in christo patribus — miloni cover dale quondam exoniensi episcopo , iohanni suffraganeo bedd &c. elizabeth by the grace of god , &c. — to the reverend fathers — miles coverdale late bishop of exeter , iohn suffragan of bedford , &c. whereby it is manifest they were allowed , and also imployed as consecrate bishops in the beginning of queene elizabeths raigne . num. 18 but posito , they had not beene allowed bishops , yet if deposition or degradation cannot obliterate the character of episcopacy , but it is still in force , quatenus ad officium , as concerning the office , notwithstanding the benefits , profits , and all that pertaines ad exeroitium jurisdictionis , as concerning the exercise of jurisdiction be taken away , how little hurt can not-allowance , or disallowance doe ? but if i may speake my mind freely , i conceive that when r. b. said , that coverdale and hodskins were not allowed for bishops , in all . queene elizabeths time , he did intend , that his vulgar reader should beleeve , that they were never consecrated bishops at all ; for i cannot easily be perswaded , but that this old student did well know , that coverdsle and hodskins had beene long before consecrated bishops , and still continued bishops de jure ; for the records declare it plaincly , that hodskins was 9. decembris 29. hen. 8. anno domini . 1537. consecrated , and so continued till his death ; from whom the principall bishops in queene maries raigne descended : by him was consecrated , thomas thurlby , who was one of the consecrators of your cardinall poole , archbishop of canterbury : and as for coverdale , he was 30. august . 1551. an. 2 . edw. 6. consecrated bishop of exeter , who being displaced and imprisoned by queene mary , was at the desire of the king of denmarke , sent to his majesty by the same queene ; and returning backe in the beginning of the raigne of queene elizabeth , he being aged , cared not to returne to his bishopricke , but retired to a private life , not allowing himselfe episcopacy , quoad beneficium , et jurisdictionem , yet he still continued true and perfect bishop , de jure , quoad esse , et titulum ; which two , coverdale and hodskins did joyne with the other two , barlow and scory , in the episcopall act of consecrating of doctor , parker , to be archbishop of canterbury . num. 19 and now in the second place , it remaines that barlow and scory , be righted concerning their episcopacy , whom r. b. pretends , were but elect bishops , not consecrated nor admitted , as by our owne authors is supposed to be confessed : if this allegation were true , nothing ( i thinke ) were to be said on their behalfe : but it is so apparantly false , as that it makes me admire the little regard this r. b. had , to his reputation and credit amongst men ( if there were no divine doome or judgement for lyars ) in adventuring to put in print , what he could not , but knew to be directly contrary to what he divulged to the world : for the very same record and authority of ours , that enformed him , that these two then stood elect bishops , the one of chichester , and the other of hereford , doth also tell him that they were late bishops , the one of bath and wells , and the other of chichester : for the queenes letters , patents , to them and others directed , signifying the election of doctor parker , to be archbishop of canterbury , requiring them to consecrate him accordingly , hath these very words ( viz ) will'mo barlow quondam , bath and wells episcopo , nunc cicestrensi electo ; iohanni scory quondam cicestrensi episcopo , nunc herefordensi electo . to william barlow late bishop of bath and wells , now elect of chichester , john scory , late bishop of chichester , now elect of hereford &c. by which any one having his eyes in his head , might as easily se : quondam episcopo late bishop , as read nunc electo , now bishop elect : but who is more blind than he that will not see ? and as for barlow , he was so farre from standing then meerely bishop elect without consecration or admittance , as that he had beene consecrated about foure and twenty yeares , before he layd hands on archbishop parker ; for he being advanced to be prior of bisham was thence translated to be bishop of asaph , wherein he was confirmed the 25. of february , 1535. anno 27. hen. 8. and in april 1536. it pleased king henry to preferre him to the bishopricke of saint davids , where he continued till by king edward the sixt , he was in anno 1549. translated to the bishopricke of bath and wells ; and in the beginning of queene maries raigne , he was forced to leave his country , bishopricke and all , living in exile in germanie , till he was restored by queene elizabeth ; and at the time of the consecration of archbishop parker , by the favour of queene elizabeth , he stood elect of chichester , wherein he was 20 december , 1559. confirmed ; and as for scory , he was above eight yeares consecrated bishop ere he imposed hands on archbishop parker : for he was 30. augusti 1551. anno 5. edw. 6. consecrated bishop of rochester , and shortly afterwards translated to chichester ; and being displaced by queene mary , he was advanced by queene elizabeth ; and at the time of the consecration of archbishop parker , he stood elect of hereford : and the booke of antiquitates britannicoe making a series of the bishops of that time , distributes it into eight columnes ( viz ) 1. academiae , 2. diocesis : 3. nomen : 4. gradus : 5. ordo : 6. patriae : 7 aetas : 8. consecratio et confirmatio : and it declares barlow to be by degree ( doctor in divinity ) and by order ( a priest regular ) and scory to be by degree ( batchelor of divinity ) and by order ( a priest regular ) and it doth expresse them both to be confirmed on the 20 of december , 1559. but it does not declare them to be consecrated that day , nor the nomination of them by their degrees & orders does intimate them to be then no-bishops , as r b. enforces it : for they were long before consecrated bishops as before is declared ; but they having forsaken their bishopricks in queene maries raigne for persecution , remained beyond seas , till the crowne fell on queene elizabeth , and then being returned home , they were elected to be bishops , the one of chichester , the other of hereford ; and three dayes after , archbishop parkers consecration , they were confirmed in those several seas , as aforesaid . wherefore upon these particulars let r. b. recollect himselfe , with consideration how he can make it good , that barlow and scory either de-facto were ( or else confessed to be ) at the consecration of bishop parker no more but bishops elect , not consecrated , nor admitted , and then ingenuously in the name of god confesse his error , professing that ( as protestants and papists acknowledge ) bishops elect being formerly consecrated may rightly consecrate others , before they be confirmed in their new seas . num 20 and now upon the whole matter ; forasmuch as it is most cleerely evident , modo retrogrado ire , reckoning backeward , that coverdale , hodskins , barlow , and scory , were all consecrated bishops long before , and so continued at the time of their consecrating of archbishop parker ; and forasmuch as archbishop parker was consecrated according to the law within twenty dayes after the date of the queenes letters patents , signifying his election ( though he was elected five moneths before ) and forasmuch also as the protestant order , rule , forme , square , and fashion for a episcopall consecration , according to king edwards booke was then in full vigour , vertue , and force , it must undeniably follows , that archbishop parker and all our first bishops in the beginning of queene elizabeths raigne , and all other our bishops , priests , and deacons , ever since were and are ( notwithstanding the allegations of r. b. ) rightly , orderly , and lawfully made , consecrated , and ordained , according to publike , knowne , and allowed square , rule , forme , manner , order , and fashion . and it is most manifest that what r. b. hath said against it upon the grounds before mentioned , are vaine and frivolous : ( and me thinkes ) it 's strange that in so few leaves of that book of r. b. there should be so many untruthes , every of those particulars being so many severall false-hoods , manifestly contrary to it's title : the judgments of the apostles and first age , more consonant rather unto the iudgement of apostates and worst age : a shame to the author ( an old student in divinity ) more agreeable to the old serpent , or at best , more fit for ignorant boyes ; and most unworthy to be a present for our sacred queene royall mary : but indeed what can be expected of those , whose religion holds lying and equivocation , to be piae fraudes , godly deceits in the learned clergie , & ignorance to be mater devotionis , the mother of devotion , for the illiterate laiety . for mine owne part this parcell of the booke being found to be so faulty , it causes me justly to mistrust the rest of it , and to hold it not worthy of so much expence of time , as to read any more of it , leaving it to your index expurgatorius for due correction ; or else to our purgatory fire in smithfield , for utter destruction . the like martyrdome deserves another lying brat , begotten by as false a parent ( not so learned and wise a fellow ) as r. b. put abroad into the world , about ten yeeres agoe : for , whereas sir humphrey lynd said , that although the doctours of antient church did rest in two sacraments ( baptisme and the lords-supper ) as generally , necessary to salvation , yet they called many rites and ordinances by the name of sacraments , as — the signe of the crosse , exorcisme , holy-bread given to catechumeni●s [ novices in the faith ] one master iohn heigham ( a papist ) taking on him to answer that booke , does most unconscio ably turne the word [ novices ] into [ novices ] and so very untruly pretending that sir humphrey lind had thereby yeelded , that the signe of the cresse , exorcisme , holy-bread , holy-water and the like , are ( novices in the faith ) endeavours most absurdly to make sir humphrey dispute against himselfe , and the church of england : and by that silly devise , this heigham takes occasion to slide from the point , without any answer at all to it , hi sunt fratres in malo : falshood incorporates it selfe in fraternity , against sacred truth ( walking here desolate a while ) sed magna est veritas , et in die suo pravalebit , divine and holy truth will in her season become victorious and tryumphant , with gloria in excelsis , hurling blacke and ugly error and false-kood , headlong into the bottomeles pit , the dark and noysome cave of that wicked monster abaddon , the father of lyes : amen , amen . epilogve or appendix . num. 21 now this tract is finished ; me thinkes i heare two sorts of people among us whisper their conceits ; the one , are the preciser sort ( people of good intents ) demanding of me , why i have in this tract severall times used the word ( priest and sacerdotall ) rather than the word [ minister and ministeriall ] doe's it not savour of popery ? are you not inclined ( sir ) a little to allow and relish the masse-priest , sacrifice and altar ? for removall of such misconceits , if any such arise , i say , i used the word [ priest and sacerdotall ] because it is indifferently used with the word [ minister ] sometimes the one , sometimes the other , not onely in our publike lyturgie , but also in these two articles now in some sort vindicated against our romish antagonist r. b. and in the same sense doe i also intend it : and for mine owne part , i conceive that [ sacrifice , altar , and priest ] may be all indifferently used , [ as supper , table , minister ] even in this present age , as well as in the primitive age , and as farre it is now , from any just and reall offence unto judgements and consciences rightly informed and disposed , as it was to the fathers of antient church , and unto the primitive christians ( being holy saints and martyrs . ) but popery ( which came in by intrusion secretly into the church betwixt the primary and later purity ) hath caused such a distaste to words and phrases of aniquity ( extremely abused by romanisme ) as that these termes ( sacrifice , altar , priest , are become edious , or at least scrupulous , especially unto weake judgements and tender consciences ; which may ( i suppose ) be easily rectified and sufficiently satisfied with this one distinction or method ( for many , ) when the holy eucharist is spoken of as a sacrifice , ( as often it is among the antients , and so might be by them , and may also by us be called sacrifice , to wit , commemoratory and sacramentall ) then may be useed th word ( priest and altar ) as words relatively sutable , and convenient : but when the eucharist is spoken of , as the lords supper , ( as so it is according to scripture phrase , ) then the words ( table and minister ) is the meetest adjuncts for that subject ; and thus we may joyne with antiquity both in language and sence without offence , and thereby explode and reject as erronious , the doctrine of sacrifice proper and propitiatory , masse-priest , and reall-altar . num , 22 affront to episcopacy . the other is popish faction , whom ( me thinkes ) i heare say , that although we papists must confesse that the frauds of our brother r. b. are now so discovered and laid open ; as that hee cannot by any of us be fairely defended or excused ; and therefore the consecration of archbishop parker , and consequently of all the english bishops since , and now being , must stand sacred and valide , notwithstanding any thing produced , pleaded , or proved by r. b. to the contrary : yet ne-verthelesse let us romanists cheere up our selves , sparing our labours and paines to seeke the overthrow of the episcopacy of the church of england : for see we not ? that a great multitude of the members of their owne church , yea of their clergie too ; doe lowdly crie downe episcopacy , not onely quoad personas for exorbitancy by personall misdemeanours , and for over large exercise of jurisdiction in their function , too too bad ( as is alleaged , ) but also quoad officium . & jus episcopatus , against the right of episcopacy , as antichristian and intollerable in the church , devised by man , and not ordained by christ . and therefore they would have it utterly abolished out of their church : and instead of it , they would have their new devised presbyterie to be consistorially set up for government of the church , as that which is indeed de jure divino , and consequently presbyterie ought to be put into possession of the church , and episcopacy to be ejected out of it : howbeit others indeed doe allow of the right of episcopacy , onely desiring moderately some reformation , and limitation of the bounds and exercise of it , to the end it may be brought into some convement temper : wee romanists doe with great expectation waite upon the successe thereof , not doubting but that this division will doe the english-protestant-church more harme and mischiefe , than a thousands such as our r. b. can doe with frauds and lias : and will sooner destroy their church , than our gunpowder plot ( had it taken effect ) could have done : marke 3.24 , 25 , 26. for christs maxime is infallibly true , si regnum , aut domus contrasese dissideat , non potest stare illud regnum , aut illa domus : a kingdome or house at division within it selfe , cannot stand , but must fall to ruine and destruction . num. 23 p. h. now therefore seeing many men have of late vented themselves in this cause , let me also come in with my vote tco , as an appendix to this tract of mine , conceiving it to be a fruitlesse worke , episcopacy vindicated by scripture . to quit our english episcopacy from the batteries raised up against it by romesh r. b. ( a knowne and professed enemy of our church , ) if it suffer by brethren at home ( naturally wounding deepest , ) i therefore adventure to say , that ( me thinks ) seeing ordination of our ministers hath hundreds of years beene and is in this kingdome immediatly derived from episcopacy , this clamour ( specially by ministers ) against episcopacy ( as antichristian ) should be spared , even for their owne sakes ; and should be by ministers more tenderly handled , least it be retorted upon them , that upon their owne grounds , their owne ordination and admission into the church is from antichristianity , and and from a power before god unlawfull . ejectione firme . but howsoever , for as much as these presbyterians have brought an ejectione firme against episcopacy , pressing to have episcopacy to shew forth it's evidence , and to prove it's title to be ex iure divino , or else to be ejected out of the church ; i causidically say in defence of it , that episcopacy ought not ( under favour ) by leg all proceedings to be compelled thereto , because episcopacy hath possession in the church of god , and so hath had many hundred yeares , some for it say sixteene hundred yeares , and upwards , ever since christianity was imbraced in the world , and it's adyersaries doe either acknowledge or cannot fairely deny it , to be so for the space of thirteen or foureteene hundred yeares , and not in a corner of the church , but universally in christendome ; and in such a case possidenti conceditur , without prescription , possession is a good right and title a gainst all men , saving him onely , that can make a good and better title first to appeare ; and untill the pretender doe make his right and title to appeare , the possessour should not be enforced either to prove , or shew forth his right and title : let then the consistoriall presbytery both shew and prove that a standing ecclesiasticall court consisting of presbyters , and of twice so many laikes to be annually elected to beare rule , to governe , hooker eccles. polity , preface , page . 5. and to be iudges in the church , were by christ or his apostles ordained or established , and this consistoriall power , and it onely , and no other , should for ever beare away this government ecclesiasticall : which proofe ought to be made ( not by texts stretcht from the genuine sence , or by words of equivecall and double sence or severall significations ) but by cleare and manifest record of scripture , which ( i beleeve ) is a taske unperformable : i am sure it wanteth that prosperous successe and blessing which accompanies divine institutions , according to that divine axiome truly delivered by gamaliel , act. 5.38 , 39. si est ex hominibus hoc opus , dissolvetur ; sin ex deo est , non potest dissolvi : what is of humane invention may perish or come to nothing , what is of divne ordination cannot perish , though at some time and in some place be resisted and persecuted , and so become clouded and eclipsed ; yet it will be resident somewhere or other , and it will in time convenient be disclouded and become conspicuous and transplendent againe ; apply to the present case , the blessing hath ever gone in an eminent and conspicuous manner with episcopacie ; but presbyterie consistoriall , is at the best supposed to have had buta little entrance in some narrow part of the church , once in the first — hundred yeares , and againe in this last — hundred yeares , but hath beene at an inter-regnum , at a losse and vacation for many hundred years , how can wee then judge your presbytery to be of god , and our episcopacy to be of antichrist ? presbytery non surted . it this be the evidence on the behalfe of consistoriall presbytery , as such it is , ( as i conceive clearely ) then must it become non suite ; and episcopacy must keepe it's possession still , amending it selfe , or else be caused to amend , what is amisse in it by personall defects . or by bad customes . num. 24 episcopacies title . although episcopacy thus prevaile upon this nonsuite , yet nevert helesse ex abundante , i will produce such evidence as i have found and collected for it , out of divine records , to prove episeopacy to be ex iure divino , assuring my selfe , that others , as well those of ablest parts , as those whom it more concernes , are provided of other evidence , and also of a way to apply the same better than i can : but for making good my undertaking , i offer these three particulars to be considered , concerning episcopacy . num. 25 1. an office , or power ministeriall , 2. an office or power meerely episcopall , 3. exercise of jurisdiction ; title of honour and dignity , and competency of revenewes : first , the office or power ministeriall or sacerdotall , is authority to preach the gospell , and to distribute and give the sacraments : this power ex iure divino , it is christs owne ordination , as is agreed on both sides without contradiction : wherein there is indeed a parity in the ministery , in so much as such ministeriall-acts , done by an inferiour-minister or priest , are as valid and effectuall , as if the same were done by the highest prelate in the church . secondly , the office or power meerely and truly episcopall , is to ordeine and to admit ministers into the clergie : to suspend or punish such of the priest-hood as become delinquent , or neglect their cure or charge ; to make use of the keyes in binding and loosing by judiciall sentence , out of , and into the assemblies of the church , both clerkis and laicks , upon just and weighty causes ; and generally to governe the churches , for the prevention of the creeping in and growth of heresie , and error ; for support and maintenance of unity , without schisme or division ; and for to rule , governe and command , and to be ruled , governed , and to obey , in such sort as church affaires may be duly and rightly performed , and done in the churches , whereof they are superintendent . thirdly , exercise of jurisdiction , bic non illic , sic et non sic , in this and not in that dioces or province , in this and not in that manner , or other than is allowed , prescribed , and authorized : title of honour and dignity , to be lords and piers of parliament ; and to be endowed with faire estates and revenewes annexed , as adjuncts unto bishopricks in this kingdome ( to wit ) to be lords and peers of parliament ; and to possesse and enjoy lands and tenements of value correspondent , which are called temporalities , &c. these are ex gratiâ principis , et reipublica : so as of the first , and the last , there is no controversie or doubt , ( as i take it ) and therefore the first being ex iure divino , may not be abolished out of the church , it being de esse , of the essence of the church ; and the last , being ex iure humano , and de bene esse , of accommodation , may be corrected , restrained , and limited in such moderation , as shall by superiours be found and adjudged most meet and convenient for the welfare , of the church and common-weale of england . num. 26 but the controversie is ( i thinke ) onely concerning the second particular , episcopacy not de jure humano . whether it be de iure divino , or humano , of christs institution , invention ? and ( if it be divine ) or of mans whether it was conferred upon all the then clergie , equally or to some conjunctim or divisim , as superiour over the rest ? i assume in the first place , that this office is not de iure humano , reasons . of mans ordination , for these two reasons ; the one , because this office was in the church , long before emperours and princes became christians , so as the temporal power could not be the parent or founder of this office in the church : but when the emperour const intine became christian , he indeed advanced bishops both with honours and revenewes , and so other good emperours and christian kings did encrease it more and more ; but this episcapail office of superintendency , was long before any advancoment of honour , or revenew , was conferred by princes on bishopricks ; yea long before the bishops could enjoy any assurance of peace for life , or member being generally martyred and persecuted for the gospels sake : and the other reason is , because this office is spirituall , which necessarily requires a divine hand and power , to be the author , founder , and institutor of it , and that must needs be jesus christ ( the mysticall head of the church ) from whom all divine and spirituall gifts , are derived unto his mysticall body , and each member thereof : without all doubt , christ had in himselfe this office and power of government , mar. 28.18.19.20 . ma●ke 16.15 . john 20.20 , 21 , 22 , 23. and of binding and loosing ; for the divine text sayes , all power in heaven and earth was given to him ; and out of his large stocke of power , he after his resurrection did conferre some parcell of it unto those who should after his ascension , be governours in the church saying unto them , that , as his father sent him , so also he did send them ; giving them command to goe unto all nations , and to teach what he had commanded , and breathing into them the holy ghost , gave them power to bind and loose : mat. 20.25 , 26 . -7 , 28. marke 10.42.43 , 44 , 45. luke 22.25 . vos 26 , 27. which gift of power and authority , was not contrary nor repugnant unto his pleasure , signified unto them formerly , saying , the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them , but yee shall not d●e so , which prohibition ( verum non it a erit inter vos ) or ( vos autem non it a dominabimini ) yee shall not rule or domineere so , ( or in such manner as heathen princes used to doe ) was not an absolute prohibition from use of all manner of superiority , among the clergie ; but a prohibition aliquo modo . a qualified prohibition , not to rule as heathen princes used to doe , tyrannically after their-owne wills ( with stat pro ratione voluntas ) their pleasure to be their law , for their owne ends , not regarding the welfare of the people ; will. archbp. of canterb conference wub m. fisher . s. 6 pa , 5 et . 247. mar. 23 8 9 , 10.10.13 13.14.15 . which prohibition , aliquo modo , or suomodo , doth infer an allowance of ruling in the church , aliquo modo , in a temperate & charitable manner , otherwise what shall be said to a text containing a stricter prohibition , than this text do's , and that is , where christ forbids his disciples to be called masters , with a strong reason for it , because they were omnes frat es all brethren : if a convenient exposition can be fitt●d to this text , that christ did therby for bid unto them ambition or title , ●t forbidding what himself assumed , saying yee call me masier and lord , and yee say well , for so i am , but was so farre from affecting of honourable titles , as he beares himselfe so lowly and humbly , as that he washed their feet , exhorting them to doe so likewise , and the chiefest , and greatest among them to be servant , tanto altior , tanto submissior , the more honourable in out ward condition , the more humble in mind , and in submissive deportment ; if this text ( being literaliter of an absolute tenor of prohibition ) may receive a benigne interpretation ; much more may the text ( vos non ita dominsbimini — ) being not an absolute , but a qualified prohibition , may receive the like exposition , that christ did thereby for bid such ambitious and tyrannicall government , as was exercised by pagan-princes ; and allowed neverthelesse of ruling in the church by superiours upon inferiours ; otherwise the consistoriall fresbyters therefore may neither rule , or governe , nor be so much as called mastors ; but what need of seeking further for proofe ? this our text affords it sufficiently by our saviours words , of maximus and minimus , he that is greatest among you , luke 22.26 . let him be least , qui major est in vobis fiat sicut minor , ( maximus erit minister ) not that he that in authority is made superio , should be pulled down by his inferiours , but still be superiour in authority , and also be humbled in himselfe , mar. 20.28 . to minister unto inferiours , just as christ ( being most supreme ) came to minister , as followeth there in the next verse . num. 28 this being cleered , it remaines to be inquired , to what part of the clergi : christ did conferre this office of governing ; giving of orders ; and of binding and loosing , i say not to all the then present clergy , but to some as superiours , to exercise it upon others as inferiours : episcopaty , ex jure divino . for which purpose , it is to be noted , that christ had a cler●y of two sorts , to wit , the apostles , and seventy disciples , the apostles were first called , made neerest unto him , and in communion with him , the seventy disciples were called afterwards , and sent out from christ two by two ; to the apostles and to the seventy disciples equall commission and power was given . mar. 4.18 , 20 , & 10 1 , 2 , 8. marke 3.13 , 2 , 19. luke 9.1 , 2 , 10 , & 10.1 , 2 , 20. 1. to preach the gospell , 2. to administer sacraments , 3 to heale and cure diseases . 4. to worke miracles : this office they all had in parity and in common among them ; but the office and power of mission or ordination of others ; for the jadiciall use of the keyes , for binding & loosing in the church , and of governing in the church , to preserve the doctrine of faith & order therein , was conferred on the apostles conjunctim et divisim , joyntly & severally ; to them christ said , as my father sent me so i send you , 10 . 1.4●4 , 43 , and 3 , 22 , and 4 , 1 , 2. commission corjunction et divisim . to the end by power of that mission they might send others , as he had sent them ; into them he breathed the spirit of truth , accipite spititum sanctum , for the establishing of sacred doctrines , and for prevention of heresies and errors in matters of faith ; and to them were the keyes of binding and loosing of delinquents and penitents , out of and into the church , for offences unto the church ; and for the absolute confirmation of them in this sacred office , the holy spirit did according to christs promise , visibly descend on them at pentecost , luke 24.49 . act. 1.4 . act . 2.1.2.3.4 . after christs ascension into heaven : in all or any of which particulars , the seaventy disciples ( for ought i read in scripture ) had not any immediate participation or share ; and according to the power and authority of this office , conferred on the apostles , joyntly and severally , they did whiles they were all at hierusalem , convene and assemble together , act. 1.2.6.13.20.23.24.25.26 . and elected mathias to succeed iud is in his bishopricke , whereof he was deprived by his treason to his master , and by his act of felo de se : and these twelve apostles at another assembly did ordaine ( for their ease ) seaven deacons at a time , act. 6 , 1 , 2 , 7. laying apostolicall hands on them ; and being afterwards met in councill , they made a decrce or canon , for the present deportment of the churches ; and according as the present number of the apostles , was either more or lesse , so they executed the same power and authority by sewer in number ; act. 8.14.17 . for peter and iohn being come to samaria , they two onely executed the same office by ordination of others , with imposition of hands , and with prayer ; which makes it appeare , that this commission was committed to the apostles , conjunction et divisim , and it was necessary to be so , seeing they were to be dispersed the one from the other for conversion of the nations of the world : in so much as the same office which was executed , conjunction by all joyntly , whiles they were together , was shortly after onely executed by two of them : but it must be reduced to one alone , or else peradventure it will not satisfie , though ( for my owne part ) this president of executing it by two , is sufficient to make it appeare , that this commission and office was given divisim , to be executed by any one , as well as by any two of the twelve , there being no expresse direction to authorize two , more than any one , but it being naturally included ; ( and so the apostles rightly understood it ) it was sufficient ; nam expressio eorum , quae tacite insunt , nibil operatur : what is included need not be expressed . num. 29 but to make it full , it shall ( god willing ) be here made apparent , that both before the apostles were severed and dispersed among the gentiles and afterwards , execution by one episcopally . this office and commission was executed by one of the apostles alone : whilest the company of the apostles were at hierusalem it pleased god , that samaria received the word , and there one simon magus , seeing the holy ghost was given by imposition of hands by peter and iohn , hee would have purchased the holy-ghost with money , whereupon saint peter alone making use of the keyes , acts 8.18 , 9 , 20 , 21 binds him with this malediction , that he had no part nor portion in that matter , and his money perish with him ; and how fast it stucke to him , both scripture and ecclesiasticall story doe relate ; and ananias and saphyra , dissembling and lying ; were so bound by saint peters sole act of binding as ( divine iustice smiting at the cue thereof ) both fell downe dead to the great amazement and wonder of the spectators : acts 5.1.1010 wherein he exercised this office of binding . and saint peter being come to casarea ( at the request of cornelius ) hee commanded that cornelius and the company should be baptized , which was done accordingly ; by which act saint peter did exercise his office of commanding , acts. 10 44 . 4s and obedience was yeelded upon his sole c●mmand : and saint paul reasoning in the synagagnes of the lowes , and finding them to be opposers of his d●ctrine and blesphemers of christ , he sbooke his raiment , and by the power of the keyes exercised by himself alone , acts 18.2.5.6 . he did bind them to heare their blood upon their ●wne h●ads , and so it afterwards succeeded accordingly ; and be having summoned at milet us the elders ( the spirituall governours and superintendants of the church ) saves [ spiritus sanctus so ; act. 10.17.18 . constituit episcopos ] ye are by the holy ghost made bishops : and rebuking the church of corinth for their sedition and division , he tels them , he was a master-builder ( whose office is to direct how and in what manor the fabricke shall be framed and erected , i cor. ● . 3.10 10. and to superview the worke , and to command the workefolkes to do e their worke , and to place and displace , whom he thinkes good for the better ordering of the businesse : ) and then saint faul after some reprooses , does give them warning , 1 cor. 4.14,15 , ( which carryes in it the sence of authority ) telling them , that though they had ten thousand teachers , yet hee was their father ; which imports awe , reverence , and power : and for that cause hee sent unto them timothy , ib. ver. 17. which manifests saint paul to be superiour mittendo , by the act of mission , and timothie to be inferiour and under obedience , cundo by going : and moreover saint paul reproving them about the inecstuous person , doth behave himselfe therein as their chiefe bishop exercising this office both of government and ruling , and also of iudgement , doome and censure by power of the keyes in binding and loosing ; for concerning that offendour , 1 cor. 5. per totum . hee sayes i have judged already ; and then he commands them , that in their assembly , they should in the name of iesus christ and saint pauls spirit ( to wit ) of binding power , deliver him unto satan , by casting him out of the communion of that church for castigation of the flesh , that the spirit might be saved ; and then hee gives them command , not to associate themselves with fornicatours , covetous persons , extortioners , or idolatours , and this he did doe in the spirit or power of judging , for à minore ad majus hee sayes , they themselves did passe judgement on them within , as for those without the pale of the church , hee sayes , hee judged not , but leaves them to the judgement of god , and then in the power of that office of iudging and commanding , hee requires them , to put from among themselves ( or excommunicate ) that wicked incestuous person : cor. 2.6 . to 10. and as saint paul had by the power of the keyes caused that incestuous person to be excommunicated ; so be afterwards absolves him , saying , i forgive him , and willed the corinthians to forgive him too , and to restore him , his punishment being sufficient , and to confirme their love to him , and so he tryed an in omunibus obedientes , their obedience by it : and those corinthians having had suits in law one against another in the courts of iusti●e among pagans , 1 cor. 6.1 . to 9. how does saint paul handle them for it ? even as a man of authority and awfull power , audet aliquis vestrum ? dare any of you doe it ? and concerning the matter of marriage , and single life , he gives rules or canons as a supreme governour , to azoyd fornication , let every man have his owne wife , and every woman her owne husband ; the unmarried and widowes , ( if they could not abstaine ) to marry ; and to the married , he gave command , let not the wife depart from her husband , and putting them in mind of his ordinances ( or canons ) in these and other things . hee praise them for keeping his ordinances and then he makes more canons , 1 cor. 11.2 . to 15. and 28.1 cor. 14.34 , 39. lawes , and ecelesiasticall ordinances , for receiving the communion in both kinds ; for uncovering mens heads , and covering woment heads in the church , and for silence to be kept by women in church , assemblies and all things to be done with decency , and order : and as concerning collections for the saints , hee commands them , that looke what order he had given at galatia , even so they should doe , and repeates it to them , 1 cor. 16.1.2 . what that order was : were it not a folly ( thinke you ) that saint paul should take on him to make orders , rules and canons , it he did not know , he had power and authority both to create them , and also to put them in execution in those severall churches ? and the same saint paul writing to the church of galatia complaines , that some had endeavoured to pervert them from the gospell , he by the power of the keyes doth accurse with anathema such false teachers : si quis whis evangel zazerit praterid , quod accepistis , gal. 1.7 , 8 , 9. anathema sit ; and to the church of thessalonica , hee gives his commands to withdraw themselves from such as walke disorderly and not after the traditions ( or ordinances ) by them received from him , 2 thes. 3.6.10 , 12.14 . commanding , that he that would not worke should not eate , and that with quietnesse they should worke and eate their owne bread , and requiring , that they which obeyed not his word , they should not associate or keepe company with them : and as for hymenaeus and alexander , who were retrograde in the faith , saint paul by power of the keyes , did deliver to satan , and in particular hee binds alexander the copper-smith ( who had done him much evill ) to be rewarded by the lord according to his workes : thus it is manifest , that saint paul alone as metropolitan and superintendent of severall churches or diocesses , did exercise this office of government ; of making canons , rules and ordinances ; of mission and ordination ; and of censures by binding and leosing : which he did doe without conjunction with , or assistance of any consistory or presbytery , or any other with him as i conceive . num. 30 episcopacy delegated unto successors . and now finally , least it should be alledged that though this office was in the apostles , as well divisim , as anjunction equally , yet it ended with them , as to the execution of it by one alone ; and then it fell into the church promiscuously , or into the consistory , which if any shall say , let it be proved , and take it ; but the contrary appeares evidently , for saint paul delegated it unto timothy , and titus , the one instituted bishop of ephesus , and the other bishop of crete , as is evidenced by these scripture-particulars : saint paul tells timothy , that he had disposed of him for ephesus , to the end he should charge others , that they should teach no other doctrine , 1 tim. 1 . 3● which carries in it matter of power and authority , not to permit false doctrine : and the apostle as metropolitan giveth timothy his charge and rules , how he should governe and order the ephesian church , willing and appointing how men should pray with hands erected , 1 tim. 1.18 . & 2 tim. 2.8.0 . and women to be adorned with modest apparell , with shamefastnesse and modesty , learning in silence with subjection , nottaking on them to teach , or to usurpe authority ower the man : and then the apostle declares as an undoubted truth , 2 tim. 3.1.4.9.11 . that the desire of the office of a bishop is a good worke , whose care ought to be to rule his owne family wel , that he may rule the church the better ; and he having given timothy severall instructions , he appoints him , to command and teach them , not onely teach them , as a presbyter , but also command as a superintendent and superiour ; otherwise he might command and doe it himselfe : and concerning elders , widdowes , and children , hee appoints timothy , to give them in charge to be blamelesse , and gives him powor of receiving and rejecting of widdowes , into and out of the care of the church , which is a parcell of authority surely ; and as for the elders , he appoints timothy to let them be cou●ted worthy of double honour ; 1 tim. 5.17.19.22 . surely then timothy was a person of greater honour & authority , other wife he could not conferre honour on others : and as for the power of ecclesiasticall-judic●ture , timothy must not receive an accusation against an e●der , but before two or three witnesses : which informes me , that timothy had power as an ecclesiasticall iudge to heare and determine complaints , and to examine witnesses , and to give sentence : and elder being presbyter sheweth that he was iudge of presbyters and teachers , and as for mission and ordination , it is cleere as the sunne ; that timothy had that power to execute it alone ; for he is exhorted , suddainly to lay hands on no man , and timothy himselfe was ordained and consecrated to this office per prophetion aforehand eum impositione manuum presbytery , 1 tim 1.18 and 4.14 . with imposition of hands by the presbyterie ( non per presbiteros , not by the presbyters but by the office of the presbytery ) which may be done by one , as if i say , i receive baptisme at the bands of priesthood , i say true , though it be alwayes done by one minister onely , 2. tim. 1.8 . and so it appeares this was ; for saint paul sayes it was perimpositionem manuum mearum , by imposition of my hands , which addes confirmation to the former point , that one apostle did and might execute this office of episcopacy ; and so a bishop might then be consecraeted by one , as timothy then was , council . nicen. 1. can. 4. bin . 10. p● . 161. col . 1. p. though afterwards ( when the stock of bishops was stored ) it was decreed , that conseeration should be done by three at the least ; and never thelesse for the point in hand , our apostle here appointeth timothie that what he had heard from saint paul , he should commit to faithfull men , able to teach , which is the power of ordination of ephesus , 2 tim. 2.2.14 . which ministers hee was to charge , that they should not strive about words tending to the subversion of the auditory , which comprises in it matter of episcopall authority . and as for titus , the apostle tells him , tit. 1.5 .. that he also left him in creet , aini corrigea qua desunt , to the end that he should set in order things wanting , & constituat , per civitates presbyteros , and ordaine elders in every city , which plainely declareth that titus was ordained bishop of crete by saint paul alone ; and that titus had power delegated to him to rule and governe , otherwise he could not set things in order , and had power to ordaine teaching elders , ( to wit ) presbyters and ministers , which iurisdiction and power was not to be exercised in one parish onely , but the text sayes , in every citty ; whereby titus had a large dixes or territory . and at the end of these epistles of saint paul to timothy and titus , it is recorded ( though peradventure not scripture , yet exceeding ancient , and ( next scripture ) the church of the ephesians ; and titus ordained the first bishop of the cretians , i shall conclude with that of the spirit of god to the angels of the seven churches in asia . reve. 2. these were not indeed angels , or spirituall essences , for reall angels are not partly'good , and partly evill , nor to be chargedwith good things and with had things too , as the best nun are : for angels are either totally good without any mixture of finne , as are the blessed cherubins and seraphins , and other heavenly spirits , or else totally deformed and wicked , as diabolicall spirits be ; the word ( angell ) in this piece of scripture must needs be borrowed to expresse somegreat men and glorious in those churches , as kings are for majestic and power called gods , so bishops and superintendants are here called angels , being persons eminent , and glorious for ecclefiasticall honour and piety : and as there were in asia just seyen churches mentioned , so the angels or superintendants are reckoned to be onely seaven , one for each church ; to whom in particular is directed the message of the spirit of god , on behalfe of themselves , and the church under each of their governments ; like the message of an emperour to his severall princes and governours of his severall cities concerning detention of tribute , it is delivered and directed unto the severall princes and governours onely , but it is for and on the behalfe of them selves and the people under each of their principalitieis : and that there were then indeed superintendents or bishops over those seven churches of asia is manifested by ecclesiasticall history ; but what is comprised in sacred scripture is so ample and cleere to this purpose , as there is no need of authorities or proofes out of historie : howbeit antient and authenticke ecclesisticall histories doe declare , how that as citties and common-ireales were converted to the faith , bishops were ( even in the apostles dayes ) ordained , to be superintendents over those citties and countries , & of the apostles and disciples were ordained bishops of some of those seas , eusebiu . lib. 2. cap. 1. anto. cron. part . 1. ccp . 8. paragr. 1. as iames ( called brother of our lord iesus ) was immediatly after christs ascention ordained by the apostles peter , iames and iohn to be bishops of hierusalem : where hee continued thirtie yeares , and then suffered martyrdome ; saint peter was first bishop of antioch , where hee continued seven yeares ; and marke the evangelist , was the first bishop of alexandria ; and as the churches in severall provinces encreased , so the number of bishops encreased , where they had successours for many hundred yeares : and this office of episcopacy bath ever continued in the catholicke church hitherto , and therefore if scripture were darke , and not cleare in this point , yet if there be but a print or shaddow of episcopacy there , seeing the same was immediatly after our s●●●●●● ascention put in practise by the apostles , and hath had penpetuall continuance and succession in the church of god ever since , the same is a sufficient exposition of the meaning of scripture , if it were obscure in it ; but seeing the scripture is ( in my opinion ) cleere in it , and continuall succession hath blest it , my judgement is captivated and convinced , and my conscience is fully satisfied , that this office episcopall is exjure divino , and that this episcopall office was sometimes executed by one bishop alone , and sometimes by one bishop as supreme superintendent with others presbyters as assistants , bearing this mind neverthelesse , to be corrected by superiours , and to be informed by more forcible prooses , and to be reformed in whatsoever is mistaken , professing ingennously , than this is not thus presented on any supposall , that these records of scripture have not beenc already produced ; it ia truly acknowledged that this point hath bin both long since , and also of fate by severall learned doctors and divines famous in our church most solidly and soundly vindicated ; but seeing old arguments on the presbyterian party , some in the same old clothes , and some with new apparell , have beene of late revived , and come abroad without any notice taken of the cleere defences made on the episcopall party by the learned in those times , i think i may thus petere petita , sing an old song too : which was never before ( i thinke ) thus dressed . sure i am , i being no way engaged to either party , in particular profit orinterest , am the more impartiall , being onely swayed with the power and evidence ( i thinke ) of perfect and unconquerable truth out of gods — booke , not professing these all the scripture proofes for it , nor that every singular text here vouched doe cleerely proove the point , but hoping that each text does render somewhat towards it , and some and many of them direct , and all connexed , doe together become ( i beleeve ) invincible , conjunct , vincunt , si singula prosint and what i have here presumed is meerely my owne conceptions ( without addresse to any promptuary or other belpe ) which is intended ( not for disputation or controversie , but ) as a corolarium to my tract against r. b. for declaratum of mine opinion ( backt with scripture prose ) which strongly inclines my heart to cleave , with all filiall duty , submissive obedience , and : humble reverence unto our holy mother , our sacred church of england , long blest with the use and honour of episcpacy and ( i trust in god ) shall ever be to the end of the world . and now whiles our romish adversaries are ( according to divine providence ) by one or other utterly ejected and convinced , let not , o let not any unhappy schisme , division or fruitlesse contention distract us at home ( the high way to loose all ; which the great god of peace , by the high ; merit of our sacrifice of peace , with sweetest influences of the blest spirit of peace prevent in time , firmely and strongly binding with the triple-cord of peace ( truth , unity and love ) all our unhappy breaches in a solide and perpetuall conjunction of christion amity in church and common-weak . amen . amen . finis . april 22. 1641. imprimatur , tho. wykes . errata . p. stands for page . l. stands for line of that page . m. stands for margen . l. stands for lim of that margen p. 4. m. l. 12. read ( 230. ) for 203. ) m. l. 17. read ( 276. ) for ( 297. ) p. 5. l. 3. read ( beretofore ) for ( therefore . ) p. 17. l. 17. read ( conscerators ) for ( consecration . ) m. l. 14. read ( 1605. ) for ( 1604. ) p. 23. l. 15. read ( most ) for ( must . ) l. 24. read ( place it . ) l. 28. read ( apply it . ) p. 29. l. 17. read ( power is . ) p. 30. l. 4. blot out ( to wit , to be lords and piers of parliament and to possesse and enjoy lands and tenements of value correspondent . ) l. 20. read ( conjunction & divisim . ) p. 32. m. l. 7. read ( and 10. unto 8. ) l. 10. read ( luke 9. 1. to 10. ) p. 33. m. l. 13. read ( act. 6. 1. to 7. ) l. 34. put in the margen ( 1 tim 1. 20. ) & tim. 4. 14. ) notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45589e-200 mat. 14.20 . marc. 12.42 . notes for div a45589e-840 mat. 3.10 . notes for div a45589e-1610 sec ndum vulgatem translationem , rom 9.1 . 1 cor. 11.31 . gal. 1 20.1 tim. 2.7 . 1 tim. 4.1.2 . notes for div a45589e-2760 article 23. r. b. pa. 206. article . 36. r. b. pa 346. pag. 209. 210. pag. 346. pag 347. (a) coneil . parisi . 3 bin . tom. 2. pag. 207. col . 2. nu 8 b. synod 7. act. 8. can. 3. bin tom. 3 part . 1. sect 1 pag. 701. e. f. synod . 8. cap. 22. bin . tom. 3 part 1 scot . 2 p. 647. col 1. a. & pag. 676 col a c. d. concil. ●ar . sub gre pop. 7. bin . tom 3 sas . 2. pa. 4●7 col . 1. f. baron tom. 12 ann. 1103. paragr. 8. pag. 33. ft ann. 111● . para 29.30.34 . et ann. 1106. par . 33. pag. 55. et ann. 1108. par . 25 pag 67. et ann. 1119. paragr. 10. pag. 143. et ●nno . 1139. parag. 5. pag. 89. nu . 25. et. 1169. par . ● 29. pag. 623. (b) optat afrie . milevit . lb. 3. pag. 64. august . contr. liter . pet. lb. 2.1 . (c) tosua 24.23 . ad 28 & 34.31.22 33. isay 47.23 . s. august . contr. cresc . li . 3 . c.51 . pag. 272. a. b. & contr. gaudent . lib. 2 . c.11. col . 341. a. b. & epist. 50. col . 207. ad 203. (d) concil. nice . i. can. 4. bin . tom 1. pag. 297. col . 1. b. epistdehan . pap . 3. bin . tom. 2. part . 2. pag. 205. col . 2. d. (e) archidiac . super dec part . i . dist. 66 pog . 88. bellarm. tom. 2. de mil. eccles. lib. 4 cap. 8. p 189. b. quantum . cardin . turtecr . in gratian . tom. 1. part . 1. dist. 66. porro pag. 88. (f) bellar. tom. 2. not. eccles. li 4. cap. 8 col 189. b.c. (g) iohan. reynolds apol. thes. 26. pag. 292. cites many authorities for these boyish heads . (h) concil calce. . gen. 4. act. 15. can. 6. bin . tom. 2. par ●● pag. 327 col . 2. c. (i) panormit . de offic. ordinar. cap quoniam nu . 4. (k) sleidon . commom . lib 17 pag. 248. a. baron . tom. 10 anne 912 , na. 8 col , 685. budaeus de asset lib. 5. sol . 199. franc. de victor . rel 4. de potest . papae propos 6 , pag. 39. & 48. ra ward topp . oral . 10. anno 1552. pag. 199. & 200. r b. pag. 346. 3. 7. concil sardicenscap . 3 bn. ●om 1. pag 434. col . 2. f. (a) baron tom. 2. anmo . 260. paragr 29. col . 580. (b) zozom . hist. eccl lib. 4. cap. 8. bin . tom. 1 part . 1. sect. pag. 521. and tom 3. part . 2. sect. 2. pag. 423. co . 2. e. concil. constanti . ep. vel . hist. cons. b n. tom. 1. pag. 521. (b.c) bin tom. 3 par . 2. sect. 2. pag. 4●4 . col . 1. a. b. (a c c) baron to . 4. anno 375 paragr. 21.22.23 . col . 395. 396. (e) baron tom. 4. an. 362. para . 50 pag. 29. (f) marcell . correct . sacr. cerl 1. sect. 2 fol. 13. socrat. bist . eccles. lib 4 cap. 25. pag. 282. e. begun 22. ianu. 1558. 1. eliz. & ended 8. may following 1559. pag. 343. godwyn catal of bishop durbam 58. cath. tunsto'l stow hist queen . fliz. an. 1. injun . eli. reginae . injunct . 8.28.40.51.53 . r.b. pag. 348. 1. r. b. pag. 209. statut. 25 . hen. 8 . cap.20 . register parker . lib. 1. fol. 2. a.b. & fol. 3. a & fol. 9. b. r.b. pag. 210. 211. vide hic infra . object . 3. page 350. franc. mason , booke of consecrat. lib. 3 ca. 4. pag. 127. r.b. pag. 210. 〈◊〉 , antepenult . antiquitat , britan . pag. 39. editio hano v. anno 1604 * he meanes ( surely ) consecration . concil trid. sess. 23. can. 4. bin . tom 4. part . 2. pag. 328. col. 1. ● . (a) greg àc valent . ies . tom. 4. disp 9. qu. 2. punct 1. pa. 894. secundus effectus . — (b) biel. in 4. sent . dist. 25. qu. 1. fol. 31. col . 1. c. (c) dam. soto . in 4 sent . dist. 25. qu. 1. pag. 58 col . 2. contra hunc . — (d) capreol lib. 4. sent . dist. 25. qu. 1. art . 3. pag. 272. col . 1. in margine . (e) bellar. tom. 3. de effectu sacrament . lib. 2. cap. 19 , 20 , 21.22 . pag. 46 , 47 , 48 et de sacra confirmat . lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 92. col . 1. c. petrus de palude in 4 , sentent . d. 25. p. 1. art , 1. masonus de minister . aug. lib. 8 . cap.30.pag.372.lat . impr anno 1638. regist. cran. sol.261 . regist. polisol . 3. godwin lat exeter 32 . pag 413. rigist . parker libr. 1.fol.3.b . reman in recor . cur. cancellar. . godwin . catal. chichester 39 . et pag. 474. audaxi inscitia . regist. cran. fol. 179. godwin . catal. asaph . pag. 552. et st. davia's 78. et bath & wells , 45. et chichester , 41. regist. park . lib. 1. fol. 39. b. regist. cranm . fol. a. godwin . catal. chichester 39 pag. 474. regist. parker 1. lib. 1. fol 23. a. antiquitates britan pag. 39. sir humpb lind via tuta pag. 154. 155. 10. heigham via vere tuta pag. 425. 426. the true grounds of ecclesiasticall regiment set forth in a briefe dissertation. maintaining the kings spirituall supremacie against the pretended independencie of the prelates, &c. together, vvith some passages touching the ecclesiasticall power of parliaments, the use of synods, and the power of excommunication. parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91392 of text r212682 in the english short title catalog (thomason e176_18). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 200 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91392 wing p428 thomason e176_18 estc r212682 99871272 99871272 157098 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91392) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 157098) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 31:e176[18]) the true grounds of ecclesiasticall regiment set forth in a briefe dissertation. maintaining the kings spirituall supremacie against the pretended independencie of the prelates, &c. together, vvith some passages touching the ecclesiasticall power of parliaments, the use of synods, and the power of excommunication. parker, henry, 1604-1652. [2], 99, [1] p. printed for robert bostock, london : 1641. annotation on thomason copy: "by mr. hen: parker". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. royal supremacy (church of england) -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. a91392 r212682 (thomason e176_18). civilwar no the true grounds of ecclesiasticall regiment: set forth in a briefe dissertation. maintaining the kings spirituall supremacie against the p parker, henry 1641 35227 23 10 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-06 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the true grounds of ecclesiasticall regiment set forth in a breife dissertation . maintaining the kings spirituall supremacie against the pretended independencie of the prelates , &c. together , vvith some passages touching the ecclesiasticall power of parliaments , the use of synods , and the power of excommunication . london , printed for robert bostock . 1641. the divine right of episcopacie refuted . in this controversie about episcopacie by reason of many mistakes of either side much time hath beene spent to little purpose , and the right and truth is yet as farre imbosked , and buried in darknesse as ever it was . me thinks , the case is , as if two well imbattail'd armies had marched forth for a mutuall encounter , but both not taking the same way , there never was yet any meeting in any one certain place , where this great strife might bee decided . these mistakes and misadventures on both sides , as i conceive , have happened for want of an exact , and adequate definition of episcopacie first set downe , and agreed upon by both , and then by both equally pursued . it shall be therefore my care at this time to begin with a definition of episcopacy , and that such a one , as i shall take out of bishop hall , one of the greatest asserters , and in that the noblest , of episcopacy : and that which hee indevours to maintaine as being of divine right , i according to my power shall indeavour to disprove . the first definition given by the same bishop is this ; episcopacy is an holy order of church-government , for the administration of the church . this definition i hold to be too large , and unadequate for the determining of this doubt , for calvins discipline may according to this definition be called episcopacy , and it may be affirmed that episcopacie has bin in all ages ; since god had never yet any church , wherein was not some holy order of church discipline for better ruling of the same . and by the way , i must here professe to shake off , and neglect the mentioning , or answering of any thing which the patrons of episcopacie have alledged , and stuft their volumes withall , in defence of order , and disparity in the church ; for let our adversaries be never so clamorous in this point , yet it is manifest , that no church was ever yet so barbarous as to plead for anarchy , or a meere equalitie , neither did calvin ever favour any such parity as was inconsistent with order and government , neither do we see any such confusion introduced into geneva it selfe , as our hierarchists seem to gainsay . to let passe all impertinent vagaries , our dispute must be not whether church politie be necessary , or no ; but whether that church policy which is now exercised in england be necessary , & unalterable , or no . and not whether such parity as is the mother of confusion be politique , or no ; but whether such parity as now is at geneva amongst presbyters be politique , or no : but my present scope is not to defend the presbyteriall discipline in all things , it is only to maintain against the necessity of such an immutable episcopacy , as is now constituted in england , & so far to defend parity , as our hierarchists take advantage against it , for the upholding of their own side . to this purpose i cānot chuse but say , that in nature that seems to be the best parity which admits of some disparity in order , and that seems to be the best disparity which prevents confusion with the most parity . and therefore we see that our saviour recommended as unlordly a disparity as might be , not unlike that of marriage , for there is a great and sweet parity in the tie of wedlocke between man and wife , and that is not maintained without some disparity , yet that disparity is as little as may be , and that only for parities sake , non aliter fuerint foemina virque pares . but of this no more ; i come to bishop halls next more exact definitions : and they run thus ; episcopacy is an eminent order of sacred function appointed in the evangelicall church by the holy ghost , for the governing and overseeing thereof , and besides the word and sacraments , it is indued with power of ordination and perpetuity of jurisdiction . or thus : a pastor ordained perpetuall moderator in church affaires with a fixed imparity exercising spirituall jurisdiction out of his owne peculiarly demandated authority is a bishop . or thus : adde majority above presbyters , and power of jurisdiction by due ordination for constant continuance , and this makes a bishop : take away these , and he remaines a meere presbyter . it is to bee observed now that foure things are here asserted . first , episcopall power is such as none are capable of , but only men within sacred orders . a bishop must be a presbyter indued with power of ordination , and spirituall jurisdiction by due ordination , and without these hee remaines a meere pastor . secondly , episcopall power is such as is wholly independent upon temporall rulers , its institution was from the holy ghost in the evangelicall church , it must rule out of its owne peculiarly demandated authority . thirdly , episcopal power consists in ordination , and spiritual jurisdiction , and in majority above presbyters . fourthly , episcopal power is unalterable by any temporal authority , it is perpetual by divine right , as it was fixed , and where it was settled by christ , and his immediate successors , so and there it must continue unchanged til the worlds end . in briefe , the summe of all these definitions is this : episcopacy is a forme of ecclesiasticall policy instituted by christ , whereby a superiour order of presbyters is indued with a perpetual independent power of ordination , and spiritual jurisdiction , and with majority above presbyters , and this power as it appertaines to all that order , so it appertaines only to that order . and those things which we oppose herein are chiefly two ; first , we see no ground in the word of god , why bishops should arrogate to themselves such a peculiar , independent , perpetual power of ordination , spirituall jurisdiction , and such a majority above presbyters , as now they injoy , excluding from all such power and majoritie , not only all laymen , and princes , but also presbyters themselves . secondly , if power of ordination , and spirituall jurisdiction , and preheminence above all the clergie bee due only to bishops , yet we complaine that now in england that power and preheminence is abused , and too farre extended , and to such purposes perverted , as the apostles never practised or intended . of these two points in this order : but for my part , i am no favourer of extreames , some defend episcopacie as it is now constituted in england , as apostolicall , others withstand it as antichristian : my opinion is that the government is not so faulty as the governours have beene , and that it is better then no government at all , nay , and may be better then some other forms which some sectaries have recommended to the world . and my opinion further is , that it is not alike in all respects , and that it ought to be severally examined and ventilated , and that so it will probably appeare in some things unprofitable , in some things inconvenient , in some things mischievous : in notihng necessary , or unalterable . and it ought to be observed , that evill formes of policie have been sometimes well ordered and rectified by good commanders : and so the state of boetia once flourished under epaminondas and pelopidas , and yet it owed this prosperitie not to the government of the citie , for that was ill constituted , and composed : but to the governours , for they were wise and vertuous . the contrary also happened to lacedaemon , for that fared ill sometimes and suffered much distemper , because though its fundamentall laws were good , yet its kings and ephorie were many times tyrannous , and unjust . and this should teach bishops not alwayes to boast of the sanctitie of their order : because such , & such , in ancient , and modern times were martyrs , or were humble , and fortunate to the church , nor always to blame all other formes of government , for the faults of such & such governors . but in this my ensuing discourse i must undertake almost all churchmen , at least some , if not all , of all religions , & opinions . papists allow somthing to secular magistrates in the rule of the church , but supremacie of rule they do utterly in very terms deny . the protestants though divided amongst themselvs , some placing supreme power in episcopacie , others in presbytery , yet both in effect deny it to the king , though in words they pretend otherwise . the grounds of this mistake ( as i conceive ) are these ; when our saviour first gave commission to his disciples to preach , and baptise , and to propagate the true faith in the world , secular authority being then adverse thereunto , hee was of necessity to commit , not only doctrine but all discipline also to the charge of his apostles , and their substitutes only : wherfore though secular authority be now come in , & become friendly to religion , & willing to advance the spirituall prosperity of the church , aswel as the temporall of the state , yet clergiemen having obtained possession of power in the church , and that by christs own institution , they think they ought not to resigne the same againe at the demand of princes . and because the certain forme of discipline which our saviour left , and to whom it was left is doubtfully and obscurely set forth in scripture , and is yet controverted of all sides , therefore some contend for one thing , some for an other , but all agree in this , that whatsoever forme was appointed for those times , is unalterably necessary for these , and that to whomsoeever rule was designed , to christian princes it was not , my drift therefore must now be , to discover the erroneous conceits herein of all sides , and to doe as the romans once did when they were chosen arbitrators betweene two contesting cities , i must neither decree for the plaintiff , nor defendant , but for the king , who is in this case a third party . i am of opinion that some order and imparitie was necessary in the primitive church , in the very house of god , and therefore was so countenanced by our saviour : but for ought i see , that power which was then necessary was not so large as our prelates , nor so narrow as our presbyterians plead for , but whatsoever it was , or wheresoever it rested , questionless , it is now unknown , and not manifest in scripture : but if it were manifest , and that such as the prelacie , or such as the presbytery mayntaines , it is so far from being now unchangeable since princes are come in to doe their offices in the house of god , that i think it cannot remayne unchanged without great injury to princes , and damage to the church , and by consequence great dishonour to our saviour . and this is that now which i shall endevour to confirme , and demonstrate . in the first place then , i am to impugne those grounds whereby a sole , independent , perpetuall power of church government is appropriated to ecclesiasticall persons only : and whereby princes , &c. are excluded as incompetent for the same . that there is no such thing as ordination , and spirituall jurisdiction due , and necessary in the church is not now to be questioned , the question is what persons are most capable of the same , whether such as are commonly called ecclesiasticall , or no . it is agreed by all , that god hath not left humane nature destitute of such remedies as are necessary to its conservation : and that rule and dominion being necessary to that conservation , where that rule and dominion is granted , there all things necessary for the support of that rule and dominion are granted too . it is further agreed also that supream power ought to be intire and undivided , and cannot else be sufficient for the protection of all , if it doe not extend overall : without any other equall power to controll , or diminish it : and that therefore the supreme temporall magistrate ought in some cases to command ecclesiasticall persons , as well as civill : but here lies the difference , the papists hold , that though spirituall persons as they are men , and citizens of the common-wealth in regard of their worldly habitation are subject to temporall commanders , yet this subjection is due ob pacem communem , or quoad commune bonum , and that per accidens and indirectè , and that no further neither , but only secundum partem directivam , seu imperativam . thus , whatsoever they pretend to the contrary , they doe erect regnum in regno , they give temporall monarchie an imperfect , broken right in some things , but controlable and defeasible by the spirituall monarchie in other things . and the world ha's had a long sad experience of this , whilst kings had the pope for their superiour in any thing , they remayned supreame in nothing , whil'st their rule was by division diminished in some things , they found it insufficient in all things , so that they did not command joyntly with the pope , but were commanded wholly by the pope . and in popish countries now princes do suffer themselves in word to be excluded from all spirituall dominion , and execute not the same in shew but by subordinate clerks under them , and that by privilege of the popes grant , but we know in truth they hold it , and use it as their own , and the pope is more officious to them , then they are to him . and whereas the canon law allows temporall princes to punish the insolence and oppressions of bishops within their respective territories , modò sint verae oppressiones , wee know this comes to nothing , if princes claime it not by somthing higher then canon law . for how shall this be tryde ? how shall it appeare , whether these oppressions be true , and hainous , or no ? if bishops will not submit themselves in this tryall , and refuse to appeale , kings are no competent judges , nor can take no just cognizance hereof : and what redresse then is in the kings power ? even popish princes now know well enough how ridiculous this favour of the canonists is , & therfore as the popes fed thē heretofore with the name and shadow only of painted sovereignty in temporalibus , so they feed him the like now in spiritualibus . protestants dissent much from these tenets , but because many of them , especially clergimen do not wholly dissent from all the grounds of these tenets , therefore they also doe partake in some errours , and absurdities of the like nature : one scotist says , that mountague , and our learnedest protestant divines , nay , even rainolds himselfe though otherwise a puritan , yet they all hold , that there is due to the king , no spirituall but only a temporall rule over persons and causes ecclesiasticall , and that also by accident for the common peace sake . hee sayes also that in his presence at a cambridge commencement , the chiefe bishop was called maximus pater , and that it was maintained that the care of spirituall things did appertain to the chiefe bishop , and of temporall to the king , and whereas it was at last concluded that all was to be governed by the king , yet he sayes questionless the intent was civilitèr , not spiritualitèr . and if wee look back to the primitives we shal find that in good times before popery had any considerable growth kings for penance were enjoyned to kneele to priests , and were not admitted to have seats in the chancell neere the altar , no not amongst the deacons : but were sometimes subjected to heavie and sharp censures of bishops , and sometimes strucke with the thunderbolt of excommunication it self . and we shall find that the name church was applyed in common speech to churchmen only , and the name spiritualitie was taken in the same sense , as if all other persons had beene strangers to the church , and had beene of a meere temporall and secular condition : and by the name clergie it was intimated to the world , that the sacerdotall function was the only lot and patrimony of god : and these usages were ab antiquo . and wee shall finde that the holiest and learnedest fathers of the church did seeme to preferre the mitre before the diademe , and to dream of a spirituall empire belonging to priests more worthy and sacred then that of emperours . and therefore gregory of nazianzen in a sermon before the emperour says thus to him : the law of christ hath committed you to my charge , and to my pulpit : for we rule also and ours is a more excellent and perfect regiment . and comparing further the rule of priests with the rule of princes , hee cals the one spirituall the other fleshly , and concludes that the spirit ought not to give place to the flesh , nor heavenly things to earthly . what hee meant here by giving place , whether hee meant it of externall submission , or internall awe i cannot tell : but he left it uncertain . to the same purpose that of ambrose tends also : thinke not , o emperour , that thou hast any right over divine things : for the palace is for the emperour , but churches for priests . and that also of athanasius , it s neither lawfull for us to hold a kingdome upon earth : nor hast thou o emperour power over sacred things . wee see they speake of their ministery and ecclesiasticall vocation as of a sovereigntie , and rule , and that more sacred , then that of princes , of which princes were not worthy , or capable . and to passe by the blinde times of popery wherein upon these grounds the roman bishops inthralled a great part of christendome with temporall bondage , wee shall finde also that since the abjuration of romish servitude , yet protestant ministers themselves have assumed a sanctitie more then is due . the kings supremacie or headship over the ecclesiasticall or spirituall state , hee being accounted but meerly temporall in comparison of priests is as ill wished by many calvinists , as by papists , their word is of secular princes , istis non competit iste primatus . and as sir thomas more suffered death in testimony of his dislike , so calvin himselfe condemnes this realme of blasphemy for entitling henry the eighth supreme head of the church here under christ . and not only the name , but the power it selfe which wee give to civill magistrates he protesteth against , as that which had wounded him deeply , princes being made thereby too spirituall , hee complaineth that this fault did raigne throughout germany , and in some parts of france , to the taking away of spirituall regiment , whilst princes were made chiefe judges as well in matters of doctrine as discipline . hence it is that all which follow calvin , which is almost the generality of protestants , besides papists , hold princes incompetent for spirituall regencie , accounting the intermedling of princes therein as an abolition , or prophanation of the same . and hence it is , that our contrary faction of hierarchists also , deny the kings supremacie in spiritualibus , though not in ecclesiasticis , and our prelats style is providentia divina , not gratiâ regis , and as they issue writs in their own names , so they use their owne armes in their seales , and not the kings . and wee know it was my lord of canterburies industry of late to procure a commission about five yeeres since , that all bishops courts might proceed without any subordination or dependency to any other of the kings courts . so that though they complaine of the presbyterian discipline , and the doctrine of calvin as injurious to princes , yet they themselves seeme to be of the same confederacie . but that i may not seem to misreport , or misinterpret any , i will cite only two divines of prime note , both defenders of supremacie . hooker speaking of that dutifull subjection which is due from all christians to the pastors of their souls in respect of their sacred order , affirmes that the same is as due from kings and princes , as from their meanest vassals . reverence due to the word , and sacraments , and to gods ordinances is not here meant , for that is as due from priests themselves also , as from any other , it is meant of reverence due to the persons of priests , & this he cals subjection , and challenges as due in respect of their sacred order . and so bilson descanting upon the words of nazianzen , after a comparative manner ( as hooker did ) inferres thereupon , that priests have a greater and perfecter regiment then princes : for ( sayes he ) priests governe the souls of men , and dispense the mysteries of god , whereas princes are set to rule the bodies of men , and to dispose the things of this life , &c. hee does not compare the offices but the regiments of priests and princes , and hee averres as confidently that priests governe the souls , and exercise dominion over the spirits of christians , as that princes have no power at all , but over the bodies and temporalities of their subjects . and for these causes the crosier is generally preferred in honour , and sanctitie , before the scepter : to detect therefore the errour of divines herein , i will now truly produce , and throughly poize those arguments which they most rely upon . the first argument runs thus . spirituall things are not to be managed , and treated , but only by spirituall persons : but princes are not spirituall , ergo . wee must first understand here what is meant by spirituall things , and spirituall persons . if by spirituall things here , such things are meant as appertain to god and to religion , and as concerne gods service in the church , and the welfare of the souls and spirits of men ; so all men have a spirituall charge in generall : for all men by their generall callings are servants to god , and are not only bound to provide for their owne souls , but to promote also the worship of god , and the salvation of other men . and in this respect that man which is most pious , is most holy , and spirituall , and most acceptable to god , and though his condition be but private here in this world , yet his reward in heaven may be more glorious , then theirs who have publike offices and dignities here , and whose particular callings are farre more sacred . but besides this internall holinesse of persons visible only to god , there is an externall , politicall holinesse also of persons which arises from our particular functions in this world , and the measure of this holinesse , is the profit and consequence of our professions , and employments . the regall and sacerdotall offices have ever beene held comparatively of all other the most holy , and worshipfull , and the reason is because of all others they are the most advantagious , and of most extensive benefit to the people of god . and therefore the person is alwayes valued according to the function , and the function according to its benefit , and not on the contrary : the man is honourable because hee is a king , and the king is honourable because he is the conservator of the people : and of this reason of honour man is able to judge . god accepts of such a man to serve him in such an honourable place ; the place is not here honourable ▪ because he serves in it , but he is honourable because the place is profitable : and though of gods meere acceptance of the person no reason can be given , yet there is great reason that all men should bee honourable with men , as they are acceptable with god . god honoured the israelites before other nations ; they were a royall priesthood in comparison of heathens , because god by his peculiar choice of them to his service did give them that more then regall , or more then sacerdotall priviledge . the israelites in condition were more contemptible , and in disposition more incorrible than other nations , but because god separates them they are holy , and because god separates them to serve him according to his pure will , they are holy as princes , and priests . christians also may now be termed princes and priests in comparison of the iews in as much as god of his free pleasure is now more extensive and diffusive of his graces amongst us , that we may adore him more ingenuously , more intelligently , and more comfortably then the jews did : and in the like manner amongst christians , princes and priests are yet higher elevated above common lay-men , in as much as they have neerer accesse to god at the throne and at the altar , and by their more sublime employments are more highly dignified , & more honorably consecrated . with the prince and the priest no man will enter into any cōpetition , but the cōpetition now being between the prince & the priest , we must search into the nature of this political sanctitie , that we may the better distinguish its de-grees . calvin wee see complains , that the persons of princes are made too spirituall , by our appropriating to them spirituall authoritie : because hee holds that authority too spirituall for their persons . the same thing is here the reason of the same thing ; spirituall offices and services belong not to princes , because their persons are not spirituall : and why are their persons not spirituall ? because their offices , and services are not spirituall . this is unjust and unscholasticall : against the person no exception lies , but such as is drawn from the function ; the person is coruscant only by the rayes of the function : they which wil prove kings to be not spiritual , must first prove their offices to be meerly temporall , and not on the contrary . such proofs as infirme the kings power , and interest in spiritualibus are proper , such proofs let us heare . ambrose , and athanasius indeed say directly , that emperours have no right over divine things , nor power over sacred things : but they are very briefe , and give no reason for their allegations , nor doe they leave us satisfied in their true meanings . the persons and offices of kings were ever held sacred , and if that which is sacred be not spirituall , it were good that the difference were set forth between them . palaces are for princes , and temples for priests : but palaces are not the sole interest of princes , so as that they are excluded thereby from all power in temples : nor is this a good result , because priests may not move in the civill orbe , therefore princes may not in the ecclesiasticall . but nazianzen is more full , and expressive of his reasons , and those reasons also are further pressed by bishop bilson , let us bend our forces thither . nazianzen concludes the regiment of priests to be more perfect , and excellent then that of princes , and compares it to that of the soule over the body , because things committed to the priests charge are heavenly and spirituall , whereas kings ( he sayes ) have in their power things earthly , and bodi●y . he takes three things here for granted , first , that the office of a priest is as properly and truly a power , and rule , as that of princes . secondly , that the rule of princes extends only to earthly things . thirdly , whatsoever may be spoken of the whole order of priesthood , that he applyes to every particular priest . and thus hee seems to attribute a greater sanctitie not only intensive , but extensive also , to any priest , then to any prince . the glosse of bilson also hereupon is : that priests governe the souls of men , and dispense the mysteries of god , whereas princes are set to rule the bodies of their subjects , and to dispose the things of this life . and therefore if the fruits and effects of their callings be compared , the preachers ( he sayes ) passes that of princes by many degrees of excellence and perfection : god giving earthly food , and peace by the prince , but heavenly grace and life by the word and sacraments ; which wee receive from the mouthes , and hands of his messengers . as to externall power , and corporall compulsion : so preachers are servants to their brethren , princes are lords over them . preachers may reprove & threaten , but princes must seize the goods , and chastise the bodies of offenders . preaches may shut the gates of heaven against non-repentants : princes must root them from the face of the earth , and inflict the just vengeance of their sins in this world . and whereas the princes and preachers functions concurre in ghostly and heavenly things , that the preacher declareth , and the prince establisheth the word of truth : yet the preachers service in these cases excelleth the princes : for that the word in the preachers mouth ingendreth faith and winneth the soule unto god to serve him with a willing minde , whereas the sword in the princes hand striketh only a terrour into men to refraine the outward act , but reformeth not the secrets of the heart . this is bilson's sense , and i thinke the sense of almost all our divines : by this is nazianzen fully seconded and abetted , for first , the true and proper rule of priests is not only asserted , but also explained , for it gives grace and life by the word and sacraments , it reproves and threatens , it shuts the gate of heaven against non-repentants . secondly , the rule of princes is lesned , and that by this instance : for that the preacher winneth soules to a willing service , but the prince by externall terrour restraineth only from the outward act of sin . and thirdly , his comparison is indefinite , betweene prince , and preacher , that which is implyed of priest in generall , hee seemeth to apply to every priest in particular . i must frame my answer to every particular . power and dominion of it selfe is divine , and adde but infinite , or absolute to it , it is divinitie it selfe . nothing is more desirable to man , or more adequate to the aymes of intelligent creatures then power ▪ the angels in heaven are known to us by the names of thrones , and principalities , heaven it self is knowne to us by the name of a kingdome : and our best devotion to god consists in ascribing to him , honour , worship , subjection , &c. and the first and greatest sin of men and angels , was an aspiring to undue power , and excellence . absolute perfection and blessednesse is the unitie of the godhead , and that unitie must needs subsist in absolute power , absolute wisdome , and absolute goodnesse . absolute power also in order of nature ( according to mans understanding ) as a father gives being to absolute wisdome : as both give being to absolute goodnesse . whatsoever is in god must needs be god , and of the same substance indivisible , and so infinite wisdome , and infinite goodnesse , must needs be coeternall , and consubstantiall with infinite power : yet this excludes not all order of distinction ; and according to order of distinction it is more proportionable to our capacitie , that infinite wisdome should derive its divine generation from infinite power , then infinite power from infinite wisdome . unitie of perfect blessednesse cannot comprehend any thing more then this trinity , neither can it comprehend any thing lesse : and therfore though this word trinity cannot have any relation to the essence of god , or to his works ad extra , which flow from the essence , yet to his persons it may , and to his internall operations , wherein one person is more generative then another . and according to these internal operations of the deitie we ought ( to speak after the manner of men ) to ascribe prioritie of order to infinite power , the first person of the godhead , in as much as wee cannot conceive but that god is rather wise , as he is powerfull , and good as hee is both powerfull , and wise : then that hee is powerfull , as hee is wise , or wise , and powerfull , as he is good . having premised these things in generall concerning power , and dominion , and the excellence thereof , i am come now to see what that power and dominion is which churchmen clayme to themselves . our hierarchists use the words power and regiment to describe all their actions , and employments : the power of order , the power of jurisdiction , the power of the word and sacraments , and the power of the keys , all their spirituall offices , and faculties are expressed in commanding , and high terms , that they may seem to owe no subordination , or dependence to any above themselves . and this art they further use , when they would prove the excellence of their spirituall rule , they derive it from preaching , and the subordinate offices of the ministery , but when they would exercise their rule , then they alleage that to rule over preachers is more , & greater then to preach : because the spirits of men are properly subject to no rule ; and because preaching ▪ though it be one of gods most effectuall ordinances , yet is no proper rule but a service rather : therefore they lay hold of ecclesiasticall juridiction for proofe of their holy spirituall rule . and yet because ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is of it selfe no such divine sublime thing , as the ministration of the word , and sacraments , nor so incompetent for princes , as to the use of it , therefore their proofs are chiefly grounded upon the ordinances of the word and sacraments : but this slight imposture cannot so delude us : for either ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is more sacred and spirituall then the ministration of the word , and sacraments , or not ; if it be , then these arguments drawne from the word and sacraments are impertinent : the question is whether princes be capable of such jurisdiction or not , and this proves not the incapacity of princes , this only proves the honour of such capacitie : but on the other side , if it be not , yet there is the same impertinence , for if priests challenge to themselves power in things more excellent , and holy , this excludes not princes from things lesse excellent , and holy : but wee shall not need to stick here . the papists themselves doe acknowledge , that to preach , &c. is lesse then to rule , and to prescribe laws to preachers , &c. and bilson makes a plaine confession , that the sacerdotall office is rather ministeriall , then imperiall , and that such reverence and subjection as is due in spirituall affaires from princes is not due to the persons of priests , but to the ordinances of god , and to the graces of the church : for ( says hee ) the word is to be submitted to in the mouths of prophets , and the ordinances are to be honoured in the administration of priests , but the persons of prophets , and priests , must not be objects to terminate this submission , and honour . god is to be honoured in the service of his ministers , not the ministers in gods stead : for in these services there is the same honour due to god from ministers themselves , as from lay-men . and therefore wee see if the greater priest heare the word , &c. from the lesse , this does not sanctifie the lesse above the greater , as it would , if sanctitie did rest in the person , and not in the ordinance , or if it did not passe from the actor , or instrument , to the author and ordainer himselfe . i thinke wee may therefore proceed now from this , that power , and government is a thing in it selfe most awfull and honourable , to this : that the truest owners thereof next under god , whom the church ever look't upon as gods immediate vicegerents , and deputies thereof , are princes . saint peter 1. 2. writing to the church in the time of a heathen , and impious emperour , commands every soul to be subject to the higher powers . he acknowledges power in a very nero , and that to be the higher power , and to that higher power of that nero he subjects every soule christian and heathen , priest and laymen . for the same cause also the primitives in tertullians mouth make this humble profession : colimus imperatorem , ut hominem à deo secundum , & solo deo minorem : & this profession was made under the reign of wicked emperours , to whom in ecclesiasticall affaires more might be denied , then to ours : for though reges , in quantum reges serviunt deo , as saint augustine sayes , yet in quantum pii reges , they serve god the more gloriously , and have a neerer accesse to god , and in that respect it may bee more truly said of them , that they are à deo secundi , & solo deo minores : and if so , how awfull and venerable must this render their persons , and with what submission must we prostrate our selves at their sacred feet ? and that it may not seeme strange that meer power and rule in an unbelieving or wicked prince should be so sacred and inviolable , wee must take notice that the wickednesse of princes in ill commands though it discharge us as to those ill commands , yet it does not discharge their power or rule either in those , or in any other : for when princes rule well , they are to be obeyed , when ill , they are to be endured , and this very indurance is an effect of obedience and subjection . peter as a citizen of the common-wealth is a servant to nero , and though in the meere consideration of a christian , hee has not dependance upon nero further then is to be testified by suffering under him in ill commands , yet in all civill things , and things indifferent , his dependance remayns undissolved . if nero forbid peter to preach , contradicting god herein , whose power is still transcendent , this prohibition binds not peter , but if nero use the sword hereupon against peter , this sword is irresistible , because though in this it be injurious , in other things it is still sacred . this one violence of nero is tyrannous , but the authority whereby this is done is not tyranny ; for the same sword which offends one defends many still , and if one here be defended , many must be offended , and the good of many is to be preferred before the good of one . and yet if god had made peter supreame judge of such cases , and had given him a power independent , it had been necessary that he had given him withall some remedie , and sufficient means to support the same supremacy & independent right : for god gives no man an absolute right without some proper remedy appertaining to the same . the use of power is not to intreat , or perswade only , for these may bee done without power , but to command , and commands are vaine without compulsion , and they which may not compell , may not command , and they which cannot command , may not meddle at all except to intreat , or perswade . power then there must be , and that power must be somewhere supreame that it may command all good , and punish all evill , or else it is insufficient , and if all , then in religious as well as in civill cases , for supremacie may be severally exercised , but the right of it cannot be severally enjoyed : if peter may doe more then perswade nero , the scepter is peters not neroes ; if hee may doe no more , he is as meer a subject as any other layman : but in whethersoever the power of commanding rests , it cannot rest in both , the scepter cannot be shared , independence cannot be divided : the people cannot obey both as equall judges whilst their judgments remain contrary , nor serve both as equal lords whilst their commands are contrary . to perswade and intreat in ministers , are the offices of a blessed vocation , but they are not properly ensigns of royaltie , and power : and if the spirits of men are somtimes moved , & won by the perswasions of ministers , as they may by other means , yet captivated , and commanded they cannot be : and therefore if this be called power , it is but imaginary , and improper , and such as ought not to enter into any comparison , or rivalitie with that solid , sensible , coercive , binding power wherewith god has invested his true lievtenants upon earth . that power which is proper , must include not only a right of commanding , but also an effectuall vertue of forcing obedience to its commands , and of subjecting and reducing such , as shall not render themselves obedient . the supreame civill magistrate has this power grounded upon the common consent of mankinde , and as strong as is the politicall consent of humane nature in its supream law of publike conservation , so vigorous , and invincible is this power . had priests any such power or sword , we should soon see it , and feele it , and voluntarily stoop under it : but since they can pretend to none such , the meere noyse of an imaginary spirituall power and sword must not deceive us . the sword must be of sympathy and proportion answerable to those commands for which it was ordained , if the commands be externall and politicall , the sword must not be invisible , and meerly spirituall . if the pope can impose an oath upō us to stand to his laws , and to obey his awards , our obedience being here politicall , his power of imposing oaths must be the like ; for if he pretend a right , and have no remedy , that is no power ; & if he have a remedy that is not of the same nature with his command , it will prove no remedy , it will be found vain and uneffectuall . wee cannot thinke that god has given the pope any power but for good , and wee cannot think that power good , whereby the pope may destroy millions of souls , and yet cannot reclayme , or convince one . the popes commands seeme to mee unreasonable , unnaturall , impious , the pope herein ha's no spirituall power to rectifie mee , or to discover my errour to me , or to procure obedience from me , that power which he ha's over my soule is only to exclude it from heaven , and to give it as a prey to satan , for not attributing more to him then to my own conscience , and naturall light . can wee think that god gave this new power , never before knowne , to these latter days out of mercy , that all except one handfull of men should perish by it , and none at all receive benefit by it ? it cannot be said that the same keys which shut heaven to so many , open heaven to any one : for those few which obey the pope , obey him either voluntarily , or by constraint : and they which are constrained , obey him as a prince , not as a priest , and bow under his temporall , not spirituall yoke : howsoever it be otherwise pretended . voluntary obedience also is such as is rendred without any externall influence from the pope ; for the will is capable of no compulsion , and if it were , my will would be as lyable to the same as any other mans : and if the pope may compell my will , and so open heaven to me ( as it were ) by his spirituall keys , and will not , t is his crueltie , not my contumacie . it s no glory to the pope , that some few by blinde voluntary obedience acknowledge the power of his keyes , in this hee has no advantage of mahomet , that sword which was so victorious in the hand of mahomet , was as spirituall , and as universally prevalent as the popes . so much of the imaginary rule and spiritual sword of priests , as also of the reall effectuall dominion of princes , i shall now prove further , that the sword of kings if it be not so spirituall , as the pope pretends , to cut off souls ; yet it is more then temporall , and extends to things most spirituall . the founders and patriarchs of the world before the law of moses , did not only governe the church , but also execute all pastorall , spirituall offices as they were princes , and supream potentates within their own limits : they did not governe men as they were the priests of god , but they did sacrifice and officiate before god , as they were the heads , and governours of men . in those times it was not held usurpation , or intrusion upon priests , for princes to sacrifice with their own hands , or to teach the will of god with their own mouthes ; it would have been held presumption if any else had attempted the like , and a dishonour to gods service . nature then taught that the most excellent person was most fit for gods service in the church , and that no person could be more excellent , then hee which served god in the throne . the word priest now may have divers acceptions . in some sense whole nations have been called priests , viz. comparatively , and in some sense all fathers of children , and masters of servants are in the nature of priests , and in more usuall sense all princes , so farre as they have charge and cure of souls , and are intrusted with divine service within their severall commands , are more supereminently taken for priests : but the most usuall sense is this . a priest is hee which hath cure of souls , and a trust of gods worship by a more peculiar kinde of publike and politike consecration and dedication thereunto : of such consecration , or ordination , before aaron , we read nothing , and for ought i see , we are bound to believe nothing . melchisideck was a pious man , a devout father , a religious master , nay , a zealous prince and commander , but in all these respects hee had no priviledge nor right to the denomination of priest more then adam , sem , noah , &c. had . you will say then how is that denomination given him so peculiarly ? this denomination might be given not by reason of any externall , formall , ceremoniall unction , or imposition of hands , or any other solemne dedication or separation before men : but in this respect , that he did perhaps publikely officiate in the presence of all his subjects , and perhaps in behalfe of all his subjects , and this is a higher and blesseder sacerdotall office , then any we read of in his predecessors or successors till aarons dayes . it is probable that god was served in families before aaron , and perhaps there were solemne days and feasts , which all families by joynt consent did in severall places dedicate to gods service by strict observance of the same , but that any publike places were appointed for whole congregations to joyne and meet publikely in under the charge and function of any one publike priest , till aaron is not specified . this only we may guesse by the speciall name of priest applied to melchisedeck , that perhaps being a priest of salem , he was the first that made the worship of god so publike : and did not only by the generall influence of his power take order for the service and knowledge of god in severall families , but also gather severall assemblies of united families , and there publikely sacrifise and officiate in behalf of great , and solemne congregations : wherein he might far exceed abraham . howsoever its sufficient for my purpose , that this he might doe by vertue of his regall power and dignity without any further consecration or sacerdotal instalment whatsoever . and in this respect he was without predecessor , and perhaps successor , so that i think hee was the most lively and honourable type of our saviour : for aarons order was substitute , and his consecration was performed by the hand of his prince and superiour , and being so consecrated , he did sacrifise , not as a prince but meerly as a priest . whereas melchisedeck received his order from none but himselfe , and so remayned not only independent , but his service also being both regall and sacerdotall , as our saviours also was , it was yet more honorable in that it was regall , then in that it was sacerdotall . and this certainly sutes best with our saviours order , for no secular authority but his own did concurre in his inauguration , hee was his owne ancestor in this , in that his owne royall dignitie gave vertue to his sacerdotall : and though hee would not assume to himselfe the externall function of royalty in meer secular things , yet in this he would follow holy melchisedeck . but to passe from melchisedeck , within some few ages after wee finde the scepter and censor severed ; wee finde no prints of great empires before moses , for in small countries we finde divers petty independant principalities : and it may be imagin'd that neither true policie , nor wicked tyranny was then knowne in such perfection , as now it is . the israelites at their departure from egypt were a great and formidable nation , as appeares by the combinations of many other potentates against them , yet at that time the weightie charges both of prince and priest were supported by moses alone . this was exceeding grievous till jethro in civill affaires , and till god himselfe in matters of religion , for his further ease , took much of his laborious part from off his shoulders ; subordinate magistrates were now appointed in the state , and priests and levits in the church , the nation being growne numerous , and ceremonies in religion very various : but wee must not think that moses was hereby emptied , or lesned of any of his civill , or ecclesiasticall authoritie : as he retained still supremacie of power to himselfe in all things , so that supremacy became now the more awfull , and majesticall . the poet says of waters , maxima per multos tenuantur flumina rivos . and indeed did waters run backwards they would spend and diminish themselves by often divisions in their courses : but we see that in their ordinary naturall tracts many litle petty streams officiously hasten to discharge themselves into greater , so that the more continued the course is , the greater the streams ever grow . it is so with power both in church and state : sovereigntie is as the mayne ocean , of its vast abundance it feeds all , and is fed by all , as it is the fountain to enrich others , so it is the cisterne to receive and require back againe all the riches of others . that which moses parted with all and derived to others was for the better expedition both of pietie and justice , that god might be more duly served , that the people might be more quickly relieved , and that his own shoulders might be the freelier disburdened : for as a man hee could not intend universall businesse : yet a prince he might well superintend it in others . and it is manifest that after the separation of the priesthood , he did still as superiour to aaron in the most sacred things approach god in the mountain to receive the custodie of the law from gods hand , and to receive orders from god for the tabernacle , and all religious services , and did performe the act of consecration to priests , and did always consult with god by priests , and command all men as well priests , and levits , as other men . hooker and bilson , and i thinke most of our divines doe confesse not only this , that moses retained all ecclesiasticall supremacie to himselfe , but that hee left the same also to his successours . hooker sayes that by the same supreame power david , asa , jehosaphat , josias , &c. made those lawes and statutes ( mentioned in sacred history ) touching matters of meer religion , the affairs of the temple , and service of god . and by vertue of this power the piety and impietie of the king did alwayes change the publike face of religion , which the prophets by themselves never did , nor could hinder from being done . and yet if priests alone had bin possest of all spirituall power , no alteration in religion could have beene made without them , it had not beene in the king , but in priests to change the face of religion . and the making of ecclesiasticall lawes also with other like actions pertayning to the power of dominion had still been recorded for the acts of priests , and not of kings : whereas we now find the contrary . hooker says this and more , and bilson sayes not one jot lesse . hee confesses the jewish kings were charged with matters of religion , and the custodie of both tables , nay , publishing , preserving , executing points of law concerning the first table hee assignes as the principall charge committed to kings , as kings , religion being the foundation of policy . hee instances also in the good kings of iudah , who as they were bound , so they were commended for their dutie by god himselfe , in removing idols , purging abominations , reforming priests , renewing the covenant , and compelling all priests , prophets , people , to serve god sincerely . many of the learnedest papists doe not gainsay this evident truth , and therefore stapleton being i suppose fully convinced of it , seekes to answer and avoid it another way . but i proceed to the times of thraldome , wherein the iews were governed by the persians . how far the iews were left in babylon to the free exercise of their own religion is uncertain , it may be conceived that their condition was not always alike under all kings , but generally that they found more favour there , then christians did afterwards under the roman emperours : before this time there is no probability of excommunication , or any spirituall judicature , wee reade nothing of maranathaes , or anathemaes , but now perhaps some such government might take place : for where no peculiar consecrated ministery is , the magistrate is fittest to officiate before god , and where no magistracie is permitted ministers are fittest to preserve order . some papists that wil undertake to prove any thing out of any thing alleage cain as an instance of excom. as if adam were so a priest , as that hee were no prince , and had power to excommunicate in case of so horrid a murder , but not to execute any other law : or as if moses would proceed against adultery by temporall punishment , when adam had proceeded against murther by spiritual : but not to insist longer upon these conjecturall passages , i come to our saviours days , & his government also being regal , as wel as sacerdotall , nay , being rather divine then either , i shal not stay there neither . our mayn strife is how the apostles & their successors governed after his ascention during the times of persecution : but little need to be said hereof : for in scripture wee finde the apostles themselves very humble , and unlordly , and transacting all things ( according to our saviours command and example ) rather by perswasion , and evidence of the spirit , then by command and constraint , and if any difference was between a bishop and a priest , it was in outward eminence or majoritie very small : and the very termes themselves were promiscuously applyed . in the next ensuing times also wee finde by ancient testimony , that omnia communi clericorum consilio agebantur : and after that episcopacy had gotten some footing , yet , as another ancient testimony informes us , except â ordinatione , setting ordination only aside it challenged no priviledge above presbyters : but as i have said before , whatsoever authority did reside in the clergie whilst temporal rule was wanting to the church , and whilst miraculous power of binding and loosing sinners , and of opening and shutting heaven was supplyed by the holy ghost for the emergent necessity of those times , the reason thereof no longer remayning , it ought now to remayne no longer as it did , but to devolve againe into the tempor●ll rulers hands ; from whence it was not taken by christ , but where it was then abused , and made unprofitable by the owners themselves . if wee doe imagine that timothy and titus had episcopall power , and by that episcopall power did send out processes , and keep courts , and holds pleas of all testamentary , and matrimoniall causes , and tithes , fasts and all other which our bishops now clayme ; and did redresse all grievances for the preventing of confusion in the church , during the malignity of secular power ; if wee take all this for granted , though it be some thing too large to be granted , yet still wee ought to conceive that this power was conferred upon them not in derogation of secular authoritie , but for necessities sake , till secular authority should againe come in , and undertake the same offices , which timothy and titus were now to performe : when confusion cannot otherwise bee prevented , timothy and titus shall governe , but when it may be prevented by that authoritie which is most competent , and when more perfect order shall bee more naturally and justly induced , what injury is this to timothy or titus ? why rather is it not an ease and comfort to them , that they have now leasure more seriously to attend their own proper function , and ministration ? hookers owne words are , if from the approbation of heaven the kings of gods own chosen people had in the affaires of the jewish religion supreame power , why should not christian kings have the like in christian religion ? and bilson having mayntained the supremacie of the jewish kings , hee ascribes the like to the whole function . hee sayes , it is the essentiall charge of princes to see the law of god fully executed , his son rightly served , his spouse safely nursed , his house timely filled , his enemies duly punished , and this he sayes , as it was by moses prescribed , and by david required , so it was by esay prophesied , by christ commanded , by paul witnessed , and by the primitive fathers consented too . hee sayes further , that what the jewish kings had , christian kings ought to enjoy , and therefore esay ( says hee ) prophesying of the evangelicall times , foretold that the church should suck the breasts of kings and queens , and that milk which those breasts should afford , he interprets to be spirituall milk . now what can be added to this , what more excellent and perfect regiment then this had timothy and titus committed to them by vertue of their episcopall order ? what more sacred , what more spirituall offices could they performe in the church ? what could gods children suck from their brests other then milke , then sincere , spirituall milke ? saint augustine agrees to this , when hee says that kings , as kings , serve god , so as none but kings can doe , and when he confesses , that christ came not to the detriment of sovereigntie . and the church in tertullians words , ascribing worship to their heathen emperours , as being second immediatly to god , and inferiour to none but god , says as much as words can expresse . in regard of internall sanctitie peter may be more excellent then caesar , and so may lazarus perhaps then peter : but in regard of that civill sanctitie which is visible to mans eye , caesar is to be worshipped more then peter . caesar is to be looked upon as next in place here to god , betwixt whom and god no other can have any superiour place . wisdome and goodnesse are blessed graces in the sight of god , but these are more private , and power is an excellence more perfect , and publike , and visible to man then either : if ministers do sometimes in wisdome , and goodnesse excell princes , yet in power they doe not : and therefore though wisdome and goodnesse may make them more amiable somtimes to god , yet power shall make princes more honourable amongst men . there is in heaven no need of power in the glorified creatures , and yet the glorified creatures are there differenced by power : it is hard to say that one angell , or saint differs from another in wisdome , or in holinesse , yet that they differ in power and glory we all know . the twelve patriarchs and the twelve apostles sit in heaven upon higher thrones , then many saints which perhaps here in this life might be endued with a greater portion of wisdome , and holinesse then they were : and by this it may seeme that there is a species of externall sanctitie of power dispensed according to the free power of god even in heaven also , and that that sanctity is superiour to the other more private sanctity of other graces , and excellences . and if power in heavenly creatures where it is of no necessity has such a supereminent glory appertaining to it , with what veneration ought wee to entertain it on earth where our common felicitie and safetie does so much depend upon it ? goodnesse here wee see is a narrow excellence , without wisdome , and power : and wisdome in men that have neither power , nor goodnesse , scarce profits at all : but power in infants , in women , in ideots hands is of publike use , in as much as the wisdome and goodnesse of other men are ready to be commanded by it , and its more naturall that they should be obsequious and officious in serving power , then that the transcendent , incommunicable , indivisible royalty of power , should condiscend to bee at their devotion . and for this reason when princes are said to be solo deo minores , and deo secundi , this is spoken in regard of power , and this being spoken in regard of power , we must conceive it spoken of the most perfect excellence , and dignity , and sanctitie that can be imagined amongst men on earth . and for the same reason , when princes are said to serve god as princes , and so to serve him as none other can , we must conceive this spoken also with respect to their power , in as much as wisdome and goodnesse in other men cannot promote the glory of god , and the common good of man , so much as power may in them . but stapleton takes foure exceptions to those times , whereby if it bee granted that the jewish kings had supreame ecclesiasticall authority , yet hee sayes , it does not follow that our kings now ought to have the same . hee sayes , first , that the iewish religion was of farre lesse dignitie and perfection then ours is : ours being that truth of which theirs was but a shadowish prefigurative resemblance . our answere here is , that the religion of the jews , as to the essence of it , was not different from ours , either in dignitie or perfection . the same god was then worshipped as a creatour , redeemer , sanctifier , and that worship did consist in the same kinde of love , feare , hope , and beliefe , and the same charitie , and justice amongst men . the law of ceremonies , and externall rites in the bodily worship of god , did differ from our discipline , that being more pompous and laborious : but the two great commandements which were the effects , and contents of all heavenly , spirituall , indispensible worship , and service , whereby a love towards god above that of our selves , and a love towards man equall with that of our selves was enjoyned , these two great commandements were then as forcible , and honourable , as they are now . sacrifice was but as the garment of religion , obedience was the life , the perfection , the dignity of religion , and the life , perfection , and dignitie of that obedience consisted then in those weighty matters of the law , piety , and mercie , as it now does ; but if the jewish religion was lesse excellent , and more clogged with shadows , and ceremonies in its outward habit , what argument is this for the supremacie of regall , rather then sacerdotall power ? the more abstruse and dark the forme of that worship was , and the more rigorous sanctity god had stamped upon the places , and instruments , and formalities of his worship , and the more frequent , and intricate questions might arise thereabout , me thinks , the more use there was of sacerdotall honour , and prerogative , and the lesse of regall in matters of the lord : i see not why this should make princes more spirituall then their order would beare , but priests rather . his second reason is . that all parts of the jewish religion , laws , sacrifices , rites , ceremonies , being fully set down in writing , needing nothing but execution , their kings might well have highest authoritie , to see that done : whereas with us there are numbers of mysteries even in beliefe which were not so generally for them as for us necessary to be with some expresse acknowledgment understood , many things belonging to externall government , and our service not being set down by particular ordinances , or written , for which cause the state of the church doth now require that the spirituall authoritie of ecclesiasticall persons be large , absolute , and independent . this reason is every way faulty : for as to matters of discipline and externall worship our church is lesse incumbred with multiplicity of rites , such as saint paul cals carnall and beggerly rudiments , and in this respect there is the lesse use of ecclesiasticall authoritie amongst us : and if popish bishops doe purposely increase ceremonies , that they may inlarge their own power , they ought not to take advantage of their own fraud . and as for matters of faith and doctrinall mysteries , we say according to gods ancient promise knowledg doth now abound by an extraordinary effusion of gods spirit upon these latter dayes ; wee are so farre from being more perplexed with shadows , and mysticall formalities , or with weighty disputes , that we are , and ought to be a great deal lesse , and we doe the rather suspect all popish traditions , and additions in religion , because wee see they make use of them for the augmenting of the power and regiment of prelates . and yet if knowledge did not abound , if our religion were more cloudie , and if the scriptures , councils , fathers , and all learning were now more imperfect to us then they are , i cānot imagin how an uncōfined absolute dominion of churchmen shold be more necessary thē of princes . for if absolutenes of power be of necessary use in intricate perplexed mysteries & cōtroversies , yet why must that absolute power be more effectuall in priests then princes ? is not the counsel of prelats the same , and of the same vigor to solve doubts , and determine controversies , whether their power be subordinate , or not ? doth meer power ad to the knowledg of priests ? or is the power of priests more virtuous for the promoting of truth , then the power of magistrates ? how comes this vast irreconcilable difference betwixt the government of the church and state ? in matters of law , in matters of policy , in matters of war , unlimited power in such as are most knowing and expert does not conduce to the safety of the common-wealth : subordinate counsells are held as available for the discerning of truth , and far more available for the conserving of peace and order . and who can then assigne any particular sufficient reason , why matters of religion should not as well be determined in the consistory by dependent prelates , as matters of law are by the judges and justices in their tribunals , where they sit as meere servants to the king ? his third exception is : that god having armed the jewish religion with a temporall sword , and the christian with that of spirituall punishment only , the one with power to imprison , scourge , put to death , the other with bare authoritie to censure , and excommunicate , there is no reason why our church which hath no visible sword should in regiment be subject unto any other power then only to that which bindeth and looseth . this reason taketh it for granted , that amongst the jewes the church and state was the same , had the same body , the same head , the same sword , and that head was temporall , and that sword was materiall . this we freely accept of : but in the next place , without any reason at all given , it as freely assumes , that christians now have only a spirituall sword in the church , as that jews had only a temporall one . a diametricall opposition is here put betwizt jews and christians in church regiment , and yet no cause shewed , or account given of that opposition . we have very good colour to argue , that without some strong reason shewed of opposition , christians ought not to bee so contrary to that excellent discipline of the jewes which god himself ordered , and to introduce i know not what spirituall rule in prejudice of temporall rule : but how will stapleton prove , that amongst christians the church and state are two divided bodies , so as they may admit of two severall heads , and severall swords , the one temporall the other spirituall , the one yielding precedence as temporall , the other predominating as spirituall ? this wee desire to see fortified with better proofs . hooker in his eighth booke not yet publisht has a learned cleere discourse to shew the fallacie , and injustice of this blind presumption . hee allows that a church is one way , and a commonwealth another way defined , and that they are both in nature distinguisht , but not in substance perpetually severed . since there is no man ( sayes hee ) of the church of england , but the same is a member of the common-wealth , nor any of the common-wealth , but the same is of the church , therefore as in a figure triangle , the base differs from the sides , and yet one and the self-same line , is both a base and a side : a side simply , a base if it chance to be the bottome , and to underlie the rest . so though properties and actions of one doe cause the name of a common-wealth , qualities and functions of another sort give the name of a church to a multitude , yet one and the same multiude may be both . thus in england there 's none of one corporation , but hee is of the other also , and so it was amongst the jews . two things cause this errour . first , because professours of the true religion somtimes live in subjection under the false , so the jews did in babylon , so the christians in rome under nero , in such cases true professors doe civilly only communicate with the state ; but in matters of their religion they have a communion amongst themselves . this now is not our case , and therefore these instances are not proper amongst us . secondly , in all states there is a distinction between spirituall and temporall affaires and persons , but this proveth no perpetuall necessity of personall separation : for the heathens always had their spiritual laws and persons and causes severed from their temporall , yet this did not make two independent states among them : much lesse doth god by revealing true religion to any nation distract it thereby into severall independent communities , his end is only to institute severall functions of one and the same community . thus farre hooker most judiciously , and profoundly . wee must not here expect any satisfaction from our adversaries , why there should be lesse division betweene church and state amongst the jews , and lesse use of two severall swords , then is amongst us : 't is sufficient that they have said it . there 's no crime so scandalous amongst our church-men , or wherein they claime so much spirituall interest of jurisdiction as adultery , yet amongst the iews that crime was carnall , not spirituall ; and its punishment was death inflicted by the civill judge , not damnation denounced by the priest . now if adultery in these days were better purged away , and lesse countenanced in our christian courts then it was amongst the jews , there might something be alleaged to preferre our moderne inventions before gods owne statutes , but when ecclesiastiall persons shall therefore incroach upon civill , that by , i know not what , pecuniary corruptions and commutations , vice , and scandall may abound , we doe strangly dote to suffer it . for his last reason he says : that albeit , whilst the church was restrained into one people , it seemed not incommodious to grant their kings generall chiefty of power , yet now the church having spread it self over all nations great inconvenience must thereby grow if every christian king in his severall territorie should have the like power . by this reason it s presumed , that all the universe ought to have but one head on earth , and that rome must be its court , and that it must be indued with oraculous infallibilitie , and so to remayne till the worlds end : and this must bee admitted out of some obscure generall metaphors in scripture , or else god has not sufficiently provided for the wise government of his catholike church . man can scarce imagine any thing more mischievous , or impossible , then that which these goodly politicians have invented to be profitable , nay necessary for the universall government of mankind : for what one man can receive appeals either in temporall or spirituall affaires , or direct finall , unerring dispatches to all the remote climates of the earth at one time ? or what a cursed vexation were it for all people of all languages and customes to be chained to one city , thither to travell for all finall determinations , and there to attend confused sentences , and in the mean time to endure at home endlesse dissentions , and hopelesse divisions under the insufficient rule of subordinate limited princes and bishops ? surely had mahomet preached any such grosse doctrine amongst his ragged , barbarous arabians , hee had never tamed and broken them so easily to his wretched usurpation : t is wonderfull that our ancestors could drink of such a cup of intoxication in the worst of times , but that the nauseous dregs of its bottome should now be obtruded upon us in these golden , shining dayes , is almost past belief . the pope never yet had the rule of a third part of the world , but so far as hee ha's had it he ha's given sufficient testimony how insupportable great monarchies are , both to the governour , and the governed . and where the yoke of rome ha's prevailed , what ha's that infallible judgement , and unlimitable power , which the pope pretends to for our good , what ha's it availed the church of god ? when the easterne churches were in unitie , this gave them occasion to depart , and revolt , but when the rent was , what vertue had the pope to reduce them to unite ? the like may bee asked concerning all protestant countries now falne from romish obedience , nay of al turks & heathens not yet subdued to the triple crown ; if christ intended the popes infallibilitie for the discovery of all errors and heresies , and his supremacie for the subjugation of al such as would maliciously persevere in discord errours and heresies , how comes this intention to be so defeated , and frustrated ? if the popes keyes be potent enough for both these purposes , why does he not force all men to come in within his sheepfold ? and if not , why does he pretend so much ? would christ put into one bishops hand an universall scepter , such as the world never before heard of , such as hee himselfe here on earth never exercised , and yet leave it contemptible to the greatest part of the world ? if ignorance prevail and incredulity , let the key of knowledge assist us , and bring us into light ; if stubbornes and perversnesse have hardned our hearts , let the key of power dissolve and bruize us : and if hee can doe neither of these , what vertue is there in the roman oracle , what benefit is there in that prophetick chaire ? what priviledge ha's peter more then iohn ? shall the citie of rome it selfe be upheld and secured from ever erring and falling away , and shall not england , shall not scotland , shall not all nations be the like ? the power of the pope is the same in all countries , if it faile in england , it may faile at rome ; if it faile not at rome , it would not faile in england , but that the pope is lesse propitious . o why should his mercy bee more narrow , then his vertue ? o let him once againe graciously ascend his reverent chaire , let him congregate generall councils , and there poure out the treasures of his inspired breast let him there give judgements as cleere , pure , irrefragable , and as obvious to humane apprehension as scripture it self , nay , if something more sufficient then scripture be necessary for the composing of all our strifes , let him give us solutions in a phrase more powerful then the apostles ever used , and prescribe rules more convincing then god himselfe , or christ in his incarnation ever prescribed , and if kings and emperours still make resistance , let him put on his robes of majesty and terrour , let him passe over them as serpents and basilisks , whilst the stroke of his foot upon the earth fils all countries with battalions of armed men : nay if terrestriall forces come not in fast enough , let him shake the heavens with the thunder of his voice , and call downe seraphims to his attendance , and let the highest orders of heaven give testimony to his earthly deity . i might frame the like expostulations after a sort against our own prelats also , but i forbeare : for if god ha's given them sole knowledge to determine all controversies , and power to enact all ecclesiasticall canons , doubtlesse hee ha's given them some binding coercive force correspondent thereunto : and if so , why doe they not expel all dissention by it ? if their vertue extend no further then to exhortation , why do they urge commands upon us ? if they have a commanding power , why do they not second it with due compulsion ? and as this is sufficient to prove independent power due to christian princes in all causes whatsoever , so historie makes it as plaine that christian princes at their first entrance , till popery beganne to intoxicate them , did clayme , and exercise the same as their due . constantine had {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} given him for his title , and wee know hee shewed himselfe no lesse , and wee know his successours for divers ages did assume and verifie the same title as their due . and therefore bilson proves out of socrates , and other historians , that in the primitive christian emperours times all ecclesiasticall affairs did depend upon emperours : and that the greatest synods , and councels were called at their appointment : and that appeals from councels were reserved to them , and sometimes over-ruled by them : and that all ecclesiasticall laws were by them enacted , confirmed , and repealed ; and that the greatest prelates were by them ordered , and commanded : and that whole provinces and kingdomes were by them visited , and reformed in all cases whatsoever . and this truth , the learnedst of papists will nor deny , and those wch do deny the same rely upon some particular exception onely , and have very few instances before the popes inthronization at rome , and these of matters of fact , and not rights alledged neither . valentinian the elder is one maine instance , and he when strife was betweene the arians and the orthodox christians would not take upon him to determine the same , his modest answer was , non est meum judicare inter episcopos , and ambrose sayes of him ; inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse iudicii . valentinian here was a pious emperor and orthodox , but his blame was ( as socrates justly taxes him ) that though he honoured those that were of his true faith , and sound opinion , yet he in the meane time let the arians doe what they list . and this cannot be excused , for if hee was doubtfull of his owne faith , this was ignorance : and if hee was not , and yet tolerated arianisme , this was neglect in him : and if he did shunne this decision as burthensome to him , this was impious : and if as intricate , this was inconsiderate . for what if hee could not judge as a bishop , could not he therefore judge by bishops ; was not the learning and knowledge of all bishops , at his command to be imployed , as if it were his owne ? bishops themselves might erre , and dissent , and in that point many of them did erre , and hold against the truth : and without his ayde this division was irreconcileable ; but by his influence and superintendence ; truth might obtaine a faire tryall , and bishops themselves might be convinced by bishops . this case in divinity might be too intricate for his sole judgment , and too pondrous for his actuall determination : but what he could not doe single , and personally , hee might well effect by the counsell and advice of his most moderate , and disinteressed clergie : for in divinity the prince is as in juridicall , or martiall affaires , as he is not alwayes the ablest divine , so neither is he the ablest lawyer , nor the ablest souldier , and yet by the advice of divines , lawyers , and souldiers , he may conclude that wisely which neither he without them nor they without him could ever have concluded . therefore against this remisse , cold slacknesse , and haesitancy of valentinian we may oppose the politike , and couragious resolution of constantine , theodosius and diverse other pious emperors , who all did compose debates , and end controversies , and vindicate truth and religion from many errors and abuses , wch otherwise had bin endlesse , and remedilesse . after the first 5. or 6. hundred yeares episcopacy began to invade the rights of royalty by the sophistications , and impostures of the see of rome , and till this last age , princes almost every where did blindly and superstitiously too farre abandon their owne right , but by the light of nature , the wisest kings in all countryes were ever the most refractory , and most impatient of the popes tyranny ▪ and in the most ignorant times , some there were found , that made resistance to the same . much bloud was shed upon this theme in diverse other countries , and even in our own stories we find , that though england was prone otherwise to be the popes asse , yet in the quarrell of supremacy it was jealous , and had almost perpetuall conflicts . i will only cite one story . henry the second was a very puissant prince , and in all other things except only ecclesiasticall . he was fortunate and victorious : but his misery was , that he raigned in such an age as the pope was in his zenith , and had to doe with becket of all the popes dependents the most seditious . henry the first his grandfather out of the greatnesse of his spirit and wit , had passed these lawes ; that no appeal should stand , that no bishops should go out of the realme , that no tenant in capite should bee excommunicated ; that no officiall of the kings should be interdicted without the kings leave , and consent , and that clergimen should be subject to secular judgement , and that lay-men under the king , should judge of tythes , and other causes ecclesiasticall . at these just and necessary lawes , the clergie hitherto rested quiet , if not contented , but now a most rebellious becket arises to spurne against them , and in his mouth they are dangerous incroachments , and breaches upon the church . rather than hee will subscribe to these so long establisht lawes ; he departs the kingdome in contempt of the king , and with all violence and bitternesse that may bee incenses the pope , the king of france , and all the italian and french bishops against his naturall lord . the king at first gallantly relyes upon the edge of his temporall sword , and whets it sharper in behalfe of his legall prerogative ▪ and for some yeares together stands out against the danger of the popes confounding blow ; but at last when becket the fierce traytor was slaine , through the execrations and anathemas of the pope , and by the threats and exclamations of the king of france , and diverse other bishops and potentates ; he is beaten from his ground , swearing fealty to the pope and his successors , and admitting of appeales to rome . long it was before hee would submit himselfe in this contestation betwixt a subject , and himselfe to the romish tribunall , or yeeld to any condemnation being untryed , and unheard ; and it appeares by the popes forbearance of his last thūderbolt , that the pope was diffident in his power , and durst not sentence him , if he had not yeelded before the sentence . but i leave popery , & come now to our reformed times . the dead time of night being now over , luther began to crow in germany , and to give notice of light ready to dawn upon the earth : and no sooner did that light appeare , but that diverse princes began to awake , and to shake off that blind servitude of rome which had so long layne upon them , and lock'd up their senses like a deepe sleepe : how be it the light was not alike welcome to all , some fully and wholly gave it entertainement , others opened some curtaines onely , and so yeelded themselves to a little further slumber . henry the eighth here in england was well pleased with that doctrine which discovered his owne independence , and the weakenesse of the popes prerogative : but those further monstrous , deformed errors , and superstitions of rome , which are founded upon its absolute prerogative , and are as inconsistent with light , as the prerogative it selfe ; he tooke no delight to looke upon . so farre as his owne interest , and worldly advantage was represented by the beames of the gospell , so farre his eyes thought it amiable and so farre bishop gardiner though a bishop was ready to assist him : but so farre as his spirituall interest , and the generall advantage of his subjects was concerned , so farre , hee and gardiner both could remaine as blind as sir thomas more : t is wonderfull that so sharp-sighted a man , as sir thomas more was , should lay downe his life in justification of the popes supremacie ; but t is more wonderfull that gardiner should see the weakenesse of that supremacie , and yet still adhere to diverse other popish superstitions as absurdly resulting from the same principles . the state of venice also out of meere policy has long been at defiance with the court of rome , so farre as meere rules of government guide , and direct it : but in all other spirituall delusions , and impostures it is as dead , as heavie-eyed , as ever ▪ spaine , france , and germany also , though they speake not the same , yet they now doe the same as venice , they all shut up and impale the popes authority within peters patrimony , leaving him no command but within his owne italian territories , and yet besides his authority they cast off nothing else : so much doe we generally esteeme earth before heaven , and our temporall advantages before the subsistance of our soules . but let reason of state bee what it will , the parliament here agrees to annex to the crowne of henry the eighth and his successors whatsoever sole , independent power was before challenged in ecclesiasticall and spirituall things by the pope , or any church-man whatsoever : and hooker seemes both to confesse and justifie the same , for sayes h , our kings of england when they are to take possession of the crown , have it painted out before their eyes , even by the very solemnities , and rights of their inauguration , to what affaires by the same law their supreme power and authority reaches . crowned we see they are , and inthronized , and annoynted , the crowne a signe of military dominion , the throne of sedentary or iudiciall , the oyle of religious , and sacred power . hee here attributes as supreme a rule , and as independent in religious and sacred affaires , as hee does either in military , or iudiciall , and hee accounts that venerable ceremony of vnction , as proper to the kings of england as that of crowning , or inthroning . neverthelesse , it is now a great objection against this chiefly of dominion , that it may descend to infants under age , as it did to king edward the sixth : or to women , as to queene mary , and elizabeth , and whatsoever wee may allow to men , such as henry the eighth , yet it seemes unreasonable , to allow it women , and children . the papists thinke this objection of great moment , and therefore bellarmine in great disdaine casts it out , that in england they had a certaine woman for their bishop : meaning by that woman , q. elizabeth : and q. elizabeth her selfe knowing what an odium that word would draw upon her , both amongst papists , and many protestants also , consults her bishops about it , and by their advice sets forth a declaration , certifying the world thereby , that shee claymed no other head-ship in the church , but such as might exclude all dependency upon forreigne head-ships , and secure her from all danger of being deposed . how this paper could satisfie all , i cannot see : my thinkes the bishops in this did as warily provide for their owne clayme , as the queenes : for whatsoever power shee had in the church , it was either absolute , coordinate , or subordinate . if it was subordinate , shee was in danger of deposition , and was to bee ordered , and limited , and commanded by her superior . if her power was co-ordinate ; she had no more power over her equall , than her equall had over her : and it being as lawfull for her equall to countermand , as it was for her to command : her power would be as easily disabled and made frustrate by her equalls , as her equalls by hers . in the last place therefore if her power or headship were absolute , why did not her bishops uphold and declare the same ? such dallying with indefinite expressions , and dazelling both our selves & others with meere ambiguities does often very great harme , for uncertainty in law is the mother of confusion , and injustice , and this is the mother of uncertainty . according to this obscure declaration of supremacy in the queenes paper many papists at this day take the oath penned in the statute for that purpose : they will abjure the popes supremacy , as to deposition of princes : but not in any thing else : and they will hold the king supreme , as to all deposers , but not as to all men else . those which are not bloudy , and dangerous , but by the light of nature abhorre regicides , rest themselves upon these shallow distinctions : but such as are iesuitically furious , and murdrous , break through them as meere cobwebs : and the more secure princes are from the other , the lesse safe they are from these . these men will still insist upon absolute supremacy somewhere to rest ; and that it cannot rest in women , or minors , they will still insist upon this argument , if the queene be not competent for that lower order to whom the word and sacraments are committed , then shee is not competent for that higher order which has power over the lower : but the queene is not competent for the lower , therefore not for the higher . they say , that to prescribe lawes to preachers is more than to preach : and to have power over ordination is something greater , than to enter into orders , and therefore the law cannot justly give that which is more , and greater , when god denyes that which is inferior , and lesse . our divines make a very short unsatisfying reply to this . their reply is , that though our bishops owe some kind of subjection to kings , yet the authority of preaching , &c. is not from kings , but from christ himselfe , christ they say , giveth the commission , kings give but a permission only . all the power at last of our kings , which is acknowledged equall with that of the iewish , and has been so farre all this while magnified , and defended against papists , inables them now no further , than to a naked permission in religious affaires , their most energeticall influence is permission . t is true , the commission of the apostle was from christ , his ite & docete , was their authority : and so it remaines still to all their successors ; but is it therefore a reason , that there is now , no other commission necessary ? where christs commission was particular , it was good without any other humane commmission , nay permission it selfe was not requisite : the contents of that commission was not only ito , doceto : but tu petre , tu paule , &c. ito , doceto : but now there remaines nothing of that commission , but the generality , ito , doceto : the particularity requires now particular commissions , and meere permissions will not serve the turne . and as for succession , we may suppose that our saviours first commission was vigorous , as to that purpose , but we must know , that the apostles being both governours and preachers , all that commission which was given them as governours , was not given them as preachers . there must still be successors to the apostles in governing , and preaching : but it s not necessary that the same men now should succeed in both offices , and that whatsoever was commanded or granted to the one office , the same should bee granted and commanded to the other the civill iudges and councellors of state under the king are not without generall commissions from heaven to doe justice , and preserve order in their severall subordinate stations , and yet they depend upon particular commissions too from gods immediate vice-gerent . and it seemes to me a weake presumption , that officers in religion should have more particular commissions from god , than officers of state : or that princes should bee more permissive , and lesse influent by way of power in the church , than in the common-wealth . he that observes not a difference betwixt these times under christian princes , and those under unbeleeving caesars , is very blind , and he is no lesse , that thinks particular commissions now as necessary when princes joyne to propagate the gospell , as they were when supreme power was abused for its subversion : and so makes no difference betwixt a nero , and a constantine . did constantine gaine the style of head-bishop , or bishop of bishops meerely by permitting the true worship of god ? and let us lay aside the strangenes of the name , and apply the thing , i meane the same episcopall power to queene elizabeth , as was to constantine and what absurdity will follow ? what is intended by the word {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which may not bee as properly applyed to queene elizabeth , as to constantine ? if the patriarchs , and kings of iudah and first christian emperors had jurisdiction , and a legislative power in the church , nay had dominion over all those which did exercise judiciall power in the church , and were so exalted in sanctity , and dignity above meere priests , shall queene elizabeth bee barred and disabled for the same power and honour meerely by the prejudice of her sex ? the very papists themselves do grant to some abbatisses power of jurisdiction over some ecclesiasticall persons , and this power they hold to be more honourable , than that of suborninate monkes , and priests which officiate under them ; and yet to officiate they will not grant to abbatisses , though they grant more than to officiate . therefore wee see this rule doth not alwayes hold ; that hee which may not undertake the lesser charge , shall not undertake the greater ; for the meere sanctity of the person is not alwayes that which gives law in these cases . though the person bee not voyd of sanctity , yet some other unfitnesse , and defect may stop and barre in lesse imployments , and yet bee no stop , nor bar at all in matters of a more excellent , and sublime nature . so it is with infants and vvomen , though the possession of a crowne be more sacred and honourable , than admission into orders ; yet they shall bee held more capable of a crowne , than of orders ; because personall imbecillity , and naturall inferiority ( as i may so say ) is lesse prejudiciall in civill , than in religious affaires , and in matters of function and service , than in matters of priviledge , and command . god had confined the right and honour of the priest-hood amongst the iewes , to one tribe , and family onely , and therefore vzziab might not invade that right , and honour to the infringing of gods speciall command , and in this respect vzziah was qualified for a scepter , yet not qualified for a censer ; he was qualified for that authority which was more sacred , yet not for that service which was lesse . so perhaps it is now under the gospell , women are expresly barred from the altar , that very sex is precisely excluded , and excepted against by god ▪ they may not minister in the church : yet this is no exception , but that they may raigne in the throne , and yet this seemes not to prove that that ministration is more holy , than this raigning , but rather that it is more difficult , and such as requires more personall ability , and naturall perfection . for let vzziahs case over-rule us . that wch disabled vzziah for the service of the altar was not personall incompetence , or want of sanctity : for then the same had disabled him for all higher , and more excellent offices . but we know that vzziah was not so disabled : for he was capable of the scepter , and by vertue of his scepter , the whole temple , and all the sacred things therin , all the order of the priests and levites , the whole law of god , and the state of religion , and policy , and the generall welfare of all gods holy beloved people were within his guard , and protection , and will any man conceive this to be lesse excellent , than to sacrifice ? by vertue of the scepter moses did consecrate priests to serve at the altar , and governe their service at the altar : by vertue of the scepter salomon did build , and dedicate the very temple , and altar it selfe , with his owne mouth , blesse both them , and those priests which were to attend them : by vertue of the scepter , vzziah himselfe did inherit the same power , and holinesse , and dignity which moses , or salomon , or any of his predecessors had , and shal all this seeme lesse worthy and excellent to us , than to serve with a censer ? in this hooker fully concurres with me . he distinguishes betweene an ordinary and a supreme iudge , and he allowes it unfit for princes to sit as ordinary iudges in matters of faith and religion : and yet hee denies not their supreme right and influence of judging . for ( sayes h. ) an ordinary iudge must be of qualities , which in a supreme iudge are not necessary , because the person of one is charged with that , which the others meere authority dischargeth , without imploying himselfe personally therein ▪ it is an error to thinke that the kings authority can have no force in doing that , which himselfe personally may not doe : for it is impossible , that at one and the same time , that the king should order so maine and different affaires , as by his power every where present are ordered in peace and warre ; at home , and abroad . and the king in regard of nonage , &c. may be unable to performe that thing wherein yeares of discretion are requisite for personall action , and yet his authority is still of force : and therefore it is a maxime , that the kings authoritie never dyes , or ceases from working . sundry considerations then may be effectuall to hold the kings person from being a doer of that , which notwithstanding his power must give force unto . in civill affaires nothing doth more concerne the duty , or better beseeme the majesty of kings , than personally to administer justice . yet if it bee in case of felony , and treason ; lawyers affirme ( stanford l. 2. c. 3. ) that well may the king commit his authority to an other , to judge betweene him , and the offender : but the king being himselfe there a party , cannot personally sit there to pronounce judgement . here we see sometimes the king cannot be possibly present to act his part , sometimes defect of knowledge may hinder him , sometimes other exceptions , as being a party , and the like , may barre him from doing those things , which notwithstanding by his substitute power must bee done : and yet this preferres not substitutes before him . so in vzziahs case , the priest-hood was for very sufficient reasons in policy , severed from the kingly office , and that by gods owne approbation , and command , vzziah shall not now conjoyne , and unite them again out of a fond pragmaticall humor to the dis-inheriting of the tribe of levi , to the disservice of the crowne , to the hinderance of religion , and to the violation of gods command . if vzziah will content himselfe to move in his owne superior orbe , and leave the priests of god to their owne regular subordinate motions , his influence shall give vigor to those actions in them , which are with more honour to him done by them under his superintendence than by himselfe in person . for as the ordinary iudge deputed by the king , in cases where the king himselfe either cannot be present , or hath not skill to determine , or may not legally interesse himselfe , does give judgment , not by vertue of his owne , but by vertue of the kings authority , and does therefore acquire more honour to his majesty , than to himselfe : so in the church the priest ministring in that imployment , which in all places the king cannot minister in , and which is too difficult for some kings to minister in , and prohibited to others , yet is not hereby greater or holyer than the king , but even in his very actuall administration it selfe , he is so dependent , and derives such vertue from the kings supreme , spirituall authority , that the king is supreme , and he but the secondary agent therein . but bishop bilson will yet say , that the priest in the worke of conversion winnes the soule to a willing obedience , and that the princes worke only by externall , politicall terror , which begets not virtutis amorem , but only formidinem panae , and therefore it seemes that the worke of the minister and the prince , differ not only in order , but also in kinde , the one being far more spirituall and divine than the other . i answer hereunto , that if power doth only induce a servile feare of punishment , and so cause of forcible forbearance of sin , and if preaching only make a voluntary conquest upon the soule , then by the same reason , the power of bishops as well as the power of civill magistrates is of lesse value than preaching : but this none of our adversaries will agree to . my next answer therefore is , that preachers in the wonderfull worke of regeneration are not in the nature of physicall causes , they are rather in the nature of the meanest instrumentall causes under god : they are but as vessels in the hand of husband men , from whence the seed corne is throwne into the ground . if the corne fall into the furrow , and there fructifie , god opens and enlives the wombe of the earth , god sends showres and influence from heaven , god blesses the seeds with a generative , multiplying vertue , nay god casts it into the furrow , from the mouth of the preacher , and as he uses the mou●h of the preacher , for the effusion of his grain ; so he uses the princes power as his plough , to breake and prepare the ground : and in this case , the use and service of the plough is as noble , as that of the bushell . neither is the office of kings the lesse glorious , because they can use force ; nor ministers the more glorious , because they may use none but ethicall motives , and allurements : for power it selfe being a glorious , divine thing , it cannot bee ignoble to use it in gods cause . and therefore wee see iosiah , and other good kings are commended for using compulsion : and diverse other kings which used it not for the removing of idolatry , and suppressing of the high places , did grievously offend god , and draw curses upon themselves , and their subjects . and whereas it is objected that force and compulsion restraineth only from the act of sin , but restraineth not the will from the liking thereof . we see common experience teaches us the contrary . for scotland , holland , denmarke , sweden , bohemia , england , &c. suffered great changes of religion within a short space , and these changes were wrought by the force of civill magistrates , and could never else without strange miracles from heaven have been so soone compassed : but these changes are not the lesse cordiall , and sincere , because civill authority wrought them . authority it selfe hath not so rigorous a sway over the soules of men , as to obtrude disliked religions universally : it must perswade as well as compell , and convince , as well as command● or else g●eat alterations cannot easily , and suddainly bee perfected . and in this respect the proclamations of princes become of●entimes the most true , and powerfull preaching that can be : and t is beyond all doubt , that if preaching were as a physicall cause in the act of regeneration of sinners , or reformation of nations , yet the edicts and commands of princes are sometimes more efficacious sermons than any which wee heare from out our pulpits . for let us suppose that a considerable number of our ministers were sent into mexico , or perue , to preach the gospell of christ , amongst the poore blinde savages , could wee hope for so great successe thereby without the concurrence of some princes there , as we might , if some of them would assist , and joyne to advance the same word and doctrine by their wisdome , and power , which our ministers should publish with their art , and eloquence ? if we cast our eyes back upon former times , also we shall see that before constantine favoured religion , the gospell spread but slowly , and that not without a wonderfull confluence of heavenly signes and miracles , wrought by our saviour , and his disciples ; all which we may suppose had never bin in such plentifull measure shewed to the world , had it not bin to countervaile the enemity and opposition of secular authority . and it may be conceived , that had the caesars joyned in the propagation of christs doctrine , more might have beene effected for the advantage of religion by their co operation , than all christs apostles , bishops , prophets , evangelists , and other elders did effect by their extraordinary gifts and supernaturall endowments . we see also that constantines conversion was of more moment , and did more conduce to the prosperity , and dilatation of christianity , than all the labours , and endeavours of thousands of preachers , and confessors , and martyrs which before had attempted the same . and to descend to our late reformations , wee see edward the sixth , though very young , in a short time dispelled the mists of popish error and superstition : and when no men were more adverse to the truth than the clergy , yet he set up the banner thereof in all his dominions , and redeemed millions of soules from the thraldome of hell , and rome . in the like manner queene elizabeth also , though a woman , yet was as admirable an instrument of god in the same designe , and what she did in england diverse other princes about the same time did the like in many other large dominions : whatsoever was effected by miracles in the hand of ministers , after our saviour , the same if not greater matters were sooner expedited by the ordinary power and wisdome of princes , when ministers were generally opposite thereunto . and as we see the spirituall power of princes how strangly prevalent it is for the truth , so sometimes we see most wofull effects of the same against the truth . religion was not sooner reformed by edward the sixth , than it was deformed againe by queene mary . and though many godly ministers were here then setled , as appeares by their martyrdoms : yet all those ministers could not uphold religion with all their hands so strongly as queene mary could subvert it with one finger of her hand onely . one fierce king of spaine bound himselfe in a cursed oath to maintaine the romish religion , and to extirpate all contrary doctrines out of his confines : if many pious ministers could have defeated this oath , doubtlesse it had not so farre prevailed , as it doth : but now wee may with teares bewaile in behalfe of that wofull monarchy that one kings enmity in religion , is more pernicious , than a thousand ministers zeale is advantagious . and by the way let all princes here take notice what a dreadfull account of soules , god is likely to call them to : fort is not the clergy that are so immediately and generally responsible when religion is oppressed , or not cherished , and when soules are misled , and suffered to goe astray , the abuses of the very clergy it selfe will be only set upon the princes account , for according to that vast spirituall power which he hath put into their hands , yea according to that vast spirituall power , so will god certainly require at their hands . let princes know that preaching is not the onely meanes of salvation , nor are ministers the only preachers , nor that the sacraments are therefore efficacious because the clergy only may administer them ; let them know that though ministers call themselves only spirituall persons , and the lot of god , and the church of christ , and put them into the number of temporall , and lay-men , and limit them to secular things : yet god will not be so abused ; they must make an answer to him for things most spirituall , and for the improvement of those graces and prerogatives which belong to gods most beloved inheritance , and honoured servants , and neere officers in his church . and let ministers also on the other side learne to acknowledge that character of divinity which is so much more fairely stamped upon princes , than it is upon them , and let them not rob princes of that influence in sacred things : which they of themselves can never injoy . for as princes shall answer for them if they imploy their power to the depression of ministers ; so shall ministers also answer for princes if they cosen princes out of their supreme power , out of pretense that gods message is so delivered to them . let ministers assist princes in their religious and spirituall offices , as aaron , and hur did moses . let them not contend for supremacy in the highest offices of devotion , but like humble servants let them account it their most supreme service , to attend upon that supremacy . let them in the most glorious services of religion looke upon princes , as ioab did upon his master in martiall exployts . let them be jealous of themselves , that no part of honour due to the independent power of princes , may rest upon the secondary instruments but returne to the first and highest movers . and thus shal more honour and sanctity passe from ministers to kings , and more efficacy and vertue from kings to ministers , and more grace and happinesse from both to the people . another occasion of mistake , and error in nazianzen , and bilson seemes to be , that in comparing the great fruits of princes , and priests , in their severall functions , they both speake of the whole order of priest hood : as if every prince were therefore lesse spirituall , or excellent than every priest , because all priests in some things excell some princes . if we speak of a prince and all the clergy within his dominion , perhaps we may say he is universis minor , and yet he may be singulis major : perhaps he may not doe so much good in the church as all his clergy , yet he may doe more than a great number of them . and yet for my part , i am of opinion , that all the clergie are so dependent , and borrow such vertue from the kings supreme spirituality ( as i may so say ) that whatsoever good they doe , they ought not to let the honour thereof terminate in them , but returne to him upon whom they depend . and now i thinke , these things being made cleere , that princes are sacred in respect of their supreme rule , and spirituall in respect of their spirituall rule , and that priests have no proper rule at al over mens spirits , or in any ecclesiasticall cases , but derivative , and subordinate to princes . i may conclude , that there can be no office , nor action so sacred upon earth , for which princes are incompetent in respect of personall sanctity . and therefore , as it is most erroneous to argue , that princes are not capable of spirituall rule , because their persons are not holy enough : so it is most undenyably true , and we may safely argue , on the contrary , that no mens persons can bee more holy than such as god hath honoured , and intrusted with such supremacy of spirituall rule , as he hath done princes . the next argument which raises the miter above the diadem is drawne from the power of the church in excommunication : and it is framed thus . that supremacy which makes princes to be above the church , and free from ecclesiasticall censures , is absurd ; but such is here maintained , ergo : by the word church may be meant the catholike church , or some nationall church : the church triumphant , or the church militant : th church which was from the beginning , and shall be to the end , or the church which now is . we apply the title of head ship to princes over no churches but such as are under their present dominions , and that head-ship we account subordinate to christs , and we allow with saint ambrose in some sense , that the king is intra , and not supra ecclesiam : for he is not such an universall supreme head as christ is , but is a member under christ the head . yet this impugnes not , but that the king may in an other sense be both intra , and supra , as to his owne dominions : for take the church for ecclesiasticall persons , and so the king may governe all under christ , but take it for ecclesiasticall graces , and so the king may be subject ; he may be superior to priests , yet acknowledge inferiority to scripture , sacraments , &c. and therefore with that of ambrose , that of nazianzen may well stand ; thou raignest king together with christ : thou rulest together with him ; thy sword is from him ; thou art the image of god : and surely this is something more glorious than can be applyed in so proper and direct a sense to any clergie-man whatsoever . but let us briefly see what this spirituall sword of excommunication is , which the church , that is , church-men only clayme , and wherewith they thinke they may as freely strike princes , as princes may doe them with the temporall . the grounds in scripture for excommunication , are severall , not all intending the same thing , yet all are blended and confounded by clergie-men to the same purpose : wheras we ought to put a great difference betweene excommunication , and non-communication , and in excommunication , betweene that spirituall stroke , and punishment , which was ordinary in case of contempt , and that which was extraordinary in cases of most hainous nature . non-communication may be supposed to have beene from the beginning ; and by common equity ; for gemmes were never to be cast to swines , nor the priviledges and treasures of the church to bee imparted to such as were enemies and strangers to the church . heathens and publicans hated the religion of the iewes , and therefore it was hatefull to the iewes to communicate with them , either in matters of religion , or in offices of friendship . the iewes did not forbeare all civill conversing with them , but all familiarity they did forbeare , and yet the forbearance of familiarity was no proper punishment to them : nor was it a thing spiritually inflicted by authority , but by generall , and naturall consent practised . so men of the same nature , as publicans and heathens now , viz. such as hold our religion contemptible , or whose profession is scandalous to religion , they ought to be to us as they were to the iewes ; to mingle familiarly with them cannot stand with our owne safety , or the honour of religion , or the law of common decency : but those whom we account as publicans , we doe not make publicans , whom we shun as infectious , we doe not punish as rebellious : their actions we doe generally detest , but their persons we doe not judicially condemne . princes under the law might not eate of the shew bread , nor approach the sanctuary being in a polluted condition , nor in case of leprosie might they be admitted into the congregation of the lord , so nor bastards , &c. but these are all instances of non-communion , not of excommunication : and the reason of non-communion is perpetuall , so that if princes in open contempt of the sacraments should desire them at the ministers hands , ministers ought rather to dye than to administer them . but to deny the sacrament is not any spirituall obduration , or castigation ; to this denyall , no speciall authority is necessary , neither to that authority is any coercive force internally working upon the soule granted . cain having committed an unnaturall murther was generally abhorred amongst his brethren and abandoned as unfit for humane society : but this was a crime proper for the temporall sword , and if this was a proper punishment it was temporall . and it is plainly cleered to us , that adultery it selfe by gods law was punished by the temporall , not spirituall sword , and that abscissio animae amongst the iewes was ever spoken of corporall punishment by death , the inffliction whereof was only left to the temporall magistrate ; and that there was no difference observed betweene crimes spirituall , and crimes temporall . non-communion , then we grant to have bin of ancient use , and perpetuall , but we wish great caution and circumspection to be had therein amongst christians , for as visibly prophane persons are to be rejected , so no former profanenesse ought to be cause of rejection , where the party with outward professions of repentance , and gestures of reverence craves the mysteries at the ministers hands , as almost all christians doe . for in such case if the sacrament , then the word also may be denyed , and so no manner of salvation shall be left to such as have bin formerly vitious , whatsoever their present demeanour be . to come now to excommunication , or the spirituall sword , and sentence of the church , as it was used in the primitive times , yet so wee finde differences of it amongst our divines . that incestuous corinthian which was said to be traditus satanae , as chrysostome conceives , was not ejected out of the church by ordinary excommunication , but was miraculously left to satan , ut percelleretur vulnere malo , aut morbo , and such was the punishment of ananias , and his wife , and of elymas , &c. according to ierom , ambrose , theodoret , oecumenius , theophylact , &c. this excommunication , if it may be called so , was a corporall punishment , and there is no appearance of any internall obduration by the binding power of the minister : and it was miraculous , and therefore though it was of use then , when the keyes of church-men could not erre , and when a temporall sword was wanting , yet now it is utterly uselesse , and abolisht . for any other excommunication of present and perpetuall necessity in ecclesiasticall regiment there is little proofe in scripture , it is the spirituall scepter of our hierarchrists , without which their empire would appeare meerely imaginary : and therefore their zeale is strong for it , though their grounds be weake . it seemes to me a very darke deduction , that the keyes of heaven in the gospell must needs import reall power , and jurisdiction in church-men , and onely in church-men ; and that that power and jurisdiction must needs intend such a spirituall sword , as our present form of excommunication is , and that that sword is as miraculous as it was , or as usefull , as if it were miraculous ; and that the stroke of it is meerly spirituall , and not to be supplyed by the temporall sword : and that princes are as well lyable to it as other lay-men . ierome sayes , that with god not the sentence of the priest , but the life of the sentenced party is look'd upon , and regarded ; and sayes he , vt leprosum mundum vel immundum sacerdos facit , sic alligat vel solvit presbyter . it should seeme our priests now have the same power to try and discerne scandalous persons amongst us , as the iewish had leapers in their times : and no man supposes that the iewish priests had any vertue , or force in their judgements to purge such as were uncleane , or to infect those which were cleane , they were held the most fit and impartiall judges , but the matter to bee judged of was visible , easie , and sensible . so much as this , no man will deny to our ministers , for if they binde , and shut heaven to persons sensibly profan , not altering at all the condition of such as they binde , and shut out , this is no such strange spirituall sword , and celestiall power , and supereminent dominion , as they have hitherto pretended to , neither is it of any such great consequence in the church of god . but if ministers can yet by vertue of their keyes , either search into the reines and hearts of hypocrites , as the apostles did , or alter the condition of such as are subject to them , either by absolving , or obdurating the guilty , or can effect any remedy in the church for the taking away of scandall , by their spirituall power , which the temporall ruler doth not effect as the apostles may be supposed to have done ; this is more than the iewish priests ever professed , this is supernaturall , and wee ought to admire it . i doe not beleeve that our ministers will lay clayme to any such miraculous vertue and infallibility , and if they did , i hope they would give us some signes and demonstrations therof by opening heaven to thousands , and by confounding all incorrigible opposers of religion . if nero had resorted to peters ministery , desiring to bee made partaker of the word and sacraments , out of fraud and dissimulation , peter doubtlesse would not have refused him , and cast him off , without a certaine insight into his hypocrisie : but if peter did discerne his hypocrisie , and reject him , yet our ministers cannot discerne the like , and therefore cannot reject in the like manner . with us take excommunication , as a spirituall punishment , as it hardens , and drives from repentance ( for so the shutting of heaven intimates ) and our ministers should bee cruell to use it where they are ignorant of the heart : and take it as a wholesome remedy , and fit meanes to draw to repentance , as corporall punishments , sometimes are ( though it bee strange to conceite the like of spirituall ) yet their vertue being ignorantly applyed , is no proper vertue . for in case of utter impenitence , and open perversenesse , heaven is shut without the ministers power : and in case of fained penitence , the ministers key cannot open effectually , though he discerne not the fraud : and in case of true penitence , if the minister be mistaken , yet heaven will not remaine shut . howsoever if priests may now excommunicate as they pretend , yet this concludes not , that they may excommunicate princes . we know the primitives did use excommunication , very moderatly , and tenderly , and not without great policy , and respect had to the good of the church , and therefore saint aug. openly avers , that excommunication is a proud , pernicious , and sacrilegious attempt , when it is denounced against any considerable number of people , ubi periculum sit schismatis . we must know that it is of worse example when it is used against princes than diverse other great bodies and societies : in as much , as one prince is of more consequence and power than thousands of other lay-men . we know also that in all judgments there is a necessity of legall tryall to precede conviction : and that great multitudes may be convented , examin'd , sentenced , and punished with lesse disturbance of peace , lesse violation of majestie , and lesse obstruction to policy , than those which sway the ball imperiall . and if the condemnation of princes might bee upon due tryalls without violence , yet the execution of the sentence would produce more grievous and rigorous events in them , than in private men : for how shall the people honour , obey , and worship him in the state as gods lievtenan● , whom they see accursed , cut off , and abhorred in the church as the devils vassall ? that which was obtruded upon private men at first as a wholsom corrosive plaister for their spirits , declined after into corporall penances , and after that into pecuniary mults : but what have beene the sufferings of private men in comparison of that which princes have lost hereby to the clergie ? vpon the excommunication of princes , whole nations have bin interdicted , whole states ruined , the innocent with the obstinate , the prince with the people all have bin sacrificed to bloud thirsty priests , under pretence of obedience to the holy church . it will be objected , that if princes be not this way punishable , they are no other way punishable , and that it is very mischievous in the church , that there should be any scandall given , and no meanes left for its purgation , and expiation . i answer , the iewish kings did sinne in the most offencive manner that can be imagined ; yet god assigned no spirituall rulers for their castigation , and the heathen emperors were also free from any coercive restraint or punishment , and this god suffered , and we must suppose , that if it had bin so extremely and publikely mischievous , god would not have suffered it . besides , in civill transgressions of the law priests doe not usually clayme jurisdiction ( though saint ambrose vindicated murder upon theodosius ) for so their power would be as temporall , and as large as the princes , and yet there is no reason why god should not have left a judicatory to punish civill violations in all men whatsoever , as well as ecclesiasticall . in the last place also , if scandal shal not remaine unpunishable in the supreme temporall magistrate , yet it shall in the spirituall , and that is a mischiefe of the same nature as the other . for if the king shall abide the judgement of this bishop , or that consistory , yet what judgment shal that bishop or consistory abide ? if this spirituall supremacy rest in any one , that one must be unpunishable : for two supremes are things incompatible : and if this supremacy rest in more than one , this is not consistent with monarchy : for either the one or the other must be predominant , and transcendent . we reade that lustinian did command the clergy to be proceeded against by excommunication , suspension , and deprivation , and we cannot deny this to be his right , and all other princes in the like manner , when misdemeanours are scandalous in the highest cleargy-men , or consistores ; and we know that such command and constraint in iustinian is more than to excommunicate , suspend , or deprive . we may justly therefore inferre , that iustinian having a power above excommunication , ought not himselfe to be excommunicated , by those which were under his power : for so the excommunication of the inferior would disable the excommunication of the superior . and since excommunication cannot be promiscuously and oppositely used by two , one against the other , without variance , and confusion , but either the one , or the other must be above excommunication , it is more reasonable that the higher bee exempted , and priviledged than the lower . and so it is a stronge argument , that princes are not liable to excommunication , because even in the power of excommunication it selfe their function is more excellent , and their power more sublime , than theirs is , which excommunicate under them , and at their command , the prince doing herein the nobler office — quantum qui navem temperat , anteit — remigis officium — but when it is argued against princes , that they may be excommunicated by priests ; because they beare offices lesse sacred , and serve god in places lesse glorious than priests , the grounds are here utterly false , and repugnant to all right reason , and sound divinity . let us not then doubt to submit all things under one supreme on earth , submitting him to his supreme in heaven ; for it is no small thing , as we imagine , in such case to be left to the searching judgment of god , for god is not negligent of his office therein , nor need we doubt , or hold our selves utterly remedilesse , whilst we can say truly , omne sub regno graviore regnum est . and let us not mistake our supreme on earth , for if god had intended to have left us a spirituall sword and miraculous judicatory under the gospell , never before knowne , or usefull to the world , and that of perpetuall necessity , doubtlesse he would have left us some cleere command in scripture , and not have involved his meaning in metaphors so intricate , and ambiguous . the next argument against the soveraigne dignity of kings is this . if servants are to be measured by the degree of their master whom they serve , they are the greatest servants , which serve christ : but ministers serve christ : ergo , this can decide nothing for princes and priests , serving both the same master ; the argument hath the same force for princes , and for priests , and if it be further said , that christ as a priest , is greater than christ as a prince , and that princes therefore serving under him as a prince , are not so great as priests serving under him as a priest , i shall deny that to bee so , for christ as mediator was inferior to his father , and all workes of his regiment over the church are not done by him as mediator , but doe belong to his kingly office , and as to his kingly power , he is equall with the father . the next argument therefore of truer force is this : there can be no office more sacred , or dignity more excellent , then such as is signified under these glorious titles of gods , starres , angels , embassadors , rulers , fathers , stewards , pastors , leaders , teachers : but these glorious titles are applyed to ministers , ergo . wee will acknowledge all these honourable badges given to ministers , and duely given : and wee will acknowledge these no empty words without truth , and so make words and things contrary : and we will acknowledge the function of ministers to bee more venerable than any amongst men , besides that which beares the sword , the embleme of gods imperiall majestie . but to such as are gods sword-bearers upon earth , we conceive ministers ought to give place , and pay subjection , as humbly as any others . the preminence of kings , we hold to be three ways manifest : in order , in measure , and in kind . in the very sanctity of the priest-hood it selfe we conceive the ministration of priests to be subordinate to princes , inasmuch as to superintend in the most religious affaires is due to princes , and to officiate only to priests , and to superintend is more than to officiate . secondly , in measure we conceive princes excell also , in asmuch as in religious affaires such priests have the charge of such flockes , and such bishops of such priests ▪ but all both bishops , priests , and flockes are under the kings charge . and not only in religious affaires , but in civill also the authority of princes is both intensive , and extensive many wayes , where priests may not at all intermeddle . and though to governe christians as christians , be the most transcendent honour of kings ; yet to governe men , as men : and not only to governe but to governe well , is a thing of divine impression . thirdly , in kinde the regiment of princes is far excelling , for the regiment of kings is a true proper regiment assisted with reall power , decored with externall honour , founded in the generall consent of men , and blessed by the gratious influence of god , but the rule of priests is but ethicall , or metaphoricall only , its utmost vigor is but perswasive , and is not at all coercive , either inwardly , or outwardly : and that subjection which it challengeth is not to it selfe , but to the word and sacraments , whereto it selfe rendreth as much , as it requireth from others . this generall answer might suffice , but to each particular title we will briefly reply further . ministers they are gods , viz. to such as are under their cure : but then as they are gods to others , so princes are gods to them . thus moses was a god to aaron , though aaron was a god to his inferiors . ministers are stars , but not in magnitude equall to the sun ; neither is their light and influence so independent as the suns . ministers are angels , viz. upon earth , and their internall piety is like a shining rayment to them amongst men , but they serve under gods on earth , whose robes of majesty are every way resplendent , as well externally as internally . ministers are embassadors , but all embassadors persons are not of the like honour , nor all their embassages of the like moment , nor all their commissions of the like extent : and in all these respects , preachers are inferior to princes , being joyned to them , as aaron was to moses for a spokesman , or an interpreter only . ministers are rulers , viz. quoad vim directivam , but not quoad vim coactivam . ministers are fathers , viz. such as have been gods instruments to regenerate us , and so as saint ierome sayes , they are the fathers of our soules , and perhaps , as chrysostome sayes , in this respect they are more to be honoured than our naturall parents . but ministers alwayes , and onely are not so our parents , and they that are so our parents , are not so physicall , and selfe efficacious causes as our naturall parents are : but if they may challenge more honour than our fleshly parents , yet this advances them not above kings , who are both politicall , and spirituall fathers also . fabius the consull , though he was to pay honour and reverence to his naturall father , yet he was to demand a greater measure of the same from him being his politicall son : and it did not mis-beseeme him to prefer the civill right before the physicall : yet fabius here was a meere magistrate , and in that farre lesse glorious than our christian magistrates are ; ministers are stewards , but not the highest in the house of god ; for princes are stewards also and only accountable to god , but they are accountable to princes themselves . and as stewards doe provide food for those , by whom themselves are fed , and manage only but one part of their lords affaires : so it is with ministers : under princess ministers are pastors , leaders , teachers , their doctrine is their food wherewith they comfort the people , their perswasion is the light wherewith they secure them from falling , they feede by their exhortations , and guide by their dehortations , but all these are offices of a servant , rather than priviledges of a master , and even in these offices they are subordinate also . so the pilot at sea may have the safety of his prince committed to his direction , charge , and rule : so the commander in warre gives order for all affaires of the battaile , assigning to the king himselfe a fit station : so the iudge in matters of law by his just decree bindes the right of his owne master : so the physition limits and prescribes rules of diet , and sets downe lawes of exercise to his soveraigne lord . in all these cases there is a kinde of obedience due from kings , and that obedience implyes some kind of inferiority : and yet this obedience of the king , doth not drowne the higher and greater obedience of the subject , nor doth this inferiority contradict that which is of a farre other quality , and degree . in the selfe same manner also the priest officiates in the church , perhaps before the king , perhaps before his owne metropolitan , at this time , in this place , and in this office , there is honour , reverence , and obedience due to him from the king , and metropolitan : yet this doth not exempt him from that stronger and holyer tye of subjection , awe ▪ and subordination , by which he is alwayes bound to those which governe him in other things ; when ambrose therefore sayes honor & sublimitas episcopalis nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari : and againe , nihil potest esse in hoc seculo excellentius sacerdotibus , nihil sublimius episcopis reperiri : wee answer , if he here include princes , as having episcopall power , and a jurisdiction both over priests and bishops , we agree hereunto , but if he exclude princes , we exclude this from our beliefe . and againe when he sayes : if you compare episcopall sublimity to the brightnesse of kings , or diadems of princes , that of kings and princes will be more inferior than leade , compared with gold : we answer , if he here intend the meere secular authority of princes in things meerly temporall , we suppose some mild construction may bee allowed : but if he speake of the intire soveraignty , and prerogative of princes , and put that as lead in comparison of the golden miter , we reject him as erroneous . that which chrysostome sayes , that more awe is due to priests , than to kings and princes , we admit also in this sense , viz. to the embassages of god in their mouthes , not to their persons : and those embassages also and instructions we oppose to the meere civill ordinances of kings , not to religious injunctions , wherein princes are sent with larger commission than they are . and whereas hee sayes further of the power of priests , that god himselfe would not impart it to angels , or arch-angels wee may adde also nor to princes : yet this concludes nothing to the derogation of angels , or arch-angels or princes . for the angels , &c. though they have not the same ministery in the same kinde , and order , yet they have a more glorious and heavenly , and consequently so may princes . that which saint augustine sayes also that princes beare the image of god , bishops of christ , we willingly consent to , and yet by bishops here we do not intend only such church-governours as our bishops now in england are , but all other such as doe the same offices over gods people , whatsoever their stiles , or externall additions be otherwise . and these things we conceive ought to receive such constructions , because our saviour himselfe did alwayes decline all state and pompe , and recommend the same lowly president to his followers ; with strict command not to exercise any lordly dominion , nor to assume the name of rabbi upon them , ever pressing this ; that he came to serve , and not to be served . and yet in the meere name of lord , or rabbi there could be no offence , if the power and grandour belonging to those names , had not bin displeasing to him : and if it was displeasing in those his immediate followers whom he had made governours as wel as preachers , and for their better governing had indued with many miraculous gifts , to discerne spirits , and to open and shut heaven : and inriched with many other weighty graces , we cannot imagine it should now be pleasing in our ministers , where lesse power is necessary , and lesse vertue granted . however it is farre from our meaning to detract or derogate any thing from that internall reverence which is due to christs embassadors , and stewards , &c. in the church , we know that he that despises them , despises christ himselfe , according to christs own words , our meaning is only to place them next and in the second seate of honour after princes , and rulers , and iudges which have scepters committed to them by god , either mediately , or immediately . cyp. sayes well , that our saviour being king and god did honour the priests and bishops of the iewes , though they were wicked , for our instruction : we grant that our saviour ought in this to be imitated , and that all priests whether they have such command or no , as the iewish had , or whether they bee religious or no : yet for christs sake which is our high-priest , and their head , we ought to pay all reverence and awe to them . the last argument urged is this . that order which is of the greatest necessitie in religion , without which no church can at all subsist , is most holy and excellent , but such is the sacerdotall order , for religion had subsistence under the apostles without princes , and that it never had nor could have under princes , without priests : ergo , this is no way true , for religion can have no being without men , and men can have no being without government , and therefore as to this first , and most necessary being , wee may justly say , that the gospell it selfe was as well protected by caesar , which hated it , as by peter which preached it : for peter did owe his civill being to caesar , and without this civill being , his ecclesiasticall being had perished . besides peter , &c. was not only a preacher , but also a governor , and those offices which he did as a governour , might be as much conducing to the welfare of religion , as those which hee did as a preacher : and yet for want of the civill magistrates further assistance , both offices were some way defective , and perhaps , had bin wholly unprofitable , had not miraculous gifts and graces superabounded to supply that defect . howsoever , it is more true , that after the creation religion did subsist under princes onely without priests , for untill the priest-hood was severed in aron , adam , melchisedeck , &c. were not so properly priests , as princes : for though they performed the offices of priests , yet they had no other consecration to inable them therefore , than their regall sanctity , and sublimity . if the meere officiating did make a priest , then the priest-hood were open to all : and if some right and warrant be necessary , it must orginally flow from princes , and they which may derive it to others , have it , till they derive it , in themselves . the essence of priest-hood doth no more consist in the rites and ceremonies of consecration , than royalty doth in coronation : and the due warrant of lawfull authority being that essence , before that warrant granted , we must looke upon authority as including that warrant within its vertue : and after that warrant granted , as not exhausted of its vertue . when the priest-hood was separated from the greater , and confered upon the inferior , some formall ceremonious resignation therof was thought necessary : but before that resignation till moses , wee may well conceive that princes did officiate in their owne rights , without borrowing any thing therein from ceremonies , or from any higher power than their own . i have now done with arguments of the first kinde , which are urged against the sanctity , and competence of princes , in ecclesiasticall and spirituall things . i come now to answer such things as are further objected against other defects of qualification in them , especially in learning , knowledge , and theologicall understanding . the maine argument here , is thus : whosoever is fitest to direct to truth , is also fittest to command for truth : but ministers being most skilld in divinity are most fit to direct , ergo . in answer hereunto , i must make appeare . 1. that ministers are not alwayes most learned . 2. that the most learned are not alwayes the most judicious . 3. that learned and judicious men are not alwayes orthodox , and sound in faith . 4. that there is no necessitie in policy , that the most learned , judicious , and sincere men should be promoted to highest power in the church . and first , we deny not that the blessing of god doth usually accompany the due act of ordination , to adde gifts and abilities to the party ordained : we only say , that gods grace like the winde hath its free arbitrary approaches and recesses , and is not alwayes limited , or necessitated by the act done of consecration . and we say also , that as god usually sanctifies ministers for their function , so he doth also kings : and when he did lay his command upon kings to have a copy of his law alwayes by them , to reade and study it for their direction , we conceive it is intimated to us what kinde of knowledge is most fit for kings , and what kinde of grace god doth most usually supply them withall . king edward the sixth , queene elizabeth , and king iames of late , and happie memory were so strangly learned and judicious in divinity , that we may well thinke there was something in them above the ordinary perfection of nature : and had they perhaps relyed lesse upon the greatest of their clergie in matters concerning the interest and honour of the clergie , the church might have been more free from these controversies , and disturbances at this day . counsellors of state were by a wise king of spaine compared to spectacles , and so may prelates also , but as the same king well observed , those eyes are very wretched which can see nothing at all without them . t is as much wisdome in princes to look into the particular interests of counsellors , and not to be too light of beliefe , as t is to do nothing without counsell and to suspect their owne imaginations . if we did attribute to our iudges a freedome from all fallibility and corruption , and so intrust all law into their hands , this would be as dangerous , as to allow iudges no credit at all . the anabaptists which rely only upon their own private enthusiasmes are not mislead into greater idolatry , and slavery than the papists , which renounce their owne light , and reason , to cast themselves wholly upon the directions of their ghostly fathers . our prelates at this day have not so rigorous an empire over our beliefe as the papists grone under , yet they have given us a taste of late , what canons should be held most religious and fit for us , if we would admit all to bee indisputable : which they thinke fit to bee imposed upon us . and truely when clergie men were confessed to be the only oracles and infallible chaires of divinity in the world , t was but a modest law my thinkes , that all lay-men being on horse-backe , and meeting clergy-men on foote , should perpetually dismount , and resigne their horses to clergie-men : sure those times which thought this reasonable , and just were prety modest times , and lay-men did not deserve so good . in the second place also admit clergie-men to be only and alwayes learned , yet the learnedst men are not alwayes the wisest , and fittest for action . sometimes where great reading meets with shallow capacities , it fumes like strong wine in their heads , and makes them reele , as it were , under the burthen of it : it causes sometimes greater disquiet both to themselves , and other men . in our ancestors dayes when all learning was ingrossed by the clergie , and thrust into cloysters , and colledges from the laity , yet there were many grave and wise states-men that were as an allay to the insolent , and vaine excesses of the clergie , or else this state had bin often ruined . but admit in the third place , that clergie-men are alwayes more learned and wise than all lay-men , yet we see they are not more free from errors , heresies , and jars amongst themselves , than other men , but rather lesse . when schismes rise amongst divines , as they doe almost perpetually , divines being thereby banded , and divided against divines , what can the poore laicke doe ? both sides he cannot adhere to , and if he adhere to this , that side condemnes him , and if to that , this condemnes him : if hee make use of his judgment herein , than hee trusts himselfe more than the priest , and if he use not his judgment at all ; he commits himselfe meerly to fortune , and is as likely to embrace the wrong , as the truth : if he apply himselfe to the major party , that is hard somtimes to discern ▪ and if it be discernable , yet it is many times , the erroneous party . the papists are not the major part of christians , christians are not the major part of men , the orthodox amongst us are not the major part of calvinists calvinists are not the major part of protestants . before the law the minor part worshipped the true god , and amongst those which worshipped the true god , the minor part were heartily his servants , and made a conscience of their wayes . after moses also when the iewes began to mingle with the canaanites , and other bordering heathens in the manner of their sacrifices and high places , a very small part sometimes kept it selfe pure from those pollutions , and innovations . and in that great rent under ieroboam ten tribes of twelve estranged themselves from god , set up a new spurious false worship in bethel . and we reade long before the captivity , that ephraim was divided against manasseh , and manasseh against ephraim , and both against iudah . iudah also it selfe was never wholly untainted , for from the captivity , sundry sects , and factions had distraited it , in so much that when our saviour came into the world , there was scarce sincerity or truth to be found , and that that was , was not most eminently amongst the greatest scribes , pharisees , or priests . in all those times if there was such an infallibility in the chayre of moses ( as the papists dreame of ) it did but little availe the world , for he that then would have sought for the true way to walke in , disclaiming utterly his owne light and understanding he must not have sought it amongst the multitude : and if he had sought it amongst the priests , he would have seene divisions there : and if amongst prophets , hee would have found the same there also . god did not deliver oracles , nor inspire prophets , at all times upon all occasions for the ceasing of differences , and contestations ; he did appeare in love , but not without all majesty ; he did shew grace , but not according to obligation . after our saviours ascension a blessed spirit of infallibity did rest upon the church to direct in intricate debates , and to prevent schismes , till a perfect gospell was establisht : but this spirit in those very times had not residence in any one mans breast at all times , to give judgment in all things . the greatest of the apostles might severally vary and dissent in points of great concernment , and therefore they had consultations sometimes , and when consultations would not satisfie , they did assemble in a greater body ; and when those assemblies were , the wisdome of the spirit did not alwayes manifest it selfe in those which were of highest order , but sometimes the inferior did reprove and convince the superior , and the superior did submit , and yeeld to his inferior . but after one age or two , when the spirit of god had consummated , the maine establishment of religion , though it preserved the church from a totall deviation , it secured not all parts thereof from all grosse prevayling rents , and apostasies , neither did it affixe it selfe , or chuse any certaine resting place in any one part of the world more than an other . three ages being now runne out , heresies of a foule nature beginning to spring up and increase with religion , it pleased god to send constantine to ayd the truth against error , and impiety : in his power now it was to congregate bishops of the best abilities , for the discussing and discovering of truth , and for the upholding the same being discovered . when bishops contended against bishops , and presbyters against presbyters , and when arianisme was defended by as great a number of divines as it was opposed , so that from the wisdome of divines , no decision could be expected , then doth the power and policy of one emperor , by divines remedy , that , which a thousand divines by themselves could never have remedyed . from the bishop of rome the orthodox party could obtaine no succour , till constantines scepter proved more vertuous than his crosiers : and when the councell was by constantine called , and ordered , the bishop of rome was not the onely oracle in that councell , neither had that great trouble of assembling been , if one bishop had then bin more oraculous than all . the same offices also which constantine did in his dayes , many other godly emperors did in their raignes : and had not they done them , no one bishop could ; for the catholike bishops were many times inferior in number , and power to the heretikes : and if the pope had then had the power to utter oracles , yet not having power to inforce , and authorise the same upon all opposites , hee could not have advantaged religion amongst heretikes , more than hee doth now amongst protestants , iewes , turkes , or pagans . if god gave infallibility to one bishop , for the availe of all the world , why doth not that bishop availe the whole world ? why is so great a light put under a bushell ? why are not all men illuminated by it ? and if god had no regard therein but to that remnant which worships the pope , if his only ayme therein was at the salvation of papists , why is this made a ground of universall authority to the pope , or of generall priviledge to all bishops ? but i am to speake now to protestants which hold no one bishop infallible , but the whole order of bishops freer from fallibility , than any other condition of men : therfore to such , i shall instance in rome it selfe what multitudes of divines ; of learned , profound divines ; of politike , sagacious divines for many ages together have beene drunke and bewitched with the superstitions , idolatries , blasphemies , and heresies of that inchanting city ? can it bee thought safe for princes and lay-men wholly to abjure their owne understandings , and yeeld themselves captives to the dictates of divines only , when so many millions of them for so many ages , notwithstanding all their exquisite learning and rare abilities , devote themselves to such sottish impostures , and grosse impieties , nay to some such infernall , diabolicall tenets ? can men still persist to give up their judgements wholly to other men for their callings sake , or for their learning and wisdome supposed , when we see this is the very same rock , whereupon rome suffers ship-wrack , and this blind opinion the very snare wherein so great a part of the world still lies intangled ? but i will avoydeprolixity . and now in the fourth place , i come to shew , that if we will take all these things for granted , and ascribe all learning , knowledge , and freedome from variance to all clergie-men and to clergie-men only , yet it doth not follow that they are necessarily to rule , and command in chiefe . nay i shall make it appeare , that it is not only not necessary , but that it is many wayes mischievous , that the ablest divine should alwayes be supreme in all causes , and over all persons ecclesiasticall . power and wisdome are things of a different nature , for power cannot stand with inferiority , but wisdome may be as efficacious in a man of meane condition as in a man of high quality ; and power if its supremacy be divided , it is diminished : but wisdome the more it is dispersed , the more the vertue of it is increased . wisedome often is contented to serve , and to accept of a low dwelling , but power ceases to be power if it dwell not in sublimity , and have honour to attend it . to be wise , and to be contemned , dejected , suppressed are things compatible , they are things frequent : but to be potent , is the same thing as to be great , to be sacred , to bee a commander of other mens wisdome : nay to be potent hath no terme convertible , but to be potent . power in the state , is preserved as the arke was in the iewish church , it is priviledged from common sight , and touch in all well constituted common wealths , it is united in some one person only , and to him so lineally intayled , that it may never dye , never cease , never suffer any violent motion , or alteration . power is as the soule of policy , of so exquisite , and delicate sense , that nothing but the wings of cherubims is fit to guard and inclose it , from all rude approaches : vacuity in nature is not a thing more abhorred , or shunned with greater disturbance , and with greater confusion of properties , than the least temeration , and eclipse of power in the state . how absurd then is this axiome , which makes power servile to wisdome , not wisdome to power , wch subjects power to so many translations , & competitions , and ceslations , as often as time shall discover such and such excellencies in such , and such men ? if power shall always be at the devotion of such men , as for the present appear most wise , if she shal be made so cheap , and vulgar , and prostituted daily to so many uncertainties , what quiet can she procure to the world ? nay what bloud wil she not procure ? i need say no more : this axiome is neither consistent with monarchicall , nor hereditary rule . for first , if the most knowing divine shall alwayes be supreme commander in all church affaires ( for more than this the pope never claymed ) then by the same reason the most knowing states-man shall be supreme in the palace , the most knowing souldier in the campe , the most knowing lawyer in the tribunall , &c. and so monarchy shall be changed not into the aristocracy , or democracy , which are formes not utterly corrupt , but into poly-coirany , than which nothing can be more unpoliticke . all nations have ever rejected this broken confused rule of many severall independent commanders , which cannot chuse but injoyne impossible things sometimes : for all these commanders may at the same time use the same mans service in severall places , and in this they never can be satisfied : wherefore we may well account this rule as bad as anarchy it selfe . nay even religion it selfe by this meanes may be distracted into severall supremacies , for he that is the ablest divine in polemicall points and in deciding controversies , may not be ablest in positive points , or matters of discipline , and yet here the one hath as good title to absolute power in his sphere , as the other hath in his . and as monarchy cannot , so secondly , neither can hereditary right stand with this alwayes uncertaine , variable title of ability , and excellence in knowledge . nay possession of supremacy is here no good plea : for he that was the greatest , and most knowing man last yeare , is not so this yeare , neither perhaps will he be next yeare , that is so this yeare . a thousand incongruities and inconveniences attend upon this paradox : for the abilities of men are very hardly tryable , and discernable : and if they were not , yet the subjecting of power to the perpetual , giddy changes of new elections would soone confound us into our old chaos againe , as the poets word is . the three principall acts of power are , first , to make lawes . secondly , to give judgement according to lawes made . thirdly , to execute according to the right intent of judgments . in the making of lawes also according to tully , there is three things necessary : 1. invenire . 2. disceptare . 3. ferre . the invention of all necessary lawes is almost perfect alreadie to our hands ; those lawes which god ordained for the iewes , and those which our ancestors found out for us , are daily before our eyes , and little can now be added of moment , except only for illustration of what was ambiguous before . in the church also is lesse want of perpetuall alterations , and additions of canons , than in the state , our misery is , that we succeed ancestors which were opprest with too vast a church discipline . our reformation hath rid us of some part of this burthen , but yet no sensible man can chuse but see , that our ecclesiasticall courts are yet of larger jurisdiction , and fuller of trouble , than ever the iewish were , or those of the primitive christians . the reason of this is , because wee still rely too much upon divines herein , and they for their own profit , and power are still as willing to uphold their own tribunals as ever they were . did they thinke it a greater honour to serve at the altar than in the consistory , and did they take more delight in preaching , than attending suites , they would not study new canons , but discharge themselves of many old ones : and so ease themselves and us too , and restore backe againe to the civill magistrate that which popery first usurped , and their ambition hath since continued . howsoever if ministers can adde any articles to the doctrine of our church for the better preventing of schismes , or frame any orders for the more decent performance of gods worship in the church , i would not exclude them from proposing it ; i only desire that since they are men , and may have private interests and respects to the prejudice of other men , they may not ingrosse all power of proposing what they list , and to exclude all others from the like power . and in the second place , if clergie men only shall propose all ecclesiasticall lawes ; yet it is most unjust that princes , and lay-men should be held utterly uncapable of ventilating , and debating the same . id quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet . nature hath printed this in us , if the priest propose any thing tending to the disservice of god , that disservice will draw the same guilt upon me , and all others , as upon him , and it shall not excuse me or others , that he pretended his judgment to be unquestionable ; and shal it then here be unlawfull for me and others to use any endeavour for the prevention of this guilt ? if angels from heaven should seduce me , i were inexcusable : and when ministers , whom i know to bee subject to the same naturall blindnesse , and partiality as i am , and to whom i see generall error may be a private advantage , in matters of this private advantage , shal i be allowed no liberty to search , and trye , and to use my best art of discussion ? if this were so , god had made my condition desperate , and remedilesse , and i might safely attribute my error , and destruction to the hand of god alone : but this no man can imagine of god without great impiety . god hath declared himselfe contrary herein , for he hath exempted none from error though never so learned , nor leaves none excusable in error though never so unlearned ▪ if we will blindly trust others , t is at our own perill , he will require it at our hands ; but if we will seeke industriously , we shall finde , if wee will knock at his dore , he hath promised to open to us . and if private men stand accountable for their owne soules , whatsoever the priests doctrine or commands be , how much more shall princes , and courts of parliament answer for their wilfull blindnesse , if they will depart from their owne right and duty in sifting , and examining al such religious constitutions , as concerne them , and all others under their charge ? shall they sit to treate of lether , and wooll , and neglect doctrine and discipline ? shall they consult of the beauty and glory of the kingdom , and transfer religion to others , which is the foundation of all happines ? shall they be sollicitous for transitory things , and yet trust their soules into other mens hands , who may make a profit of the same ? let us not so infatuate our selves , let us honour divines , and reverence their counsels , but let us not superstitiously adore them , or dotingly in-slave our selves to their edicts . the 3d. thing in making of laws is that which we term ferre legem : and till this act of carrying , passing or enacting give the binding force of law to it , how good and wholsome soever it be after all debate , yet it is but as the counsell of a lawyer , or the prescription of a physition . and here we maintaine , that if divines are the most fit , to invent , and discusse ecclesiasticall constitutions , yet they have not in themselves that right and power which is to imprint the obliging vertue of lawes upon them . the forme or essence of law is that coercive , or penall vertue by which it bindes all to its obedience : and all cannot be bound to such obedience , but by common consent , or else some externall compulsion : take away this binding vertue , and it is no law : it is , but a counsell , wherein the inferior hath as much power towards his superior , as the superior hath towards his inferior . if then divines will vindicate to themselves a legislative power in the church , they must deduce the same either from the common consent of the church , or from some other authority to which all the church is subject , and to which the whole church can make no actuall opposition . if they clayme from common consent , they must produce some act of state , and formall record to abet their clayme , and common consent must also still strengthen the same , or else by the same that it was constituted , it may still be dissolved ; and if they clayme from some higher externall authority , stronger than common consent , they must induce that authority to give vigor to their lawes , and to use means of constraint against all such , as shall not voluntarily yeeld obedience to the same . and it is not sufficient for them to alledge god for their authority , without some speciall , expresse words from gods owne mouth , for god gave no man a right , but he allowes him some remedy agreeable thereunto , and god is so great a favourer also of common consent , that though hee hath an uncontroleable power above it , yet ( as hooker observes ) he would not impose his owne profitable lawes upon his people , by the hands of moses , without their free , and open consent . and if god , which cannot doe unjustice , nor will impose lawes , but such as are profitable to us , and yet hath an undisputable empire over us , will so favour common consent ; shall man which may erre , and doe injurie ▪ and is of lesse value then communities , and wants might to inforce and put in execution his owne commands , usurpe that which god relinquishes ? take it for granted that priests cannot erre out of ignorance ; or be perverted by private interest , and that they are superior to all christians under their charge : yea grant them a right to make what canons they please , and grant them no power to compell obedience to the same , and to punish disobedience to the same , and this would take away peace , and cause much mischiefe and disturbance every where , and this we cannot thinke god would be the author of . how ridiculous are the popes anathemaes to those which renounce his allegiance , they seem to us but meere epigrams sent abroad to provoke laughter ? and yet why doe they not appeare as ridiculous in italy , as in england ? were it not for common consent , they were not in more force amongst italians , then englishmen : and there is no more true naturall vigor in the popes bulls , to procure common consent in italy , then in england : we may gather then from hence , that there is no ecclesiasticall supremacie , but founded upon the same basis of common consent , as temporall supremacie is , and being so founded , it cannot be divine , or unalterable , or above common consent so as to have any efficacie without , much lesse against it . that some nations are gull'd , and cozen'd out of their consents , is no presedent for us , for as many nations are addicted to mahomits commandes , as are to the popes : and in this the dominion of mahomet is as spirituall as the popes : and is as strong a case to over-rule us , as the popes : for if consent were to be forced , the pope might as well force mahometans , as christians : and if it be free , his empire depends as much upon it , as mahomets . they then that have erected a spirituall supremacie , not depending upon common consent , have been in a great error , and they that slight common consent , as not capable of a spirituall supremacie , seem to have been as much mistaken . many of our divines say , that parliaments are temporall courts ; and so not of spirituall jurisdiction , and others say , that they may as well frame acts to order the hierarchie in heaven , as to dispose of ecclesiasticall things on earth : both these seeme to me verry erroneous . the argument methinks is equally strong : as god would not give a right to binde up other men by statutes and commandements , but he would give some power withall to drive men by constraint to observe , and yeeld obedience to the same : so he would not indue any prince , or court with such power , but he would give a right of binding equall , and congeniall to that power . princes of themselves are sacred , as i have proved , and spiritually sacred ; how much more then are they accounted sitting in parliament : and if princes in parliament , how much more princes , and parliaments ; for to princes on their awfull tribunalls , is something more due then at other times , but to princes in parliament , there is most of all due , in regard that there they are invested with more then their owne naturall power , common consent having not derived all power into the king : at any other time , or in any other place : but reserved much thereof till a full union be in parliament ; besides , setting aside the sanctity of power in parliaments : yet in regard that they are assisted with the best counsell of divines , so they ought not to be accounted meere temporall courts : for what better advise can those divines give out of parliament : then in parliaments : some parliaments in england have made some ecclesiasticall acts , excluso clerò ; nay that which was the the most holy act , which ever was established in england , viz. the reformation of religion , was passed invito clero : and when these things are not only legall , but honorable , shall we limit parliaments in any thing wherein the votes of the clergie are concomitant , and concurrent , with the laytie ? hooker sayes , that the most naturall and religious course for the making of lawes , is , that the matter of them be taken from the judgement of the wisest in those things whom they concerne , and in matters of god ( he saies ) it were unnaturall , not to thinke the pastors of our soules a great deale more wise than men of secular callings : but when all is done for devising of lawes , it is the generall consent of all , that gives them the forme , and vigor of lawes . this we allow of for the most part , but wee conceive this to be understood of such divines , as in the judgement of parliaments , are omni exceptione majores ; for it was not unnaturall in the beginning of the reignes of edward the sixth , and queen elizabeth , to thinke that the lords and commons were better judges of religion , than the bishops and the convocation house , as matters then stood in england . for the whole body can have no sinister end , or interest to blinde them : but the whole clergie , which is but a part of the whole body may , and therefore the whole body is to judge of this , and when they see a deviation in the clergie , and observe the occasion of it , they must not blindly follow blinde guides , but doe according to that light which god hath given them . and certainly , it were contrary to that interest which every man hath in the truth , that any should be obliged to receive it from other mens mouths , without any further inquiry , or judgement made upon the same . the meanest man is as much interessed and concerned in the truth of religion , as the greatest priest , and though his knowledge thereof be not in all respects equally easie : yet in some respects it may be easier , for want of learning doth not so much hinder the light of the laymen , as worldly advantage , and faction sometimes doth the priests . examples of these are infinite : corruption in the church before our saviour , and in our saviours daies , and ever since hath oftner begun amongst the greatest priests , rabbers , and bishops , than amongst the meaner laitie . and for this cause , god requires at every mans hands an account what doctrine he admits , what lawes he obeys , holding no man excused for putting blinde confidence in his ghostly father , and not taking upon him to weigh and try how sure his grounds were . and if every private man stand so responsible for his particular interest in the truth , being equally great in the truth ? shall not whole states and nations , whose interest is farre greater than their priests or bishops is , give a sadder account to god , if they leave themselves to be seduced by such men , which are as liable to error as themselves ? if wee consider the meere matter of lawes , they are either profitable for the church , or not : if they are profitable , why should wee thinke that princes and parliaments want power to impose lawes upon themselves , for the availe of their owne soules , they standing to god accountable for the same , according to the greatnesse of their owne interest ? and if they are not profitable , there is no obedience due to them , whether priests , or princes make them , and that they be not profitable , is equally doubtfull whether priests , or princes make them . take then lawes to be questionable , as all humane are , and lyable to examination : and being made without common consent , they binde not at all , and being made by common consent , they binde all either to obedience , or to sufferance . it is gods owne law , that such as shall except against the validity or obliging vertue of common consent , shall die the death : for no peace can ever be in that state where any inconsiderable partie shall not acquiesce in the common statutes of the land . those lawes which heathen emperors made by common consent against christianity , were not wise lawes , but they were lawes , there was no pietie , but there was vigor in them : and doubtlesse the very apostles , which might not lawfully obey them , yet might not lawfully contemne them . two things are objected against the ecclesiasticall power of parliaments . 1. that it is more due to princes . 2. to councells , or synods . t is true anciently princes were the only legislatives : the old rule was , quicquid placuerit principii legis habet vigorem . but we must know , that princes had this power by common consent , and doubtlesse till policy was now perfect , and exquisite t was safer for nations to depend upon the arbitrary , unconfined power of princes , then to have their princes hands too far bound up , and restrained , but since lawes have bin invented by common consent , as well to secure subjects from the tyranny of their owne lords , as from private injuries amongst themselves : and those common wealths which have left most scope to princes in doing of good offices , and the least in doing acts of oppression , are the wisest but ever this golden axiome is to bee of all received : that that is the most politicke prerogative which is the best , but not the most limited . but this objection makes for parliaments , for whatsoever power was vested before in princes and their councells , the same now remaining in princes and the best , and highest of all counsells , viz. parliaments counsells , also and synods , are as improperly urged against parliaments , for counsells and synods did not at first clayme any right , or in dependent power , they were only called by the secular magistrate , as ecclesiasticall courtes for the composing of cissention in the church , and they were as meere assistants , called ad consilium , not ad consensum . in 480 yeares after the establishment of christians , religion , from the first to the seventh constantine there were but fixe generall counsells called , and those in disputes of a high nature : all other lawes were establisht without oecumeniall counsells , by the private instruction of such clergie-men as emperors best liked . the truth is , no universall counsell ever was at all , because there never yet was any universall monarch , or pope , whose power was large enough to call the whole world : but princes to the utmost of their bounds , did in that space of time congregate bishops out of all their dominions in those sixe cases ▪ and yet we do not finde that those sixe counsels , though they have more reverence , yet claymed more power than any other nationall synod . without question no lesse power than the emperors could have bin sufficient to cite , and draw together so great a body , or to order them being met , or to continue their mee●ing , and no lesse power could animate their decrees with universall binding vertue , then the same , that so convened them . but it is sufficient , that counsels have erred , and that appeales have been brought against them , and that redresse hath beene made by emperors in other counsels called for that purpose : for this takes away from them that they are either supreme , or sole , or infallible judges of religion : and this being taken away they cannot be pretended to have any over-ruling superiority , or priviledge above parliaments . the assistance of counsels , and synods scarce any opposes , so that they be not indeed with an obliging , legislative force above parliaments , or preferred in power above common consent , which is the soule of all policy and power , and that which preserves all churches and states from utter ruine , and confusion : and this no wise man can agree too . so much of the first act of power in passing , and promulgating of law ; i now come to the second : in giving judgment according to those lawes . but little need here be said , for if we did yeeld clergie-men to be the most skilfull and knowing iudges in all matter of doctrine and discipline , this is no argument at all , for their supremacy , or independency , neither can any difference be shewed why subordinate power in ecclesiasticall judgments should not be as effectual , and justifiable , as in temporall , and it is sufficiently cleered that poly coirany is not to bee received in any church or kingdome : and therefore i haste to the third act of power which consists in using compulsory meanes for procuring obedience . if priests had any such spirituall sword , as they pretend , vertuous and efficacious enough to inflict ghostly paines upon such as disobey them , doubtlesse it would reform as well as confound , and procure obedience , as well as chastise disobedience : and then it would as much advance thei● empire , as the temporall sword doth the princes . doubtlesse it would have some sensible efficacy , and worke to good ends , and men would not nor could not chuse but bow , and submit themselves under it , but now a spirituall sword is pretended , whilst the gaining of a temporall sword is intended , and nothing is more plaine to be seene . it s not to be wondered at therefore if the people feare not any binding power , where they see no loosing , nor regard the shutting of those keyes , which cannot open : nor tremble at that thunder , and lightning which is accompanied with no perceiveable vertue of warmth and moysture , to open and refresh , as well as to breake , and burne . but i have touched upon this already , and so i now leave it . the next argument is taken from the iewish policy , for they suppose that the iewish priest-hood was independent in spiritualibus , and they suppose that the spirituall knowledge and ability of the priests and levites was the ground of this independency . here we say first that there are diverse reasons why more power and preeminence was requisite amongst the iewish priests than is now . bilson gives foure differences , and i shall add two more : for first the priests , and levites were then a great body , they were a twelfth part of israel , and had many cities and their territories wherein they lived a part from other tribes , and in those cities and precincts a civill rule was as necessary as els where and that rule could not be administred without inequality , and power , and in this they much differed from our ministers . secondly , priests , and levites were then the onely studied booke-men and schollers of that nation , learning was at a low ebbe , the judiciall as well as the ceremoniall lawes were scarce knowne , or reade by any but that tribe : and in this the state of our times is farre different . thirdly , the priests and levites had then a naturall command and signiory in their owne families , over their owne descendents wheras now no such superiority can have place amongst our clergie-men . fourthly , the priests and levites had then offices of a different nature , some of them were more easie , as to superintend , &c. others more toylesome , as to sacrifice , &c. some more holy , as to offer incense , &c. others more meane , as to slaughter beasts , &c. and so different orders were accordingly appointed , but no such difference of service is amongst our priests in our churches . i shall adde also fifthly , that there were then many ceremonies , and types , and rites of worship , about which many differences might arise hardly to be decided without some appointed iudges , whereas now the abolition of those externall rudiments , and clogs hath discharged us of all such questions , and scruples in the church . and sixthly the whole forme of religious worship was then externally more majesticall , and dreadfull , and it was convenient that some correspondence should bee in pomp , and splendor between the persons which did officiate , and the places wherein they did officiate . as there was a sanctum more inaccessible than the outer court , and a propitiatory more reverend than either , and as some altars , and sacrifices were more solemne , and venerable than others : so it was fit that persons should bee qualified accordingly with extraordinary honor , and priviledge but this reason now ceases amongst us . there was no inherent holines in that temple more than is in ours , nor no more internall excellence in those priests , than in ours : and yet we see an externall splendour was than thought fit for those times , which our saviour did not seeme to countenance in his church . the same glittering garments are not now usefull for our priests , nor the same sanctimonious forbearance , and distance due to our chancels ; and for ought we know all other grandour , and lustre of riches , power , and honour falls under the same reason , but in the next place our answer is , that notwithstanding all these differences which may much more plead for power and preeminence amongst the iewes , than amongst us , yet we do allow to our clergy more power , and preeminence than was knowne amongst the iewes . there is no colour in scripture that there were so many ecclesiasticall courts in iudea , so thronged with sutors , so pestred with officers , so choaked up with causes of all kinds , as matrimoniall , testimentary , and many the like : there is no colour , that in so many severall divisions of the land , besides , ordinary tithes , and indowments , they had any ecclesiasticall lords to injoy so many severall castles , palaces , parkes , manors , &c. they had one miter , we have many . they had one priest richly attired , but with ornaments that were left for the use of successive generations , we have many , whose bravery is perpetually fresh , and various . alexander might perhaps wonder at the sumptuous habit of one of aarons successors , but if salomon himselfe should see the majesticall equipage of diverse of our arch-bishops , or cardinals , as they passe from one tribunall to an other ; he would think his own religion simple , and naked to ours . besides though the iewes had but one high-priest , in whom was concerned all the state and glory of their clergie , yet he also was so farre from clayming any independent power , that in the most awfull of religious affaires , as consulting with god , receiving the law , building and dedicating the temple , ordering , and reforming priests , and their services , making lawes , and superintending all holy persons , places , and things , in all these things hee was inferior to the prince , not so much as executing the same by subordination . that scotch gentleman therefore , which undertakes to prove the independent , unalterable jurisdiction of bishops , as it s now injoyd , and accounted divine in england , both from the law and the gospell , is as much to be applauded for his confidence , as for his wit . one argument more is brought by some papists , to the same purpose , but it is scarce worth repetition . they say , ieremy was but a meane prophet , yet it s written of him , that he was appointed over nations and kingdomes , to pull up , to beate downe , to despise , &c. and they inferre that what a prophet might doe , a fortiori a priest may doe . but this is not literally spoken as true of ieremies own exployts ; the prophet was here gods instrument to foretell , and proclaime them , but god had other instruments to execute them , and those instruments in probability were princes , not prophets , nor priests . princes , prophets , and priests , may all be instruments of god in the same service , yet not all serve alike honourably : for wee must looke further sometimes than into the meere names of things , because some names of service import the nature of command , and some names of command import the nature of service . the word , nurse , expresses something of service , but more of power , and this is fitly applyed sometimes to princes , for the office of princes is to serve those who are subject to their power . on the other side , the word , guide , expresses somthing of power , but more of service , and this may be fitly applyed to priests and prophets , for their skill may make them serviceable in somethings to those which in others are served by them . but i conclude these two first points , that there is no priviledge either of sanctity or knowledge which can exalt priests , above princes , or intitle them to that spirituall regiment in the church , which they would faine pretend to . further at this time i have not leasure to proceed , i must now leave this already spoken , and all that which naturally will result from it , to the iudicious . finis . an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus milton, john, 1608-1674. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70588 of text r12880 in the english short title catalog (wing m2090). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 156 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70588 wing m2090 estc r12880 12254695 ocm 12254695 57327 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70588) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57327) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 155:5 or 251:e147, no 22) an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus milton, john, 1608-1674. [2], 59 p. printed by e.g. for iohn rothwell ..., london : 1642. a reply to bishop hall. the fifth of milton's pamphlets written in support of the five protestant ministers in the smectymnuus controversy. cf. wise, t.j. ashley lib., 1922-1936, v.3, p. 149. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. errata on p. 59. reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng hall, joseph, 1574-1656. -modest confutation of a slanderous and scurrilous libell. smectymnuus. episcopacy -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century. a70588 r12880 (wing m2090). civilwar no an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus. milton, john 1642 28733 214 5 0 0 0 0 76 d the rate of 76 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an apology against a pamphlet call'd a modest confutation of the animadversions upon the remonstrant against smectymnuus . london , printed by e. g. for iohn rothwell , and are to be sold at the signe of the sunne in pauls church-yard . 1642. an apology , &c. if , readers , to that same great difficulty of well doing what we certainly know , were not added in most men as great a carelessenes of knowing what they , and others ought to do , we had bin long ere this , no doubt but all of us much farther on our way to some degree of peace and happinesse in this kingdome . but since our sinfull neglect of pract●sing that which we know to be undoubtedly true and good , hath brought forth among us , through gods just anger so great a difficulty now to know that which otherwise might be soone learnt , and hath divided us by a controversie of great importance indeed , but of no hard solution , which is the more our punishment , i resolv'd ( of what small moment soever i might be thought ) to stand on that side where i saw both the plain autority of scripture leading , and the reason of justice and equity perswading ; with this opinion which esteemes it more unlike a christian to be a cold neuter in the cause of the church , then the law of solon made it punishable after a sedition in the state . and because i observe that feare and dull disposition , lukewarmenesse & sloth are not seldomer wont to cloak themselves under the affected name of moderation , then true and lively zeale is customably dispareg'd with the terme of indiscretion , bitternesse , and choler , i could not to my thinking honor a good cause more from the heart , then by defending it earnestly , as oft as i could judge it to behoove me , notwithstanding any false name that could be invented to wrong , or undervalue an honest meaning . wherein although i have not doubted to single forth more then once , such of them as were thought the chiefe and most nominated opposers on the other side , whom no man else undertooke : if i have done well either to be confident of the truth , whose force is best seene against the ablest resistance , or to be jealous and tender of the hurt that might be done among the weaker by the intrapping autority of great names titl'd to false opinions , or that it be lawfull to attribute somewhat to guifts of gods imparting , which i boast not , but thankfully acknowledge , and feare also left at my certaine account they be reckon'd to me many rather then few , or if lastly it be but justice not to defraud of due esteeme the wearisome labours and studious watchings , wherein i have spent and tir'd out almost a whole youth , i shall not distrust to be acquitted of presumption . knowing that if heretofore all ages have receav'd with favour and good acceptance the earliest industry of him that hath beene hopefull , it were but hard measure now , if the freedome of any timely spirit should be opprest meerely by the big and blunted fame of his elder adversary ; and that his sufficiency must be now sentenc't , not by pondering the reason he shewes , but by calculating the yeares he brings . however , as my purpose is not , nor hath beene formerly , to looke on my adversary abroad , through the deceaving glasse of other mens great opinion of him , but at home , where i may finde him in the proper light of his owne worth , so now against the rancor of an evill tongue , from which i never thought so absurdly , as that i of all men should be exempt , i must be forc't to proceed from the unfained and diligent inquity of mine owne conscience at home ( for better way i know not , readers ) to give a more true account of my selfe abroad then this modest confuter , as he calls himselfe , hath given of me . albeit that in doing this i shall be sensible of two things which to me will be nothing pleasant ; the one is , that not unlikely i shall be thought too much a party in mine owne cause , and therein to see least ; the other , that i shall be put unwillingly to molest the publick view with the vindication of a private name ; as if it were worth the while that the people should care whether such a one were thus , or thus . yet those i intreat who have found the leasure to reade that name , however of small repute , unworthily defam'd , would be so good and so patient as to heare the same person not unneedfully defended . i will not deny but that the best apology against false accusers is silence and sufferance , and honest deeds set against dishonest words . and that i could at this time most easily , and securely , with the least losse of reputation use no other defence , i need not despaire to win beliefe . whether i consider both the foolish contriving , and ridiculous aiming of these his slanderous bolts , shot so wide of any suspicion to be fastn'd on me , that i have oft with inward contentment perceav'd my friends congratulating themselves in my innocence , and my enemies asham'd of their partners folly . or whether i look at these present times wherein most men now scarce permitted the liberty to think over their owne concernments have remov'd the seat of their thoughts more outward to the expectation of publick events . or whether the examples of men , either noble or religious , who have sat downe lately with a meeke silence and sufferance under many libellous endorsements , may be a rule to others , i might well appease my self to put up any reproaches in such an honourable society of fellow-sufferers using no other defence . and were it that slander would be content to make an end where it first fixes , and not seek to cast out the like infamy upon each thing that hath but any relation to the person traduc't , i should have pleaded against this confuter by no other advocates , then those which i first commended , silence , and sufferance , and speaking deeds against faltering words . but when i discern'd his intent was not so much to smite at me , as through me to render odious the truth which i had written , and to staine with ignominy that evangelick doctrine which opposes the tradition of prelaty , i conceav'd my selfe to be now not as mine own person , but as a member incorporate into that truth whereof i was perswaded , and whereof i had declar'd openly to be a partaker . whereupon i thought it my duty , if not to my selfe , yet to the religious cause i had in hand , not to leave on my garment the least spot , or blemish in good name so long as god should give me to say that which might wipe it off . lest those disgraces which i ought to suffer , if it so befall me , for my religion , through my default religion be made liable to suffer for me . and , whether it might not something reflect upon those reverent men whose friend i may be thought in writing the animadversions , was not my last care to consider , if i should rest under these reproaches having the same common adversary with them , it might be counted small credit for their cause to have found such an assistant , as this babler hath devis'd me . what other thing in his book there is of dispute , or question , in answering thereto i doubt not to be justifi'd ; except there be who will condemne me to have wasted time in throwing downe that which could not keepe it selfe up . as for others who notwithstanding what i can allege have yet decreed to mis-interpret the intents of my reply . i suppose they would have found as many causes to have misconceav'd the reasons of my silence . to beginne therefore an apology for those animadversions which i writ against the remonstrant in defence of smectymnus , since the preface , which was purposely set before them , is not thought apologeticall anough ; it will be best to acquaint ye , readers , before other things , what the meaning was to write them in that manner which i did . for i do not look to be askt wherefore i writ the book , it being no difficulty to answer that i did it to those ends which the best men propose to themselves when they write . but wherfore in that manner neglecting the maine bulk of all that specious antiquity , which might stunne children , but not men , i chose rather to observe some kinde of military advantages to await him at his forragings , at his watrings , and when ever he felt himselfe secure to solace his veine in derision of his more serious opponents . and here let me have pardon , readers ; if the remembrance of that which he hath licenc't himselfe to utter contemptuously of those reverend men provoke me to doe that over againe which some expect i should excuse as too freely done ; since i have two provocations , his latest insulting in his short answer , and their finall patience . i had no fear but that the authors of smectymnus to all the shew of solidity which the remonstrant could bring , were prepar'd both with skill and purpose to returne a suffizing answer , and were able anough to lay the dust and pudder in antiquity , which he and his , out of stratagem , are wont to raise ; but when i saw his weake arguments headed with sharpe taunts , and that his designe was , if he could not refute them , yet at least with quips and snapping adagies to vapour them out , which they bent only upon the businesse were minded to let passe , by how much i saw them taking little thought for their own injuries , i must confesse i took it as my part the lesse to endure that my respected friends through their own unnecessary patience should thus lye at the mercy of a coy flurting stile ; to be girded with frumps and curtall gibes , by one who makes sentences by the statute , as if all above three inches long were confiscat . to me it seem'd an indignity , that whom his whole wisdome could not move from their place , them his impetuous folly should presume to ride over . and if i were more warme then was meet in any passage of that booke , which yet i do not yeild , i might use therein the patronage of no worse an author then gregory nyssen , who mentioning his sharpnesse against eunomius in the defence of his brother basil , holds himselfe irreprovable in that it was not for himselfe , but in the cause of his brother ; and in such cases , saith he , perhaps it is worthier pardon to be angry , then to be cooler . and whereas this confuter taxes the whole discourse of levity , i shall shew ye , readers , wheresoever it shall be objected in particular that i have answer'd with as little lightnesse as the remoustrant hath given example . i have not beene so light as the palme of a bishop which is the lightest thing in the world when he brings out his book of ordination : for then contrary to that which is wont in releasing out of prison , any one that will pay his fees is layd hands on . another reason , it would not be amisse though the remonstrant were told , wherefore he was in that unusuall manner beleaguer'd ; and this was it , to pluck out of the heads of his admirers the conceit that all who are not prelaticall , are grosse-headed , thick witted , illiterat , shallow . can nothing then but episcopacy teach men to speak good english , to pick & order a set of words judiciously ? must we learne from canons and quaint sermonings interlin'd with barbarous latin to illumin a period , to wreath an enthymema wth maistrous dexterity ? i rather encline , as i have heard it observ'd , that a jesuits italian when he writes , is ever naught , though he be borne and bred a florentine , so to thinke that from like causes we may go neere to observe the same in the stile of a prelat . for doubtlesse that indeed according to art is most eloquent , which returnes and approaches neerest to nature from whence it came ; and they expresse nature best , who in their lives least wander from her safe leading , which may be call'd regenerate reason . so that how he should be truly eloquent who is not withall a good man , i see not . never the lesse as oft as is to be dealt with men who pride themselves in their supposed art , to leave thē unexcusable wherin they will not be better'd there be of those that esteeme prelaty a figment , who yet can pipe , if they can dance , nor will be unfurnisht to shew that what the prelats admire and have not , others have and admire not . the knowledge whereof , and not of that only , but of what the scripture teacheth us how we ought to withstand the perverters of the gospell were those other motives which gave the animadversions no leave to remit a continuall vehemence throughout the book . for as in teaching , doubtlesse the spirit of meeknesse is most powerfull , so are the meeke only fit persons to be taught : as for the proud , the obstinate , and false doctors of mens devices , be taught they will not ; but discover'd and laid open they must be . for how can they admit of teaching who have the condemnation of god already upon them for refusing divine instruction ; that is , to be fill'd with their own devices , as in the proverbs we may reade ; therefore we may safely imitate the method that god uses ; with the froward to be froward , and to throw scorne upon the scorner , whom if any thing , nothing else will heale . and if the righteous shall laugh at the destruction of the ungodly , they may also laugh at their pertinacious and incurable obstinacy , and at the same time be mov'd with detestation of their seducing malice , who imploy all their wits to defend a prelaty usurp● , and to deprave that just government , which pride and ambition partly by fine fetches and pretences , partly by force , hath shoulder'd out of the church . and against such kind of deceavers openly and earnestly to protest , lest any one should be inquisitive wherefore this or that man is forwarder then others , let him know that this office goes not by age , or youth , but to whomsoever god shall give apparently the will , the spirit , and the utterance . ye have heard the reasons for which i thought not my selfe exempted from associating with good men in their labours toward the churches wellfare : to which if any one brought opposition , i brought my best resistance . if in requitall of this and for that i have not been negligent toward the reputation of my friends , i have gain'd a name bestuck , or as i may say , bedeckt with the reproaches and reviles of this modest confuter , it shall be to me neither strange , nor unwelcome ; as that which could not come in a better time . having render'd an account , what induc't me to write those animadversions in that manner as i writ them , i come now to see what the confutatiō hath to say against thē ; but so as the confuter shall hear first what i have to say against his confutation . and because he pretends to be a great conjector at other men by their writings , i will not faile to give ye , readers , a present taste of him from his own title ; hung out like a toling signe-post to call passengers , not simply a confutation but a modest confutation with a laudatory of it selfe obtruded in the very first word . whereas a modest title should only informe the buyer what the book containes without furder insinuation , this officious epithet so hastily assuming the modesty wch others are to judge of by reading , not the author to anticipate to himself by forestalling , is a strong presumption that his modesty set there to sale in the frontispice , is not much addicted to blush . a surer signe of his lost shame he could not have given , then seeking thus unseasonably to prepossesse men of his modesty . and seeing he hath neither kept his word in the sequel , not omitted any kinde of boldnesse in slandering , t is manifest his purpose was only to rub the forehead of his title with this word modest , that he might not want colour to be the more impudent throughout his whole confutation . next what can equally savour of injustice , and plaine arrogance , as to prejudice and forecondemne his adversary in the title for slanderous and scurrilous , and as the remonstrants fashion is , for frivolous , tedious , and false , not staying till the reader can hear him prov'd so in the following discourse ; which is one cause of a suspicion that in setting forth this pamplet the remonstrant was not unconsulted with ; thus his first addresse was an humble remonstrance by a dutifull son of the church , almost as if he had said her white-boy . his next was a defence ( a wonder how it scapt some praising adjunct ) against the frivolous and false exceptions of smectymnus , sitting in the chaire of his title page upon his poore cast adversaries both as a judge and party , and that before the jury of readers can be impannell'd . his last was a short answer to a tedious vindication ; so little can he suffer a man to measure either with his eye or judgement , what is short or what tedious without his preoccupying direction : and from hence is begotten this modest confutation against a slanderous and scurrilous libell . i conceave , readers , much may be guest at the man and his book , what depth there is , by the framing of his title , which being in this remonstrant so rash , and unadvised as ye see , i conceit him to be neere a kin to him who set forth a passion sermon with a formall dedicatory in great letters to our saviour . although i know that all we do ought to begin and end to his praise and glory , yet to inscribe him in a void place with flourishes , as a man in complement uses to trick up the name of some esquire , gentleman , or lord paramont at common law , to be his book-patron with the appendan● form of a ce●emonious presentment , wil ever appeare among the judicious to be but a● an insuls and frigid affectation . as no lesse was that before his book against the brownists to write a letter to a prosopopoea a certain rhetoriz'd woman whom he calls mother , and complains of some that laid whoredome to her charge ; and certainly had he folde● his epistle with a superscription to be deliver'd to that female figure by any post or carrier who were not a ubiquitary , it had beene a most miraculous greeting . we finde the primitive doctors as oft as they writ to churches , speaking to them as to a number of faithfull brethren and sons , and not to make a cloudy transmigration of sexes in such a familiar way of writing as an epistle ought to be , leaving the track of common adresse , to runne up , and tread the aire in metaphoricall compellations , and many fond utterances better let alone . but i step againe to this emblazoner of his title page ( whether it be the same man or no i leave it in the midst ) and here i finde him pronouncing without reprieve those animadversions to be a slanderous and scurrilous libell . to which i , readers , that they are neither sl●nderous , nor scurrilous , will answer in what place of his book he shall be found with reason , and not inke only in his mouth . nor can it be a libell more then his owne , which is both namelesse , and full of slanders , and if in this that it freely speaks of things amisse in religion , but establisht by act of state , i see not how wickleffe and luther , with all the first martyrs , and reformers , could avoid the imputation of libelling . i never thought the humane frailty of erring in cases of religion infamy to a state , no more then to a councell ; it had therefore beene neither civill , nor christianly , to derogate the honour of the state for that cause , especially when i saw the parlament it selfe piously and magnanimously bent to supply and reforme the defects and oversights of their forefathers , which to the godly and repentant ages of the jewes were often matter of humble confessing and bewailing , not of confident asserting and maintaining . of the state therefore i found good reason to speak all honourable things , and to joyne in petition with good men that petition'd : but against the prelats who were the only seducers and mis-leaders of the state to constitute the government of the church not rightly , me thought i had not vehemence anough . and thus , readers , by the example which hee hath set mee i have given yee two or three notes of him out of his title page ; by which his firstlings feare not to guesse boldly at his whole lumpe , for that guesse will not faile ye ; and although i tell him keen truth , yet he may beare with me , since i am like to chafe him into some good knowledge , and others , i trust , shall not mis-spend their leasure . for this my aime is , if i am forc't to be unpleasing to him whose fault it is , i shall not forget at the same time to be usefull in some thing to the stander by . as therefore he began in the title , so in the next leafe he makes it his first businesse to tamper with his reader by sycophanting and misnaming the worke of his adversary . he calls it a mime thrust forth upon the stage to make up the breaches of those solemne scenes betweene the prelats and the smectymnuans . wherein while he is so overgreedy to fix a name of ill sound upon another , note how stupid he is to expose himselfe , or his own friends to the same ignominy ; likening those grave controversies to a piece of s●●gery , or scene-worke where his owne remonstrant whether in buskin or sock must of all right be counted the chiefe player , be it boasting thraso , or davus that troubles all things , or one who can shift into any shape , i meddle not ; let him explicate who hath resembl'd the whole argument to a comedy , for tragicall , he sayes , were too ominous . nor yet doth he tell us what a mime is , whereof we have no pattern from ancient writers except some fragments , which containe many acute and wise sentences . and this we know in laertius , that the mimes of sophron were of such reckning with plato , as to take them nightly to read on and after make them his pillow . scaliger describes a mime to be a poem imitating any action to stirre up laughter . but this being neither poem , nor yet ridiculous , how is it but abusively taxt to be a mime . for if every book which may by chance excite to laugh here and there , must be term'd thus , then may the dialogues of plato , who for those his writings hath obtain'd the surname of divine , be esteem'd as they are by that detractor in athenaeus , no better then mimes . because there is scarce one of them , especially wherein some notable sophister lies sweating and turmoyling under the inevitable , and mercilesse dilemma's of socrates , but that hee who reads , were it saturne himselfe , would be often rob'd of more then a smile . and whereas he tels us that scurrilous mime was a personated grim lowring foole , his foolish language unwittingly writes foole upon his owne friend , for he who was there personated , was only the remonstrant ; the author is ever distinguisht from the person he introduces . but in an ill houre hath his unfortunate rashnesse stumbl'd upon the mention of miming . that hee might at length cease , which he hath not yet since he stept in , to gall and hurt him whom hee would aide . could he not beware , could he not be think him , was he so uncircumspect , as not to foresee , that no sooner would that word mime be set eye on in the paper , but it would bring to minde that wretched pilgrimage over minshews dictionary call'd mundus alter & idem , the idlest and the paltriest mime that ever mounted upon banke . let him ask the author of those toothlesse satyrs who was the maker , or rather the anticreator of that u●iversall foolery , who he was , who like that other principle of the maniches the arch evill one , when he had look't upon all that he had made and mapt out , could say no other but contrary to the divine mouth , that it was all very foolish . that grave and noble invention which the greatest and sublimest wits in sundry ages , plato in critias , and our two famous countreymen , the one in his vtopia , the other in his new atlantis chose , i may not say as a feild , but as a mighty continent wherein to display the largenesse of their spirits by teaching this our world better and exacter things , then were yet known , or us'd , this petty prevanicator of america , the zanie of columbus , ( for so he must be till his worlds end ) having rambl'd over the huge topography of his own vain thoughts , no marvell , if he brought us home nothing but a meer tankard drollery , a venereous parjetory for a stewes . certainly he that could indure with a sober pen to sit and devise laws for drunkards to carouse by , i doubt me whether the very sobernesse of such a one , like an unlicour'd silenus , were not stark drunk . let him go now and brand another man injuriously with the name of mime , being himselfe the loosest and most extravagant mime , that hath been heard of ; whom no lesse then almost halfe the world could serve for stage roome to play the mime in . and let him advise againe with sir francis bacon whom he cites to confute others , what it is to turn the sinnes of christendome into a mimicall mockery , to rip up the saddest vices with a laughing countenance , especially where neither reproofe nor better teaching is adjoynd . nor is my meaning , readers , to shift off a blame from my selfe , by charging the li●e upon my accuser , but shall only desire , that sentence may be respited , till i can come to some instance , whe●eto i may give answer . thus having spent his first onset not in confuting , but in a reasonlesse defaming of the book , the method of his malice hurries him to attempt the like against the author : not by proofes and testimonies , but having no certaine notice of me , as he professes , furder then what he gathers from the animadversions , blunders at me for the rest , and flings out stray crimes at a venture , which he could never , though he be a serpent , suck from any thing that i have written ; but from his own stuff magazin , and hoard of sl●nderous inventions , over and above that which he converted to venome in the drawing . to me readers , it happens as a singular contentment , and let it be to good men no slight satisfaction , that the sl●nderer here confesses , he has no furder notice of mee then his owne conj●cture . although it had been honest to have inquir'd , before he utter'd such infamous words , and i am credibly inform'd he did inquire , but finding small comfort from the intelligence which he receav'd , whereon to ground the fals●ties which he had provided , thought it his likeliest course under a pretended ignorance to let drive at randome , lest he should lose his odde ends which from some penurious book of characters he had been culling out and would faine apply . not caring to burden me with those vices , whereof , among whom my conversation hath been , i have been ever least suspected ; perhaps not without some suttlety to cast me into envie , by bringing on me a necessity to enter into mine own praises . in which argument i know every wise man is more unwillingly drawne to speak , then the most repining eare can be averse to heare . neverthelesse since i dare not wish to passe this life unpersecuted of slanderous tongues ; for god hath told us that to be generally prais'd is wofull , i shall relye on his promise to free the innocent from causelesse aspersions : whereof nothing sooner can assure me , then if i shall feele him now assisting me in the just vindication of my selfe which yet i could deferre , it being more meet that to those other matters of publick debatement in this book i should give attendance first , but that i feare it would but harme the truth , for me to reason in her behalfe , so long as i should suffer my honest estimation to lye unpurg'd from these insolent suspicions . and if i shall be large , or unwonted in justifying my selfe to those who know me not , for else it would be needlesse , let them consider that a short slander will oft times reach farder then a long apology : and that he who will do justly to all men , must begin from knowing how , if it so happen , to be not unjust to himselfe . i must be thought , if this libeller ( for now he shewes himselfe to be so ) can finde beliefe , after an inordinat and riotous youth spent at the vniversity , to have bin at length vomited out thence . for which commodious lye , that he may be incourag'd in the trade another time , i thank him ; for it hath given me an apt occasion to acknowledge publickly with all gratefull minde , that more then ordinary favour and respect which i found above any of my equals at the hands of those curteous and learned men , the fellowes of that colledge wherein i spent some yeares : who at my parting , after i had taken two degrees , as the manner is , signifi'd many wayes , how much better it would content them that i would stay ; as by many letters full of kindnesse and loving respect both before that time , and long after i was assur'd of their singular good affection towards me . which being likewise propense to all such as were for their studious and civill life worthy of esteeme , i could not wrong their judgements , and upright intentions ; so much as to think i had that regard from them for other cause then that i might be still encourag'd to proceed in the honest and laudable courses , of which they apprehended i had given good proofe . and to those ingenuous and friendly men who were ever the countnancers of vertuous and hopefull wits , i wish the best , and happiest things , that friends in absence wish one to another . as for the common approbation or dislike of that place , as now it is , that i should esteeme or disesteeme my selfe or any other the more for that , too simple and too credulous is the confuter , if he thinke to obtaine with me , or any right discerner . of small practize were that physitian who could not judge by what both she or her sister , hath of long time vomited , that the worser stuffe she strongly keeps in her stomack , but the better she is ever kecking at , and is queasie . she vomits now out of sicknesse , but ere it be well with her , she must vomit by strong physick . in the meane while that suburb sinke , as this rude scavinger calls it , and more then scurrilously taunts it with the plague , having a worse plague , in his middle entraile , that suburb wherein i dwell , shall be in my account a more honourable place then his university . which as in the time of her better health , and mine owne younger judgement i never greatly admir'd , so now much lesse . but he followes me to the city , still usurping and forging beyond his book notice , which only he affirmes to have had ; and where my morning haunts are he wisses not . t is wonder , that being so rare an alchymist of slander , he could not extract that , as well as the university vomit , and the suburb sinke which his art could distill so cunningly , but because his limbeck failes him , to give him and envie the more vexation , i le tell him . those morning haunts are where they should be , at home , not sleeping , or concocting the surfets of an irregular feast , but up , and stirring , in winter often ere the sound of any bell awake men to labour , or to devotion ; in summer as oft with the bird that first rouses , or not much tardier , to reade good authors , or cause them to be read , till the attention bee weary , or memory have his full fraught . then with usefull and generous labours preserving the bodies health , and hardinesse ; to render lightsome , cleare , and not lumpish obedience to the minde , to the cause of religion , and our countries liberty , when it shall require firme hearts in sound bodies to stand and cover their stations , rather then to see the ruine of our protestation , and the inforcement of a slavish life . these are the morning practises ; proceed now to the afternoone ; in playhouses , he sayes , and the bordelloes . your intelligence , unfaithfull spie of canaan ? he gives in his evidence , that there he hath trac't me . take him at his word readers , but let him bring good sureties , ere ye dismisse him , that while he pretended to dogge others , he did not t●rne in for his owne pleasure ; for so much in effect he concludes against himselfe , not contented to be caught in every other gin , but he must be such a novice , as to be still hamper'd in his owne hempe . in the animadversions , saith he , i finde the mention of old clokes , falsbeards , night-walkers , and salt lotion ; therefore the animadverter haunts playhouses and bordelloes ; for if hee did not , how could hee speake of such gear ? now that he may know what it is to be a childe , and yet to meddle with edg'd tooles , i turne his antistrophon upon his owne head ; the confuter knowes that these things are the furniture of playhouses and bordelloes , therefore by the same reason the confuter himselfe hath beene trac't in those places . was it such a dissolute speech telling of some politicians who were wont to eavesdroppe in disguises , to say they were often lyable to a night-walking ●●dgeller , or the emptying of a urinall ? what if i had writ as your friend the author of the aforesaid mime , mu●dus alter & idem , to have bin ravisht like some young cephalus or hylas , by a troope of camping huswives in viraginia , and that he was there forc't to sweare himselfe an uxorious varlet , then after a long servitude to have come into aphrodisia that pleasant count●ey that gave such a sweet smell to his nostrils among the shamelesse courtezans of desvergonia ? surely he would have then concluded me as constant at the bordello , as the gally-slave at his oare . but since there is such necessity to the hear-say of a tire , a periwig , or a vizard , that playes must have bin seene , what difficulty was there in that ? when in the colleges so many of the young divines , and those in next aptitude to divinity have bin seene so oft upon the stage writhing and unboning their clergie limmes to all the antick and dishonest gestures of trinculo's , buffons , and bawds ; prostituting the shame of that ministery which either they had , or were nigh having , to the eyes of courtiers and court-ladies , with their groomes and madamoisellaes . there while they acted , and overacted , among other young scholars , i was a spectator ; they thought themselves gallant men , and i thought them fools , they made sport , and i laught , they mispronounc't and i mislik't , and to make up the at●icisme , they were out , and i hist. judge now whether so many good text men were not sufficient to instruct me of false beard● and vizards without more expositors ; and how can thi● confuter take the face to object to me the seeing of that which his neve●ent prelats allow , and incite their young disciples to act . for if it be unlawfull to sit and behold a mercenary comedian personating that which is least unseemely for a hireling to doe , how much more blamefull is it to indure the sight of as vile things acted by persons either enter'd , or presently to enter into the ministery , and how much more foule and ignominious for them to be the actors . but because a● well by this upraiding to me the bordello's , as by other suspicious glancings in his book he would seem privily to point me out to his readers , as one whose custome of life were not honest , but licentious ; i shall intreat to be born with though i digresse ; & in a way not often trod acquaint ye with the summe of my thoughts in this matter through the course of my yeares and studies . although i am not ignorant how hazardous it will be to do this under the nose of the envious , as it were in skirmish to change the compact order , and instead of outward actions to bring inmost thoughts into front . and i must tell ye readers , that by this sort of men i have bin already bitten at ; yet shall they not for me know how slightly they are esteem'd , unlesse they have so much learning as to reade what in greek {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is , which together with envie is the common disease of those who censure books that are not for their reading . with me it fare● now , as with him whose outward garment hath bin injur'd and ill be●ighted ; for having no other shift , what helpe but to turn the inside outwards , especially if the lining be of the same , or , as it is sometimes , much better . so if my name and outward demeanour be not evident anough to defend me , i must make try all , if the discovery of my inmost thoughts can . wherein of two purposes both honest , and both sincere , the one perhaps i shall not misse ; although i faile to gaine beliefe with others of being such as my perpetuall thoughts shall heere disclose me , i may yet not faile of successe in perswading some , to be such really themselves , as they cannot believe me to be more then what i fain . i had my time readers , as others have , who have good learning bestow'd upon them , to be sent to those places , where the opinion was it might be soonest attain'd : and as the manner is , was not unstudied in those authors which are most commended ; whereof some were grave orators & historians , whose matter me thought i lov'd indeed , but as my age then was , so i understood them ; others were the smooth elegiack poets , whereof the schooles are not scarce . whom both for the pleasing sound of their numerous writing , which in imitation i found most easie ; and most agreeable to natures part in me , and for their matter which what it is , there be few who know not , i was so allur'd to read , that no recreation came to me better welcome . for that it was then those years with me which are excus'd though they be least severe , i may be sav'd the labour to remember ye . whence having observ'd them to account it the chiefe glory of their wit , in that they were ablest to judge , to praise , and by that could esteeme themselves worthiest to love those high perfections which under one or other name they took to celebrate , i thought with my selfe by every instinct and presage of nature which is not wont to be false , that what imboldn'd them to this task might with such diligence as they us'd imbolden me , and that what judgement , wit , or elegance was my share , would herein best appeare , and best value it selfe , by how much more wisely , and with more love of vertue i should choose ( let rude eares be absent ) the object of not unlike praises . for albeit these thoughts to some will seeme vertuous and commendable , to others only pardonable , to a third sort perhaps idle , yet the mentioning of them now will end in serious . nor blame it readers , in those yeares to propose to themselves such a reward , as the noblest ●ispositions above other things in this life have sometimes preferr'd . whereof not to be sensible , when good and faire in one person meet , argues both a grosse and shallow judgement , and withall an ungentle , and swainish brest . for by the firme setling of these perswasions i became , to my best memory , so much a proficient , that if i found those authors anywhere speaking unworthy things of themselves ; or unchaste of those names which before they had extoll'd , this effect it wrought with me , from that time forward their art i still applauded , but the men i deplor'd ; and above them all preferr'd the two famous renowners of beatrice and laura who never write but honour of them to whom they devote their verse , displaying sublime and pure thoughts , without transgression . and long it was not after , when i was confirm'd in this opinion , that he who would not be frustrate of his hope to write well hereafter in laudable things , ought him selfe to bee a true poem , that is , a composition , and patterne of the best and honourablest things ; not presuming to sing high praises o● heroick men , or famous cities , unlesse he have in himselfe the experience and the practice of all that which is praise-worthy . these reasonings , together with a certaine nicenesse of nature , an honest haughtinesse , and self-esteem either of what i was , or what i might be , ( which let envie call pride ) and lastly that modesty , whereof though not in the title page yet here i may be excus'd to make some beseeming profession , all these uniting the supply of their naturall aide together , kept me still above those low descents of minde , beneath which he must deject and plunge himself , that can agree to salable and unlawfull prostitutions . next , ( for heare me out now readers ) that i may tell ye whether my younger feet wander'd ; i betook me among those lofty fables and romances , which recount in solemne canto's the deeds of knigh●hood founded by our victorious kings ; & from hence had in renowne over all christendome . there i read it in the oath of every knight , that he should defend to the expence of his best blood , or of his life , if it so befell him , the honour and chastity of virgin or matron . from whence even then i learnt what a noble ve●tue chastity sure must be , to the defence of which so many worthies by such a deare adventure of themselves had sworne . and if i found in the story afterward any of them by word or deed breaking that oath , i judg'd it the same fault of the poet , as that which is attributed to homer ; to have written undecent things of the gods . only this my minde gave me that every free ●nd gentle spirit without that oath ought to be borne a knight , nor needed to expect the guilt spurre , or the laying of a sword upon his shoulder to stirre him up both by his counsell , and his arme to secure and protect the weaknesse of any attempted chastity . so that even those books which to many others have bin the fuell of wantonnesse and loose living , i cannot thinke how unlesse by divine indulgence prov'd to me so many incitements as you have heard , to the love and stedfast observation of that vertue which abhorres the society of bordello's . thus from the laureat fraternity of poets , riper yeares , and the ceaselesse round of study and reading led me to the shady spaces of philosophy , but chiefly to the divine volumes of plato , and his equall xenophon . where if i should tell ye what i learnt , of chastity and love , i meane that which is truly so , whose charming cup is only vertue which she bears in her hand to those who are worthy . the rest are cheated with a thick intoxicating potion which a certaine sorceresse the abuser of loves name carries about ; and how the first and chiefest office of love , begins and ends in the soule , producing those happy twins of her divine generation knowledge and vertue , with such abstracted sublimities as these , it might be worth your listning , readers , as i may one day hope to have ye in a still time , when there shall be no chiding ; not in these noises , the adversary as ye know , barking at the doore ; or searching for me at the burdello's where it may be he has lost himselfe , and raps up without pitty the sage and rheumatick old prelatesse with all her young corinthian laity to inquire for such a one . last of all not in time , but as perfection is last , that care was ever had of me , with my earliest capacity not to be negligently train'd in the precepts of christian religion : this that i have hitherto related , hath bin to shew , that though christianity had bin but slightly taught me , yet a certain reserv'dnesse of naturall disposition , and morall discipline learn● out of the noblest philosophy was anough to keep me in disdain of farre lesse incontinences then this of the burdello . but having had the doctrine of holy scripture unfolding those chaste and high mysteries with timeliest care infus'd , that the body is for the lord and the lord for the body , thus also i argu'd to my selfe ; that if unchastity in a woman whom saint paul termes the glory of man , be such a scandall and dishonour , then certainly in a man who is both the image and glory of god , it must , though commonly not so thought , be much more deflouring and dishonourable . in that he sins both against his owne body which is the perfeter sex , and his own glory which is in the woman , and that which is worst , against the image and glory of god which is in himselfe . nor did i slumber over that place expressing such high rewards of ever accompanying the lambe , with those celestiall songs to others inapprehensible , but not to those who were not defil'd with women , which doubtlesse meanes fornication : for mariage must not be call'd a defilement . thus large i have purposely bin , that if i have bin justly taxt with this crime , it may come upon me after all this my confession , with a tenne-fold shame . but if i have hitherto deserv'd no such opprobrious word , or suspicion , i may hereby ingage my selfe now openly to the faithfull observation of what i have profest . i go on to shew you the unbridl'd impudence of this loose rayler , who having once begun his race regards not how farre he flyes out beyond all truth & shame ; who from the single notice of the animadversions , as he protests , will undertake to tell ye the very cloaths i weare , though he be much mistaken in my wardrobe . and like a son of belial without the hire of i●sabel charges me of blaspheming god and the king , as ordnarily as he imagines me to drink sack and sweare , meerely because this was a shred in his common place-book , and seem'd to come off roundly , as if he were some empirick of false accusations to try his poysons upon me whether they would work or no . whom what should i endeavour to refute more , whenas that book which is his only testimony returnes the lye upon him ; not giving him the least hint of the author to be either a swearer , or a sack drinker . and for the readers if they can believe me , principally for those reasons which i have alleg'd , to be of life & purpose neither dishonest , nor unchaste , they will be easily induc't to thinke me sober both of wine , and of word ; but if i have bin already successelesse in perswading them , all that i can furder say will be but vaine ; and it will be better thrift to save two tedious labours , mine of excusing , and theirs of needlesse hearing . proceeding furder i am met with a whole ging of words and phrases not mine , for he hath maim'd them , and like a slye depraver mangl'd them in this his wicked limbo , worse then the ghost of deiphobus appear'd to his friend aenaeas . here i scarce know them , and he that would , let him repaire to the place in that booke where i set them . for certainly this tormenter of semicolons is as good at dismembring and slitting sentences , as his grave fathers the prelates have bin at stigmatizing & flitting noses . by such handy craft as this what might he not traduce ? only that odour which being his own must needs offend his sense of smelling , since he will needs bestow his foot among us , and not allow us to think he weares a sock , i shall endeavour it may be offencelesse to other mens eares . the remonstrant having to do with grave and reverend men his adversaries , thought it became him to tell them in scorne , that the bishops foot had beene in their book and confuted it , which when i saw him arrogate , to have done that with his heeles that surpast the best consideration of his head , to spurn a confutation among respected men , i question'd not the lawfulnesse of moving his jollity to bethink him , what odor a sock would have in such a painfull businesse . and this may have chanc't to touch him more neerly then i was aware ; for indeed a bishops foot that hath all his toes maugre the gout , and a linnen sock over it , is the aptest embleme of the prelate himselfe . who being a pluralist , may under one surplice which is also linnen , hide foure benefices besides the metropolitan toe , and sends a fouler stench to heaven , then that which this young queasinesse reches at . and this is the immediate reason here why our inrag'd confuter , that he may be as perfet an hypocrite as caiaphas , ere he be a high priest , cries out , horrid blasphemy ! and like a recreant jew calls for stones . i beseech ye friends , ere the brick-bats flye , resolve me and your selves , is it blasphemy , or any whit disagreeing from christian meeknesse , when as christ himselfe speaking of unsavory traditions , scruples not to name the dunghill and the jakes , for me to answer a slovenly wincer of a confutation , that , if he would needs put his foot to such a sweaty service , the odour of his sock was like to be neither musk , nor benjamin ? thus did that foolish monk in a barbarous declamation accuse petrarch of blasphemy for dispraising the french wines . but this which followes is plaine bedlam stuffe , this is the demoniack legion indeed , which the remonstrant feard had been against him , and now he may see is for him . you that love christ , saith he , and know this miscreant wretch , stone him to death , lest you smart for his impunity . what thinks the remonstrant ? does he like that such words as these should come out of his shop , out of his trojan horse ? to give the watch word like a guisian of paris to a mutiny or massacre ; to proclame a crusada against his fellow christian now in this troublous and divided time of the kingdome ? if he do , i shall say that to be the remonstrant is no better then to be a jesuit . and that if he and his accomplices could do as the rebels have done in ireland to the protestants , they would do in england the same to them that would no prelats . for a more seditious and butcherly speech no cell of loyola could have belch't against one who in all his writing spake not , that any mans skin should be rais'd . and yet this cursing shimei a hurler of stones , as well as a rayler , wants not the face instantly to make as though he despair'd of victory unlesse a modest defence would get it him . did i erre at all , readers , to foretell ye , when first i met with his title , that the epithet of modest there , was a certaine red portending signe , that he meant ere long to be most tempestuously bold , , and shamelesse ? neverthelesse he dares not say but there may be hid in his nature as much venemous atheisme and profanation , as he thinks , hath broke out at his adversaries lips , but he hath not the soarerunning upon him , as he would intimate i have . now trust me not , readers , if i be not already weary of pluming and footing this seagull , so open he lies to strokes ; and never offers at another , but brings home the dorre upon himselfe . for if the sore be running upon me , in all judgement i have scapt the disease , but he who hath as much infection hid in him , as he hath voluntarily confest , and cannot expell it , because hee is dull , for venomous atheisme were no treasure to be kept within him else , let him take the part hee hath chosen , which must needs follow , to swell and burst with his owne inward venome . sect. 1. but marke , readers , there is a kind of justice observ'd among them that do evill , but this man loves injustice in the very order of his malice . for having all this while abus'd the good name of his adversary with all manner of licence in revenge of his remonstrant , if they be not both one person , or as i am told , father and son , yet after all this he calls for satisfaction , when as he himselfe hath already taken the utmost fa●ding . violence hath been done , sayes he , to the person of a holy , and religious prelat ▪ to which , something in effect to what s. paul answer'd of ananias , i answer , i wist not brethren that he was a holy and religious prelat ; for evill is written of those who would be prelats . and finding him thus in disguise without his superscription or phylactery either of holy or prelat , it were no sinne to serve him as longchamp bishop of elie was serv'd in his disguise at dover ▪ he hath begun the measure namelesse , and when he pleases we may all appeare as we are . and let him be then what he will , he shall be to me so as i finde him principl'd . for neither must prelat or arch-prelat hope to exempt himselfe from being reckon'd as one of the vulgar ; which is for him only to hope whom true wisdome and the contempt of vulgar opinions exempts , it being taught us in the psalmes that he who is in honour and understandeth not is as the beasts that perish . and now first the manner of handling that cause which i undertook , he thinks is suspicious , as if the wisest , and the best words were not ever to some or other suspicious . but where is the offence , the disagreement from christian meeknesse , or the precept of solomon in answering folly ? when the remonstrant talks of froth and scum , i tell him there is none , and bid him spare his ladle : when he brings in the messe with keale , beef , and brewesse , what stomack in england could forbeare to call for flanks and briskets ? capon and whitebroth having beene likely sometimes in the same roome with christ and his apostles , why does it trouble him that it should be now in the same leafe , especially , where the discourse is not continu'd but interrupt ? and let him tell me , is he wont to say grace , doth he not then name holiest names over the steame of costliest superfluities ? does he judge it foolish or dishonest to write that among religious things , which when he talks of religious things he can devoutly chew ? is he afraid to name christ where those things are written in the same leafe whom he fears not to name while the same things are in his mouth ? doth not christ himselfe teach the highest things by the similitude of old bottles and patcht cloaths ? doth he not illustrate best things by things most evill ? his own comming to be as a thiefe in the night , and the righteous mans wisdome to that of a● unjust steward ? he might therefore have done better to have kept in his canting beggars and ●eathen altar to sacrifice his thredbare criticisme of bomolochus to an unseasonable goddesse fit for him call'd importunity , and have reserv'd his greek derivation till he lecture to his fresh men , for here his itching pedantry is but flouted . but to the end that nothing may be omitted which may furder satisfie any conscionable man , who notwithstanding what i could explaine before the animadversions , remains yet unsatisfi'd concerning that way of writing which i there defended , but this confuter whom it pinches , utterly disapproves , i shall assay once againe , and perhaps with more successe . if therefore the question were in oratory , whether a vehement vein throwing out indignation , or scorn upon an object that merits it , were among the aptest ideas of speech to be allow'd , it were my work , and that an easie one to make it cleare both by the rules of best rhetoricians , and the famousest examples of the greek and roman orations . but since the religion of it is disputed , and not the art , i shall make use only of such reasons and autorities , as religion cannot except against . it will be harder to gainsay , then for me to evince that in the teaching of men diversly temper'd different wayes are to be try'd . the baptist we know was a strict man remarkable for austerity and set order of life . our saviour who had all gifts in him was lord to expresse his indoctrinating power in what sort him best seem'd ; sometimes by a milde and familiar converse , sometimes with plaine and impartiall home-speaking regardlesse of those whom the auditors might think he should have had in more respect ; otherwhiles with bitter and irefull rebukes if not teaching yet leaving excuselesse those his wilfull impugners . what was all in him , was divided among many others the teachers of his church ; some to be severe and ever of a sad gravity that they may win such , & check sometimes those who be of nature over-confident and jocond ; others were sent more cheerefull , free , and still as it were at large , in the midst of an untrespassing honesty ; that they who are so temper'd may have by whom they might be drawne to salvation , and they who are too scrupulous , and dejected of spirit might be often strength●'d with wise consolations and revivings : no man being forc't wholly to dissolve that groundwork of nature which god created in him , the sanguine to empty out all his sociable livelinesse , the cholerick to expell quite the unsinning predominance of his anger ; but that each radicall humour and passion wrought upon and corrected as it ought , might be made the proper mould and foundation of every mans peculiar guifts , and vertues . some also were indu'd with a staid moderation , and soundnesse of argument to teach and convince the rationall and sober-minded ; yet not therefore that to be thought the only expedient course of teaching , for in times of opposition when either against new heresies arising , or old corruptions to be reform'd this coole unpassionate mildnesse of positive wisdome is not enough to damp and astonish the proud resistance of carnall , and false doctors , then ( that i may have leave to soare a while as the poets us● ) then zeale whose substance is ethereal , arming in compleat diamond ascends his fiery chariot drawn with two blazing meteors figur'd like beasts , but of a higher breed then any the zodiack yeilds , resembling two of those four which ezechiel and s. john saw , the one visag'd like a lion to expresse power , high autority and indignation , the other of count'nance like a man to cast derision and scorne upon perverse and fraudulent seducers ; with these the invincible warriour zeale shaking loosely the slack reins drives over the heads of scarlet prelats , and such as are insolent to maintaine traditions , brusing their stiffe necks under his flaming wheels . thus did the true prophets of old combat with the false ; thus christ himselfe the fountaine of meeknesse found acrimony anough to be still galling and vexing the prel●ticall pharisees . but ye will say these had immediat warrant from god to be thus bitter , and i say , so much the plainlier is it prov'd , that there may be a sanctifi'd bitternesse against the enemies of truth . yet that ye may not think inspiration only the warrant thereof , but that it is as any other vertue , of morall and generall observation , the example of luther may stand for all : whom god made choice of before others to be of highest eminence and power in reforming the church ; who not of revelation , but of judgement writ so vehemently against the chiefe defenders of old untruths in the romish church , that his own friends and favourers were many times offended with the fiercenesse of his spirit ; yet he being cited before charles the fifth to answer for his books , and having divided them into three sorts , whereof one was of those which he had sharply written , refus'd though upon deliberation giv'n him to retract or unsay any word therein ; as we may reade in sleiden . yea he defends his eagernesse , as being of an ardent spirit , and one who could not write a dull stile : and affirm'd hee thought it gods will to have the inventions of men thus laid open , seeing that matters quietly handled , were quickly forgot . and herewithall how usefull and available god had made this tart rhetorick in the churches cause , he often found by his owne experience . for when he betook himselfe to lenity and moderation , as they call it , he reapt nothing but contempt both from cajetan and erasmus , from cocleus , from ecchius and others , insomuch that blaming his friends who had so counsel'd him , he resolv'd never to runne into the like error ; if at other times he seeme to excuse his vehemence , as more then what was meet , i have not examin'd through his works to know how farre he gave way to his owne fervent minde ; it shall suffice me to looke to mine own . and this i shall easily averre though it may seeme a hard saying , that the spirit of god who is purity it selfe , when he would reprove any fault severely , or but relate things done or said with indignation by others , abstains not from some words not civill at other times to be spok'n . omitting that place in numbers at the killing of zimri and cosbi done by phineas in the heigth of zeal , related as the rabbines expound , not without an obscene word , we may finde in deuteronomy and three of the prophets , where god denouncing bitterly the punishments of idolaters , tels them in a terme immodest to be utter'd in coole blood , that their wives shall be defil'd openly . but these , they will say were honest words in that age when they were spok'n . which is more then any rabbin can prove , and certainly had god been so minded , he could have pickt such words , as should never have come into abuse . what will they say to this . david going against nabal , in the very same breath when he had but just before nam'd the name of god , he vowes not to leave any alive of nabals house that pisseth against the wall . but this was unadvisedly spoke , you will answer , and set downe to aggravate his infirmity . turne then to the first of kings where god himselfe uses the phrase ; i will cut off from ieroboam him that pisseth against the wall . which had it beene an unseemely speech in the heat of an earnest expression , then we must conclude that ionathan , or onk●los the targumists were of cleaner language then he that made the tongue ; for they render it as briefly , i will cut off all who are at yeares of discretion , that is to say so much discretion as to hide nakednesse . whereas god who is the author both of purity and eloquence , chose this phrase as fittest in that vehement character wherein he spake . otherwise that plaine word might have easily bin forborne . which the mas●reths and rabbinicall scholiasts not well attending , have often us'd to blurre the margent with keri , instead of ketiv , and gave us this ins●l● rule out of their talmud , that all words which in the law are writ ob●cenely , must be chang'd to more civill words . fools who would teach men to speak more decently then god thought good to write . and thus i take it to be manifest , that indignation against men and their actions notoriously bad , hath leave and autority oft times to utter such words and phrases as in common talke were not so mannerly to use . that ye may know , not only as the historian speaks , that all those things for which men plough , build , or saile , obey vertue , but that all words and whatsoever may be spoken shall at some time in an unwonted manner wait upon her purposes . now that the confutant may also know as he desires , what force of teaching there is sometimes in laughter , i shall returne him in short , that laughter being one way of answering a foole according to his folly , teaches two sorts of persons , first the foole himselfe not to be wise in his own conceit ; as salomon affirms , which is certainely a great document , to make an unwise man know himselfe . next , it teaches the hearers , in as much as scorne is one of those , punishments which belong to men carnally wise , which is oft in scripture declar'd ; for when such are punisht the simple are thereby made wise , if salomons rule be true . and i would ask , to what end eliah mockt the false prophets ? was it to shew his wit , or to fulfill his humour ? doubtlesse we cannot imagine that great servant of god had any other end in all which he there did , but to teach and instruct the poore misledde people . and we may frequently reade , that many of the martyrs in the midst of their troubles , were not sparing to deride and scoffe their superstitious persecutors . now may the confutant advise againe with sir francis bacon whether eliah and the ma●tyrs did well to turne religion into a comedy , or satir ; to rip up the wounds of idolatry and superstition with a laughing count●nance . so that for pious gravity his author here is matcht and overmatcht , and for wit and morality in one that followes . — laughing to teach the truth what hinders ? as some teachers give to boyes lunkets and knacks , that they may learne apace . thus fl●ccus in his first satir , and in his tenth — jesting decides great things stronglier , and better oft then earnest can . i could urge the same out of cicero , and seneca , but he may content him with this . and hence forward , if he can learn , may know as well what are the bounds , and objects of laughter and vehement reproofe , as he hath knowne hitherto how to deserve them both . but lest some may haply think , or thus expostulat with me after all this debatement , who made you the busie almoner to deale about this dole of laughter and reprehension which no man thanks your bounty for ? to the urbanity of that man i shold answer much after this sort ? that i , friend objecter , having read of heathen philosophers , some to have taught , that whosoever would but use his eare to listen , might heare the voice of his guiding genius ever before him , calling and as it were pointing to that way which is his part to follow ; others , as the stoicks , to account reason , which they call the hegemonicon , to be the common mercury conducting without error those that give themselves obediently to be led accordingly , having read this , i could not esteeme so poorly of the faith which i professe , that god had left nothing to those who had forsaken all other doctrines for his , to be an inward witnesse , and warrant of what they have to do , as that they should need to measure themselves by other mens measures how to give scope , or limit to their proper actions ; for that were to make us the most at a stand , the most unce●taine and accidentall wanderers in our doings , of all religions in the world . so that the question ere while mov'd who he is that spends thus the benevolence of laughter and reproofe so liberally upon such men as the prelats , may returne with a more just demand , who he is not of place and knowledge never so mean , under whose contempt and jerk these men are not deservedly falne ? neither can religion receive any wound by disgrace thrown upon the prelats , since religion and they surely were never in such amity . they rather are the men who have wounded religion , and their stripes must heale her . i might also tell them , what electra in sophocles , a wise virgin answer'd her wicked mother who thought her selfe too violently reprov'd by her the daughter . t is you that say it , not i , you do the deeds , and your ungodly deeds finde me the words . if therefore the remonstrant complaine of libels , it is because he feels them to be right aim'd . for i ask againe as before in the animadversions , how long is it since he hath dis-relisht libe●s ? we never heard the least mutter of his voice against them while they flew abroad without controul or check defaming the scots and puritans . and yet he can remember of none but lysimachus nicanor , and that he mislikt and censur'd . no more but of one can the remonstrant remember ? what if i put him in minde of one more ? what if of one more whereof the remonstrant in many likelyhoods may be thought the author ? did he never see a pamphlet intitl'd after his own fashion , a survey of that foolish , seditious , scandalous , profane libell the protestation protested ? the child doth not more expresly refigure the visage of his father , then that book resembles the stile of the remonstrant , in those idioms of speech , wherein he seemes most to delight : and in the seventeenth page three lines together taken out of the remonstrance word for word , not as a citation , but as an author borrowes from himselfe . who ever it be , he may as justly be said to have libell'd , as he against whom he writes : there ye shall finde another man then here is made shew of , there he bites as fast as this whines . vinegar in the inke is there the antidote of vipers . laughing in a religious controversie is there a thrifty physick to expell his melancholy . in the meane time the testimony of sir francis bacon was not misalledg'd , complaining that libels on the bishops part were utter'd openly ; and if he hop't the prelats had no intell●gence with the libellours , he delivers it but as his favourable opinion . but had he contradicted himselfe , how could i assoil him here , more then a little before , where i know not how by entangling himselfe , he leaves an aspersion upon iob , which by any else i never heard laid to his charge . for having affirm'd that there is no greater confusion then the confounding of jest and earnest , presently he brings the example of iob glancing at conceits of mirth , when he sate among the people with the gravity of a iudge upon him . if jest and earnest be such a confusion , then were the people much wiser then iob , for he smil'd , and they believ'd him not . to defend libels , which is that whereof i am next accus'd , was farre from my purpose . i had not so lit●le share in good name , as to give another that advantage against my selfe . the summe of what i said , was that a more free permission of writing at some times might be profitable , in such a question especially wherein the magistrates are not fully resolv'd ; and both sides have equall liberty to write , as now they have . not as when the prelats bore sway , in whose time the bookes of some men were confuted , when they who should have answer'd were in close prison , deny'd the use of pen or paper . and the divine right of episcopacy was then valiantly asserted , when he who would have bin respondent , must have bethought himselfe withall how he could refute the clink or the gate-house . if now therefore they be persn'd with bad words , who persecuted others with bad deeds , it is a way to lessen tumult rather then to encrea●e it ; when as anger thus freely vented spends it selfe , ere it break out into action , though machiavell whom he cites , or any machiavillian priest think the contrary . sect. 3. now readers i bring ye to his third section ; wherein very cautiously , and no more then needs , lest i should take him for some chaplaine at hand , some squire of the body to his prelat , one that serves not at the altar only , but at the court cup board , he will bestow on us a pretty modell of himselfe ; and sobs me out halfe a dozen tizicall mottoes where ever he had them , hopping short in the measure of convulsion fi●● ; in which labour the agony of his wit , having scapt narrowly , instead of well siz'd periods , he greets us with a quantity of thum-ring posies . he has a fortune therefore good , because he is content with it . this is a piece of sapience not worth the brain of a fruit-trencher ; as if content were the measure of what is good or bad in the guift of fortune . for by this rule a bad man may have a good fortune , because he may be oft times content with it for many reasons which have no affinity with vertue , as love of ease , want of spirit to use more , and the like . and therefore content , he sayes , because it neither goes before , nor comes behinde his merit . belike then if his fortune should go before his mer●t , he would not be content , but resigne , if we believe him , which i do the lesse , because he implyes that if it came behinde his merit , he would be content as little . wheras if a wise mans content should depend upon such a therefore , because his fortune came not behinde his merit , how many wise men could have content in this world ? in his next pithy symbol i dare not board him , for he passes all the seven wise masters of greece attributing to himselfe that which on my life salomon durst not ; to have affections so equally temper'd , that they neither too hastily adhere to the truth , before it be fully examin'd , nor too lazily afterward . which unlesse he only were exempted out of the corrupt masse of adam , borne without sinne originall , and living without actuall , is impossible . had salomon ( for it be●hoves me to i●stance in the wisest , dealing with such a transcendent sage as this ) had salomon affections so equally temper'd , as not adhering too lazily to the truth , when god warn'd him of his halting in idolatry ? do we reade that he repented hastily ? did not his affections lead him hastily from an examin'd truth , how much more would they lead him slowly to it ? yet this man beyond a stoick apathy sees truth as in a rapture , and cleaves to it . not as through the dim glasse of his affections which in this frail mansion of flesh are ever unequally temper'd , pushing forward to error , and keeping back from truth oft times the best of men . but how farre this boaster is from knowing himselfe , let his preface speake . something i thought it was that made him so quick-sighted to gather such strange things out of the animadversions , whereof the least conception could not be drawne from thence , of suburb si●ks , sometimes out of wit and cloaths , sometimes in new serge , drinking sack , and swearing , now i know it was this equall temper of his affections that gave him to see clearer then any fenell rub'd serpent . lastly , he has resolv'd that neither person , nor cause shall improper him . i may mistake his meaning , for the word ye heare is improper . but whether if not a person , yet a good personage , or impropriation bought out for him would not improper him , because there may be a quirk in the word , i leave it for a canonist ●o resolve . sect. 4. and thus ends this section , or rather dissection of himselfe , short ye will say both in breath , and extent , as in our own praises it ought to be , unlesse wherein a good name hath bin wrongfully attainted . right , but if ye looke at what he ascribes to himselfe , that temper of his affections which cannot anywhere be but in paradise , all the judicious panegyricks in any language extant are not halfe so prolixe . and that well appears in his next removall . for what with putting his fancy to the tiptoe in this description of himselfe , and what with adventuring presently to stand upon his own legs without the crutches of his margent , which is the sluce most commonly , that feeds the drouth of his text , he comes so lazily on in a similie , with his arme full of weeds , and demeanes himselfe in the dull expression so like a dough kneaded thing , that he has not spirit anough left him so farre to look to his syntaxis , as to avoide nonsense . for it must be understood there that the stranger , and not he who brings the bundle would be deceav'd in censuring the field , which this hip-shot grammarian cannot set into ●ight frame of construction , neither here in the similitude , nor in the following reddition thereof , which being to this purpose , that the faults of the best pickt out , and presented in grosse , seeme monstrous , this saith he , you have done , in pinning on his sleeve the faults of others ; as if to pick out his owne faults , and to pin the faults of others upon him , were to do the same thing . to answer therefore how i have cull'd out the evill actions of the remonstrant from his vertues , i am acquitted by the dexterity and conveiance of his non-sense , loosing that for which he brought his parable . but what of other mens faults i have pinn'd upon his sleeve , let him shew . for whether he were the man who term'd the martyrs foxian confessors , it matters not ; he that shall step up before others to defend a church-government , which wants almost no circumstance , but only a name to be a plaine popedome , a government which changes the fatherly and everteaching discipline of christ into that lordly and uninstructing jurisdiction which properly makes the pope antichrist , makes himselfe an accessory to all the evill committed by those , who are arm'd to do mischiefe by that undue government ; which they by their wicked deeds , do with a kinde of passive and unwitting obedience to god , destroy . but he by plausible words and traditions against the scripture obstinately seeks to maintaine . they by their owne wickednesse ruining their owne unjust autority make roome for good to succeed . but he by a shew of good upholding the evill which in them undoes it selfe , hinders the good which they by accident let in . their manifest crimes serve to bring forth an ensuing good and hasten a remedy against themselves , and his seeming good tends to reinforce their selfe-punishing crimes and his owne , by doing his best to delay all redresse . shall not all the mischiefe which other men do , be layd to his charge , if they doe it by that unchurchlike power which he defends ? christ saith , he that is not with me is against me , and he that gathers not with me scatters . in what degree of enmity to christ shall wee place that man then , who so is with him , as that it makes more against him , and so gathers with him , that it scatters more from him ? shall it availe that man to say he honours the martyrs memory and treads in their steps ? no ; the pharisees confest as much of the holy prophets . let him and such as he when they are in their best actions even at their prayers looke to heare that which the pharisees heard from iohn the baptist when they least expected , when they rather lookt for praise from him . generation of vipers who hath warn'd ye to flee from the wrath to come ? now that ye have sta●ted back from the purity of scripture which is the only rule of reformation , to the old vomit of your traditions , now that ye have e●ther troubl'd or leven'd the people of god , and the doctrine of the gospell with scandalous ceremonies and masse borrow'd liturgies , doe ye turne the use of that truth which ye professe , to countenance that falshood which ye gaine by ? we also reverence the martyrs but relye only upon the scriptures . and why we ought not to relye upon the martyrs i shall be content with such reasons as my confuter himselfe affords me ; who is i must needs say for him in that point as officious an adversary as i would wish to any man . for first , saith he , there may be a martyr in a wrong cause , and as couragious in suffering as the best : sometimes in a good cause with a forward ambition displeasing to god . otherwhiles they that story of them out of blind zeale , or malice may write many things of them untruly . if this be so , as ye heare his own confession , with what safety can the remonstant rely upon the martyrs as patrons of his cause , when as any of those who are alleg'd for the approvers of our liturgy or prelaty might have bin though not in a wrong cause martyrs , yet whether not vainly ambitious of that honour , or whether not misreported , or misunderstood , in those their opions god only knowes . the testimony of what we believe in religion must be such as the conscience may rest on to be infallible , and incorruptible , which is only the word of god . sect. 5. his fifth section finds it selfe agriev'd that the remonstrant should be taxt with the illegall proceedings of the high commission , and oath ex officio ; and first whether they were illegall or no , t is more then he knowes . see this malevolent fox ? that tyranny which the whole kingdome cry'd out against as stung with adders , and scorpions , that tyranny which the parlament in compassion of the church and commonwealth hath dissolv'd , and fetch 't up by the roots , for which it hath receav'd the publick thanks and blessings of thousands , this obscure thorn-eater of malice and detraction , as well as of quodlibets and sophisms knowes not whether it were illegall or not . evill , evill , would be your reward ye worthies of the parlament , if this sophister and his accomplices had the censuring , or the sounding forth of your labours . and that the remonstrant cannot wash his hands of all the cruelties exercis'd by the prelats , is past doubting . they scourg'd the confessors of the gospell , and he held the scourgers garments . they excuted their rage , and he , if he did nothing else , defended the government with the oath that did it , and the ceremonies which were the cause of it : does he think to be counted guiltlesse ? sect. 6. in the following section i must foretell ye , readers , the doings will be rough and dangerous , the bating of a satir . and if the work seeme more triviall or boistrous then for this discourse , let the remonstrant thank the folly of this confuter , who could not let a private word passe , but he must make all this blaze of it . i had said that because the remonstrant was so much offended with those who were tart against the prelats , sure he lov'd toothlesse satirs , which i took were as improper as a toothed sleekstone . this champion from behind the arras cries out that those toothlesse satyrs were of the remonstrants making ; and armes himselfe heretooth and naile and horne to boot , to supply the want of teeth , or rather of gumms in the satirs . and for an onset tels me that the simily of a sleekstone shewes i can be as bold with a prelat as familiar with a laundresse . but does it not argue rather the lascivious promptnesse of his own fancy , who from the harmelesse mention of a sleekstone could neigh out the remembrance of his old conversation among the viraginian trollops ? for me , if he move me , i shall claime his owne oath , the oath ex officio against any priest or prelat in the kingdome to have ever as much hated such pranks as the best and chast●st of them all . that exception which i made against toothlesse satirs the confuter hopes i had from the satirist , but is farre deceav'd : neither had i ever read the hobbling distick which he me●●● . for this good hap i had from a carefull education to be inur'● and season'd betimes with the best and elegantest authors of the learned tongues , and thereto brought an eare that could measure a just cadence , and scan without articulating ; rather nice and humorous in what was tolerable , then patient to read every drawling versifier . whence lighting upon this title of toothlesse satirs , i will not conceale ye what i thought . readers , that sure this must be some sucking satir , who might have done better to have us'd his corall , and made an end of breeding , ere he took upon him to weild a satirs whip . but when i heard him talk of scouring the rusted swords of elvish knights , doe not blame me , if i chang'd my thought , and concluded him some desperate cu●ler . but why his scornefull muse could never abide with tragick shoos her ankles for to hide , the pace of the verse told me that her maukin knuckles were never shapen to that royall buskin . and turning by chance to the sixth satyr of his second book i was confirm'd ; where having begun loftily in heavens universall alphab●t he fals downe to that wretched poorenesse and frigidity as to talke of bridge street in heav'n , and the ostler of heav'n , and there wanting other matter to catch him a heat , ( for certaine he was in the frozen zone miserably benumm'd ) with thoughts lower then any beadle betakes him to whip the signe posts of cambridge alehouses , the ordinary subject of freshmens tales , and in a straine as pittifull . which for him who would be counted the first english satyr , to abase himselfe to , who might have learnt better among the latin , and italian satyrists , and in our own tongue from the vision and creed of pierce plowman , besides others before him , manifested a presumptuous undertaking with weak , and unexamin'd shoulders . for a satyr as it was borne out of a tragedy , so ought to resemble his parentage , to strike high , and adventure dangerously at the most eminent vices among the greatest persons , and not to creepe into 〈◊〉 blinde taphouse that fears a constable more then a satyr . but that such a poem should be toothlesse i still affirme it to be a bull , taking away the essence of that which it calls it selfe . for if it bite neither the persons nor the vices , how is it a satyr , and if it bite either , how is it toothlesse , so that toothlesse satyrs are as much as if he had said toothlesse teeth . what we should do therefore with this learned comment upon teeth and horns which hath brought this confutant into his pedantick kingdome of cornucopia , to reward him for glossing upon hor●●● even to the hebrew root , i know not unlesse we should commend him to be lecturer in east-cheap upon ● . luk●s day , when they send their tribute to that famous hav'n by detfo●● . but we are not like to scape him so . for now the worme of criticisme works in him , he will tell us the de●ivation of german rutters , of meat , and of ink , which doubtlesse rightly apply'd with some gall in it may prove good to heale this tetter of pedagoguism● that bespreads him , with such a tenasmus of originating , that if he be an arminian and deny originall sinne , all the etymologies of his book shall witnesse that his brain is not meanly tainted with that infection . sect. 7. his seventh section labours to cavill out the flawes which were found in the remonstrants logick ; who having layd downe for a generall proposition , that civill polity is variable and arbitrary , from whence was inferr'd logically upon him that he had concluded the polity of england to be arbitrary , for generall includes particular , here his defendant is not asham'd to confesse that the remonstrants proposition was sophisticall by a fallacy call'd ad plures interrogationes which sounds to me somewhat strange that a remonstrant of that pretended sincerity should bring deceitfull and double dealing propositions to the parlament . the truth is he had let slip a shrewd passage ere he was aware , not thinking the conclusion would turne upon him with such a terrible edge , and not knowing how to winde out of the briars , he or his substitute seems more willing to lay the integrity of his logick to pawn , and grant a fallacy in his owne major where none is , then be forc't to uphold the inference . for that distinction of possible and lawfull is ridiculous to be sought for in that proposition ; no man doubting that it is possible to change the forme of civill polity ; and that it is held lawfull by that major , the word arbitrary implyes . nor will this helpe him , to deny that it is arbitrary at any time or by any undertakers ( which are two limitations invented by him since ) for when it stands as he will have it now by his second edition civill polity is variable but not at any time or by any undertakers , it will result upon him , belike then at some time , and by some undertakers it may . and so he goes on mincing the matter , till he meets with something in sir francis bacon , then he takes heart againe and holds his major at large . but by and by as soon as the shadow of sir francis hath left him , he fals off again warping and warping till he come to contradict himselfe in diameter : and denies flatly that it is either variable or arbitrary , being once settl'd . which third shift is no lesse a piece of laughter . for before the polity was settl'd how could it be vari●ble when as it was no polity at all , but either an anarchy or a tyranny . that limitation therefore of after setling is a meere tautology . so that in fine his former assertion is now recanted and civill polity is neither variable nor arbitrary . sect. 8. what ever else may perswade me that this confutation was not made without some assistance or advice of the remonstrant , yet in this eighth section that his hand was not greatly intermixt , i can easily believe . for it begins with this surmise , that not having to accuse the remonstrant to the king , i do it to the parlament , which conceit of the man cleanly shoves the king out of the parlament , and makes two bodies of one . whereas the remonstrant in the epistle to his last short answer , gives his supposall that they cannot be sever'd in the rights of their severall concernments . mark , readers , if they cannot be sever'd in what is severall ( which casts a buls eye to go yoke with the toothlesse satyrs ) how should they be sever'd in their common concernments , the wellfare of the land , by due accusation of such as are the common grievances , among which i took the remonstrant to be one . and therefore if i accus'd him to the parlament , it was the same as to accuse him to the king . next he casts it into the dish of i know not whom that they flatter some of the house and libell others whose consciences made them vote contrary to some proceedings . those some proceedings can be understood of nothing else but the deputies execution . and can this private concocter of malecontent , at the very instant when he pretends to extoll the parlament , afford thus to blurre over , rather then to mention that publick triumph of their justice and constancy so high , so glorious , so reviving to the fainted common-wealth with such a suspicious and murmuring expression as to call it some proceedings ? and yet immediately hee falls to glozing , as if hee were the only man that rejoyc't at these times . but i shall discover to ye readers , that this his praising of them is as full of non-sense and scolastick foppery , as his meaning he himselfe discovers to be full of close malignity . his first encomium is that the sun looks not upon a braver nobler convocation then is that of king , peers , and commons . one thing i beg of ye readers , as ye beare any zeale to learning , to elegance , and that which is call'd decorum in the writing of praise , especially on such a noble argument , ye would not be offended , though i rate this cloister'd lubber according to his deserts . where didst thou learne to be so agueish , so pusillanimous , thou lozel bachelour of art , as against all custome and use of speech to terme the high and sovran court of parlament , a convocation ? was this the flower of all thy syn●nyma's and voluminous papers whose best f●lios are pred●stin'd to no better end then to make winding sh●etes in lent for pilchers ? coul●'● thou presume thu● wi●h one words speaking to clap as it were under hatches the king with all his peeres and ge●try i●to square caps , an● morkish hoods ? how well dost thou now appeare to be a chip of the old block that c●uld finde bridg● st●e●t and al● houses in h●av●● ; why didst th●u no●t be his per●●ct mi●●tor , liken the king to the vice-chancellour & he lords to the doctors . n●ith●r is this an indignity only ou● a re●ro●ch t● call the inviolable residence of just●ce and liberty by such an ●dious name as now a convocation is beco●e ; which would be nothi●g inju●'d , though it were stil'd the house o● bondage , whereout so many c●uell tasks , so many ●●j●st bur●ens , have been ●aden upon the b●used con●ciences of to ma●y ch●●stian through●ut the land . but which of th●se worthy deeds , whereof we and our poste●ity must confesse this parlament to have done so many and so noble , which of those memor●ble acts come● first into his praises ? none of all , not one . what will he then praise them for ? not for any thing doing , but for deferring to do , for deferring to chastise his leud and insolent compriests . not that they have deferr'd all , but that he hopes they will r●mit what is yet behind . for the rest of his oratory that followes , so just is it in the language of stall epistle non sense , that if he who made it can understand it , i deny not but that he may deserve for his pains a cast doublet . when a man would looke he should vent something of his owne , as ever in a set speech the manner is with him that knowes any thing , he , lest we sh●uld not take notice anough of his barren stupidity , declares it by alphabet , and referres us to odde remnants in his topicks . nor yet content with the wonted room of his margent , but he must cut out large docks and creeks , into his text to unlade the foolish frigate of his unseasonable autorities , not wherewith to praise the parlament , but to tell them what he would h●ve them do . what else there is , he j●mbles together in such a lost construction , as no man either lette●'d , or unletter'd will be able to piece up . i shall spare to transcribe him , but if i do him wrong , let me be so dealt with . now although it be a digression from the ensuing matter , yet because it shall not be said i am apter to blame others then to make triall my selfe , and that i may after this harsh discord touch upon a smo●ther string , awhile to ente●t●ine my selfe and him that list , with some more pleasing fit , and not the lest to testifie the grati●ude which i owe to those publick benefact●rs of their country , for the sh●re i enjoy in the common peace and good by their incessant labours , i sh●ll be so troublesome to this declamer for once , as to shew him what he might have better said in their praise . wherein i must mention only some few things of many , for more then that to a digression may not be granted . although certainly their actions are worthy not thus to be spoken of by the way , yet if hereafter it befall me to attempt something more answerable to their great merits , i perceave how hopelesse it will be to reach the heigth of their prayses at the accomplisment of that expectation that weights upon their nob●e deeds , the unfinishing whereof already surpasses what others before them have left enacted with their utmost performance through many ages . and to the end we may be confident that what they do , proceeds neither from uncertaine opinion , nor su●den counsels , but from mature wisdome , deliberat vertue , and deere affection to the publick good , i shall begin at that which made them likeliest in the eyes of good men to effect those things for the recovery of decay'd religion and the common-wealth , which they who were best minded had long wisht for , but few , as the times then were desperat , had the courage to hope for . first therefore the most of them being either of ancient and high nobility , or at least of knowne and well reputed ancestry , which is a great advantage towards vertue one way , but in respect of welth , ease , and flattery , which accompanies a nice and tender education , is as much a hindrance another way , the good which lay before them they took , in imitating the worthiest of their progenitors , and the evill which assaulted their younger yeares by the temptation of riches , high birth , and that usuall bringing up , perhaps too favourable and too remisse , through the strength of an inbred goodnesse , and with the helpe of divine grace , that had markt them out for no meane purposes , they nobly overcame . yet had they a greater danger to cope with ; for being train'd up in the knowledge of learning , and sent to those places , which were intended to be the seed plots of piety and the liberall arts , but were become the nurseries of superstition , and empty speculation , as they were prosperous against those vices which grow upon youth out of idlenesse and superfluity , so were they happy in working off the harmes of their abused studies and labours ; correcting by the clearnesse of their owne judgement the errors of their mis-instruction , and were as david was , wiser then their teachers . and although their lot fell into such times , and to be bred in such places , where if they chanc't to be taught any thing good , or of their own accord had learn't it , they might see that presently untaught them by the custome and ill example of their elders , so farre in all probability was their youth from being , misl●d by the single power of example , as their riper years were knowne to be unmov'd with the baits of preferment , and undaunted for any discouragement and terror which appear'd often to those that lov'd religion , and their native liberty . which two things god hath inseparably knit together , and hath disclos'd to us that they who seek to corrupt our religion are the same that would inthrall our civill liberty . thus in the midst of all disdvantages and disrespects ( some also at last not without imprisonment and open disgraces in the cause of their countrey ) having given proofe of themselves to be better made and fram'd by nature to the love and practise of vertue , then others under the holiest precepts and best examples have been headstrong and prone to vice , and having in all the trialls of a firme ingrafted honesty not oftner buckl'd in the conflict , then giv'n every opposition the foile , this moreover was added by favour from heav'n , as an ornament and happinesse to their vertue , that it should be neither obscure in the opinion of men , nor eclipst for want of matter equall to illustrat it selfe ; god and man consenting in joynt approbation to choose them out as worthiest above others to be both the great reformers of the church , and the restorers of the common-wealth . nor did they deceave that expectation which with the eyes and desires of their countrey was fixt upon them ; for no sooner did the force of so much united excellence meet in one globe of brightnesse and efficacy , but encountring the dazl'd resistance of tyranny , they gave not over , though their enemies were strong and suttle , till they had laid her groveling upon the fatall block . with one stroke winning againe our lost liberties and charters , which our forefathers after so many battels could scarce maintaine . and meeting next , as i may so resemble , with the second life of tyranny ( for she was growne an ambiguous monster , and to be slaine in two shapes ) guarded with supe●stition which hath no small power to captivate the minds of men otherwise most wise , they neither were taken with her mite●'d hypocrisie , nor te●rifi'd with the push of her bestiall hornes , but breaking them immediately forc't her to unbend the pontificall brow , and recoile . which repulse only , given to the prelats ( that we may imagine how happy their removall would be ) was the producement of such glorious effects and consequences in the church , that if i should compare them with those exployts of highest fame in poems and panegyricks of old , i am certaine it would but diminish and impaire their worth , who a●e now my argument . for those ancient worthies deliver'd men from such tyrants as were content to inforce only an outward obedience , letting the minde be as free as it could . but these have freed us from a doctrine of tyranny that offe●'d violence and corruption even to the inward persuasion . they set at liberty nations and cities of men good and bad mixt together : but these opening the prisons and dungeons cal'd out of darknesse and bonds , the elect martyrs and witnesses of their redeemer . they restor'd the body to ease and wealth ; but these the opprest conscience to that freedome which is the chiefe prerogative of the gospell ; taking off those cruell burdens impos'd not by necessity , as other tyrants are wont for the safeguard of their lives , but laid upon our necks by the strange wilfulnesse and wantonnesse of a needlesse and jolly persecuter call'd indifference . lastly , some of those ancient deliverers have had immortall praises for preserving their citizens from a famine of corne . but these by this only repulse of an unholy hierarchy almost in a moment replenisht with saving knowledge their countrey nigh famisht for want of that which should feed their souls . all this being done while two armies in the field stood gazing on , the one in reverence of such noblenesse quietly gave back , and dislodg'd ; the other spight of the unrulinesse , and doubted fidelity in some regiments , was either perswaded or compell'd to disband and retire home . with such a majesty had their wisdome begi●t it selfe , that whereas others had levied warre to subdue a nation that sought for peace , they sitting here in peace could so many miles extend the force of their single words as to overawe the dissolute stoutnesse of an armed power secretly stir●'d up and almost hir'd against them . and having by a solemne protestation vow'd themselves and the kingdome anew to god and his service , and by a prudent foresight above what their fathers thought on prevented the dissolution and frustrating of their designes by an untimely breaking up , notwithstanding all the treason●us plots against them , all the rumours either of rebellion , or invasion , they have not bin yet brought to change their constant resolution , ever to think fearlesly of their owne safeties , and hopefully of the common-wealth . which hath gain'd them such an admiration from all good men , that now they heare it as their ord'nary surname , to be saluted the fathers of their countrey ; and sit as gods among daily petitions and publick thanks flowin● in upon them . which doth so little yet exalt them in their own thoughts , that with all gentle affability and curteous acceptance they both receave and returne that tribute of thanks which is tende●'d them ; testifying their zeale and desire to spend themselves as it were peice-meale upon the grievances and wrongs of their distressed nation . insomuch that the meanest artizans and labourers , at other times also women , and of●en the younger sort of servants assembling with their complaints , and that sometimes in a lesse humble guise then for petitioners , have gone with confidence , that neither their meannesse would be rejected , nor their simplicity contemn'd , nor yet their urgency distasted either by the dignity , wisdome , or moderation of that supreme senate ; nor did they depart unsatisfi'd . and indeed , if we consider the generall concourse of suppliants , the free and ready admittance , the willing and speedy redresse in what is possible , it will not seeme much otherwise , then as if some divine commission from heav'n were descended to take into hearing and commiseration the long remedilesse afflictions of this kingdome ; were it not that none more then themselves labour to remove and divert such thoughts , lest men should place too much confidence in their persons , still referring us and our prayers to him that can grant all and appointing the monthly return of publick fasts and supplications . therefore the more they seeke to humble themselves , the more does god by manifest signes and testimonies visibly honour their proceedings ; and sets them as the mediators of this his cov'nant which he offers us to renew . wicked men daily conspire their hurt , and it comes to nothing , rebellion rages in our irish province , but with miraculous and losselesse victories of few against many is daily discomfired and broken ; if we neglect not this early pledge of gods inclining towards us , by the slacknesse of our needfull aids . and whereas at other times we count it ample honour when god voutsafes to make man the instrument and subordinate worker of his gracious will , such acceptation have their prayers found with him , that to them he hath bin pleas'd to make himselfe the agent , and immediat performer of their desires ; dissolving their difficulties when they are thought inexplicable , cutting out wayes for them where no passage could be seene ; as who is there so regardlesse of divine providence , that from late occurences will not confesse . if therefore it be so high a grace when men are preferr'd to be but the inferior officer● of good things from god , what is it when god himselfe condescends , and workes with his owne hands to fulfill the requests of men ; which i leave with them as the greatest praise that can belong to humane nature . not that we should think they are at the end of their glorious progresse , but that they will go on to follow his almighty leading , who seems to have thus cov'nanted with them , that if the will and the endeavour shall be theirs , the performance and the perfeting shall be his . whence only it is that i have not fear'd , though many wise men have miscarried in praising great designes before the utmost event , because i see who is their assistant , who their confederat , who hath ingag'd his omnipotent arme , to support and crowne with successe their faith , their fortitude , their just and magnanimous actions , till he have brought to passe all that expected good which his servants trust is in his thoughts to bring upon this land in the full and per●et reformation of his church . thus farre i have digrest , readers , from my former subject ; but into such a path , as i doubt not ye will agree with me , to be much fairer and more delightfull then the rode way i was in . and how to break off suddenly into those jarring notes , which this confuter hath set me , i must be wary , unlesse i can provide against offending the eare , as some musicians are wont skilfully to fall out of one key into another without breach of harmony . by good luck therefore his ninth section is spent in mournfull elegy , certaine passionat soliloquies , and two whole pages of intergatories that praise the remonstrant even to the sonetting of his fresh cheeks , quick eyes , round tongue , agil hand , and nimble invention . in his tenth section he will needs erect figures , and tell fortunes . i am no bishop , he sayes , i was never borne to it ; let me tell therefore this wizzard since he calculats so right , that he may know there be in the world , and i among those who nothing admire his idol a bishoprick , and hold that it wants so much to be a blessing , as that i rather deeme it the meerest , the falsest , the most unfortunate guift of fortune . and were the punishment and misery of being a prelat bishop terminated only in the person , and did not extend to the affliction of the whole diocesse , if i would wish any thing in bitternesse of soule to mine enemy , i would wish him the biggest and the fattest bishoprick . but hee proceeds ; and the familiar belike informs him , that a rich widow , or a lecture , or both , would content me ; whereby i perceave him to be more ignorant in his art of divining then any gipsy . for this i cannot omit without ingratitude to that providence above , who hath ever bred me up in plenty , although my life hath not bin unexpensive in learning , and voyaging about , so long as it shall please him to lend mee what he hath hitherto thought good , which is anough to serve me in all honest and liberall occasions , and something over besides , i were unthankfull to that highest bounty , if i should make my selfe so poore , as to sollicite needily any such kinde of rich hopes as this fortune-teller dreams of . and that he may furder learne how his astrology is wide all the houses of heav'n in spelling mariages , i care not if i tell him thus much profestly , though it be to the losing of my rich hopes , as he calls them , that i think with them who both in prudence and elegance of spirit would choose a virgin of mean fortunes honestly bred , before the wealthiest widow . the feind therefore that told our chaldean the contrary was a lying feind . his next venome he utters against a prayer which he found in the animadversions , angry it seemss to finde any prayers but in the service book . he dislikes it , and i therefore like it the better . it was theatricall , he sayes . and yet it consisted most of scripture language : it had no rubrick to be sung in an antick coape upon the stage of a high altar . it was big-mouth'd he sayes ; no m●rvell ; if it were fram'd as the voice of three kingdomes : neither was it a prayer so much as a hymne in prose frequent both in the prophets , and in humane authors ; therefore the stile was greater then for an ordinary prayer : it was an astounding prayer . i thank him for that confession , so it was intended to astound and to astonish the guilty prelats ; and this confuter confesses that with him it wrought that effect . but in that which followes , he does not play the soothsayer but the diabolick slanderer of prayers . it was made , he sayes , not so much to please god , or to benefit the weale publick ( how dares the viper judge that ) but to intimate , saith he , your good abilities , to her that is your rich hopes , your maronilla . how hard it is when a man meets with a foole to keepe his tongue from folly . that were miserable indeed to be a courter of maronilla , and withall of such a haplesse invention , as that no way should be left me to present my meaning but to make my selfe a canting probationer of orisons , the remonstrant when he was as young as i could ▪ toothlesse teach each hollow grove to sound his love satyrs , wearying eccho with one changelesse word . and so he well might , and all his auditory besides with his teach each . toothlesse whether so me list my lovely thoughts to sing , satyrs , come dance ye nimble dryads by my side , whiles i report my fortunes or my loves . delicious ! he had that whole bevie at command whether in morrice or at may pole . whilest i , by this figure-caster must be imagin'd in such distresse as to sue to maronilla , and yet left so impoverisht of what to say , as to turne my liturgy into my ladies psalter . believe it graduat , i am not altogether so rustick , and nothing so irreligious , but as farre distant from a lecturer , as the meerest laick , for any consecrating hand of a prelat that shall ever touch me . yet , i shall not decline the more for that , to speak my opinion in the controversie next mov'd . whether the people may be allow'd , for competent judges of a ministers ability . for how else can be fulfill'd that which god hath promis'd , to power out such abundance of knowledge upon all sorts of men in the times of the gospell ? how should the people examine the doctrine which is taught them , as christ and his apostles continually bid them do ? how should they discerne and beware of false prophets , and try every spirit , if they must be thought unfit to judge of the ministers abilities : the apostles ever labour'd to perswade the christian flock that they were call'd in christ to all perfectnesse of spirituall knowledge , and full assurance of understanding in the mystery of god . but the non-resident and plurality-gaping prelats the gulphs and whirle pools of benefices , but the dry pits of all sound doctrine , that they may the better preach what they list to their sheep , are still possessing them that they are sheepe indeed , without judgement , without understanding , the very beasts of mount sinai as this confuter calls them ; which words of theirs may serve to condemne them out of their own● mouths ; and to shew the grosse contrarieties that are in their opinions . for while none thinke the people so void of knowledge as the prelats think them , none are so backward and malignant as they to bestow knowledge upon them ; both by suppressing 〈◊〉 frequency of sermons , and the printed explanations of the e●glish bible . no marvell if the people turne beasts , when their teachers themselves as isaiah calls them , are dumbe and greedy dogs that can never have anough , ignorant , blind , and cannot understand , who while they all look their own way every one for his gaine from his quarter , how many parts of the land are fed with windy ceremonies instead of sincere milke ; and while one prelat enjoyes the nourishment and ●ight of twenty ministers , how many waste places are left as darke as galile of the gentiles , sitting in the region and shadow of death ; without preaching minister , without light . so little care they of beasts to make them men , that by their sorcerous doctrine of formalities they take the way to transforme them out of christian men into iudaizing beasts . had they but taught the land , or suffer'd it to be taught , as christ would it should have bin , in all plenteous dispensation of the word , then the poore mechanick might have so accustom'd his eare to good teaching , as to have discern'd betweene faithfull teachers and false . but now with a most inhumane cruelty they who have put out the peoples eyes reproach them of their blindnesse . just as the pharisees their true fa●hers were wont ; who could not indure that the people should be thought competent judges of christs d●ctrine , although we know they judg●d farre better then those great rabbies . yet this people , said they , that knowes not the law is accurst . we need not the autority of pliny brought to tell us , the people cannot judge of a minister . yet ●ha● hurts no● . for as none can judge of a painter , or stain●ry but he who is ●n artist , that is , either in the practick or the theory which is often separated from the practick , and judges learnedly without it , so none can judge o● a christian teacher , but he who hath , either he pract●ze , o● the knowledge of christian religion , though not so art●●l●y dige●e● in him . and who almost of the meanest christians hath not heard the scriptures often read from his childhood , besides so many sermons and lectures mo●e in number then any stu●ent heard in philosohy , whereby he may easily attaine to know when he is wisely taught and when weakly . whereof three wayes i remember are set downe in scripture . the one is to reade often that best of books written to this purpose , that not the wise only but the simple and ignorant may learne by them ; the other way to know of a minister , is by the life he leads , whereof the meanest understanding may be appprehensive . the last way to judge a right in this point is when he who judges , lives a christian life himselfe . which of these three will the confuter affirme to exceed the capacity of a plaine artizan ? and what reason then is the●e left wherefore he should be deny'd his voice in the election of his minister , as not thought a competent discerner ? it is but arrogance therefore , and the pride of a metaphysicall fume , to thinke that the mutinous rabbl● ( for so he calls the christian congregation ) would be so mistaken in a clerk of the vniversity that were to be their minister . i doubt me those clerks that think so , are more mistaken in themselves , and what with tru●nting and debaushery , what with false grounds and the weaknesse of naturall faculties in many of them ( it being a maxim in some men to send the simplest of their sonnes thither ) perhaps there would be found among them as many unsolid and corrupted judgements both in doctri●e and life , as in any other two corporations of like bignesse . this is undoubted that if any carpenter smith , or weaver , were such a bungler in his trade , as the greater number of them are in their profession , he would starve for any custome . and should he exer●ise his manifacture , as little as they do their talents , he would forget his art : and should he mistake his tools as they do theirs , he would marre all the worke he took in hand . how few among them that know to write , or speak in a pu●e stile , much lesse to distinguish the idea's , and various kinds of stile : in latine barbarous , and oft not without solecisms , declaming in rugged and miscellaneous geare blown together by the foure winds , and in their choice preferring the gay rankness : of a●uleius , arn●bius or any moderne fustianist , be●ore the native latinisms of cicero . in the greek tongue m●st of them unletter'd , or unenter'd to any sound proficiency in those attick maisters of morall wisdome and eloquence . in the hebrew text , which is so necessary to be understood except it be some few of them , their lips are utterly uncircumcis'd . no lesse are they out of the way in philosophy ; pestring their heads with the saplesse dotages of old paris and salamanca . and that which is the main point , in their sermons affecting the comments and postils of friers and jesuits , but scorning and slighting the reformed writers . in so much that the better sort among them will confesse it a rare matter to heare a true edifying sermon in either of their great churches ; and that such as are most humm'd and applauded there , would scarce be suffer'd the second hearing in a grave congregation of pious christians . is there cause why these men should overween , and be so queasie of the rude multitude , lest their deepe worth should be undervalu'd for want of fit umpires ? no my matriculated confutant there will not want in any congregation of this island , that hath not beene altogether famisht , or wholly perverted with prelatish leven , there will not want divers plaine and solid men , that have learnt by the experience of a good conscience , what it is to be well taught , who will soone look through and through both the lofty nakednesse of your latinizing barbarian , and the finicall goosery of your neat sermon-actor . and so i leave you and your fellow starres , as you terme them , of either horizon , meaning i suppose either hemisphere , unlesse you will be ridiculous in your astronomy . for the rationall horizon in heav'n is but one , and the sensible horizons in earth are innumerable ; so that your allusion was as erroneous as your starres . but that you did well to prognosticat them all at lowest in the horizon , that is either seeming bigger then they are through the mist and vapour which they raise , or else sinking , and wasted to the snuffe in their westerne socket . sect. 11. his eleventh section intends i know not what unlesse to clog us with the residue of his phlegmatick sloth , discussing with a heavie pulse the expedience of set formes : which no question but to some , and for some time may be permitted , and perhaps there may be usefully set forth by the church a common directory of publick prayer , especially in the administration of the sacraments . but that it should therefore be inforc't where both minister and people professe to have no need , but to be scandaliz'd by it , that , i hope , every sensible christian will deny . and the reasons of such deniall the confuter himselfe , as his bounty still is to his adversary , will give us out of his affirmation . first saith he , god in his providence hath chosen s●me to teach others and pray for others , as ministers and pastors . whence i gather , that however the faculty of others may be , yet that th●y whom god hath set apart to his ministery , are by him endu'd with an ability of prayer ; because their office is to pray for others . and not to be the lip-working deacons of other mens appointed words . nor is it easily credible that he who can preach well should be unable to pray well ; when as it is indeed the same ability to speak affirmatively , or doctrinally , and only by changing the mood to speak prayingly . in vaine therefore do they pretend to want utterance in prayer , who can finde utterance to preach . and if prayer be the guift of the spirit , why do they admit those to the ministery , who want a maine guift of their function , and prescribe guifted men to use that which is the remedy of another mans want ; setting them their tasks to read , whom the spirit of god stands ready to assist in his ordinance with the guift of free conceptions . what if it be granted to the infirmity of some ministers ( though such seeme rather to be halfe ministers ) to help themselves with a set forme , shall it therefore be urg'd upon the plenteous graces of others ? and let it be granted to some people while they are babes in christian guifts , were it not better to take it away soone after , as we do loitering books , and interlineary translations from children ; to stirre up and exercise that portion of the spirit which is in them , & not impose it upon congregations who not only deny to need it , but as a thing troublesome and offensive refuse it . another reason which he brings for liturgie , is the preserving of order , unity , and piety , and the same shall be my reason against liturgy . for i readers , shall alwayes be of this opinion , that obedience to the spirit of god , rather then to the faire seeming pretences of men , is the best and most dutifull order that a christian can observe . if the spirit of god manifest the guift of prayer in his minister , what more seemely order in the congregation , then to go along with that man in our devoutest affections ? for him to abridge himselfe by reading , and to forestall himselfe in those petitions , which he must either omit , or vainly repeat , when he comes into the pulpit under a shew of order , is the greatest disorder . nor is unity lesse broken , especially by our liturgy , though this author would almost bring the communion of saints to a communion of liturgicall words . for what other reformed church holds communion with us by our liturgy , and does not rather disl●ke it ? and among our selves who knowes it not to have bin a perpetuall cause o● d●●nion . lastly , it hinders piety rather then sets it forward , be●ng more apt to weaken the ●pirituall faculties , if the people be not wean'd from it in due time ; as the daily powring in of hot waters quenches natur●ll heat . for not only the body , & the mind , but also the imp●ovement of gods spi●it is quickn'd by usin● . wheras they who will ever adh●re to liturgy , bring thēselves in the end to such a passe by overmuch leaning as to loose even the legs of their devotion . these inconveniencies and dangers follow the compelling of set formes : but that the toleration of the english liturgy now in use , is more dangerous then the compelling of any other which the reformed churches use , these reasons following may evince . to contend that it is fantasticall , if not senselesse in some places , were a copious argument , especially in the responsori●s . for such alternations as are there us'd must be by severall persons ; but the minister and the people cannot so sever their interests , as to sustaine severall persons ; he being the only mouth of the whole body which he presents . and if the people pray he being silent , or they ask one thing & he another , it either changes the property , making the priest the people , and the people the priest by turnes , or else makes two persons and two bodi●s representative where the●e should be but one . which if it be nought else , must needs be a strange quaintnesse in ordinary prayer . the like , or worse may be said of the litany , wherein neither p●iest nor people speak any intire sense of themselves throughout the whole i know not what to name it ; only by the timely contribution of their parted stakes , closing up as it were the schisme of a slic't prayer , they pray not in vaine , for by this means they keep life betweene them in a piece of gasping sense , and keep downe the sawcinesse of a continuall rebounding nonsense . and hence it is that as it hath been farre from the imitation of any warranted prayer , so we all know it hath bin obvious to be the pattern of many a jig . and he who hath but read in good books of devotion and no more , cannot be so either of eare or judgement unpractiz'd to distinguish what is grave , patheticall , devout , and what not , but will presently perceave this liturgy all over in conception leane and dry , of affections empty and unmoving , of passion , or any heigth whereto the soule might soar upon the wings of zeale , destitute and barren : besides errors , tautologies , impertinences , as those thanks in the womans churching for her delivery from sunburning and moonblasting , as if she had bin travailing not in her bed , but in the deserts of arabia . so that while some men cease not to admire the incomparable frame of our liturgy , i cannot but admire as fast what they think is become of judgement , and tast in other men , that they can hope to be heard without laughter . and if this were all , perhaps it were a complyable matter . but when we remember this our liturgy where we found it , whence we had it , and yet were we left it , still serving to all the abominations of the antichristian temple , it may be wonder'd how we can demurre whether it should be done away or no , and not rather feare we have highly offended in using it so long . it hath indeed bin pretended to be more ancient then the masse , but so little prov'd , that whereas other corrupt liturgies have had withall such a seeming antiquity , as that their publishers have ventur'd to ascribe them with their worst corruptions either to s. peter , s. james , s. mark , or at least to chrysostome , or basil , ours hath bin never able to find either age , or author allowable , on whom to father those things therein which are least offensive , except the two creeds , for te deum has a smach in it of limbus patrum . as if christ had not open'd the kingdome of heaven before he had overcome the sharpnesse of death . so that having receav'd it from the papall church as an originall creature , for ought can be shewn to the contrary , form'd and fashion'd by work maisters ill to be trusted , we may be assur'd that if god loathe the best of an idolaters prayer , much more the conceited fangle of his prayer . this confuter himselfe confesses that a community of the same set forme in prayers , is that which makes church and church truly one ; we then using a liturgy farre more like to the masse-book then to any protestant set forme , by his owne words must have more communion with the romish church , then with any of the reformed . how can we then not partake with them the curse and vengeance of their superstition ▪ to whom we come so neere in the same set forme and dresse of our devotion ? do we thinke to sift the matter finer then we are sure god in his jealousie will ? who detested both the gold , and the spoile of idolatrous cities , and forbid the eating of things offer'd to idols . are we stronger then he to brook that which his heart cannot brook ? it is not surely because we think that praiers are no where to be had but at rome ; that were a foule scorne and indignity cast upon all the reformed churches , and our own ; if we imagine that all the godly ministers of england are not able to new mould a better and more pious liturgy then this which was conceav'd and infanted by an idolatrous mother : how base●y were that to esteeme of gods spirit , and all the holy blessings and priviledges of a true church above a false ? heark ye prelats , is this your glorious mother of england , who when as christ hath taught her to pray , thinks it not anough unlesse she adde thereto the teaching of antichri●t ? how can we believe ye would refuse to take the stipend of rome , when ye shame not to live upon the almes-basket of he● pr●yers ? will ye perswade us that ye ea● curse rome from you● hearts when none bu● rome must teach ye to pray ? abraham disdain'd to take so much as a th●ed or a shoolatchet from the king of sod●me , though no foe of his , but a w●cked king , and shall we receave our prayers at the bounty of our more wicked enemies ? whose guifts are no guifts , but the instruments of our ban● ? alas that the spirit of god should blow as an uncertaine wind , should so mistake his inspiring , to misbestow his guifts promis'd only to the elect , that the idolatrous should finde words acceptable to present god with and abound to their neighbours , while the true profess●rs of the gospell can find nothing of their own worth the constituting , wherewith to worship god in publick . consider if this be to magnifie the church of england , and not rather to display her nakednesse to all the world . like therefore as the retaining of this romish liturgy is a provocation to god , and a dishonour to our church , so is it by those ceremonies , those purifyings and off●ings at the altar , a pollution and disturbance to the gospell it selfe ; and a kinde of driving us with the foolish galatians to another gospell . for that which the apostles taught hath freed us in religion from the ordinances of men , and commands that burdens be not laid upon the redeemed of christ , though the formalist will say , what no decency in gods worship ? certainly readers , the worship of god singly in it selfe , the very act of prayer and thanksgiving with those free and unimpos'd expressions which from a sincere heart unbidden come into the outward gesture , is the greatest decency that can be imagin'd . which to dresse up and garnish with a devis'd bravery abolishe in the law , and disclam'd by the gospell addes nothing but a deformed uglinesse . and hath ever afforded a colourable pretense to bring in all those traditions and carnalities that are so killing to the power and vertue of the gospell . what was that which made the jewes figur'd under the names of aholah and aholibah go a whooring after all the heathens inventions , but that they saw a religion gorgeously attir'd and desirable to the eye ? what was all , that the false doctors of the primitive church , and ever since have done , but to make a faire sh●w in the flesh , as s. pauls words are ? if we have indeed given a bill of divorce to popery and superstition , why do we not say as to a divors't wife ; those things which are yours take them all with you , and they shall sweepe after you ? why were not we thus wise at our parting from rome ? ah like a crafty adultresse she forgot not all her smooth looks and inticing words at her pa●ting ; yet keep these letters , these tokens , and these few ornaments ; i am not all so greedy of what is mine , let them preserve with you the memory of what i am ? no , but of what i was , once faire and lovely in your eyes . thus did those tender hearted reformers dotingly suffer themselves to be overcome with harlots language . and she like a witch , but with a contrary policy did not take something of theirs that she might still have power to bewitch them , but for the same intent left something of her own behind her . and that her whoorish cunning should prevaile to work upon us her deceitfull ends , though it be sad to speak , yet such is our blindnesse , that we deserve . for we are deepe in dotage . we cry out sacriledge and misdevotion against those who in zeale have demolish't the dens and cages of her uncleane wallowings . we stand for a popish liturgy as for the ark of our cov'nant . and so little does it appeare our prayers are from the heart , that multitudes of us declare , they know not how to pray but by rote . yet they can learnedly invent a prayer of their own to the parlament , that they may still ignorantly read the prayers of other men to god . they obj●ct that if wee must forsake all that is rome's , we must bid adieu to our creed ; and i had thought our creed had bin of the apostles ; for so it beares title . but if it be hers let her take it . we can want no creed , so long as we want not the scriptures . we magnifie those who in reforming our church have inconsideratly and blamefully permitted the old leven to remaine and soure our whole lumpe : but they were martyrs ; true and he that looks well into the book of gods providence , if he read there that god for this their negligence and halting , brought all that following persecution upon this church , and on themselves , perhaps will be found at the last day not to have read amisse . sect. 12. but now , readers , we have the port within sight ; his last section which is no deepe one , remains only to be foarded , and then the wisht shoare . and here first it pleases him much , that he hath discri'd me , as he conceaves , to be unread in the counsels . concerning which matter it will not be unnecessary to shape him this answer ; that some years i had spent in the stories of those greek and roman exploits , wherein i found many things both nobly done , add worthily spoken : when comming in the method of time to that age wherein the church had obtain'd a christian emperor , i so prepar'd my selfe , as being now to read examples of wisdome and goodnesse among those who were formost in the church , not else where to be parallell'd : but to the amazement of what i ex●ected , readers , i found it all quite contrary ; excepting in some very few , nothing but ambition , corruption , contention , combustion : in so much that i could not but love the historian socrates , who in the proem to his fifth book professes , he was faire to intermixe affaires of state , for that it would be else an extreame annoyance to heare in a continu'd discourse the endless brabbles & counterplottings of the bishops . finding therefore the most of their actions in single to be weak , and yet turbulent , full of strife and yet flat of spirit , and the summe of their best councels there collected , to be most commonly in questions either triviall and vaine , or else of short , and easie dec●sion without that great bustle which they made , i concluded that if their single ambition and ignorance was such , then certainly united in a councell it would be much more ; and if the compendious recitall of what they there did was so tedious and unprofitable , then surely to sit out the whole extent of their tattle in a dozen volumes , would be a losse of time irrecoverable . besides that which i had read of s. martin , who for his last sixteene yeares could never be perswaded to be at any councell of the bishops . and gregory nazianzen betook him to the same resolution affirming to procopius , that of any councell , or meeting of bishops he never saw good end ; nor any remedy thereby of evill in the church , but rather an increase . for , saith he , their contentions and desire of lording no tongue is able to expresse . i have not therefore i confesse read more of the councels save here and there , i should be sorry to have bin such a prodigall of my time : but that which is better , i can assure this confuter ; i have read into them all . and if i want any thing yet , i shall reply something toward that which in the defence of muraena was answer'd by cicero to sulpitius the lawyer . if ye provoke me ( for at no hand else will i undertake such a frivolous labour ) i will in three months be an expert councelist . for be not deceav'd , readers , by men that would overawe your eares with big names and huge tomes that contradict and repeal one another , because they can cramme a margent with citations . do but winnow their chaffe from their whe●t , ye shall see their great heape shrink and wax thin past belief● . from hence he passes to enqui●e wherefore i should blame the vices of the prelats only , seeing the inferiour clergy is known to be as faulty . to which let him heare in briefe ; that those priests whose vices have been notorious , are all prelaticall , which argues both the impiety of that opinion , and the wicked remisnesse of that government . we hear not of any which are call'd nonconformists that have been accus'd for scandalous living ; but are known to be pious , or at least sober men . which is a great good argument , that they are in the truth and prelats in the error . he would be resolv'd next what the corruptions of the vniversities concerne the prelats ? and to that let him take this , that the remonstrant having spok'n as if learning would decay with the removall of prelats , i shew'd him that while books were extant , and in print , learning could not readily be at a worse passe in the universities then it was now under their government . then he seeks to justifie the pernicious sermons of the clergy , as if they upheld soveranty , when as all christian soveranty is by law , and to no other end but to the maintenance of the common good . but their doctrine was plainly the dissolution of law which only sets up sov'ranty , and the erecting of an arbitrary sway according to privat will , to which they would enjoyne a slavish obedience without law ; which is the known definition of a tyrant , and a tyranniz'd people . a little beneath he denies that great riches in the church are the baits of pride & ambition of which error to undeceave him , i shall allege a reputed divine autority , as ancient as constantine , which his love to antiquity must not except against ; and to adde the more waight , he shall learne it rather in the words of our old poet gower then in mine , that he may see it is no new opinion , but a truth deliver'd of old by a voice from heav'n , and ratify'd by long experience , this constantine which heal hath found within rome anon let found two churches which he did make for peter and for pauls sake : of whom he had a vision , and yafe therto possession of lordship and of worlds good ; but how so that his will was good toward the pope and his franchise yet hath it proved otherwise to see the working of the deed , for in cronick thus i read anon as he hath made the yeft a voice was heard on high the left of which all rome was adrad and said this day venim is shad in holy church , of temporall that medleth with the spirituall and how it stant in that degree yet may a man the sooth see . god amend it whan he will i can thereto none other skill . but there were beasts of prey , saith he , before wealth was bestow'd on the church . what though ? because the vulturs had then but small pickings ; shall we therefore go and fling them a full gorge ? if they for lucre use to creepe into the church undiscernably , the more wisdome will it be so to provide that no revennu there may exceed the golden mean . for so , good pastors will be content , as having need of no more , and knowing withall the precept and example of christ and his apostles , and also will be lesse tempted to ambition . the bad will have but small matter whereon to set their mischiefe a work . and the worst and sutlest heads will not come at all , when they shall see the crop nothing answerable to their capacious greedinesse . for small temptations allure but dribling offendors ; but a great purchase will call such as both are most able of themselves , and will be most inabl'd hereby to compasse dangerous projects . but saith he , a widows house will t●mpt as well as a bishops palace . acutely spok'n . because neither we , nor the prelats can abolish widows houses which are but an occasion taken of evill without the church , therefore we shall set up within the church a lottery of such prizes as are the direct inviting causes of avarice and ambition , both unnecessary and harmefull to be propos'd , and most easie , most convenient , and needfull to be remov'd . yea but they are in a wise dispencers hand . let them be in whose hand they will , they are most apt to blind , to puffe up and pervert the most seeming good . and how they have bin kept from vultures , what ever the dispencers care hath bin , we have learnt by our miseries . but this which comes next in view , i know not what good vein , or humor took him , when he let drop into his paper . i that was ere while the ignorant , the loyterer , on the sudden by his permission am now granted to know something . and that such a volley of expression● he hath met withall , as he would never desire to have them better cloth'd . for me , readers , although i cannot say that i am utterly untrain'd in those rules which best rhetoricians have giv'n , or unacquainted with those examples which the primeauthors of eloquence have written in any learned tongu , yet true eloquence i find to be none , but the serious and hearty love of truth : and that whose mind so ever is fully possest with a fervent desire to know good things , and with the dearest charity to infuse the knowledge of them into others , when such a man would speak , his words ( by what i can expresse ) like so many nimble and airy servitors trip about him at command , and in well order'd files , as he would wish , fall aptly into their own places . but now to the remainder of our discours . christ refus'd great riches , and large honours at the devils hand . but why , saith he , as they were tender'd by him from whom it was a sin to receave them . timely remember'd : why is it not therefore as much a sin to receave a liturgy of the masses giving , were it for nothing else but for the giver ? but he could make no use of such a high estate , quoth the confuter ; opportunely . for why then should the servant take upon him to use those things which his master had unfitted himselfe to use , that hee might teach his ministers to follow his steps in the same ministery . but they were offer'd him to a bad end . so they prove to the prelats ; who after their preferment most usually change the teaching labour of the word , into the unteaching ease of lordship over consciences , and purses . but hee proceeds , god entic't the israelites with the promise of canaan . did not the prelats bring as slavish mindes with them , as the jewes brought out of egypt , they had left out that instance . besides that it was then the time , when as the best of them , as saint paul saith , was shut up unto the faith under the law their school-maister , who was forc't to intice them as children with childish enticements . but the gospell is our manhood , and the ministery should bee the manhood of the gospell , not to looke after , much lesse so basely to plead for earthly rewards . but god incited the wisest man salomon with these means . ah confuter of thy selfe , this example hath undone thee , salomon askt an understanding heart , which the prelats have little care to ask . he askt no riches which is their chiefe care : therefore was the prayer of salomon pleasing to god : hee gave him wisdome at his request , and riches without asking : as now hee gives the prelats riches at their seeking , and no wisdome because of their perverse asking . but hee gives not over yet , moses had an eye to the reward . to what reward , thou man that looks't with balaams eyes , to what reward had the faith of moses an eye to ? he that had forsaken all the greatnesse of egypt , and chose a troublesome journey in his old age through the wildernesse , and yet arriv'd not at his journies end : his faithfull eyes were fixt upon that incorruptible reward , promis'd to abraham and his seed in the messiah , hee sought a heav'nly reward which could make him happy , and never hurt him , and to such a reward every good man may have a respect . but the prelats are eager of such rewards as cannot make them happy , but can only make them worse . iacob a prince borne , vow'd , that if god would but give him bread to eat and raiment to put on , then the lord should be his god . but the prelats of meane birth , and oft times of lowest , making shew as if they were call'd to the spirituall and humble ministery of the gospell , yet murmur , and thinke it a hard service , unlesse contrary to the tenour of their profession , they may eat the bread and weare the honours of princes . so much more covetous and base they are then simon magus , for he proffer'd a reward to be admitted to that work , which they will not be mea●ly hir'd to . but saith he , are not the clergy members of christ , why should not each member thrive alike ? carnall textman ! as if worldly thriving were one of the priviledges wee have by being in christ , and were not a providence oft times extended more liberally to the infidell then to the christian . therefore must the ministers of christ not be over rich or great in the world , because their calling is spirituall , not secular ; becuase they have a speciall warfare , which is not to be intangl'd with many impediments : because their maister christ gave them this precept , and set them this example , told them this was the mystery of his comming , by meane things and persons to subdue mighty ones : and lastly because a middle estate is most proper to the office of teaching . whereas higher dignity teaches farre lesse , and blindes the teacher . nay , saith the confuter , fetching his last indeavour , the prelats will be very loath to let go their baronies , and votes in parlament , and calls it gods cause , with an unsufferable impudence . not that they love the honours and the means , good men and generous , but that they would not have their countrey made guilty of such a sacrilege and injustice . a worthy patriot for his owne corrupt ends ! that which hee imputes as sacrilege to his countrey , is the only way left them to purge that abominable sacrilege out of the land , which none but the prelats are guilty of . who for the discharge of one single duty receave and keepe that which might bee anough to satisfie the labours of many painefull ministers better deserving then themselves . who possesse huge benefices for lazie performances , great promotions , only for the execution of a cruell disgospelling jurisdiction . who ingrosse many pluralities under a non-resident and slubbring dispatch of soules . who let hundreds of parishes famish in one diocesse , while they the prelats are mute , and yet injoy that wealth that would furnish all those darke places with able supply , and yet they eat , and yet they live at the rate of earles , and yet hoard up . they who chase away all the faithfull shepheards of the flocke , and bring in a dearth of spirituall food , robbing thereby the church of her dearest treasure , and sending heards of souls starvling to hell , while they feast and riot upon the labours of hireling curats , consuming and purloyning even that which by their foundation is allow'd , and left to the poore , and to reparations of the church . these are they who have bound the land with the sinne of sacrilege , from which mortall ingagement wee shall never be free , till wee have totally remov'd with one labour as one individuall thing prelaty and sacrilege . and herein will the king be a true defender of the faith , not by paring or lessning , but by distributing in due proportion the maintenance of the church , that all parts of the land may equally partake the plentifull and diligent preaching of the faith , the scandall of ceremonies thrown out , that delude and circumvent the faith . and the usurpation of prelats laid levell , who are in words the fathers , but in their deeds the oppugners of the faith . this is that which will best confirme him in that glorious title . thus yee have heard , readers , how many shifts and wiles the prelats have invented to save their ill got booty . and if it be true , as in scripture it is foretold , that pride and covetousnesse are the sure ma●kes of those false prophets whicst are to come , then boldly conclude these to bee as great seducers , as any of the latter times . for betweene this and the judgement day , doe not looke for any arch deceavers who in spight of reformation will use more craft , or lesse shame to defend their love of the world , and their ambition , then these prelats have done . and if yee thinke that soundnesse of reason , or what force of argument soever , will bring them to an ingenuous silence , yee think that which will never be . but if ye take that course which erasmus was wont to say luther tooke against the pope and monks , if yee denounce warre against their miters and their bellies , ye shall soon discerne that turbant of pride which they weare upon their heads to be no helmet of salvation , but the meere mettle and horn-work of papall jurisdiction ; and that they have also this guift , like a certaine kinde of some that are possest , to have their voice in their bellies , which being well drain'd and taken downe , their great oracle , which is only there , will soone be dumbe , and the divine right of episcopacy forthwith expiring , will put us no more to trouble with tedious antiquities and disputes . the end . pag. 25. lin. 9. for speak correct it read episcopacy (as established by law in england) not prejudicial to regal power a treatise written in the time of the long parliament, by the special command of the late king / and now published by ... robert sanderson ... sanderson, robert, 1587-1663. 1661 approx. 137 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 77 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a61839 wing s599 estc r1745 13173416 ocm 13173416 98327 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61839) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98327) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 777:19) episcopacy (as established by law in england) not prejudicial to regal power a treatise written in the time of the long parliament, by the special command of the late king / and now published by ... robert sanderson ... sanderson, robert, 1587-1663. [16], 136 p. printed by r. norton for timothy garthwait ..., london : 1661. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england. divine right of kings. episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion episcopacy ( as established by law in england ) not prejudicial to regal power . a treatise written in the time of the long parliament , by the special command of the late king . and now published by the right reverend father in god robert sanderson lord bishop of lincoln . london , printed by r. norton , for timothy garthwait in st. pauls church-yard , 1661. to the most high and mighty king charles the ii d , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. most gracious and dread soveraign , that i take the boldness humbly to present this short discourse to your majesties sacred hand and piercing eye ; it is upon this one and onely account , that how mean soever the performance be , the undertaking was in obedience to the command of a most gracious master , your majesties royal father of blessed memory . the occasion this . when the army had gotten the king into their own custody out of the hands of those that had long holden him in durance at holdenby : to put a blind upon the world , they made a shew of much good towards him , which ( as soon after appeared ) they never meant him . amongst other the pompous civilities , wherewith ( the better to cloak their hypocrisie ) they entertained him ; it was their pleasure to vouchsafe him the attendance of some of his own chaplains : which , though it could merit little ( for such a kindness could not with justice have been denyed to a far meaner person ; ) was yet a boon his former goalers thought too big for him . in that summer progress ( such as it was ) four of us of his own naming , with the clerk of his closet , were suffered to wait upon him . in which time of waiting , ( which was in august mdcxlvii . ) his majesty , being then at hampton-court , one day called me to him , and told me he had a little work for me to do . some about him , it seems , had been often discoursing with him about episcopacy , as it was claimed and exercised by the bishops within this realm . which ( whether out of their good-will to him , or their no-good-will to the church , i am not able to say , ) they had endeavoured to represent unto him , as not a little derogatory to the regal authority , as well in the point of supremacy , as of prerogative : in the one , by claiming the function as of divine right ; in the other , by exercising the jurisdiction in their own names . his majesty said farther , that he did not believe the church-government by bishops as it was by law established in this realm , to be in either of the aforesaid respects , or any other way prejudicial to his crown ; and that he was in his own judgement fully satisfied concerning the same : yet signified his pleasure withal , that for the satisfaction of others i should take these two objections into consideration , and give him an answer thereunto in writing . in obedience to which his majesties royal pleasure , after my return home , i forthwith ( according to my bounden duty ) addressed my self to the work ; and was drawing up an answer to both the objections , as well as i was able ; with a purpose to present the same ( as soon as it should be finished ) to his majesty in writing , upon the first offered opportunity . but behold , before i could bring the business ad umbilicum , and quite finish what was under my hand , the scene of affairs was strangely changed . the king trepann'd into the isle of wight ; the mask of hypocrisie , by long wearing now grown so thin and useless , that it was fit for nothing but to be thrown by ; no kind of impiety and villany , but durst appear bare-faced and in the open sun ; high insolencies to the contempt of authority every where committed ; majesty it self trampled upon by the vilest of the people ; and the hearts of all loyal honest men sadly oppressed with griefs and fears . yet had the men who steered the publick as they listed , ( that they might give themselves the more recreation , amuse the world anew , and grace the black tragedy they were acting with the more variety , ) a mind to play one game more the next year ; to wit , the treaty at the aforesaid isle of wight . where , assoon as i understood , that by his majestie 's nomination , i was to give my attendance ; i looked out the old papers which i had laid aside a good while before ; made up what was then left unfinished , and took the copy with me to the isle ; thinking that when the treaty should be ended ( for whilest it lasted his majesty was taken up with other thoughts and debates of higher concern ) i might possibly have the opportunity to give his majesty an account thereof . what became of that treaty , and what after ensued , is so well known to the world , that there is no need , and withal so sad , that it can be no pleasure , to remember . but thenceforward were those papers laid aside once again , and destined to perpetual silence , had not a debate lately started , concerning one of the principal points therein handled , occasioned some persons of eminent place and esteem in the church ( and one of them conscious to the aforesaid command laid upon me by the late king , ) to desire a sight of those papers . which being by their encouragement now made publick ( though having little other to commend them , either to the world but truth and plainness , or to your majesty but that they had their first rise from his command whose throne and vertues you inherit ; ) i humbly beseech your majesty graciously to accept ; together with the prayers of your majesties most loyal subject and devoted servant robert lincoln . london , august 10. mdclxi . by the king . a proclamation , declaring that the proceedings of his majesties ecclesiastical courts and ministers , are according to the lawes of the realm . whereas in some of the libellous books and pamphlets lately published , the most reverend fathers in god , the lords arch-bishops and bishops of this realm , are said to have usurped upon his majesties prerogative royal , and to have proceeded in the high commission and other ecclesiastical courts , contrary to the laws and statutes of this realm ; it was ordered by his majesties high court of star-chamber , the twelfth day of june last , that the opinion of the two lords chief iustices , the lord chief baron , and the rest of the judges and barons should be had and certified in those particulars , viz. whether processes may not issue out of the ecclesiastical courts in the name of the bishops . whether a patent under the great seal be necessary for the keeping of the ecclesiastical courts , and enabling citations , suspensions , excommunications , and other censures of the church . and whether citations ought to be in the kings name , and under his seal of arms , and the like for institutions and inductions to benefices , and correction of ecclesiastical offences . whether bishops , arch-deacons and other ecclesiastical persons may or ought to keep any visitation at any time unless they have express commission or patent under the great seal of england to do it , and that as his majesties uisitors only , and in his name and right alone . whereupon , his majesties said iudges having taken the same into their serious consideration , did unanimously concur and agree in opinion , and the first day of july last certified under their hands as followeth , that processes may issue out of the ecclesiastical courts in the name of the bishops ; and that a patent under the great seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said ecclesiastical courts , or for enabling of citations , suspensions , excommunications and other censures of the church ; and that it is not necessary that summons , citations , or other processes ecclesiastical in the said courts , or institutions , or inductions to benefices , or correction of ecclesiastical offences by censure in those courts , be in the kings name or with the style of the king , or under the kings seal , or that their seals of office have in them the kings arms ; and that the statute of primo edvardi sexti , cap. secundo , which enacted the contrary , is not now in force : and that the bishops , arch-deacons and other ecclesiastical persons , may keep their uisitations as usually they have done , without commission under the great seal of england so to do : which opinions and resolutions being declared under the hands of all his majesties said iudges , and so certified into his court of star-chamber , were there recorded : and it was by that court further ordered the fourth day of the said moneth of july , that the said certificate should be inrolled in all other his majesties courts at westminster , and in the high commission , and other ecclesiastical courts , for the satisfaction of all men , that the proceedings in the high commission and other ecclesiastical courts are agreeable to the laws and statutes of the realm . and his royal majesty hath thought sit , with advice of his councel , that a publick declaration of these the opinions and resolutions of his reverend and learned iudges , being agreeable to the iudgement and resolutions of former times , should be made known to all his subjects , as well to vindicate the legal proceedings of his ecclesiastical courts and ministers , from the unjust and scandalous imputation of invading or entrenching on his royal prerogative , as to settle the minds and stop the mouths of all unquiet spirits , that for the future they presume not to censure his ecclesiastical courts or ministers in these their iust and warranted proceedings : and hereof his majesty admonisheth all his subjects to take warning as they shall answer the contrary at their perils . given at the court at lyndhurst the 18. day of august , in the 13. year of his majesties raign . god save the king. imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , and by the assignes of iohn bill , 1637. primo julii 1637. the iudges certificate concerning ecclesiastical iurisdiction . may it please your lordships , according to your lordships order made in his majesties court of star-chamber the twelfth of may last , we have taken consideration of the particulars , wherein our opinions are required by the said order , and we have all agreed , that processes may issue out of the ecclesiastical courts in the name of bishops , and that a patent under the great seal is not necessary for the keeping of the said ecclesiastical courts , or for the enabling of citations , suspensions , excommunications or other censures of the church . and that it is not necessary that summons , citations , or other processes ecclesiastical in the said courts , or institutions , or inductions to benefices , or correction of ecclesiastical offences by censure in those courts , be in the kings name , or with the style of the king , or under the kings seal , or that their seals of office have in them the kings arms. and that the statute of primo edvardi sexti cap. 2. which enacted the contrary , is not now in force . we are also of opinion , that the bishops , archdeacons and other ecclesiastical persons may keep their visitations as usually they have done without commission under the great seal of england so to do . io. bramstone . io. finch . humfrey davenport . will. iones . io. dinham . richard hutton . george croke . tho. trevor . george vernon . ro. berkley . fr. crawley . ric. weston . inrolled in the courts of exchequer , kings bench , common pleas , and registred in the courts of high commission and star-chamber . episcopacy not prejudicial to regal power . sect . i. the two great objections proposed . i. he that shall take the pains to inform himself rightly , what power the kings of england have from time to time claimed and exercised in causes and over persons ecclesiastical ; as also by whom , how , and how far forth their said power hath been from time to time either opposed , or maintained : shall undoubtedly find that no persons in the world have more freely acknowledged , and both by their writings and actions more zealously , judiciously and effectually asserted the soveraign ecclesiastical power of kings , then the protestant bishops and divines ( whom our new masters have been pleased of late to call the prelatical party ) in the church of england have done . yet so far hath prejudice ( or something else ) prevailed with some persons of quality in these times of so much loosness and distraction ; as to suffer themselves to be led into a belief , or at leastwise to be willing the people should be deceived into the belief of these two things . first , that the opinion which maintaineth the ius divinum of episcopacy is destructive of the regal power . and secondly , that episcopal iurisdiction , as it was exercised before and at the beginning of this present parliament , was derogatory from the honour of the king , and prejudicial to the just rights and prerogatives of his crown ii. truely , they that know any thing of the practises and proceedings of the anti-prelatical party , cannot be ignorant , that their aims ( these or whatsoever other pretensions notwithstanding ) are clearly to enlarge their own power by lessening the kings , and to raise their own estates upon the ruines of the bishops . and therefore howsoever the aforesaid pretensions may seem at the first appearance to proceed from a sense of loyalty , and a tenderness of suffering any thing to be continued in the kingdom which might tend to the least diminution of his majesties just power & greatness . yet , ( till their actions look otherwise then for some time past they have done ) the pretenders must give us leave to think that their meaning therein is rather to do the bishops hurt , then to do the king service ; and that their affections ( so far as by what is visible we are able to judge thereof ) are much what alike the same towards them both . but to leave their hearts to the judgement of him to whom they must stand or fall : for the just defence of truth , and that ( so far as we can help it ) the people be not abused in this particular also , as in sundry others they have been , by such men , as are content to use the kings name when it may help on their own designs ; i shall first set forth the two main objections severally to the best advantage of the objectors ; and then endeavour by a clear and satisfactory answer to discover the weakness and vanity of them both . iii. the former objection . whereas in the oath of supremacy the supreme power ecclesistical is acknowledged to be in the king alone ; and by the statute of 1. eliz. all jurisdictions and preeminencies spiritual and ecclesiastical within the realm of england are restored to the crown as the ancient right thereof , and forever united and annexed thereunto : the bishops claiming their power and jurisdiction to belong unto them as of divine right , seemeth to be a manifest violation of the said oath and statute , and a real diminution of the regal power in and by the said oath and statute acknowledged and confirmed . for whatsoever power is of divine right , is immediatly derived from god , and dependeth not upon any earthly king or potentate whatsoever as superiour thereunto . these two tearms , to be from heaven , and to be of men , being used in the scriptures as terms opposite and inconsistent , and such as cannot be both truly affirmed of the same thing . iv. the latter objection . setting aside the dispute of jus divinum , and whatsoever might be said either for or against the same : the very exercising of episcopal jurisdiction in such a manner as it was with us , the bishops issuing out their summens , giving censures , and acting every other thing in the ecclesiastical courts , in their own and not in the kings name , seemeth to derogate very much from the regal power in the point of ecclesiastical soveraignty . for whereas the judges in the kings bench , common plees , and other common-law-courts do issue out their writts , and make all their iudgments , orders , decrees , &c. in the kings name ; thereby acknowledging both their power to be depending upon , and derived from the kings authority , and themselves in the exercise of that power to be but his ministers sent and authorzied by him ; and so give him the just honour of his supremacy temporal : the bishops on the other side exercise a spiritual power or jurisdiction in their own names , and as it were by their own authority , without any the least acknowledgment of the effluxe or emanation of that power or jurisdiction from the king. which custome as it had undoubtedly its first rise , and after-growth from the exorbitant greatness of the bishops of rome , who have usurped an unjust authority as well over kings and princes , as over their fellow-bishops , laboured all they could to lessen the authority of kings , especially in matters ecclesiastical : so is the continuance thereof no otherwise to be esteemed then as a rag or relique of that anti-christian tyranny , which was retained ( as some other things also of evil consequence were ) in those imperfect beginnings of reformation , when the popes power was first abrogated under king henry the eighth . but it was afterwards in a more mature and perfect reformation taken in to consideration in the raign of king edward the sixth : and remedy provided there-against by an act of parliament made in the first year of his raign . wherein it was enacted , that all summons , citations , and other processes ecclesiastical should be made in the kings name and with the style of the king , as it is in writts original and judicial at the common laws ; and that the teste thereof only should be in the name of the bishop . v. it is true indeed that this statute of king edward was within a few years after repealed , and so the old usage and form again restored primo mariae , and hath ever since so continued during the raigns of the said queen , of queen elizabeth , of k. iames , and of his majesty that now is until this present parliament , without any alteration or interruption . but the repealing of the statute of primo edw. 6. and the reception of the former usage insuing thereupon , ought not to be alleaged by the bishops , or to sway with any protestant : inasmuch as that repeal was made by queen mary , who was a professed papist , and who together with that form of proceeding in the ecclesiastical courts restored also the whole popish religion , whereof that was a branch . neither ought the un-interrupted continuance of the said form under queen elizabeth and the succeeding kings , ( whether it happened through inadvertency in the state , or through the incessant artifices and practises of the more active bishops , some or other whereof had alwayes a prevalent power with those princes in their several raigns ) to hinder ; but that , as the said manner of proceeding was in the said first year of edward 6. by the king and the three estates in parliament adjudged to favour the usurped power of the bishops of rome , and to trench upon the kings just and acknowledged authority in matters ecclesiastical ( as by the preamble of the said act doth sufficiently appear ; ) so it ought to be still no otherwise esteemed then as a branch of the papal usurpation , highly derogatory to the honour of the king , and the rights of his crown . this is ( as i conceive ) the sum of all that hath been , and the utmost of what ( i suppose ) can be said in this matter . the ii. section in answer to the former objection . i. whereunto i make answer as followeth . to the former objection , i say first , that it is evidently of no force at all against those divines , who for the maintenance of episcopacy lay their claim under another notion , and not under that of ius divinum . which expression , for that it is ( by reason of the ambiguity thereof ) subject to be mistaken , and that captious men are so willing to mistake it for their own advantage ; might peradventure without loss of truth , or prejudice to the cause , b● with as much prudence laid aside a● used , as in this , so in sundry other disputes and controversies of these times . ii. if it shall be replyed , that then belike the proctors for episcopacy are not yet well agreed among themselves by what title they hold : and that is a shrewd prejudice against them , that they have no good title . for it is ever supposed he that hath a good title , knoweth what it is : and we are to presume the power to be usurped , when he that useth it cannot well tell how he came by it . i say therefore secondly , that the difference between the advocates for episcopacy is rather in the different manner of expressing the same thing , then in their different judgement upon the substance of the matter . the one sort making choise of an expression which he knoweth he is able to make good against all gainsayers , if they will but understand him aright : the other out of wariness or condescension forbearing an expression , ( no necessity requiring the use of it , ) which he seeth to have been subject to so much mis-construction . iii. for the truth is , all this ado about ius divinum is in the last result no more then a meer verbal nicety : that term being not alwayes taken in one and the same latitude of signification . sometimes it importeth a divine precept ( which is indeed the primary and most proper signification : ) when it appeareth by some clear express and peremptory command of god in his word , to be the will of god that the thing so commanded should be perpetually and universally observed . of which sort , setting aside the articles of the creed , and the moral duties of the law ( which are not much pertinent to the present enquiry ) there are , as i take it , very few things that can be properly said to be of divine positive right under the new testament . the preaching of the gospel , and administration of the sacraments are two : which when i have named , i think i have named all . iv. but there is a secondary and more extended signification of that term , which is also of frequent use among divines . in which sense such things , as having no express command in the word , are yet found to have authority and warrant from the institution , example , or approbation either of christ himself , or his apostles ; and have ( in regard of the importance and usefulness of the things themselves ) been held , by the consentient judgement of all the churches of christ in the primitive and succeeding ages , needful to be continued : such things i say are ( though not so properly as the former , yet ) usually and interpretativè said to be of divine right . of which sort i take the observation of the lords day , the ordering of the keys , the distinction of presbyters and deacons , and some other things ( not all perhaps of equal consequence ) to be . unto ius divinum in that former acception is required a divine precept : in this later , it sufficeth thereunto that a thing be of apostolical institution or practice . which ambiguity is the more to be heeded , for that the observation thereof is of great use for the avoyding of sundry mistakes that through the ignorance or neglect thereof daily happen to the engaging of men in endless disputes , and entangling their consciences in unnecessary scruples . v. now , that the government of the churches of christ by bishops is of divine right in that first and stricter sence , is an opinion at least of great probability , and such as may more easily and upon better grounds be defended then confuted : especially if in expounding those texts that are alleaged for it we give such deference to the authority of the ancient fathers and their expositions thereof , as wise and sober men have alwayes thought it fit we should do . yet because it is both inexpedient to maintain a dispute where it needs not , and needless to contend for more , where less will serve the turne : i finde that our divines that have travailed most in this argument , where they purposely treat of it , do rather chuse to stand to the tenure of episcopacy ex apostolicâ designatione , then to hold a contest upon the title of jus divinum , no necessity requiring the same to be done . they therefore that so speak of this government as established by divine right , are not all of them necessarily so to be understood , as if they meant it in that first and stricter sense . sufficient it is for the justification of the church of england in the constitution and government thereof , that it is ( as certainly it is ) of divine right in the latter and larger signification : that is to say , of apostolical institution and approbation ; exercised by the apostles themselves , and by other persons in their times , appointed and enabled thereunto by them , according to the will of our lord iesus christ , and by vertue of the commission they had received from him . vi. which besides that it is clear from evident texts of scripture , and from the testimony of as ancient and authentique records as the world hath any to shew for the attesting of any other part of ecclesiastical story ; it is also in truth a part of the established doctrine of the church of england : evidently deduced out of sundry passages in the booke of consecration , ( which book is approved in the articles of our religion art. 36. confirmed by act of parliament , and subscribed unto by all persons that have heretofore taken orders in the church , or degrees in the university ; ) and hath been constantly and uniformly maintained by our best writers , and by all the sober , orderly and orthodoxe sons of this church . the point hath been so abundantly proved by sundry learned men , and cleared from the exceptions of novellists ; that more need not be said for the satisfaction of any intelligent man that will but first take the pains to read the books , and then suffer himself to be master of his own reason . vii . only i could wish , that they who plead so eagerly for the jus divinum of the lords day , & yet reject ( not without some scorn ) the jus divinum of episcopacy , would ask their own hearts ( dealing impartially therein ) whether it be any apparent difference in the nature of the things themselves , or in the strength of those reasons that have been brought for either , that leadeth them to have such different judgments thereof ; or rather some prejudicate conceit of their own ; which having formerly fancied to themselves even as they stood affected to parties , the same affections still abiding , they cannot easily lay aside . which partiality ( for i am loath to call it perversness ) of spirit , is by so much the more inexcusable in this particular ; by how much episcopal government seemeth to be grounded upon scripture-texts of greater pregnancy and clearness , and attested by a fuller consent of antiquity to have been uniformly and universally observed throughout the whole christian world , then the lords day hath hitherto been shewen to be . viii . but should it be granted that all the defenders of episcopacy did indeed hold it to be jure divino in the strictest and most proper sence ; yet could not the objectors thence reasonably conclude , that it should be eo nomine inconsistent with the regal power , or so much as derogatory in the least degree to that supream power ecclesiastical , which by the laws of our land is established , and by the doctrine of our church acknowledged to be inherent in the crown . as themselves may easily see , if they will but consider . ix . first , that regal and episcopal power are two powers of quite different kinds : and such as considered purely in those things that are proper and essential to either , have no mutual relation unto , or dependence upon , the one the other ; neither hath either of them any thing to do with the other . the one of them being purely spiritual and internal , the other external and temporal : albeit in regard of the persons that are to exercise them , or some accidental circumstances appertaining to the exercise thereof , it may happen the one to be somewayes helpful or prejudicial to the other ; yet is there no necessity at all that the very powers themselves in respect of their own natures should be ( at that distance ) either of them so destructive of other , but that they might consist well enough together . yea although either of them or both should claime ( as indeed they both may do ) to be of divine right independently upon the other . let any man come up to the point , and shew if he can , how and wherein the episcopal power is any thing at all diminished by affirming the regal to be of divine right ; or how and wherein the regal power is at all prejudiced , by affirming the episcopal to be of divine right . the opposition between those two terms , to be from heaven and to be of men , which was objected , cometh not home enough : unless we should affirm them both of one and the same power in the same respect . which since we do not ; that opposition hindereth not , but that the same power may be said to be of both in divers respects , viz. to be from heaven , or of god , in respect of the substance of the thing in the general ; and yet to be of men in respect of the determination of sundry particularities requisite unto the lawful and laudable exercise thereof . x. secondly , that the derivation of any power from god doth not necessarily infer the non-subjection of the persons in whom that power resideth to all other men . for doubtless the power that fathers have over their children , husbands over their wives , masters over their servants , is from heaven , of god and not of men. yet are parents , husbands , masters in the exercises of their several respective powers subject to the power , jurisdiction and laws of their lawful soveraigns . and i suppose it would be a very hard matter for any man to find out a clear and satisfactory reason of difference between the ecclesiastical power and the oeconomical ; why the one , because it claimeth to be of divine right should be therefore thought to be injurious to regal power , and the other ( though claiming in the same manner ) not to be injurious . xi . thirdly , the ministerial power , in that which is common to bishops with their fellow-presbyters , viz. the preaching of the vvord and administration of the sacraments , &c. is confessed to be from heaven and of god ; and yet no prejudice at all conceived to be done thereby to the regal power : because the ministers who exercise that power are the kings subjects , and are also in the executing of those very acts that are proper to their ministerial functions to be limited and ordered by the kings ecclesiastical lawes . a man might therefore justly wonder , ( but that it is no new thing to find in the bag of such merchants , as we have now to deal with , pondus & pondus , ) how it should come to pass that the episcopal power , in that which is peculiar to bishops above other their brethren in the ministery , viz. the ordaining of priests and deacons and the managing of the keyes , cannot be said to be of god , but it must be forthwith condemned to be highly derogatory to the regal power : notwithstanding the bishops acknowledge themselves as freely as any others whosoever , to be the kings subjects , and submit themselves , with as much willingness ( i dare say , and some presbyterians know i speak but the truth ) as the meanest of their fellow-ministers do , to be limited in exercising the proper acts of their episcopal functions by such lawes as have been by regal power established in this realm . the king doth no more challenge to himselfe as belonging to him by vertue of his supremacy ecclesiastical , the power of ordaining ministers , excommunicating scandalous offenders , or doing any other act of episcopal office in his own person ; then he doth the power of preaching , administring the sacraments , or doing any other act of ministerial office in his own person : but leaveth the performance of all such acts of either sort unto such persons , as the said several respective powers do of divine right belong unto ; viz. of the one sort to the bishops , and of the other to all preists . yet doth the king by virtue of that supremacy , challenge a power as belonging unto him in the right of his crown , to make laws as well concerning preaching , administring the sacraments , and other acts belonging to the function of a priest , as concerning ordination of ministers , proceedings in matters of ecclesiastical cognisance in the spiritual courts , and other acts belonging to the function of a bishop . to which lawes , as well the priests as the bishops , are subject , and ought to submit to be limited and regulated thereby in the exercise of those their several respective powers ; their claim to a ius divinum , and that their said several powers are of god , notwithstanding . i demand then : as to the regal power , is not the case of the bishops and of the ministers every way alike ? do they not both pretend their powers to be of god ? and are they not yet for all that both bound in the exercise of those powers to obey the king and his laws ? is there not clearly the same reason of both ? how then cometh it to pass , that these are pronounced innocent , and those guilty ? can any think god will wink at such foul partiality ? or account them pure with the bag of deceitful weights ? xii . fourthly , that there can be no fear of any danger to arise to the prejudice of the regal power from the opinion that bishops are jure divino , unless that opinion should be stretched to one of these two constructions : viz. as if it were intended either 1. that all the power which bishops have legally exercised in christian kingdomes did belong to them as of divine right ; or 2. that bishops living under christian kings , might at least exercise so much of their power as is of divine right after their own pleasure , without , or even against the kings leave , or without respect to the laws and customes of the realm . neither of which is any part of our meaning . all power , to the exercise whereof our bishops have pretended , cometh under one of the two heads : of order , or of iurisdiction . the power of order consisteth partly in preaching the word and other offices of publique vvorship ; common to them with their fellow-ministers ; partly in ordaining preists and deacons admitting them to their particular cures , and other things of like nature , peculiar to them alone . the power of iurisdiction is either internal in retaining and remitting sins in foro conscientiae , common to them also ( for the substance of the authority , though with some difference of degree , ) with other ministers : or external for the outward government of the church in some parts thereof peculiar to them alone . for that external power is either directive in prescribing rules and orders to those under their jurisdictions , and making canons and constitutions to be observed by the church ; wherein the inferior clergy by their representatives in convocation have their votes as well as the bishops ; and both dependently upon the king ( for they cannot either meet without his vvrit , or treat without his commission , or establish without his royal assent : ) or iudiciary and coercive , in giving sentence in foro exteriori in matters of ecclesiastical cognisance , excommunicating , fining , imprisoning offenders , and the like . of these powers some branches , not onely in the exercise thereof , but even in the very substance of the power it selfe , ( as namely that of external jurisdiction coercive , ) are by the laws declared , and by the clergy acknowledged to be wholly and entirely derived from the king , as the sole fountain of all authority of external iurisdiction whether spiritual or temporal within the realm ; and consequently not of divine right . other-some , although the substance of the power it self be immediately from god and not from the king , as those of preaching , ordaining , absolving &c. yet are they so subject to be inhibited , limited , or otherwise regulated in the outward exercise of that power by the laws and customes of the land , as that the whole execution thereof still dependeth upon the regal authority . and how can the gross of that power be prejudicial to the king or his supremacy , whereof all the parts are confessed either to be derived from him , or not to be executed without him ? xiii . fifthly , that if episcopacy must be therefore concluded to be repugnant to monarchy , because it claimeth to be of divine right : then must monarchs either suffer within their dominions no form of church-government at all ( and then will church , and with it religion , soon fall to the ground ; ) or else they must devise some new model of government , such as never was yet used or challenged in any part of the christian world ; since no form of government ever yet used , or challenged , but hath claimed to a ius divinum as well as episcopacy : yea , i may say truly , every one of them with far more noise , though with far less reason then episcopacy hath done . and therefore of what party soever the objectors are , ( papists , presbyterians , or independents ) they shew themselves extreamly partial against the honest regular protestant ; in condemning him as an enemy to regal power for holding that in his way , which ( if it be justly chargeable with such a crime , ) themselves holding the very same in their several wayes , are every whit as deeply guilty of , as he . xiiii . lastly , that this their partiality is by so much the more inexcusable , by how much the true english protestant for his government not onely hath a better title to a ius divinum then any of the other three have for theirs ; but also pleadeth the same with more caution and modesty , then any of them do . which of the four pretenders hath the best title , is no part of the business we are now about . the tryal of that will rest upon the strength of the arguments that are brought to maintain it : wherein the presbyterians perhaps will not find any very great advantage beyond the rest of those that contest for it . but let the right be where it will be ; we will for the present suppose them all to have equal title ( and thus far indeed they are equal , that every one taketh his own to be best : ) and it shall suffice to shew , that the ius divinum is pleaded by the episcopal party with more calmeness and moderation , and with less derogation from regal dignity , then by any other of the three . xv. for first , the rest when they spake of ius divinum in reference to their several waves of church-government , take it in the highest elevation , in the first and strictest sense . the papist groundeth the popes oecumenical supremacy upon christs command , to peter to execute it , and to all the flock of christ ( princes also as well as others ) to submit to him as their universal pastor the presbyterian cryeth up his model of government and discipline , ( though minted in the last by-gon century , ) as the very scepter of christs kingdome , whereunto all kings are bound to submit theirs ; making it as unalterable and inevitably necessary to the being of a church , as the word and sacraments are . the independent separatist also , upon that grand principle of puritanisme common to him with the presbyterian ( the very root of almost all the sects in the world ) viz that nothing is to be ordered in church-matters , other , or otherwise then christ hath appointed in his word ; holdeth that any company of people gathered together by mutual consent in a church-way is iure divino free and absolute within it self , to govern it self by such rules as it shall judge agreeable to gods word , without dependence upon any but christ iesus alone , or subjection to any prince , prelate , or other humane person or consistory whatsoever . all these you see do not onely claim to a ius divinum , and that of a very high nature ; but in setting down their opinions weave in some expresses tending to the diminution of the ecclesiastical supremacy of princes . whereas the episcopal party , neither meddle with the power of princes , nor are ordinarily very forward to press the ius divinum , but rather purposely decline the mentioning of it , as a term subject to misconstruction ( as hath been said ) or else so interpret it , as not of necessity to import any more then an apostolical institution . yet the apostles authority in that institution , being warranted by the example , and ( as they doubt not ) the direction of their master iesus christ , they worthily esteem to be so reverend and obligatory ; as that they would not for a world have any hand in , or willingly and deliberately contribute the least assistance towards ( much less bind themselves by solemn league and covenant to endeavour ) the extirpation of that government ; but rather on the contrary hold themselves in their consciences obliged , to the uttermost of their powers to endeavour the preservation and continuance thereof in these churches , and do heartily wish the restitution and establishment of the same , wheresoever it is not , or wheresoever it hath been heretofore ( under any whatsoever pretence ) unhappily laid aside , or abolished . xvi . secondly , the rest ( not by remote inferences , but ) by immediate and natural deduction out of their own acknowledged principles , do some way or other deny the kings supremacy in matters ecclesiastical : either claiming a power of iurisdiction over him , or pleading a priviledge of exemption from under him . the papists do it both wayes ; in their several doctrines of the popes supremacy , and of the exemption of the clergy . the puritances of both sorts , who think they have sufficiently confuted every thing they have a mind to mislike , if they have once pronounced it popish and antichristian , do yet herein ( as in very many other things , and some of them of the most dangerous consequence ) symbolize with the papists , and after a sort divide that branch of antichristianisme wholly between them : the presbyterians claiming to their consistories as full and absolute spiritual iurisdiction over princes , ( with power even to excommunicate them , if they shall see cause for it , ) as the papists challenge to belong to the pope : and the independents exempting their congregations from all spiritual subjection to them , in as ample manner , as the papists do their clergy . whereas the english protestant bishops and regular clergy , as becometh good christians and good subjects , do neither pretend to any iurisdiction over the kings of england , nor withdraw their subjection from them : but acknowledge them to have soveraign power over them , as well as over their other subjects ; and that in all matters ecclesiastical as well as temporal . by all which it is clear , that the ius divinum of episcopacy , as it is maintained by those they call ( stylo novo ) the prelatical party in england , is not an opinion of so dangerous a nature , nor so derogatory to the regal powers , as the adversaries thereof would make the world believe it is : but that rather , of all the forms of church-government that ever yet were endeavoured to be brought into the churches of christ , it is the most innocent in that behalf . the iii. section in answer to the later objection . 1. having thus cleared the opinion held concerning episcopacy in the church of england from the crime unjustly charged upon it by the adversaries , ( but whereof in truth themselves are deeply guilty ) in their former objection : our next business will be the easier , to justifie it in the practise also from the like charge laid against it in the later objection , by shewing that the iurisdiction exercised by the bishops within this realm , ( and namely in that particular which the objectors urge with most vehemency , of acting so many things in their own names , ) is no way derogatory to the kings majesties power or honour . wherein it were enough for the satisfaction of every understanding man , without descending to any farther particularities , to shew the impertinency of the objectors from these two general considerations . ii. first that the bishops have exercised no iurisdiction in foro externo within this realm , but such as hath been granted unto them by the successive kings of england ; neither have challenged any such iurisdiction to belong unto them by any inherent right or title in their persons or callings , but onely by emanation and derivation from the royal authority . the very words of the statute primo . edw. 6. in the objection mentioned run thus , seeing that all authority of jurisdiction spiritual and temporal is derived and deducted from the kings majesty as supream head — and so justly acknowledged by the clergy of the said realms , and that all courts ecclesiastical be kept by no other power or authority either forraign or within the realms , but by the authority of his most excellent majesty &c. now the regular exercise of a derived power is so far from destroying , or any way diminishing that original power from whence it is derived , as that it rather confirmeth and establisheth the same . yea , the further such derived power is extended and enlarged in the exercise thereof , so as it be regular , ( that is , so long as it containeth it self within the bounds of its grant , and exceedeth not the limits prefixed thereunto by that original power that granted it ) the more it serveth to set forth the honour and greatness of that original power ; since the vertue of the efficient cause is best known by the greatness of the effect : for propter quod unumquodque est tale , illud ipsum est magis tale . as the warmth of the room doth not lessen the heat of the fire upon the hearth , but is rather a signe of the greatness of that heat : nor doth the abundance of sap in the branches cause any abatement in the root , but is rather an evident demonstration of the greater plenty there . iii. secondly , that it is one of the greatest follies in the world , to endeavour in good earnest to maintain any thing by argument when we have the evidence of sence or experience to the contrary . for what is it cum ratione insanire , if this be not ? to deny fire to be hot , or water to be moist , or snow to be white ; when our sences enform us they are such ? or to prove by argument that life may be perpetuated by the help of art and good dyet , or that infants are capable of faith or instruction by ordinary means ; when experience sheweth the contrary . now the experience of above fourscore years , ever since the beginning of queen elizabeths raign , doth make it most evident , that the exercise of episcopal iurisdiction by the protestant bishops here , was so far from diminishing the power , or eclipsing the glory of the crown , that the kings and queens of england never enjoyed their royal power in a fuller measure , or flourished with greater lustre , honour and prosperity , then when the bishops ( by their favour ) enjoyed the full liberty of their courts , jurisdictions , honours and priviledges according to ancient grants of former kings and the lawes and customes of england . on the other side ; in what condition of power and honour ( otherwise then in the hearts of his oppressed subjects ) our most pious and gracious soveraign that now is hath stood , and at this present standeth , through the prevalency of the smectymnuan faction ; ever since they had the opportunity and forehead from lopping off ( as was at first pretended ) some luxuriant superfluities ( as they at least imagined them to be ) in the branches of episcopal jurisdiction ( as high commission , oath ex officio , &c. ) to proceed to take away episcopacy it self root and branch : it were a happy thing for us , if the lamentable experience of these late times would suffer us to be ignorant . so as we now look upon that short aphorisme so usual with his majesties royal father [ no bishop , no king ] not as a sentence onely full of present truth when it was uttered ; but rather as a sad prophecy of future events , since come to pass . the miseries of these wasting divisions both in the church and common-wealth we cannot with any reason hope to see an end of , until it shall please almighty god in his infinite mercy to a sinful nation , to restore them both ( king and bishops ) to their antient , just and rightful power : and in order thereunto graciously to hear the weak prayers of a small oppressed party , ( yet coming from loyal hearts , and going not out of feigned lips ) beyond the loud crying perjuries , sacriledges , and oppressions of those that now exercise an arbitrary soveraignty over their fellow subjects without either iustice or mercy , together with the abominable hypocrisie and disloyalty that hath so long raigned in them and their adherents . iv. those two general considerations , although they might ( as i said ) suffice to take away the force of the objection , without troubling our selves , or the reader with any farther answer thereunto : yet that the objectors may not have the least occasion given them to quarrel the proceedings , as if we did purposely decline a just tryal , we shall come up a little closer , and examine more particularly every material point , in the order as they lye in the objection aforesaid . and the points are three . 1. that the manner used by the bishops , in sending out their summons , &c. in their own names , is contrary to the form and order of other courts . 2. that such forms of process seem to have at first proceeded from the usurped power of the bishops of rome , who laboured by all possible means to bring down the regal power , and set up their own . 3. that upon these very grounds the custome was altered by act of parliament , and a statute made 1. ewd. vi. ( howsoever since repealed and discontinued , ) that all processes ecclesiastical should be made in the kings name , and not in the bishops . v. as to the first point , true it is that the manner used by the bishops in the ecclesiastical courts , ( viz. in issuing out summons , citations , processes , giving iudgments &c. in their own names , and not in the kings , ) is different from the manner used in the kings bench , exchequer , chancery , and sundry other courts . but that difference neither doth of necessity import an independency of the ecclesiastical courts upon the king , nor did in all probability arise at the beginning from the opinion of any such independency ; nor ought in reason to be construed as a disacknowledgement of the kings authority and supremacy ecclesiastical . for vi. first there is between such courts as are the kings own immediate courts , and such courts as are not , a great difference in this point . of the former sort are especially the kings bench and chancery : as also the court of common pleas , exchequer , iustices of goal-delivery &c. in the kings bench the kings themselves in former times have often personally sate ; whence it came to have the name of the kings bench ; neither was it tyed to any particular place , but followed the kings person . at this day also all writs returnable there run in this style , coram nobis , and not ( as in some other courts ) coram iustitiariis nostris or the like : and all judicial records there are styled , and the pleas there holden entred , coram rege , and not coram iustitiariis domini regis . appeals also are made from inferiour iudges in other courts to the king in chancery ; because in the construction of the lawes the kings personal power and presence is supposed to be there : and therefore sub-poena's granted out of that court , and all matters of record passed there run in the same style coram rege &c. forasmuch as in the iudges in these two courts there is a more immediate representation of the kings personal power and presence , then in the iudges of those other courts of common pleas , exchequer , &c. which yet by reason of his immediate virtual power and presence are the kings immediate courts too . in regard of which his immediate virtual power , although the style of the writs and records there be not coram nobis , coram rege , as in the former , but onely coram iustitiariis , coram baronibus nostris , &c. yet inasmuch as the iudges in those courts are the kings immediate sworn ministers to execute justice , and to do equal right to all the kings people in his name , therefore all processes , pleas , acts and iudgements are made and done in those courts , as well as in the two former , in the kings name . but in such courts as do not suppose any such immediate representation or presence of the kings either personal or virtual power , as that thereby they may be holden and taken to be the kings own immediate courts , the case is far otherwise . for neither are the iudges in those courts sworn the kings iudges , to administer justice and do right to the kings subjects in his name and stead : nor do they take upon them the authority , to cite any person , or to give any sentence , or to do any act of jurisdiction in the kings name ; having never been by him authorized so to do . of this sort are amongst others ( best known to them that are skilled in the laws of this realm ) all courts-baron held by the lord of a manner , customary courts of copyholders , &c and such courts as are held by the kings grant , by charter to some corporation , as to a city , borough , or vniversity ; or els by long usage and prescription of time . in all which courts , and if there be any other of like nature , summons are issued out , and iudgements given , and all other acts and proceedings made and done in the name of such persons as have chief authority in the said courts , and not in the name of the king : so as the styles run thus , a. b. major civitatis ebor. n. m. cancellarius vniversitatis oxon. and the like ; and not carolus dei gratia , &c. vii . upon this ground it is that our lawyers tell us out of bracton , that in case of bastardy to be certified by the bishop , no inferiour court , as london , yorke , norwich , or any other incorporation can write to the bishop to require him to certify : but any of the kings courts at westminister ( as common pleas , kings bench &c. ) may write to him to certify in that case . the reason is , because nullus alius praeter regem potest episcopo demandare inquisitionem faciendam . which maketh it plain that the kings immediate powe ( either personal , or virtual ) is by the law supposed to be present in courts of the one sort , not of the other : the one sort being his own immediate courts , and the other not . viii . now that the ecclesiastical courts wherein the bishops exercise their jurisdiction , are of the latter sort , i doubt not but our law-books will afford plenty of arguments to prove it , beyond all possibility of contradiction or cavil . which being little versed in those studies i leave for them to find out who have leisure to search the books , and do better understand the nature , constitution , differences and bounds of the several courts within this realm . one argument there is , very obvious to every understanding , ( which because i shall have fit occasion a little after to declare , i will not now any longer insist upon , ) taken from the nature of the iurisdiction of these courts so far distant from the iurisdiction appertaining to those other courts , that these are notoriously separated and in common and vulgar speach distinguished from all other by the peculiar name and appellation of the spiritual courts . but another argument , which those books have suggested , i am the more willing here to produce , for that it not only sufficiently proveth the matter now in hand , but is also very needful to be better known abroad in the world then it is , for the removing of a very unjust censure , which meerly for want of the knowledge of the true cause , hath been laid upon the bishops in one particular , to their great wrong and prejudice . it hath been much talked on , not only by the common sort of people , but by some persons also of better rank and understanding , and imputed to the bishops as an act of very high insolency , that in their processes , patents , commissions , licences , and other instruments whereunto their episcopal seale is affixed , so oft as they have occasion to mention themselves , the style runneth ever more in the plural number [ nos g. cantuar-archiepiscopus , coram nobis , salvo nobis — &c. ] just as it doth in his majesties letters patents and commissions : thereby shewing themselves ( say they ) as if they were his fellows and equals . all this great noise and clamour against the pride of the bishops upon this score , proceedeth ( as i said ) meerly from the ignorance of the true original cause and ground of that innocent and ancient usage ; and therefore cannot signify much to any reasonable and considering man , when that ground is discovered : which is this , viz. that every bishop is in construction of our laws a corporation . for although the bishop of himselfe and in his private and personal capacity be but a single person as other men are , and accordingly in his letters concerning his own particular affairs , and in all other his actings upon his own occasions and as a private person writeth of himselfe in the singular number , as other private men do ; yet for as much as in his publike and politick capacity , and as a bishop in the church of england , he standeth in the eye of the law as a corporation ; the king not only alloweth him acting in that capacity , to write of himselfe in the plural number , but in all writs directed to him as bishop ( as in presentations , and the like ) bespeaketh him in the plural number [ vestrae diocesis , vobis praesentamus &c. ] the bishop then being a corporation , and that by the kings authority , as all other corporations ( whether simple or aggregate , whether by charter or prescription ) are : it is meet he should hold his courts , and proceed therein in the same manner and form ( where there is no apparent reason to the contrary ) as other corporations do . and therefore as it would be a high presumption for the chancellour and scholars of one of the universities , being a corporation , to whom the king by his charter hath granted a court , or for the major and aldermen of a city for the same reason , to issue writs or do other acts in their courts in the kings name , not having any authority from the king or his grant , or from the laws and customs of england so to do : so doubtless it would for the same reason be esteemed a presumption no less intolerable for the bishops to use the kings name in their processes and judicial acts , not having any sufficient legal warrant or authority for so doing . ix . which if it were duly considered , would induce any reasonable man to beleive and confesse that this manner of proceeding in their own names used by the bishops in their courts , is so far from trenching upon the regal power and authority , which is the crime charged upon it by the objectors , that the contrary usage ( unless it were enjoyned by some law of the land , as it was in the raign of king edward the sixth ) might far more justly be charged therewithal . for the true reason of using the kings name in any court , is not thereby to acknowledge the emanation of the power or jurisdiction of that court from , or the subordination of that power unto , the kings power or authority , as the objectors seeme to suppose ; but rather to shew the same court to be one of the kings own immediate courts , wherein the king himselfe is supposed ( in the construction of the law ) either by his personal or virtual power to be present . and the not using of the kings name in other courts , doth not infer , as if the iudges of the said courts did not act by the kings authority , ( for who can imagine that they who hold a court by virtue of the kings grant only , should pretend to act by any other then his authority ? ) but only that they are no immediate representatives of the kings person in such their jurisdiction , nor have consequently any allowance from him to use his name in the exercise or execution thereof . x. secondly , there is another observable difference in this point , between the kings common-law-courts , such as are most of those afore-mentioned , and those courts that proceed according to the way of the civil law. if the king appoint a constable , or earle-marshal , or admiral of england : for as much as all tryals in the marshals court ( commonly called the court of honour ) and in the admiralty are according to the civil law ; all processes therefore , sentences , and acts in those courts go in the names of the constable , earle-marshal , or admiral , and not in the kings name . which manner of proceeding constantly used in those courts , sith no man hitherto hath been found to interpret , as any diminution at all or dis-acknowledgement of the kings soveraignty over the said courts : it were not possible the same manner of proceeding in the ecclesiastical courts should be so confidently charged with so heinous a crime , did not the intervention of some wicked lust or other prevail with men of corrupt minds to become partial judges of evil thoughts . especially considering that xi . thirdly , there is yet a more special and peculiar reason to be given in the behalf of the bishops for not using the kings name in their processes , &c. in the ecclesiastical courts , then can be given for the iudges of any other the above-mentioned courts ( either of the common or civil laws ) in the said respect ; arising ( as hath been already in part touched ) from the different nature of their several respective iurisdictions . which is , that the summons and other proceedings and acts in the ecclesiastical courts are for the most part in order to the ecclesiastical censures and sentences of excommunication , &c. the passing of which sentences and other of like kind , being a part of the power of the keyes which our lord iesus christ thought fit to leave in the hands of his apostles and their successors , and not in the hands of lay-men ; the kings of england never challenged to belong unto themselves : but left the exercise of that power entirely to the bishops , as the lawful successors of the apostles , and inheritours of their power . the regulating and ordering of that power in sundry circumstances concerning the outward exercise thereof in foro externo , the godly kings of england have thought to belong unto them as in the right of their crown ; and have accordingly made laws concerning the same , even as they have done also concerning other matters appertaining to religion and the worship of god. but the substance of that power , and the function thereof , as they saw it to be altogether improper to their office and calling : so they never pretended or laid claim thereunto . but on the contrary when by occasion of the title of supream head , &c. assumed by king henry the eighth , they were charged by the papists for challenging to themselves such power and authority spiritual ; they constantly and openly disavowed it to the whole world , renouncing all claim to any such power or authority : as is manifest ; not onely from the allowed writings of many godly bishops , eminent for their learning in their several respective times , in vindication of the church of england from that calumny of the papists ; as archbishop whitgift , bishop bilson , bishop andrews , bishop carleton , and others : but also by the injunctions of queen elizabeth , and the admonition prefixed thereunto ; by the 37 th art. . of the church of england required to be subscribed by all that take orders in the church , or degrees in the universities ; and by constant declared judgement and practice of the two late kings of blessed memory , king iames and king charles the i st . they who thus expresly disclaimed the medling with spiritual censures and the power of the keyes , cannot be rationally supposed to have thought their own presence ( either personal or virtual ) any way requisite in the courts where such censures were to be pronounced , and that power to be administred and exercised : and therefore doubtless could not deem it fit or proper , that in the juridical proceedings of such courts their names should be used . xii . the second point in the charge objected is , that this custome used by the bishops in acting all things in the ecclesiastical courts in their own names grew at first from the exorbitant power of the popes , who laboured what they could to advance their own greatness by exempting the clergy from all subjection to temporal princes , and setting up an ecclesiastical power of jurisdiction independent upon the secular : and that the parliament had that sence of it in the raign of king edward the sixth , as the words of the statute made i. edward vi. for the altering of the said custome , do plainly intimate . xiii . in which part of the charge there is at the most but thus much of truth . 1. that the bishops of rome did not omit with all sedulity to pursue the grand design of that see , which was to bring all christian princes into subjection to it self . 2. that all the labouring for the exemption of the clergy from the secular powers , was in order to that design . 3. that the bishops manner of using their own names in all acts of their iurisdiction , ( looked upon alone and by it self without any consideration of the true reasons thereof ) doth carry , by so much the more , shew of serving the papal interest , then if they should do all in the king's name , by how much the acknowledging the kings supremacy-ecclesiastical is less apparent therein , then in the other . 4. that the want of such an express acknowledgement of the king's supremacy , together with the jealousies the state had in those times over any thing that might seem to further or favour the usurped power of the pope in the least degree ; might very probably in this particular ( as well as it did in some other things ) occasion such men as bear the greatest sway in managing the publick affairs in the beginning of that godly ( but young ) king 's raign , out of a just detestation of the papacy to endeavour overhastily the abolishing of whatsoever was with any colour suggested unto them to savour of popery , without such due examination of the grounds of those suggestions as was requisite in a matter of so great importance . xiiii . this is all we can ( perhaps more then we need ) yield unto in this point of the charge . but then there are some other things which we cannot easily assent unto : as viz. 1. that this custome had undoubtedly its original and growth from the popes usurped power . which as we think it impossible for them to prove ; so it seemeth to us the less probable , because by comparing of this course used in the ecclesiastical courts with the practise of sundry other courts , some of like , some of different nature thereunto , we have already shewed the true reasons and grounds of the difference between some courts and othersome in this particular . 2. that it is a rag or relique of antichristian tyranny . which we believe to be altogether untrue . not only for the reasons before specified , and for that the same is done in sundry other courts , holden within this realm without any note of antichristianisme or popery fastened thereupon : but also because it hath been constantly continued in this kingdome ( the short raign of king edward the sixth only excepted ) with the allowance of all the protestants kings and queens of this realm ever since the reformation . who , although they be ever and anon taxed by the puritane-faction ( unjustly and insolently enough ) for want of a through-reformation , and leaving so much popish trash unpurged in the point of worship and ceremonies : yet have not usually been blamed by that party for being wanting to themselves in vindicating to the uttermost their regal authority and supremacy ecclesiastical from the usurped power of the bishops of rome in any thing wherein they conceived it to be many wise or degree concerned . as also because this manner of proceeding in the courts ecclesiastical hath been constantly and without scruple of conscience or suspition of popery used and practised by all our godly and orthodoxe bishops ; even those , who have been the most zealous maintainers of our religion against the papists , and such as have particularly written against the antichristian tyranny of the pope , or in defence of the kings supremacy in matters ecclesiastical ; as iewel , bilson , abbots , buckridge , carleton , and many others . xv. but against all this that hath been said , how agreeable soever it may seem to truth and reason , may be opposed the judgement of the whole realm in parliament ( the bishops themselves also then sitting and voting as well as other the lords and commons ) in the first year of the raign of king edward the sixth , who thought fit by their act to alter the aforesaid form , and that upon the two aforesaid grounds , viz. that it was contrary to the form and order of the common law-courts , and according to the form and manner used in the time of the usurped power of the bishop of rome . which being the last and weightiest point in the charge , is the more considerable , in that besides its own strength , it giveth also farther strength and confirmation to the other two . xvi . but for answer unto this argument drawn from the judgement of the parliament , as it is declared in the statute of ● edw. 6. i would demand of the objectors , where they place the chief strength of the argument : whether in the authority of the persons ( viz. the great assembly of state convened in parliament so judging ; or in validity of those reasons , which led them so to judge . if in this later , their judgment can weigh no more , then the reasons do whereon it is built ; the frailty whereof we have already examined and discovered . if in the authority of the judges ; we lay in the ballance against it the judgment of the kingdome in all the parliaments after the decease of king edward for above fourscore years together : the first whereof repeated that statute ; and none of those that followed ( for ought appeareth to us ) ever went about to revive it . xvii . if it shall be said first , that the enacting of that statute by king edward was done in order to the farther abolishing of popery , and the perfecting of the reformation begun by his father : i answer , that as it was a very pious care , and of singular example in so young a prince , to intend and endeavour the reformation of religion and the church within his realms ( for which even at this day we have cause to acknowledge the good providence of almighty god in raising him up to become so blessed an instrument of his glory and our good : ) so on the other side we cannot doubt but that the business of reformation under him was carried on with such mixture of private ends and other human frailties and affections , as are usually incident into the enterprising of great affairs , especially such as cannot be effected without the assistance of many instruments . all of which in likelyhood being not of one judgement and temper , but having their several inclinations , passions and interests with great difference ; the product of their endeavours ( whatsoever sincerity there were in the intentions of the first mover ) must needs be such , as the constitution of the most prevalent instruments employed in the work would permit it to be . the very name of reformation of religion and manners , and of abuses crept into the church or common-wealth , carrieth with it a great deal of outward glory and lustre , filling the hearts of men with expectations of much happiness to ensue , and in that hope is evermore entertained with general applause , especially of the vulgar sort : because men look upon it as it were in the idea , ( that is to say , as it is fancied and devised in the mind and imagination ) and abstractedly from those impediments and inconveniences , which when they come ad practicandum and to put their thoughts in execution , they shall be sure to meet withal more or less , to render the performance short of the promise and expectation . xviii . now because reformation is so much talked of in these evil dayes of ours , wherein thousands of well-meaning people have been seduced into dangerous by-paths by that specious name : it will not be amiss , ( though we may seem perhaps to digress a little for it ) to prompt the reader to some considerations , that may incline him rather to suspect a thing to be ill done , then to be confident that it is well done , if he have no other reason of that confidence but this , that it is pretended to be done by way of reformation . xix . it is considerable first , that reformation is the usual vizard , wherewith men of insatiable avarice or ambition disguise their base unworthy intentions , that the ugliness thereof may not appear to vulgar eyes . seldome hath any sacrilegious or seditious attempt appeared abroad in the world , and been countenanced either by the great ones or the many ; which hath not been ushered in by this piece of hypocrisie . not to look further ( backward or forward ) for instances in both kindes , then to the raign of that king wherein the statute so much insisted upon was made ; it cannot be denied , but that during the raign of that religious and godly young king ( without his knowledge as we verily hope and believe , or at most through the malitious suggestions and cunning insinuations of some that were about him ) such sacriledges were acted , and that under the name & pretence of reformation , as have cast a very foul blemish upon our very religion , especially in the eyes of our adversaries , who have ever shewed themselves forward enough to impute the faults of the persons to the profession . and under the same pretence of reformation were also masked all the bloodshed , mischiefs and outrages committed by kett and his seditious rabble in the same kings raign : insomuch as a great oak whereat they appointed their usual meetings , and whereon ( by the just judgement of god ) himself the ringleader of that rebellion was afterwards hanged , was by them called the oak of reformation . by what was done in those times , ( ill enough indeed , yet modestly in comparison of what hath been done in ours ) we may have a near guess what their meaning is , that are so eagerly set upon a thorow-reformation ( as they call it ) in the church , in the commonwealth , in the vniversities : even to get into their own hands and disposal all the haces and offices of power or profit in them all . i dare not say , ( for truly of some i believe the contrary , and hope the same of many more ) that all those that joyn in vote or act with those plansible pretenders of reformation , or wish well unto them in the simplicity of their hearts , are guilty of their abominable hypocrisie . but sure all experience sheweth , that in great councels there are evermore some one or a few 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , active and cunning men that are able by the reputation of their wisdome and abilities of speech to carry all businesses in the vogue even as themselves have before-hand closely contrived them : leading on the rest , as a bell-weather doth the whole flock , or as a crafty fore-man of a iury doth the whole dozen , which way soever they please ; who follow tamely after ( quâ itur , non quâ eundum ) in an implicit belief , that that must needs be the right way , which they see such skilful guides to have taken before them . xx. but say there were no such reserved secret sinister ends either in the chief agents or their ministers , but that a just reformation were as really and sincerely intended by them all , as it is by some of them speciously pretended : yet is it considerable secondly , how very difficult a thing it is , in the business of reformation to stay at the right point , and not to overdo , by reason of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whereby we are very apt in declining one of the extreams to fall into the other , either in point of opinion or practice . in detestation of the heresie of nestorius , who distinguished the persons in christ , because he knew there were two natures ; eutyches went so far as to confound the natures , because he knew there was but one person . and because the papists by the multitude and pompousness of their ceremonies had taken away much of the inward vigour of gods publick worship , by drawing it too much outward ; the puritanes in opposition to them , and to reform that errour , by stripping it of all ceremonies have left it so bare , that ( besides the unseemliness ) it is well nigh starved for want of convenient clothing . it is in the distempers of the body politick in this respect not much otherwise then it is in those of the body natural . in an ague , when the cold sit hath had his course , the body doth not thence return to a kindly natural warmth , but falleth speedily into a burning preternatural heat , nothing less ( if not rather more ) afflictive then the former . and how osten have physicians , ( not the unlearned empericks onely , but even those best renowned for their skill and judgement , ) by tampering with a crazy body to master the predominancy of some noxious humour therein , cast their patients ere they were aware under the tyranny of another and contrary humour as perillous as the former : or for fear of leaving too much bad blood in the veins , have letten out too much of the vital spirits withall ? onely the difference is , that in bodily diseases this course may be sometimes profitably experimented , and with good success ; not onely out of necessity , when there is no other way of cure left , ( as they use to say , desperate diseases must have desperate remedies : ) but also out of choice , and in a rational way ; as hippocrates adviseth in the case of some cold diseases to cast the patient into a burning feaver , which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and i remember to have read somewhere to that purpose such an aphorisme as this , vtile est innasci sebrem in spasmo . but for the remedying of moral or politick distempers , it is neither warrantable nor safe to try such experiments : not warrantable ; because we have no such rule given us in the word of god whereby to operate : nor safe ; because herein the mean onely is commendable , all extreams ( whether in defect or excess ) vitious . now what defects or excesses there might be in the reformation of religion and the church within these realms during the raigns of k. henry the eighth , king edward the sixth , and queen elizabeth ; it doth not become me , neither is it needful , to examine . but sure it is , they that had the managery of those affairs in their several respective times were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , made of the same day with other men , subject to infirmities and passions , and to be byassed with partial affections , and those affections capable to be enflamed with zeal , cooled with delayes , enraged by opposition , and allayed by seasonable applications . and therefore although we cannot say for certain with what affections those reformers in the beginning of edward's raign were steered in the whole business : yet it is very possible , and in this particular of the statutes , ( from the weakness of the reasons therein expressed ) not improbable , that the jealousies they had of the papal power so lately ejected might make them more abundantly cautelous and sollicitous to secure themselves thereagainst , then need required . verily the temper of those times and men , and the reformation made about those times in other countreys considered ; we have far greater cause to bless god that in their then ▪ reformation in very many things they did not a great deal worse , then to blame them that in some few things they did not a little better , then they have done . xxi . it is further considerable thirdly , that where a reformation is truly intended , and the thing it self intended by that reformation to be established is also within a tolerable compass of mediocrity ; there may yet be such errour in the choice of the means to be used for the accomplishing of those intentions , as may vitiate the whole work , and render it blame-worthy . for although it be a truth so expresly affirmed by the apostle , and so agreeable to the dictates of right reason [ that we may not do any evil thing for any good end ] as that i should scarce have believed it possible that any man that pretended to be christian or but reasonable should hold the contrary , had i not been advertised by very credible persons that some men of eminent place and power did so , by distinguishing ( but beside the book , and where the law distinguisheth not ) between a publick and a private good end : yet the eagerness of most men in the pursuance of such ends as they are fully bent upon , and their pride of spirit disdaining to be crossed in their purposes , and impatient of meeting with any opposition ; putteth them many times upon the use of such means as seem for the present best conducing to the ends they have proposed to themselves , without any sufficient care to examine whether such means be lawful or not . for either they run on headlong and are resolved not to stick at any niceties of conscience , but being ingaged in a design to go through with it per fas & nefas ; measuring honesty by utility : or els they gather up any thin fig-leaves where they can meet with them to hide the deformity of their actions if it were possible even from their own eyes ; and are willing their affections should bribe and cheat their judgements with any weak reasons to pronounce that lawful to be done which they have a mind to do , the secret checks and murmurings of their consciences to the contrary notwithstanding . hence it is , that whereas men ought to conform all their wills and actions to the exact rule of gods word , they do so often in stead thereof crooken the rule to make it comply with their actions and desires : raising such doctrines and conclusions from the sacred texts of scripture by forced inferences , as will best serve to give countenance to whatsoever they fancie to be , or please to call reformation ; and to whatsoever means they should use for the effecting of such reformation , though it were by popular tumults , civil war , despising governours , breaking oaths , open rebellion , or any other act how unjust soever and full of disloyalty . which made learned zanchy , observing in his time how anabaptists and all sorts of sectaries , that attempted to bring in any new and unheard of alteration in religion into the churches of christ , by any means though never so seditious and unlawful , did yet justifie all their enterprises by this , that they were done in order to a more perfect reformation , to cry out , ego non intelligo istam reformatorum mundi ●●elogiam . whether this observation be so sitly applyable to those times of king edwards reformation , as the two former considerations were , i know not : i am sure it sitteth but too well to these evil times of ours , wherein the pretence of a thorow-reformation serveth as a foile to set off the blackest crimes that ever the christian world was guilty of . xxii . lastly , say there should be nothing amiss in any of the premisses , but that the intentions were sincere , the proceedings moderate , and the means lawful : yet since no wit of man is at the present able to foresee all the inconveniences that may ensue upon any great and suddain change of such lawes and customes as have been long and generally observed , till time and experience discover them ; it may very well ( and not seldome doth ) come to pass , that the reformation intended for the remedying of some one abuse , or the preventing of some present apparant inconvenience , may open a gap to let in some other abuses or inconveniences , which ( though yet undiscerned ) may in time prove to be more and greater , then those that were sought to be remedyed . physicians tell us that all sudden changes in the body are dangerous : and it is no otherwise in the church and state. which is the ground of that maxime , well approved of all wise men , if rightly understood , malum benè positum non movendum : and of that other , so famous in the ancient councels , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let the old customes be observed . and therefore aristotle gravely censureth that law made by hippodamus the milesian law-giver , that whosoever should devise any new law for the common good should be rewarded by the state , as a law indeed foolish and pernicious , how specious and plausible soever it seemed at the first appearance : because ( saith he ) it would but encourage busie & active spirits to be alwayes innovating some thing or other in the state , which might finally tend to the subversion of all ancient lawes and customes , and consequently of the whole government it self . now that the reformation in king edwards dayes , as to this particular in that statute concerned , was subject at least to this frailty , we may very probably gather ( a posteriori ) from this ; that after it was once repealed , they that had to do in the reformation ever since , thought it sit rather to let it lye under that repeal , then to revive it . xxiii . there can be no doubt , but that to an objection made from the force of a statute , it is a sufficient answer ( if it be true ) to say that the said statute hath been repealed and so continueth . yet the adversaries of episcopacy are so pertinaciously bent to hold their conclusion in despite of all premisses , that they seem to be nothing satisfied there withal , but dividing the answer , turn the former part of it ( viz. that of the repeal ) to their own advantage . for say they , that repeal being made by queen mary , who was a professed papist , and a persecuter of the protestant religion , was certainly an act of hers done in favour of popery ; and so is a strong confirmation , that the form of proceeding formerly used by the bishops in the ecclesiastical courts , prohibited by the statute of king edward , but restored by that her repeal , was a popish practice , and more besitting papists then protestants to use . xxiv . to return a full answer hereunto ; first it shall be willingly granted , that queen mary , being a zealous papist , did cause that statute made in the first of her brothers raign to be repealed out of pure zeal to the romish religion , and in favour of the pope and of his iurisdiction . both bee use she conceived ( which was true ) that her late brother being a protestant had by that statute prohibited the bishops to do sundry things in their own names , of purpose thereby to lessen the popes authority within his realms : as also because their using of the kings name in their processes and acts carried with it ( as we formerly granted ) a more express and evident acknowledgment of the kings supremacy ecclesiastical , then the contrary custome doth . xxv but then secondly , this being granted , it will by no means follow either first , that the repeal of that statute is not to be valued by any protestant ; or that secondly the custome of the bishops prohibited by the statute and restored by the act of repeal was popish ; or thirdly , that our former answer was unsufficient : not the first , because we are not to look upon the statute and upon the act of repeal , as they were made , the one by a protestant the other by a papist ( for that were to judge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and with respect of persons ; ) but to consider whether the reasons whereupon the statute was grounded were in veritate rei such , as that it ought not to have been repealed either by papist or protestant . which reasons how they have been valued , appeareth upon the post-fact in this ; that a papist princess by the principles of her religion could do no less then repeal that statute , and a protestant princess without prejudice to the principles of her religion might continue that repeal . xxvi . not the second : because that very statute of i. edward the sixth , by which it is ordained that all summons , citations and other processes ecclesiastical be made in the name and with the style of the king , doth it self sufficiently absolve the contrary custome formerly used by the bishops acting in their own names , from being either popish or otherwise derogatory to the kings supremacy . inasmuch as by proviso's in the said statute the bishops are still permitted in some cases to use their own names without any mention at all to be made of the king : as namely the archbishop of canterbury to grant faculties and dispensations ; and every other bishop to make collations , presentations , institutions and inductions of benefices , letters of orders and dimissories &c. under their own names and seals , as by the words of the said statute doth plainly appear . which sure would not have been permitted in any case , had the thing it self been by them conceived to have been simply and de toto genere either popish or prejudicial to the regal power . xxvii . not the third : because they disjoynt our former answer , that they might make their advantage of the one piece of it severed from the other . for the strength of the answer ( it being copulative ) was not to lye in either part alone , but in both together taken joyntly ; and indeed more principally in the later part which they slightly put off , then in the former whereat they take advantage . we do not say that the objecting of that statute is of little moment against us , because it was repealed by queen mary ( though that repeal alone is sufficient to make it void and invalid as to all effects in law : ) but because being then repealed it was never after revived in the raigns either of queen elizabeth , king iames , or his majesty that now is : which sheweth that the act of repeal ( as to the point now in dispute ) was by them approved of , and intended to continue in force . and it will thence follow further and most clearly , that in the judgement of all these wise and religious princes , there was a great difference between the papal and the episcopal iurisdiction , as they had been either of them exercised within these realms : and that the papal was prejudicial to the regal power and supremacy , but the episcopal was not . xxviii . neither doth that suffice which is put in by way of reply hereunto , to alledge that the continuance of the old custome ( after the repeal made ) happened either through inadvertency of the state , or by reason of the great power some or other of the bishops ever had with those princes . for it cannot be doubted but that the state , having before them a precedent of so late and fresh memory as the statute of 1. edw. 6. would at some time or other within the space of fourscore years ( especially there being no want in those dayes of enough greedy great-ones and factious disciplinarians to remind them of it ) have taken a time to frame and pass a bill for the reviving of that statute : if they had deemed the custome , therein forbidden , popish or derogatory either to the kings honour or power , or had not rather found sufficient reason to perswade them that the said statute was inconvenient , or at leastwise useless . and as for the bishops , they that understand the condition of those first times well know that ( under god and his good providence ) they stood in a manner by the immediate and sole favour of queen elizabeth . the papists on the one side hated them above all other sorts of men , because of their religion , and their abilities above all other men to defend it . on the other side the puritanes who envied their power , and some great ones about the court , who having tasted the sweet of sacriledge in the times of the two last kings , thirsted after the remainder of their revenues , complyed either with other , for their several respective ends , against the bishops . which being so , it had been the foolishest thing in the world for the bishops , to have used that power or interest they had with the queen ( upon whose favour or displeasure their whole livelyhood depended ) for the procuring of her consent to any act to be done in favour of them , that malice it self could with any colourable construction interpret either to savour of popery , or to trench upon the royal supremacy : that queen having both by her sufferings before , and actions after she came to the crown , sufficiently witnessed to the world her averseness from popery : and being withall a princess of a great spirit , and particularly jealous in the point of prerogative . xxix . whence i think we may ( with good reason ) conclude , that the ancient custome of the bishops in making summons , &c. in their own names , after it was by the act of repeal 1. mar. restored , was continued by queen elizabeth and her successours ever since without interruption , or reviving of the statute of king edward : neither out of any inadvertency in the state , nor through any importune or indirect labouring of the bishops , as by the objectors is weakly presumed ; but advisedly and upon important considerations , viz. that the devising of such a new way , as is set forth and appointed in the said statute , was not only a needless thing , ( and laws should not be either made , or altered , but where it is needful so to do , ) but subject also to manifest both inconvenience , and scandal . xxx . that it was altogether needless to change the old custome may appear by this , that all the imaginable necessity or utility of such a change could be onely this : to secure the king by using his name in their processes &c. ( as a real acknowledgement that their iurisdiction is derived from him and no other . ) that the bishops had no intention in the exercise of their episcopal power to usurp upon his ecclesiastical supremacy . which supremacy of the king , and superiority of his jurisdiction & authority over that which the bishops exercised , being already by so many other wayes and means sufficiently secured ; it could argue nothing but an impertinent jealousie , to endeavour to strengthen that security by an addition of so poor and inconsiderable regard . xxxi . the kings of england are secured against all danger that may accrue to their regal power from episcopal iurisdiction as it hath been anciently and of later times exercised in this realm : first by the extent of their power over the persons , and livelihoods of the bishops , and over the whole state ecclesiastical , as in the ancient right of the crown , which how great it was , may appear by these three particulars . xxxii . first , the collation and donation of bishopricks together with the nomination of the persons to be made bishops , in case they did by their writ of conge d'eslier permit the formality of election to others , did alwayes belong to the kings of this realm , both before and since the conquest , as in right of their crown . our learned lawyers assure us , that all the bishopricks of this realm are of the kings foundation : that they were originally donative , and not elective : and that the full right of investiture was in the king , who signified his pleasure therein per traditionem baculi & annuli , by the delivery of a ring and a crosier-staff to the person by him elected and nominated for that office . the popes indeed often assayed to make them elective , either by the dean and canons of the cathedral , or by the monkes of some principal abbey adjoyning : but the kings still withstood it , and maintained their right as far as they could or durst . insomuch as king henry the first being earnestly sollicited by the pope to grant the election of bishops to the clergy , constanter allegavit ( saith the story ) and verbis minacibus , he stoutly and with threats refused so to do , saying he would not for the loss of his kingdome lose the right of those investitures . it is true that king iohn , a prince neither fortunate nor couragious , being overpowred by the popes , did by charter in the seventeenth year of his raign grant that the bishopricks of england should be eligible . but this notwithstanding in the raign of king edward the third , it was in open parliament declared and enacted , that to the king and his heirs did belong the collation of archbishopricks , &c. and all other dignities that are of his advowson ; and that the elections granted by the kings his progenitors were under a certain form and condition , viz. that they should ask leave of the king to elect , and that after the election made they should obtain the kings consent thereunto ; and not otherwise . xxxiii . secondly , the king hath power , if he shall see cause , to suspend any bishop from the execution of his office for so long time as he shall think good : yea , and to deprive him utterly of the dignity and office of a bishop , if he deserve it . which power was de facto exercised both by queen mary and queen elizabeth in the beginning of their several raigns upon such bishops as would not conform to their religion . xxxiv . thirdly , the kings of england have a great power over the bishops in respect of their temporalties , which they hold immediately of the king per baroniam ; and which every bishop elect is to sue out of the kings hands ( wherein they remained after the decease of the former bishop during the vacancy , ) and thence to take his only restitution into the same , making oath and fealty to the king for the same upon his consecration . yea , and after such restitution of temporalties and consecration , the king hath power to seize the same again into his own hands , if he see just cause so to do . which the kings of england in former times did so frequently practice upon any light displeasure conceived against the bishops ; that it was presented as a grievance by the arch-bishop of canterbury and the other prelates by way of request to king edw. 3. in parliament , and thereupon a statute was made the same parliament , that thenceforth no bishops temporalties should be seized by the king without good cause . i finde cited by sir edward coke out of the parliament rolls 18. h. 3. a record , wherein the king straightly chargeth the bishops not to intermeddle in any thing to the prejudice of his crown ; threatning them with seisure of their temporalties if they should so do . the words are , mandatum est omnibus episcopis quae conventuri sunt apud gloucestr ' ( the king having before summoned them by writ to a parliament to be holden at gloucester ) firmiter inhibendo , quod sicut baronias suas quas de rege tenent diligunt , nullo modo praesumant concilium tenere de aliquibus quae ad coronam pertinent , vel quae personam regis vel statum suum , vel statum concilii sui contingunt ; scituri pro certo quod si fecerint , rex inde capiet se ad baronias suas , &c. by which record , together with other the premisses , it may appear , that the kings by their ancient right of prerogative had sundry wayes power over the bishops whereby to keep them in obedience , and to secure their supremacy from all peril of being prejudiced by the exercise of episcopal iurisdiction . xxxv . yet in order to the utter abolishing of the papal usurpations and of all pretended forraign power whatsoever in matters ecclesiastical within these realms , divers statutes have been made in the raign of king henry the eighth and since for the further declaring and confirming of the kings supremacy ecclesiastical . wherein the acknowledgement of that supremacy is either so expresly contained , or so abundantly provided for ; as that there can be no fear it should suffer for lack of further acknowledgement to be made by the bishops in the style of their courts . amongst other , first , by statute made 25. h. 8. 19. upon the submission and petition of the clergy it was enacted , that no canons or constitutions should be made by the clergy in their convocation without the kings licence first had in that behalfe , and his royal assent after : and likewise that no canon &c. should be put in execution within the realm that should be contrariant or repugnant to the kings prerogative royal , or the customes , lawes , or statutes of the realm . then secondly , by the statute of 1. eliz. cap. 1. all such ecclesiastical iurisdictions , priviledges , superiorities and pre-eminences , as had been exercised or used , or might be lawfully exercised or used by any ecclesiastical power or authority was ( declared to be ) for ever united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm . and thirdly , it was also in the same statute provided , that the oath of supremacy ( wherein there is contained as full an acknowledgement of the kings ecclesiastical suprenacy as the wit of man can devise ) should be taken by every archbishop and bishop &c. which hath been ever since duely and accordingly performed . xxxvi . lastly from receiving any prejudice by the bishops and their iurisdiction , the regal power is yet farther secured , by the subordination of the ecclesiastical laws and courts to the common law of england , and to the kings own immediate courts . for although the ecclesiastical laws be allowed by the laws of this realm , and the proceedings in the ecclesiastical courts be by the way of the civil and not of the common law : yet are those laws and proceedings allowed with this limitation and condition , that nothing be done against the common law whereof the kings prerogative is a principal part ) nor against the statutes and customes of the realm . and therefore the law alloweth appeales to be made from the ecclesiastical courts to the king in chancery : and in sundry cases , where a cause dependeth before a spiritual iudge , the kings prohibition lyeth to remove it into one of his temporal courts . xxxvii . having so many several ties upon the bishops to secure themselves and their regal authority from all danger that might arise from the abuse of the ecclesiastical power and iurisdiction exercised by the bishops in their courts ( by the ancient prerogative of their crown , by the provisions of so many statutes and oaths , by the remedy of the common law : ) the kings of england had no cause to be so needlesly cautelous as to be afraid of a meere formality , the style of a court. especially considering the importance of the two reasons expressed in the statute of king edward , as the onely grounds of altering that style , not to be such as would countervaile the inconvenience and scandal that might ensue thereupon . xxxviii . for whereas it was then thought convenient , to change the style used in the ecclesiastical courts , because it was contrary to the form used in the common-law-courts within this realm , ( which is one of the reasons in the said statute expressed : ) it might very well upon further consideration be afterwards thought more convenient for the like reason to retain the accustomed style , because otherwise the forme of the ecclesiastical courts would be contrary to the form of other civil-law-courts within the realm ( as the admiralty , and earle-marshals court , ) and of other courts of the kings grant made unto corporations ; with either of which , the ecclesiastical courts had a nearer affinity , then with the kings courts of record , or other his own immediate courts of common law. nor doth there yet appear any valuable reason of difference , why inconformity to the common law-courts should be thought a sufficient ground for the altering of the forms used in the ecclesiastical courts ; and yet the like forms used in the admiralty , in the earle-marshals court , in courts baron , in corporation-courts &c. should ( notwithstanding the same inconformity ) continue as they had been formerly accustomed without alteration . xxxix . if any shall alledge as some reason of such difference , the other reason given in the said statute ; viz. that the form and manner used by the bishops was such as was used in the time of the usurped power of the bishop of rome : besides that therein is no difference at all , ( for the like forms in those other aforesaid courts were also in use in the same time ; ) there is further given thereby great occasion of scandal to those of the church of rome . and that two wayes : first , as it is made a reason at all ; and secondly , as it is applyed to the particular now in hand . first , whereas the papists unjustly charge the protestant churches with schism for departing from their communion : it could not but be a great scandal to them , to confirm them in that their uncharitable opinion of us , if we should utterly condemn any thing as unlawful , or but even forbid the use of it as inexpedient , upon this onely grouud or consideration , that the same had been used in the times of popery , or that it had been abused by the papists . and truly the puritanes have by this very means given a wonderful scandal and advantage to our adversaries , which they ought to acknowledge and repent of : when transported with an indiscreet zeal they have cryed down sundry harmeless ceremonies and customes as superstitious and antichristian , onely for this that papists use them . whereas godly and regular protestants think it agreeable to christian liberty , charity and prudence , that in appointing ceremonies , retaining ancient customes , and the use of all other indifferent things such course be held , as that their moderation might be known to all men ; and that it might appear to their very adversaries , that wherein they did receed from them or any thing practised by them , they were not thereunto carried by a spirit of contradiction , but either cast upon it by some necessity of the times , or induced for just reasons of expediency so to do . xl. but then secondly , as that reason relateth to the present business in particular , the scandal thereby given is yet greater . for we are to know , that when king henry the eighth abolished the papal power , resuming in his own hand the ancient rights of the crown , which the bishops of rome had unjustly usurped : he took upon himselfe also that title which he then found used by the bishops of rome , but which none of his progenitors the kings of this realm had ever used , of being the supream head of the church within his dominions . this title continued during the reign of his son king edward the sixth , by whom the statute aforesaid was made , and is mentioned in that very statute . now albeit by that title or appellation was not intended any other thing , then that supremacy ecclesiastical which the kings of this land have , and of right ought to have , in the governance of their realms over all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical as well as other , and which is in the oath of supremacy ackowledged to belong unto them : yet the papists took scandal at the novelty thereof , and glad of such an occasion made their advantage of it , to bring a reproach upon our religion ; as if the protestants of england were of opinion , that all spiritual power did belong unto the king , and that the bishops and ministers of england had their whole power of preaching , administring the sacraments , ordaining , excommunicating , &c. solely and originally from the king , as the members of the body live by the influence which the head hath into them . upon their clamours , that title of supream head and governour was taken into farther consideration in the beginning of queen elizabeths raign . and although that style in the true meaning thereof was innocent and defensible enough : yet for the avoiding of scandal and cavil , it was judged more expedient that the word head should thenceforth be laid aside , and the style run only supream governour ; as we see it is in the oath of supremacy and otherwhere ever since , without mentioning the word head ; according to the intimations given in the queens injunctions and elswhere in that behalfe . and it seemeth to me very probable , that for the same reason especially ( besides those other reasons already given ) it was thought fitter by her then , and by her successours hitherto ; that the bishops in all their ecclesiastical courts and proceedings should act in their own names as formerly they had done , then that the statute of king edward should be revived , for doing it in the kings name . for the sending out processes &c. in order to excommunication and other church-censures in the kings name , would have served marvellously to give colour , ( and consequently strength , in the apprehension at least of weaker judgements ) to that calumny wherewith the papists usually asperse our religion , as if the kings of england took themselves to be proper and competent iudges of censures meerly spiritual in their own persons , and the prelates accordingly did acknowledge them so to be . thus have i shewen to the satisfaction ( i hope ) of the ingenuous and unprejudiced reader , that episcopacy is no such dangerous creature either in the opinion or practice , as some would make the world believe it is : but that the kings crown may stand fast enough upon his head , and flourish in its full verdure , without plucking away or displacing the least flower in it , notwithstanding episcopacy should be allowed to be of divine right in the highest sence , and the bishops still permitted to make their processes in their own names and not in the kings . by this time i doubt not , all that are not willfully blind ( for who so blind , as he that will not see ? ) do see and understand by sad experience , that it had been far better both with king and kingdome then now it is , or ( without gods extraordinary mercy ) is like to be in haste : if the enemies of episcopacy had meant no worse to the king and his crown , then the bishops and those that favoured them did . a post-script to the reader . whereas in my answer to the former of the two objections in the foregoing treatise , i have not any where made any clear discovery what my own particular judgement is concerning the jus divinum of episcopacy in the stricter sense , either in the affirmative or negative : and for want of so doing , may perhaps be censured by some to have walked but haltingly , or at least wise with more caution and mincing , then became me to do in a business of that nature ; i do hereby declare , 1. that , to avoid the starting of more questions then needs must , i then thought it fitter ( and am of the same opinion still ) to decline that question , then to determine it either way : such determination being clearly of no moment at all to my purpose , and for the solving of that objection . 2. that nevertheless , ( leaving other men to the liberty of their own judgements ) my opinion is , that episcopal government is not to be derived meerly from apostolical practise or institution : but that it is originally founded in the person and office of the messias , our blessed lord jesus christ . who being sent by his heavenly father to be the great apostle , [ heb. iii. 1. ] bishop and pastor [ 1 pet. ii. 25. ] of his church , and anointed to that office immediately after his baptisme by john with power and the holy ghost [ act. x. 37-8 . ] descending then upon him in a bodily shape [ luk. iii. 22. ] did afterwards before his ascension into heaven , send and impower his holy apostles , ( giving them the holy ghost likewise as his father had given him ) in like manner as his father had before sent him [ joh . xx. 21. ] to execute the same apostolical , episcopal and pastoral office for the ordering and governing of his church until his coming again : and so the same office to continue in them and their successours , unto the end of the world . [ mat. xxviii . 18 — 20. ] this i take to be so clear , from these and other like texts of scripture ; that if they shall be diligently compared together , both between themselves , and with the following practise of all the churches of christ , as well in the apostles times as in the purest and primitive times nearest thereunto ; there will be left little cause , why any man should doubt thereof . 3. that in my answer to the later objection i made no use at all ( nor indeed could do ) of the opinion of the reverend judges in that point , nor of his majesties proclamation grounded thereupon . for although the proclamation had been extant ten years before this task was imposed upon me ; yet i had never seen , nor so much as heard of the same in all the time before , nor yet in all the time since ; till about ten dayes ago i was advertised thereof , when these papers were then going to the press . which , since they give so much strength to the main cause , and so fully avoid the objection ; i have followed the advise of some friends , and caused them to be printed here withal . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61839-e1990 see stat. 25. h. 8. 20 ; 1. edw. 6. 2. cok. 1. instit. 2. sect. 648. stat. for the clergy 14. ● . 3. cap. 3. observations on the first and second of the canons, commonly ascribed to the holy apostles wherein an account of the primitive constitution and government of churches, is contained : drawn from ancient and acknowledged writings. burnet, gilbert, 1643-1715. 1673 approx. 180 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 66 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a30396 wing b5840 estc r233638 18570235 ocm 18570235 108034 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. 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text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations on the first and second of the canons , commonly ascribed to the holy apostles . wherein an account of the primitive constitution and government of churches , is contained . drawn from ancient and acknowledged writings . glasgow , by robert sanders , printer to the city and university , 1673. the first canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a bishop shall be ordained by two or three bishops . a bishop . this word is sometime taken for a spy , so estathius ad homeri k. sometime for a defender ; so hector was called bishop of troy by homer , iliad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there was among the athenians a publick office so called : and in this sense , it was also used among the romans ; so cicero ad atticum , lib. 7. epist. 11. tells , that pompey would had him to be , quem tota compania & maritima ora habeant episcopum , ad quem delectus & summa negotii referatur , ff . de mun . & hon . leg . ult . parag . item episcopi sunt , qui praesunt pani & caeteris rebus vaenalibus . this term is sometime in the old testament . and clemens romanus epist. ad rom. proves bishop and deacon to be no new terms , from isai. 60.17 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in our edition , we find : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( where , on the way , mark how different the present edition of the septuagint is , from that which clemens made use of ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is also psalm 109.8 . among the iews , he who was the chief of the synagogue , was called chazan hakeneseth , the bishop of the congregation ; and sheliach tsibbor , the angel of the church . and the christian church being modelled as near the form of the synagogue as could be , as they retained many of the rites , so the form of their government was continued , and the names remained the same . but more of this afterward . clemens romanus in his epistle , speaks only of bishops and deacons . polycarp again in his epistle , speaks only of presbyters and deacons ; where some object that it would seem , that both in the church of corinth , to which clement wrote , and in that of philippi , to which polycarp wrote , there were but two orders of churchmen , whom the one calls bishops , the other presbyters . but if polycarp's epistle be genuine , then these of ignatius , which he there mentions , must be so too , and in them the matter is past controversie . epiphanius lib. 3. baer . 75. tells , that at first there were only bishops and deacons , which he saith he had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that ubi episcopi erant jam constituti , scripsit episcopis & diaconis . non enim omnia statim potuerunt apostoli constituere . presbyteris enim opus est & diaconis , per hos enim duos ecclesiastica compleri possunt ; ubi vero non inventus est quis dignus episcopatu , permansit locus sine episcopo . ubi autem opus fuit , & erant digni episcopatu , constituti sunt episcopi ; cum autem multitudo non esset , non inventi sunt inter ipsos , qui presbyteri constituerentur , & contenti erant solo episcopo in loco constituto . verum sine diacono impossibile est esse episcopum . so it seems , that from these profound histories which he had read , it appeared , that in some villages there were only presbyters and no bishops , because in those places none were found worthy of it . but certainly these places were obliged to depend upon some place where there was a bishop constitute : for if none were worthy to be bishops , much less were they worthy to constitute a church within themselves , and independent . it also appears , that in some places at first , they had no presbyters : and indeed where the number of christians was so small ( as no doubt it was in many places at first ) a bishop alone might well have served a whole city : but where the christians were more numerous , there were need of more hands , to assist the bishop in his work . as for that of polycarp's naming no bishop , but only presbyters and deacons , perhaps he wrote in the vacancy of the see : so we find many letters of cyprian's ad clerum romanum , when there was no bishop . besides , it is known that at first the names of bishop and presbyter were used promiscuously . presbyters were so called , not from their age , as they were men , but from the age of their christianity : for a neophite was not to be ordained , and the presbyters did jointly with the bishop , both rule and feed the flock . but some do stretch this too far , as if always the eldest presbyter had been chosen bishop . the commentaries upon the epistles , commonly called ambrose's , but truly hilary , the deacons ( of which i shall say nothing , it being now agreed among the criticks , that they are his ) upon the 4th of the eph. after he hath at length shewn the difference which was betwixt the churches in the apostles times , when they were not fully constitute , and the ages that succeeded , he tells how at first all in the clergy baptized and preached , and that on any day , or where they had opportunity . but afterwards deacons were restrained in this , and things were astricted to certain times and places . hinc est ergo ( saith he ) unde nunc neque diaconi in populo praedicant , nec clerici , nec laici baptizant . — ideo , non per omnia conveniunt scripta apostolica ordinationi , quae nunc in ecclesiâ est , quia haec inter ipsa primordia sunt scripta . nam & timotheum à se creatum presbyterum , episcopum nominat , quia primi presbyteri , episcopi appellabantur , ut recedente eo , sequens ei succederet . denique apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus : sed quia coeperunt praesentes episcopi indigni inveniri , ad primatus tenendos immutata est ratio , prospiciente concilio , ut non ordo , sed meritum crearet episcopum . multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum , ne indignus temere usurparet , & esset multis scandalo . and like to this is , what he saith on 1 tim. 3. from which words , it would appear , that he thought the elder presbyter , without any election or ordination , succeeded unto the chair of the deceased bishop . but this is directly contrary even to what ierome himself saith : neither do we find any such constitution as that he mentions , either in the acts of the council of nice , or of any other . it is true , clemens romanus saith , that the apostles ordained their first fruits , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to be the bishops and deacons of them who should afterward believe : but he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , trying them by the spirit ( that of discerning spirits being among their extraordinary gifts ) and though they ordained no neophyte , yet there is no reason to believe , that either they made the eldest christians , presbyters , or the eldest presbyters , bishops . the choice of matthias , and of the seven deacons , shews that it went not simply by age . st. iames the younger was bishop of ierusalem , and timothy was but young , when ordained . yet the difference of bishop and presbyter seems not to have been unknown to clemens , as appears from these savings of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praepositis vestris subditi & seniores inter vos debito honore prosequentes . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . qui nobis praesunt revereamur , seniores inter nos honoremus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which by the words that follow , must certainly relate to some ecclesiastical constitution among themselves , to which he accommodates the terms of the temple hierarchy . all which i propose without any peremptory decision in this matter , submitting it to the judgment of the impartial reader ; for i know there are exceptions against these words , yet they do clearly imply a difference and subordination betwixt the presbyters , and their presidents : and what he saith of the ranks of the high priest , the priests , the levites , and the laicks , hath certainly a relation to the orders of the church . the next opinion about the origine of episcopacy , is that of ierome , and he hath given it very fully , both in his epistle to evagrius , and on the epist. to titus , cap. 1. he holds , that all things at first were governed in the church , communi presbyterorum consilio , and that the bishops were above the presbyters , non ex dispositione dominicâ , sed ex ecclesiae consuetudine ; and by divers arguments from scripture , he proves , that bishop and presbyter are one and the same , acts 20. they who v. 17. are called presbyters , are v. 28. called bishops . titus 1.5 . he left him to ordain elders , and v. 7. it is added , for a bishop , &c. whence he infers , that bishop and presbyter are one and the same . as also phil. 1. the apostle writes only to bishops and deacons . and 1 tim. 3. he gives the rules only to bishops and deacons . s. peter also called himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and s. iohn designs himself the elder . but he adds , after there arose schisms , and one said , i am of paul , &c. toto orbe decretum est , ut unus caeteris super imponeretur ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret , & schismatum semina tollerentur — ut schismatum plantaria evellerentur ad unum , omnis sollicitudo est delata . and ad evagrium , he tells how alexandriae à marco evangelist â usque ad heraclam & dionysium , presbyteri semper unum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum episcopum nominabant . — quid enim excepta ordinatione facit episcopus , quod presbyter non facit . — et , ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento ; quod aaron , & filii ejus , atque levitae , fuerunt in templo , hoc sibi & episcopi , & presbyteri , & diaconi vendicent in ecclesia . and from these words we may observe , that he accounted the difference of bishop and presbyter , an apostolical tradition , which came in place of the difference that was betwixt aaron and his sons : as also , that this began from the time of the apostles , and of mark the evangelist : that it was done to evite schism , and that it was appointed through the whole world : as also , that the whole care and chief power was in the hands of the bishop , of which he saith further , dial adv . luciferianos . ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui si non exors quaedam , & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiâ efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes . it may seem likewise probable , from him , that presbyters choosed their bishop out of their own number , and that in alexandria they made him bishop without any new ordination . and of this eutychius patriarcha alex. who was not very long after ierome , speaks more plainly , for he in his origines ecclesiae alexandrinae , published by selden , pag. 29.30 . tells , that there were twelve presbyters constitute by s. mark , and when the see was vacant , they did chuse one of their number to succeed , and to be their head , and the rest laid their hands upon him , and bless'd him : yet this cannot hold true , as shall afterwards appear . but all ignatius his epistles , are full of the subordination of presbyters to bishops , not without very hyperbolical magnifications of the bishops office. it is true , in the vulgar editions these expressions are much more frequent ; but in the medicean codex ( published by vossius , which agrees not only with the old latin one published by usher , but also with the citations of theodoret , and athanasius , and other ancient writers which they have taken out of them ) there is a great deal of the subordination of presbyters to bishops . ep. ad tral . he saith , necessarium est , quemadmodum facitis sine episcopo nibil operari . — omnes revereantur episcopum ut iesum christum existentem filium patris , presbyteros autem , ut concilium dei , & conjunctionem apostolorum . to the ephes. he bids them be subject 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and concludes that they should obey these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in his epist. to the magnesians , he saith , quantum episcopum quidem vocant , sine ipso autem omnia operantur : wherefore he adviseth them , ut omnia operentur praesidente episcopo in loco dei , & presbyteris in loco confessionis apostolorum . and there he speaks of the age of damas their bishop , who was but a young man , which he calls according to the vulgar edition , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but in the medicean codex , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which some will infer , that episcopacy was then newly invented , but suppose that were the true reading , which some question , who in this prefer the vulgar reading , it is clear from the whole epistle that he is speaking of the bishops age , and not of episcopacy . and from 2 tim. 2.22 . we see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is properly youthful , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is that which is new . and what tho ignatius , who lived so near the apostles time , did call episcopacy a new order ? many other places to the same purpose of the difference among these offices occur through all his epistles , neither is there any room for debate : but if these epistles be his , the difference of bishop and presbyter hath begun in the apostolical times . but that debate would prove too long a digression here ; therefore i refer the reader , if he desire a full discussion of that question to the incomparably learned and exact defence of them , lately published by doctor pearson , whose harvest is so full , that he hath not so much as left work for a gleaner . that of the angel in the revelation , is brought by many , and that not without ground , to prove that there was some singular person in these churches to whom each epistle was directed , and we have a great deal of reason to believe that polycarp was then bishop of the church of smyrna . iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. and apud euseb. lib. 4. cap. 13. tells that polycarp was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now irenaeus tells how he was polycarp his hearer and disciple , and had conversed with him in his youth , and had often heard him teach . and as it were great uncharitableness to suspect the truth of his narration in a matter of fact , so we cannot think he could have been mistaken in a matter of that importance . but whatever jealousie may fix upon irenaeus , there is no shadow of ground , for suspecting either the veracity , or good information of the church of smyrna , who ( giving an account of his martyrdom in an epistle inserted by euseb. in his history , lib. 4. cap. 14. ) call him bishop of the catholick church of smyrna . all that can be alledged against this , is , that in their stile bishop and presbyter were one and the same thing . but the contrary of this is clear from iranaeus , who speaks always of bishops as distinct from presbyters : and tho he sometimes call bishops presbyters , yet he never calls presbyters , bishops ; which is also the stile of these few writers of that age , who sometimes call bishops , presbyters . eusebius tells from the testimony of the church of lions , how he was first a presbyter in lions under pothinus : after whose martyrdom he succeeded him in the chair , and died bishop there . and if we will hear himself , lib. 3. cap. 3. when he is reckoning up the tradition of the faith from the apostles , he deduceth it by all the bishops who did sit in rome from the apostolick times : whence two things will follow ; one , that he judged there had been still bishops in that church . the other , that he looked on the bishop , as the chief depositary of the faith . further , euseb. lib. 5. cap. 24. sets down his epistle to victor bishop of rome , wherein he chides him for excommunicating the eastern bishops ; and there he lays the whole blame upon victor , without sharing it among the presbyters , and also commends the former bishops of rome for their greater gentleness ; whereby it plainly appears , that he judged that the power of discipline lay chiefly in the bishops hands . polycrates also ( apud euseb. lib. 5. hist. cap. 23. ) vindicates the practice of their church about the day of easter , not only from the example of the apostles among them , but of the seven bishops who preceded him in his see. from which we may not only infer , that there was but one bishop in a city , from the days of the apostles ; but that his authority was great , since what they did , passed for a precedent to their successors . and indeed the difference of bishop and presbyter , is so evpress in irenaeus , that the most learned assertors of parity , confess the change was begun before his time , which was in the end of the second century . now how this change could have been introduced , when there was neither council , nor secular prince to establish it , when churchmen were so pure ( polycarp an apostolical man , having died but about thirty years before ; besides many other apostolical men who had long survived ) when the church was in the fire of persecution , and so less dross could be among them ; when there was no secular interest to bait them to it : for on the contrary this subjected them to the first fury of the persecution , seems strange . and it is not easie to be imagined , or believed , how this could have been so suddenly received through all the churches , both eastern and western , and that there was none to witness against it ; and that neither the sincerity of some presbyters , nor the pride of others , should have moved them to appear for their priviledges against this usurpation : and how neither heretick , nor schismatick , save one , and that about two hundred years after , should have charged the church with this : on the contrary , all of them having their own bishops ; and how this government continued in so peaceable possession through the succession of so many ages , till of late , that even fundamentals are brought under debate ; if this superiority were either so criminal , as some hold it to be , or had not been introduced at least by some apostolical men , if not by the apostles themselves , will not be easily cleared . in the next century we have tertullian speaking clearly of the difference of bishops , presbyters and deacons , lib. de bapt . dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos , qui & episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi authoritate , propter ecclesiae bonum . idem de praescript . advers . haer . cap. 32. caeterum si quae ( praescriptiones ) se audent inserere aetati apostolicae , ut ita videantur ab apostolis traditae . — edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum , evolvant ordinem episcoporum suorum , ita per successiones ab initio decurrentem , ut primus ille episcopus , aliquem ex apostolis , vel apostolicis viris , qui tamen cum apostolis perseverarent , habuerit authorem & antecessorem ; hoc enim modo ecclesiae apostolicae census suos deferunt , sicut smyrneorum ecclesia habens polycarpum , à ioanne collocatum refert : sicut romanorum à petro clementem ordinatum edit . proinde utique & caeterae exhibent , quos ab apostolis in episcopatu constitutos apostolici seminis traduces habeant ; confingant tale aliquid baeretici . he also lib. 4. cont . marcionem , cap. 5. saith , ordo tamen episcoporum ad originem recensus , in joannem stabit authorem . by which we see that he both judged bishops to be of an apostolical origene , and that he counted them different from presbyters . a little after him was clemens alex. who 6. strom. p. 667. speaking of the constitution of the christian churches , saith , there were among them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he thinks was taken from the angelick glory , and from their oeconomy and administration . we shall also find through all cyprian his epistles this disparity so clear , that it cannot be denied , that yet we find him as condescending as any . epist. 6. writing to his clergy : he saith , solus rescribere nihil potui , quando à primordio episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro , & sine consensu plebis meae , pivata gerere sententia . but even this looks like a yielding to a diminution of that plenitude of power to which he might have pretended , epist. 65. writing to , rogatian , who had advised with him concerning a deacon that had carried insolently toward him , he writes : pro episcopatûs vigore , & cathedrae authoritate , haberes potestatem , qua posses de illo statim vindicari . ( and about the end ) haec sunt enim initia baereticorum , & ortus atque conatus schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant , sic de ecclesiâ receditur , sic altare profanum foris collocatur , sic contra pacem christi , & ordinationem , atque unitatem dei rebellatur . likewise we find epist. 31. written to cyprian , by the clerus romanus , the seat being then vacant , what sense they had of the bishop's power , when they say : post excessum nobilissimae memoriae fabiani , nondum est episcopus propter rerum & temporum difficultates constitutus , qui omnia ist a moderatur , & eorum qui lapsi sunt possit cum authoritate & consilio habere rationem . and if in any case we receive a testimony , it should be from the mouth of those who can only pretend to be injured . my next witness shall be dionysius of alexandria , whose same and authority was inferiour to none of the age he lived in . i do not bring his words to prove there were bishops in the church in his time , since that is denied by none : but to prove how full and absolute the authority of the bishops was then , and that the presbyters were simply determined by their commands . great care was used to keep the christian assemblies pure ; and therefore such as fell in scandalous sins , chiefly these who apostatised in the persecution , were not admitted to the communion of the faithful , but after a long and heavy penitence : and a question rising , what should be done with those who died before they finished their penitence : he in his letter to fabius bishop of rome , telling that signal story of serapion , shews that in his diocese the presbyters sent the eucharist to the sick who desired it , though they died before they had compleated their penitence : and he adds how this was by his authority , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where from the stile of ● command given by him , which was the rule of his presbyters , and the rest of that epistle , it is as clear as any matter of fact can be , that the authority of bishops over their presbyters was then full , absolute , and undisputed . if we will believe eusebius , who certainly hath been a diligent and great collector , as any of all the ancients , the whole tract , both of his history and chronology , runs fully in this strain ; and he gives us the catalogues of the bishops of the patriarchal sees , from the days of the apostles to his own time . and tho it is not to be denied that he hath been too credulous in some instances ; yet it is hard to think he could have been mistaken in such a tract of so many particulars . and we see from the sixth canon of the council of nice , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that the power of metropolitans over bishops , was then accounted by that council an ancient custom ; neither was there ever any opposition made to this before aërius , who upon that account is reckoned an heretick by epiph. lib. 3. haer . 75. and also by augustin ad quod vult deum , haer . 53. epiphanius adds , that he was an arrian , and gives the account of his opinion in this matter , thus : aërius being a presbyter in sebastia , was offended when eustathius was preferred before him to that bishoprick : and tho eustathius took all ways to gain him , and committed the xenodochium that was there to his inspection , yet aerius too deeply irritated at the preference , said : quid est episcopus ad presbyterum ; nihil differt hic ab illo , unus enim est honor , unus ordo , & una dignitas . imponit munus episcopus , ita etiam presbyter ; lavacrum dat episcopus , similiter & presbyter . dispensationem cultûs divini facit episcopus , facit & presbyter similiter ; sedet episcopus in throno , sedet etiam presbyter . by which he deceived many , and had divers followers : but it seems they have died with their author , for we hear no more of them . medina in the council of trent , numbred with aerius , jerome , ambrose , augustine , chrysostom , theodoret , primasius , and sedulius , as if they had been of the same mind , wherein he certainly spoke rashly , and was either ignorant or indeliberate . we have already considered both jerome and ambrose , or rather hilary the deacon , their opinions in this matter . all that is gathered from augustine , is , ep. ad hieronymum , where he saith : quanquam secundum honorem vocabulorum , quae jam usus obtinuit , episcopatus presbyterio major fit , multis tamen in rebus augustino hieronymus major est . whence some would infer that the difference of these was only in words , and brought in but by custom : but how thin and weak this is , it being but a smooth complement , will appear to all , especially if they set it in the balance with the great evidence that stands upon the other side . chrysostom . hom . ii. on i tim. when he is giving the reason , why the apostle passeth from bishops to deacons , without giving rules to presbyters , saith , the reason was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and a little after , he taxeth what that little betwixt them was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but this is far from saying that they were all one ; and that there ought to be no difference betwixt them . chrysost. also in his first homily on the phil. i. cap. on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith , quid hoc rei est ? an unius civitatis plures erunt episcopi ? nullo modo . verum sic presbyteros vocavit , tunc enim nomina invicem communicabant , & diaconus dicebatur episcopus . and there he shews that bishop and presbyter were taken promiscuously ; for which he cites that of timothy's being ordained by the imposition of the hands of the presbytery , which he saith is to be understood of bishops . quia presbyteri episcopum non ordinassent . ( and a little after ) etiam presbyteri olim appellabantur episcopi , & diaconi christi , & episcopi christi , unde nunc etiam multi presbyteri & diaconi scribuntur episcopi . but he adds , that in process of time , each had their proper names appropriated to them . oecumeneus and theophylact , in this , and all other things , follow chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as also primasius , who on i tim. 3. gives the reason , why the presbyters are not named . eos in episcoporum ordine comprehendit , quia secundus , imo pene unus est gradus . sedulius scotus on the i. of titus , saith verbatim , that which jerome hath on the same place , and so it is to be considered as all one with him on the matter . but theodoret's opinion is a little more perplext , who on i tim. tells , that the same persons were called sometimes presbyters , sometimes bishops : but these who are now called bishops , were then called apostles , and that in the progress of time they left the name of apostles , and the name of bishops was appropriated to them who were first called apostles . thus he . these words it seems dropped from him without consideration , for there is no shadow of ground to believe it was so ; otherwise how came it , that the apostle gave no rules for them , under that name . but these words are sufficiently tossed by petavius and wallo messalinus . and thus far we have an ingenuous account of the various sentiments of the fathers , about the disparity of bishops and presbyters . the next thing in this canon to be consider'd is , what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is unquestionable , that by this is understood ordination by imposition of hands , for all the ancients use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 promiscuously : but criticks judge that by the former we are to understand all that pertained to the ordination , and the whole office of it , and that the latter is to be restrained to that particular rite of imposition of hands given in the ordination . nor do i remember of any place , where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 stands for the election of churchmen , except in the fifth canon of laodicea , which discharges it to be in the presence of the hearers : and if we compare that with the 13th canon of the same council , which discharges the popular elections , we shall see the reason why they likewise forbid the elections to be in the peoples hearing , which was for avoiding tumults . balsamon on this canon refutes their mistake , who understood it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who founded their gloss on that canon of laodicea , ( which zonaras and aristenus doth ) quae enim fit in ecclesia ordinatio per preces mysticas peragitur , etiamsi fiat coram multis . and he proves his gloss from the 4. canon of nice , which appoints the elections of the bishops to be by the whole bishops of the province , or by three at least . therefore this canon cannot be meant of the elections of bishops , since two suffice by this rule for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and by the recurring of this same word in the next canon , he confirms his assertion , since presbyters and deacons were not ( according to him ) elected by suffrages . whence we see , how groundless a nicety theirs is , who would distinguish them , as if the former had been the election , the latter the ordination . it is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the greek authors almost constantly taken for the election of magistrates , which was ordinarily done in greece by the extention or elevation of the hand ; so budaeus upon the word , and cicero pro flacco speaks of their psephismata porrigenda manu , profundendoque clamore concitata . but that distinction is not observed in sacred writings , in which these minute critical modes of speaking are not attended to , and since , before they were to lay on hands , they were to stretch forth their hands on the head of the person , this word is not improperly used for that action : and therefore , acts 14. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used of paul and barnabas their ordaining of elders , where it is clear , it cannot be meant of the election by the people , but of their ordination of pastors . this word in scripture is also used for an appointment , or election , acts 10. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for god's election ; and 2 cor. 8.19 . it is applied to these who were chosen to carry a message . as for the ordination of churchmen , it is nothing else but a solemn ceremony of blessing them , by laying on of hands . we find of old , that all who were called out for any divine service , were solemnly separated for it , so were both kings , priests , and prophets . and the law of nature saith , that to all functions for which a great veneration is due , there should be a solemn inauguration . the laying of the hand upon the head , was the rite of benediction , gen. 48. 14. jacob blessing joseph's children doth it with that ceremony : in like manner , deut. 34. 19. did moses bless joshuah . we see also by the sinners laying on their hands on the head of the sacrifice , that is was a ceremony used in the devoting of things to god , whence might rise that phrase among the latins caput devovere . and upon these accounts , this was appropriated to the ordination of churchmen , who are to be both blessed , and devoted to god. we find this ceremony also used in the new testament on many and different occasions ; sometimes when they healed diseases , mark 16. 8. they shall lay their hand on the sick , and they shall recover . and our lord usually touched the sick with his hand . acts 28. 8. s. paul lays his hands on publius . likewise , when they conferred the holy ghost on any who were baptized , they used this ceremony , so acts 8.17 . and 19. 6. and farther , when they appointed any for the ministery of the gospel , they separated and blessed them , by the laying on of hands ; so 1 tim. 4.15 . and 5.22 . and 2 tim. 1.6 . deacons were also ordained by this ceremony , acts 6. 6. as also when they sent any on a particular mission , though already sanctified for the work of the gospel , they laid hands on them : so acts 13. 3. paul and barnabas were ordained for the ministery of the gentiles . from all which it is clear that they used imposition of hands , as the constant ceremony of benediction , and as a concomitant of it , and not as a ceremony of it self significant and sacramental . among the ancients , imposition of hands was used not only in confirmation , which is undoubted , and is by many founded on that of hebrews 6.2 . where laying on of hands being joined with baptism , and reckoned among foundations , seems to be common to all christians . but they also used it in the receiving of penitents : so 19th canon of laodicea . as for the form of ordaining bishops , we see here it was to be done by bishops , which is agreed to by all , only eutychius seems to say , that in alexandria presbyters ordained the bishop . but as for the number of the bishops who were to ordain , this seems to be later , and more sutable to the state of the churches after they were constituted , than while they were under persecution . the number of three was appointed , conc. arel . 1. can. 21. nic. can. 4. arel . 2. can. 5. carth. 2. can. 12. and see more of this gratian dist . 64. this seems to have been founded on timothy's ordination , which is said to have been done by the presbytery , which chrysostom understands of a company of bishops . but it is not probable , that in the time of persecution , when bishops neither durst leave their own flocks , nor meet in any number , this was then observed ; and divers accounts are given of ordinations , where we hear only of one bishop ordaining . gregory thaumaturg was ordained by fidimus bishop of amasia , who went to the wilderness to seek him . and there are many instances among the lives of the solitaries , of such as were brought to a bishop , and ordained by him , without any other assisting him . so synesius epist. 67. tells how siderius was ordained a bishop , only by philo bishop of cyrene ; and tho he call that a transgression of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confesseth it was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , since he was neither ordained in alexandria , nor by three bishops ; yet he justifies it from the necessity of the times wherein such freedom of assemblies was not safe . and gregory the great allowed augustine to ordain alone in england ; who upon that did ordain some bishops alone , as beda relates . dionysius the areopagite cap. 5. de eccles. hierar . giving the account of the ordination of bishops , represents it as done by one person . anno 555 after vigilius bishop of rome his death , pelagius who got himself made his successor , being suspected of accession to his death , could only get two bishops , to wit , joannes perusinus , and bonus ferentinus , who with andreas presbyter of ostia , laid hands on him . and here is a presbyter laying hands on a bishop . the church of rome , at this day , ordinarily dispenseth with this , so that one bishop and two abbots do often ordain bishops . the areopagite loc . cit . gives the account of the bishops ordination , whom he always calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , thus : he who was to be ordained , was brought to another bishop , and kneeling before the altar , the gospels were laid on his head , and the bishops hand , and so he was consecrated with a holy prayer , and then marked with the sign of the cross ; and last of all , saluted by the bishop , and whole holy order . his theory on this is : their coming to the altar , shews the subjecting of their whole life to god. laying on of hands , is as a father's blessing of his child . the sign of the cross signifies , that they are to follow christ , even to the cross . their salutation signifies their union one with another : and the gospel is laid on the bishops head , because he being the head of the hierarchy , is to illuminate the rest . with this agrees the fourth council of carthage , where the rules are at length set down for the tryals and qualifications of bishops : and canon first , at the end , we have , cum in bis omnibus , examinatus , fuerit inventus plene instructus , tunc cum consensu clericorum & laicorum , & conventu totius provinciae episcoporum , maximeque metropolitani vel authoritate vel praesentiâ , ordinetur episcopus . and canon second : episcopus quum ordinatur , duo episcopiponant & teneant evangeliorum codicem super caput & cervicem ( aliter verticem ) ejus , & uno super eum fundente benedictionem , reliqui omnes episcopi , qui adsunt , manibus suis caput ejus tangant . and of this see gratian dist . 23. & 77. where we find a bishop was to be five years a lector or exorcist , fourteen years an acoluth or subdeacon , and five years a deacon , ere he be a presbyter , and then he may hope for the highest degree . but in another chapter it is said , he must be ten years a presbyter , ere he can be a bishop . and in another chapter , none could be a deacon under twenty five years of age . but by the civil law , the age both of bishop and presbyter is the same ; to wit , thirty five . these previous degrees were introduced , and the years of tryal in them were appointed , that all might be prepared and rightly formed before they were admitted to the government of the church . among other ceremonies in the ordination of bishops , in some places they were anointed with the chrisma . nazianz . orat. 20. tells , that his father had so anointed basile : and orat. 5. tells , that himself was so ordained : but it seems that that was a custom peculiar to that country , since we meet not with it so early elsewhere . as for the elections of bishops , we have seen from ierome and eutychius , how the presbyters did choose the bishop . but in africk , the synod with the clergy , and the people did it ; of which we have a full account from cyprian , epist. 68. de traditione divinâ & apostolicâ observatione tenendum est , & observandum quod apud nos quoque , & fere per provincias universas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad cam plebem cui praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ejusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus delegatur plebe praesente , quae singulorum vitam plenissime novit , & uniuscujusque actum de ejus conversatione perspexerit . and a little before , he saith , plebs ipsa maxime habet potestatem vel elegendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi . and from that of numb . 10. where moses stript aaron , and clothed eleazer before all the congregation , he proves that it was of divine authority , that the sacerdotal ordinations should not be , nisi sub populi assistentis conscientiâ , ut plebe praesente , vel detegantur malorum crimina , vel bonorum merita praedicentur , & sit ordinatio justa & legitima , quae omnium judicio & suffragio erit examinata . and this course , he saith , held in the ordination both of bishops , priests and deacons . and epist. 33. he excuseth himself , that he had ordained one a lector without the consent of his people , though he had been a confessor in the persecution . the epistle is directed to the presbyters , deacons , and the whole people , and begins : in ordinationibus clericis solemus vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare . all that we meet with concerning this in scripture , is the chusing of the deacons by the people , acts 6. for that of acts 14.23 . is clearly misapplied . 1 tim. 3. a deacon should be first approved , and titus 1.6 . a bishop must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and thereby it appears , that certainly some enquiry was to be made into his conversation , which at least must have been a promulgation before-hand . so we find conc. chalc. can . 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and lampridius in the life of alexander severus tells , that he used such a course before he made any governor of a province . dicebatque grave esse non fieri in provinciarum rectoribus , cum id christiani & fudaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus , qui ordinandi sunt . but there were frequent disorders in these elections , which occasioned the 13. canon of the council of laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and by the canon goeth before that , the election of bishops is committed to the bishops of the province , which was also established by the council of nice , fourth and sixth canon . likewise justinian , nov. 123. cap. 1. excludes the people from the election of the bishop , but leaves it to the clergy , and the primores civitatis , to name a list of three , out of which the metropolitan was to choose one . the bishops were to be ordained in the presence of the people , where every one might propose his exceptions , why he might not be ordained , which were to be examined before they proceeded to the ordination . so conc. antioch . canon 19. and carthag . canon 49. and iustinian tit . 1. nov. const. 1 , 2.17 . according to photius in nomocan , tit . 1. cap. 8. yet these popular elections were not wholly taken away , and at least the peoples consent was asked : but there were great disorders in these elections . nazianz. orat. 14. at his father's funeral instanceth them in two cases at cesarea , where his father was present ; in which there were factions at the election of the bishop : in one of them it was that basil was chosen . ammian mercellin tells what tumults were at rome in the elections of their bishops , of whom he saith , supra modum humanum ad rapiendam sedem episcopalem ardebant : so that at the election of damasus the faction betwixt his electors , and those that were for urcisinus , brake out into such a tumult , that there were in basilicâ sicinini , ubi ritus christiani est conventiculum , centum triginta septem peremptorum cadavera reperta , lib. 27. and he adds , it was no wonder they struggled so about it , because id adepti futuri sunt ita securi , ut ditentur oblationibus matronarum , procedantque vehiculis insidentes , circumspecte vestiti , epulas curantes profusas , adeo ut eorum convivia regales superent mensas , qui esse poterant beati revera , si urbis magnitudine despecta quam vitiis opponunt , ad imitationem quorandam provincialium antistitum viverent , quos tenuitas edendi potandique parcissimè , vilit as etiam indumentorum & supercilia humum spectantia perpetuo numini , verisque ejus cultoribus , ut puros commendant & verecundos . because of those disorders in elections , it was that nazianz. orat. 19. wished , that the elections were only or chiefly in their hands who served at their altar . sic enim nunquam ecclesiis male esset . therefore he desires they should no more be committed iis qui opibus ac potentiâ pollent aut plebis impetui ac temeritati , atque etiam plebeiorum vilissimo aut contemptissimo cuique , as had been before . adding , that the disorders which were in such elections , made him loath his life , and long to be in a wilderness . one effect of these confused elections was , that some who were not presbyters , nay not so much as christians , were chosen bishops : for orat. 20. on basil , when he tells how basil was first ordained a presbyter , he regrates that many bishops oft-times leaped into the chair without any preceding degree , which was contrary to nature and reason , since among saylors none is made at first a pilot : nor is there any at first made a general among soldiers . nunc autem periculum est , ne ordo omnium sanctissimus , omnium maximè sit ridiculus : non enim virtute magis , quam maleficio , & scelere sacerdotium paratur , nec digniorum , sed potentiorum throni sunt . adding , that none is called a physician , before he understand diseases , nor a painter before he can mix colors . antistes contra facile invenitur , non elaboratus , sed recens . — uno die sancto fingimus , eosque sapientes & eruditos esse jubemus , qui nihil didicerunt : nec ad sacerdotium quicquam prius contulerunt quam velle . and orat. 19. he tells how in cesarea at an election of a bishop , his father and other bishops being present , there arose a great sedition about it , which could not be easily composed , partly thorow the peoples fervor about the faith , partly thorow the eminence of the chair , which made the contentions greater . but at length the whole people with one consent made choice of a person of great quality , but not yet baptized , to be their bishop : from which he was very averse , but they took him by force , and by the assistance of some soldiers then in the city , haled him to the church , and desired the bishops , not without threats , to ordain him : whereupon they overawed by fear and force , first purified him , and then set him upon the throne ; but more with their hands than with their heart . chrysost . also lib. 3. de sacerdotio , cap , 15. shews the evil of these popular elections , and that in them they looked more to riches and honor , than to true worth . but where the synodical elections were set up , the people were not wholly excluded from their interest in the choice , as we see particularly in the churches of milan and hippo. neither were these synodical elections so regular as nazianzen hoped , which appears from two famous instances of nectarius and ambrosius . nectarius came to the council of constantinople in the company of diodorus bishop of tarsus : and then it was , that upon some differences ( as you shall see afterwards ) nazianzen retired from constantinople . and nectarius thinking to go home to his country , came to his bishop diodorus to ask his blessing , and receive his commands . but at that time all diodorus thoughts were , how a fit person might be found for constantinople , and looking on nectarius , considering his gravity , his gray hairs , and sweet temper , he thought ( it seems by a divine inspiration ) what if he were made bishop . and thereupon pretending another errand , he took him to the bishop of antioch , and whispering him in the ear , bid him consider how fit a person nectarius might prove for the bishoprick of constantinople . meletius laughed in his heart at diodorus his simplicity , who should think of nectarius , when so many famous men had been named for that see by their bishops . after that , theodosius the emperor commanded the synod to give him in writing a list of such persons as were judged fit for that chair , which being laid upon miletus to draw , he to gratifie diodorus , puts nectarius among them . the emperor at first reading began to think of nectarius : but at second reading , positively concluded that he must be the bishop . the synod was amazed , and began to enquire about him , and found that he was but a catechumen , whereupon they desired the emperour to change his mind ; but he continuing resolute , the synod yielded : and after they had baptized him , they ordained him bishop . and by this we see that the synod made the list , but the emperour named the person . near of kin to this is the story of ambrose . after auxentius the bishop of milan his death , valentinian the emperor called a council of bishops , and appointed them to chuse some holy and fit person to be bishop there , cujus authoritati & nos subjiciamur , cujusque reprehensiones ferre non dubitemus . etenim ut imperatores nos simus , & rerum potiamur , homines tamen esse nos , & humanis lapsibus obnoxios fatendum nobis est . but the synod referred the election back to him , that he might name the person , yet he refused it , and told them , it was their business , adding , ego vero , id & viribus meis majus & ab officio meo alienum judico . but as they went to consult about this , the people of milan did all run together to the church to chuse their bishops , some of them were arrians , and others orthodox , and each party was contending to have the bishop chosen of their own side . at that time ambrose a noble roman of the consular order , was prefect there , to whom valentinian , when he sent him to that charge ; said , vade , age non ut iudex , sed ut episcopus . he fearing that the concourse of the people might end in a tumult , came among them to prevent that , and with great sweetness exhorted them to calmness and unity ; whereupon they much taken with his speech , cryed out with one accord ; let ambrose be bishop . but he resisted this as much as he could , and did chide them for their indeliberate choice of a secular person , who was a stranger to ecclesiastical affairs , and not so much as initiated into the faith , for he was not then baptized . yet the synod approving of their election , he was first baptized , and then ordained bishop . but paulinus adds , that after his baptism , he past in order through all the ecclesiastical degrees , and on the eighth day was ordained bishop there . thus went the synodical elections : but it was a great while before that , even in the elections of the bishops of rome , the people were wholly barred from their priviledges . and of all this see at large antonius de dominis , lib. 3. de repub. eccles. cap. 3. metropolitans were chosen by the patriarchs , and the patriarchs by the emperours : but in some cases , the emperours took the elections simply to themselves ; at other times , they reserved only the ratification of them to themselves : and so for a great while , the elections of the bishops of rome were to be ratified , either by the emperors of the east , or by their exarchs at ravenna . and after that charles the great assumed the empire of the west , it was decreed in a synod at rome , that the election of the roman bishop belonged to him : and accordingly he was in possession of it , though his successors did simply slip from it . now the elections are in the hands of the canons and prebends , which is an art to make the election go what way the superior will. but the chapters chusing the bishop , was not known to the ancients , it belonging to the whole college of the presbyters without distinction . and all who desire the restitution of church discipline , think , that the erecting of provincial synods , and giving the power of electing bishops to them , is both the best method , and most agreeable to all antiquity . a see was not to lie vacant over three months , nor the ordination of a bishop delayed , except upon an inexcusable necessity , otherwise the metropolitan was liable to censure , conc. chalc. can. 25. and in the council of sardice , can. 10. osius proposed , that none should be bishop till he had passed through all the inferior degrees , and had finished the ministery of a lector , deacon , and presbyter ; and to this all the bishops there present gave their consent : but by the instances already marked , we see that this order was not universally observed . nov. 123. it is decreed , that a bishop be at least three months among the clergy , before he be ordained , that he may be instructed in the ecclesiastical ministery and service . another custom there had been of bishops ordaining successors for themselves : so euseb. lib. 7. cap. 26. or according to the greek division , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tells how theotecnus bishop of cesarea , ordained anatolius to be his successor , and that for some time they were both bishops together . in other places they did not ordain , but only design their successors . yet augustin was ordained bishop of hippo by his predecessor valerius ; but he apologizes for this , epist. 110. and saith , that he did not know that it was contrary to the council of nice , which decreed that there should be but one bishop at once in a city . and from that epistle we see it was ordinary for bishops to design their successors , which was done to prevent the tumults were usually in elections . and augustin tells us of a disorder which had been in a neighbor town , because the bishop , though he had designed his successor , yet had not published it . therefore he to evite that hazard , designed eradius to be his successor , to which all the people assented . yet lest this might have opened a door for bishops to have transmitted their sees to their kindred or friends , it was decreed in the council of antioch , can. 23. that any such designation of successors made by bishops , should be declared null , and that the election of the bishop should be in the hands of the bishops of that synod where the see lay . there might be but one bishop in a city for unities sake , yet sometimes there were coadjutors : so nazianzen was coadjutor to his father . and augustin in his second conference with the donatists , offered that if the donatists overcame , then they should yield their bishopricks to them ; but if the donatists were overcome by them , and so should return to the community of the church , they should admit them to be conjunct bishops with them . so was the schism in antioch betwixt the meletianists and the paulianists setled , that both should be bishops together , and all should obey him that survived ; to this they all agreed , confirming it by oath . yet flavianus , one of miletus his disciples , after his death , got himself chosen bishop , but was in that condemned by all . it is true , that the novatians in divers sees had distinct bishops , but these were schismaticks . yet in the beginning of christianity , it would appear that there were more bishops in one place : for tertullian and epiphanius assert , that clemens was ordained bishop of rome by s. peter . and yet all reckon linus to have succeeded him . so also evodius is generally reckoned to be the first bishop of antioch ; thus eusebius , origen and ierome . yet chrysostom and theodoret say , that ignatius was ordained there by s. peter . if there be any authority in clemens his constitutions , they offer a clear account of this , that evodius was appointed bishop of the circumcision , and ignatius bishop of the uncircumcision ; and that after evodius's death , both churches grew in one . the same also is applied to the difference about linus , and clemens by others , as if linus had been bishop of the circumcision , and clemens of the uncircumcision ; and that after cletus's death they all grew in one , and submitted to clemens . however , it is clear that in every church there was but one bishop : and accordingly was decreed , conc. nic. can. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by which stile we see they guarded against the disorder of two bishops in a city , as a thing undoubtedly irregular , which hath been accounted so before that time : so that this of one bishop in a city , is not to be accounted an act of that council ; but a reference to some former act , or at least an universally received practice . yet the first succession of the bishops of rome , tho always perplexed , is much more so , from the most learned vossius ( his observations in his letter to rivet , subjoined to doctor pearson's vindiciae of ignatius his epistles : ) who from all the manuscripts of damasus his lives of the popes , informs us , that s. peter did ordain both linus and cletus bishops of rome : and after some enquiry into the matter , he concludes , that at first there were three bishops in rome at once , linus , cletus , anencletus . in the next succession , he places cletus , anencletus and clemens ; but anencletus surviving both the other , sate alone at rome : after whom there was but one bishop there . yet i know not if damasus ought to have such authority , that upon his testimony we are bound to believe a thing so different from the accounts given by elder and more unquestioned writers . all ambitus was condemned in bishops ; but it seems that in nazianzen's time it was too common : for he in his apologetick regrates how some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tanquam non virtutis exemplum , sed victûs parandi occasionem & subsidium hunc ordinem esse judicantes : ac non munus referendis rationibus obnoxium , sed imperium ab omni censurâ immune . and a little after : prius fere quam primam comam abjecetimus , puerilique more balbutire desierimus . — si duo aut tria pia verba didicerimus , eaque non ex lectione , sed ex sola auditione bausta , an t davidi paulum operae dederimus , aut pallium scite contraxerimus , aut zonâ tenus philosophati fuerimus , pietatis quandam speciem nobis illinentes , ô praefecturam ! ô elatum animum ! justinian . const. nov. 137. cap. 1. complains , that absque examinatione , atque honestatis vitae testimonio ordinantur episcopi , presbyteri , & diaconi , &c. and there divers places out of nazianzen's apologetick are cited , to shew that ordination should be gone about cum omni diligentiâ atque rigore , cad . de epis. & cler. leg . 31. tantum ab ambitu debet esse sepositus , ut quaeratur cogendus , rogatus recedat , invitatus effugiat , sola sibi suffragetur necessitas excusandi . profecto enim est . indignus sacerdotio , nisi fuerit invitatus , invitus . chrysostom in his third book de sacerdotio , cap. 10. among the qualifications of a bishop , reckons for a chief one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nam si ad eum principatum adipiscendum vehementi animi affectu rapietur , eo adepto impotentiorem sane suae ambitionis flammam incendet : ac vi tandem captus , ut sibi adeptum honorem stabiliat , nulli non peccato serviet : seu adulandum , seu servile quidpiam atque indignum sustinendum , seu res magno pecuniae sumptu tentanda : nam quod nonnulli caedibus ecclesias compleverint , contaminarintque tum ejus honoris gratiâ depugnantes , civitates aliquot funditus everterunt dicere hic praetermitto , ne quibusdam videar ea in medium afferre quae fide majora sunt . and to preoccupy the objection from 1 tim. 1.3 . he adds , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and among other advantages of one who wants this too forward desire , he reckons this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and with a great deal of ingenuity , he confesseth how strong that unlawful desire was in himself , which frighted him from entering in holy orders . how far nazianzen was from all ambitus , the whole tract of his life doth fully discover . he was no sooner ordained a presbyter , than he with his friend basile , at that time likewise ordained , fled to pontus , where they lived a great while , purifying their souls in the exercise of prayer and mortification . after which they returned home . nazianzen out of compassion to his father who pressed his return , and basile out of zeal to religion , and the church then out of zeal to religion , and the church then over-run with arrians ; s. basile by the means of old nazianzen , was chosen and ordained biship of cesarea , and he ordained nazianzen bishop of sasime : but he , what through his love of retirement , what because sasime being a stage of the waggoners , was full of stirs and disorders , immediately left that place , in which he was set against his heart . and some say that he never ordained any in it , nor consecrated the eucharist while he was there : neither could ever his father obtain of him to return to it . and when his father dealt earnestly with him , not without threatning of imprecations , that he would accept the charge of nazianzen in his old age , he with great aversion yielded to his entreaty , declaring he would stay no longer there than his father lived . during which time , he managed that see with a great deal of success and applause : but after his father died , which was in the hundred year of his age , he continued a little longer there , till his mother who survived her husband sometime , died also . and then he retired to a house of holy virgins in seleucia , that in his absence they might chuse another bishop ; but returning thither a little after , he found they had chosen none ; yet he continued stiff as an oak , and neither prayers nor tears could prevail with him . afterward constantinople was in great disorder through the heresies of was in great disorder through the heresies of apollinaris and macedonius lately sprung up , beside the arrian , which was there before : and he being inwardly called of god to go thither , and prompted by his friend basile , and invited by many bishops , and honourable citizens , went and laboured among them : not behaving himself as their bishop , but as a temporary overseer . and though all the churches were then possess'd by the hereticks , none remaining for the orthodox , save only anastasia ; yet through his labours the face of affairs was quickly altered in constantinople . when theodosius came to constantinople , he possessed him of the great church : and all the people desired that he might be enthroned , the emperour concurring with them in that : but he declined it : and though the emperour took great pleasure in him , yet he went seldom to the palace . then was the second general council called to constantinople , and he was by the authority of miletus bishop of antioch ( of whom we made mention before ) confirmed in the bishoprick of constantinople by the council . but after this , there arose some contention by timotheus bishop of alexandria , who came later to the council , and alledged upon the prerogative of his see , that that matter should not have been decided without him . upon this , hot and sharp contentions arose among the bishops , not so much out of any displeasure they had at nazianzen , as out of their mutual jealousies , though he that writes his life , faith , that this was occasioned by miletus his death . but therein he was mistaken ; for miletus out-lived not only this action , and gave the lift to theodosius of those who were designed to succeed him ( sozom. lib. 7. cap. 8. ) but he also out-lived the council , and subscribed its acts , and died a little after that in constantinople . upon this contention , nazianzen finding many of those who had before established him , beginning to resile , told them how at first he had refused that government , tho the church there had been by his labours and pains setled , and enlarged ; but for that he expected his reward from god : yet it seemed strange to him , that after he had been forced to accept of it , out of his love to the flock , and pressed to it with their united suffrages , they should now think of undoing what themselves had done . this he said , not that he desired riches , or the nobleness of that seat , and to be called bishop of the imperial city : but he confessed , the loss of his children could not but affect him : besides , he feared they might seem to proceed out of envy or lenitv . however , if they desired it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — mihi quidem solitudo & olim chara fuit & nunc eft : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . whereupon he went out , and retired from the house wherein he dwelt , to one more secret . but many of the people flocked about him , and with tears besought him to have compassion on them : yet he finding the dissention about him growing hotter among the bishops , went again to the council , and charged them by the holy trinity , that they would compose their differences peaceably , adding : but if i seem the occasion of any dissention among you , i am not more worthy than the prophet jonas : throw me in the sea , and these raging billows shall quickly be calmed , since i shall choose any thing you please , so if i be innocent , for drawing you to agreement on my account . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . after which he went to the emperor , and with great earnestness begged his permission to retire : which having obtained , he called the clergy and people together , and with many tears took leave of them , charging them to continue stedfast in the faith . this being done , he retired to arianze , a village of cappadocia , which belonged to him by inheritance , and continued in his retirement , giving himself to his poetry , till he died in an old age . that which next occurs to be considered is , in what places bishopricks were founded , and bishops setled . we find in all cities where the gospel was planted , and churches constituted , that bishops were also ordained . among the jews , where ever there were an hundred and twenty of them together , there did they erect a synagogue . compare with this acts i. 15. where the number of those that constituted the first christian church , is the same . so it is like where ever there was a competent number of christians together , that a church was there setled . yet in some villages there were churches and bishops ; so there was a bishop in bethany : and s. paul tells of the church of cenchrea , which was the port of corinth . it is true , some think that the church of corinth met there . so these of philippi went out of the city by a river side to prayer , acts 16.13 . but we find acts 18. that there was a synagogue in corinth , and that s. paul stayed in the house of justus , near the synagogue : and therefore there is no reason to think that the christians should have had their meeting without the city , since there was no persecution then stirring : and neither in the acts , nor in any of the epistles , is there mention made of their going out to cenchrea . therefore it is probable that the church of cenchrea was distinct from corinth : and since they had phebe for their deaconness , it is not to be doubted but they had both bishops and deacons . from the several cities the gospel was dilated and propagated to the places round about . but in some countries we find the bishopricks very thick set . they were pretty throng in africk , for at a conference which augustine and the bishops of that province had with the donarists , there were of bishops two hundred eighty six present , and one hundred and twenty absent , and sixty sees were then vacant , which make in all four hundred sixty and six : there were also two hundred seventy nine of the donarists bishops . sozom. lib. 7. hist. cap. 19. speaking how differently constituted some churches were , he tells how in scythia , though there were many cities , yet there was but one bishop . but in other nations there were bishops even in their villages , as he knew to be among the arabians and cyprians . theodoret tells , that there were eight hundred parishes within his diocese , epist. 113. but it is to be observed , that in those places where the gospel was latest of planting , the bishopricks are fewer , and consequently larger . it is reported that in the vast tract of the abyssin churches , there is one only bishop at abuna . balsamon on the 57. canon of laodicea tells , that at that time in some churches of the east , it was neither safe nor expedient for them to have bishops : and they were supplied by visiters , sent them from other bishops , so that they had no bishops of their own : which was occasioned both by their poverty , and the smalness of their number , yet they were under the care and charge of other bishops . some churches lay long vacant and without bishops . in carthage , when hunnerick invaded them , they wanted a bishop twenty four years : and he offering them one , providing the arrians might have the free exercise of their religion among them , they answered , that upon these terms ecclesia non delectatur episcopum habere , so victor lib. 2. pers . v and. when miletus was driven out of antioch , for ten years together diodorus and flavian two presbyters ruled that church , theodor. lib. 4. hist. cap. 23. some places are alledged to have had the gospel long before there were bishops among them , and particularly scotland , for major lib. 2. cap. 2. faith , per sacerdotes & monachos , sine episcopis scoti in fide eruditi erant . the time of our conversion to the faith is reckoned to have been an. 263. and palladius reckoned the first bishop came not for an hundred and seventy years after that in the year 430. fordown in his chronicle , lib. 3. cap. 8. faith , ante palladii adventum habebant scoti fidei doctores , & sacramentorum administratores , presbyteros solum , vel monachos ritum sequentes ecclesiae primitivae . these were called culdes , though in some bulls they be celli dei. boethius thinks it is culdei , quasi cultores dei : but others judg that it is from the cells wherein they lived , which were held in great esteem , and after their death were turned into churches : and from thence they think the name kil is to this day so much used , as kilpatrick , kilmarnock , kilbride , &c. of these boethius saith , that by common suffrage , they made choice of one of their number to be chief over them , who was called episcopus scotorum : so lib. 6. fol. 92. this is contradicted by buchanan lib. 5. who faith , that before palladius his coming , ecclesiae absque episcopis per monachos regebantur , minori quidem cum fastu , & externâ pompâ , sed majore simplicitate & sanctimoniâ . but all our old manuscripts being gone , it will not be easie to come to a decision about this matter . the gothick churches are said to have been planted and constituted before ulphilas their first bishop came unto them for seventy years together . in the beginning the bishop's whole charge was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and by the strain of ignatius his epistles , especially that to smyrna , it would appear , that there was but one church , at least but one place , where there was one altar and communion in each of these parishes : for he saith , there was one bishop , one church , and one altar . and cyprian phraseth the erecting of a schism , by the erecting of an altar against an altar : which seems to import , that there was but one altar in the bishops parish . while the number of the christians was but small , they might well have all met together in one place ; but as they increased , and the persecutions grew upon them , they must have had several meeting places , and consequently several persons to preside and officiate in these meetings . but damasus and platina reckon , that evaristus who was bishop of rome about the 106 year , was the first , qui titulos in urbe româ presbyteris divisit : so that before his time , the presbyters have all officiated here or there indefinitely according to the bishop's appointment . and evaristus seems to have given them assignments to particular places . as for the meaning of the word tituli , it is to be considered that the christians met about the places where the martyrs were buried , and so their meeting places were called memoriae martyrum . now upon burials some title or inscription being usually made , it followed that the place of the burial or gravestone was called titulus among the latins : so gen. 35.20 . jacob's erecting a pillar upon rachels grave , is rendred by the vulgar latin , erexit titulum super sepulchrum : and gen. 28.18 of jacob's stone at bethel , it is said , erexit in titulum , and 2 sam. 18. absalom his pillar is called titulus : hence it is that evaristus his dividing of the titles is to be understood of his giving particular assignments of several churches to presbyters . the next thing to be examined is , what were the actions appropriated to bishops . if we believe ierome , the bishop did nothing which presbyters might not do , except ordination : by which we see , that he judged ordination could not be done without the bishop . athanasius in his second apology inserts among other papers , an epistle of the synod of alexandria , mentioning that ischyras his ordination by coluthus being questioned and examined , and it being found that coluthus had never been ordained a bishop , but that he had falsly pretended to that title and character , all the ordinations made by him were annulled : and ischyras with such others who were so ordained , were declared laicks . which is an undeniable instance , that at that time , it was the general sense of the church , that none but a bishop might ordain . neither in any author do we meet with an instance of any that were ordained by presbyters , save one , that cassian , who was about the 500. year , collat. 4. cap. 1. gives of one paphnutius a presbyter in the desert of scetis , who delighting in the vertues of one daniel , ut quem vitae meritis & gratiâ sibi parem noverat , coaequare sibi etiam sacerdotii ordine festinaret . — eum presbyterii honori provexit . but what a few devout solitaries might do in a desert and undiscerned corner , will be no precedent for a constituted church : else we may allow of baptism with sand , for that was once done in a desert . but socrates had another opinion of this , who lib. 1. cap. 27. tells , that ischyras did a thin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in the third council of toledo , set down by gratian , dist . 23. cap. 14. this canon was made . quorundam clericorum dum unus ad presbyterium duo ad levitarum ministerium sacrarentur , episcopus oculorum dolore detentus , fertur manum suam super eos tantum imposuisse , & presbyter quidam illis contra ecclesiasticum ordinem benedictionem dedisse , sed quia jam ille examini divino relictus , humano judicio accusari non potest , ii qui supersunt gradum sacerdotii vel levitici ordinis quem perverse adepti sunt , amittant . by which we see how far they were from allowing of any ordination , wherein a bishop had not intervened . it is further clear , that the bishop was looked upon as the pastor of the flock , who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that presbyters or deacons could finish nothing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was to give an account of the souls of the people : and indeed in these days a bishoprick was onus more than honos . the common treasury of the church was also committed to his care , so infra can. 4. and as the offerings of the faithful were laid down at the apostles feet , acts 4.3.4 . so were the collectae , and the other goods of the church laid in their hands . for all the goods os the church and collectae , were at first deposited in the bishop's hand , and distributed by him , tho afterwards there was an oeconomus appointed for that work . ignatius epist. ad magnes . tells , that they were to do nothing without their bishop . and ad smyrn . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and 5. canon of laodicea , they might no nothing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . idem . can. 19. arel . 1. as for baptism , tertull , de bapt . saith , dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos , qui & episcopus , dehinc presbyteri & diaconi , non quidem sine episcopi authoritate , propter ecclesiae bonum , quo salvo salva pax est , alioquin laicis etiam jus est . firmilian ad cyprianum , which is reckoned the 75. among cyprian his epistles , faith , majores natu ( and by what is a little after , where he calls these bishops , it is clear he means not of presbyters ) in ecclesiâ praesidebant , & baptizandi , & manum imponendi , & ordinandi , potestatem possidebant . pacian . serm . de bapt. lavacro peccata purgantur , chrismate spiritus super funditur , utraque , purgantur , chrismate spiritus super funditur , utraque , vero ist a manu & ore antistitis impetramus . and even ierome himself contra luciferianos , saith , sine chrismate & episcopi jussione , neque presbyter , neque diaconus jus habent baptizandi . by all which we see , that baptism was chiefly the bishop's work , and that the presbyters did not baptize without his order . as for the eucharist , ignatius ad smyrnenses , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iustin in his second apol. giving the account of their eucharist and whole service , reckons all to have been managed by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and tert. de cor . mil. non de aliorum quam praesidentium manibus sumimus . but all this is very unjustly applied by such as would pretend to the whole ecclesiastical authority ; but would exempt themselves from the great labor of it . for it is clear , that according to the primitive constitution , the bishop was the immediate pastor of the flock , and the presbyters were assumed by him in partem sollicitudinis : the greatest of the load still lying on his own shoulders , and this might have been some way managed by him , where the dioceses were smaller . but the enlarging of the dioceses hath wholly altered the figure of primitive episcopacy . all that the bishop can now do being to try entrants well , and oversee these that are in charge ; which ought not to be performed either by these overly visitations in synods , or by a pompous procession through the diocese , but by a strict and severe examen both of their lives and labors , performed in such visitations , as are sutable to the simplicity and humility of the gospel . as for preaching , it was ordinary at first , even for persons not ordained to preach , not to mention that of the corinthians , where every one brought his psalm , his interpretation , or his doctrine to the meeting , which may be called extraordinary ; under which notion , most reject everything in scripture that doth not please them . but this continued longer in the church . euseb. lib. 6. hist. cap. 20. tells , that origen before he had gotten the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( mark how this word stands here for the order and degree of presbyterat ) was invited earnestly by the bishops not only to dispute , but also to expound the scriptures , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the publick assembly of the church . for the vindication whereof alexander bishop of ierusalem , and theoctistus bishop of cesarea , wrote to demetrius bishop of alexandria thus : quod autem in literis adjunxeris nunquam antea auditum , neque jam usurpatum , ut laici praesentibus episcopis disputarent , scripturásve exponerent in eo mihi , nescio quo modo , videris falsa dixisse : nam ubi idonei & habiles reperiuntur , qui fratribus in verbo dei adjumento sint , à sanctis episcopis rogantur , ut populum dei instituant in verbo , sicut larandis euelpis à neone , iconii paulinus à celso , & apud synadas theodorus ab attico , qui omnes beati ac pii fratres crant : ac verisimile est , quamvis nobis obscurum & minime cognitum sit , illud idem in aliis locis fieri . tert. in his apologetick cap. 39. tells , that post aquam manualem & lumina , quisquis ut de scripturis sanctis , vel de proprio ingenio potest provocatur in medium deo hymnum canere . and of this remember what was before cited from hilary the deacon on the 4th of the ephesians . sozom. lib 7. cap. 19. saith , that at rome neither the bishop , nor any other taught in the church : but that in alexandria the bishop alone taught , that not being allowed to any presbyter , after arrius broached his heresie . it remains only to be enquired who was the proper minister of confirmation . but because this whole matter of confirmation comes not in so properly upon any of the other canons , i shall therefore examine all that relates to it here , and shall consider upon what grounds it was used , how early it was practiced , with what rites it was administred , who was the proper minister of it , and for what end it was introduced , and continued in the church . from acts 8.15 . and 19.6 . all the fathers have pleaded for this rite : for there we have the laying on of hands practiced , as a rite clearly distinct from baptism : and tho we find the holy ghost conferred by that imposition of hands , thence it will not follow that that action was extraordinary , and so to have expired with the apostles : for we find extraordinary effects following upon their ordinary actions , such as ordination , excommunication , & c. and yet none will plead that these actions are now to be disused , because they are no more attended with such effects . but heb. 6.2 . speaks most plainly for this , where among the foundations of religion , the laying on of hands is joined with baptisms : and this seemed so clear to calvin commenting on that place , that he judges this to have been a rite derived from the apostles . the constant ceremony of it was that which is often mentioned in scripture , imposition of hands . but besides this , they began very early to use a chrisma of consecrated oil , with which they anointed them in the brow . this it seems hath been taken from the mention that we find made of anointing , 2 cor. 1.21 . where some think the whole rites of confirmation are set down in these words : now he which stablisheth us with you in christ , and hath anointed us , is god , who hath also sealed us , and given us the earnest of the spirit in our hearts . and 1 ioh. 2.27 . we are told of an unction from above , and a holy anointing . but that in these words no material anointing , but the extraordinary conferring of the holy ghost is meant , seems clear from the text : and so christ is said to be anointed with the oil of joy above his fellows , tho we hear nothing of a material anointing . it is true , james 5.14 . there is clear mention made of an anointing with oil , in which certainly there is no metaphor , but that relates nothing to our purpose . however , it is like from these places it was that the ancients used the chrisma , for we find that this was very early practised in the church . theophilus alexandrinus , who flourished about the year 170. lib. 1. ad antolycum , saith , we are for this reason called christians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et quis mortalium est , qui vel ingreditur in hanc vitam , vel certat in arenâ & non oleo inungitur . iren. lib. 1. cap. 18. tells , that valentinus used both confirmation and anointing in the receiving of his disciples , and tells , that he used a mixture of water and oil with opobalsamum . and this seems to imply that to have been the practice of the church ; for he tells , that valentinus had adapted and transformed the rites of the church into his character . tert. de bapt . cap. 7. makes mention of the unctio benedicta , qua egressi de lavacro perunguntur . and cap. 8. dehinc manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans & invitans spiritum sanctum , idem de refur . carnis , cap. 8. saith , caro abluitur — caro ungitur — caro signatur , caro manus impositione adumbratur , ut & anima spiritu illuminetur . and lib. de praescript . cap. 36. aquâ signat , spiritu sancto vestit , eucharistiâ pascit . yet tert. de cor. mil. cap. 3. when he recounts these ceremonies which he judged to have been of apostolical tradition , doth not reckon this for one . cyprian epist. 73. ad iubaianum , speaking of s. peter and s. iohn their laying on of hands at samaria , shews it was no new baptism : sed tantummodo quod deerat id à petro & ioanne factum esse , ut oratione pro iis habitâ , ac manu impositâ , invocaretur & infunderetur super eos spiritus sanctus : quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur , ut qui in ecclesiâ baptizantur praepositis ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram orationem & manus impositionem spiritum sanctum consequantur , & signaculo divino consummentur . and epist. 70. after he hath spoken of baptism , he adds , ungi quoque necesse est cum qui baptizatus sit , ut accepto chrismate id est unctione esse unctus dei , & habere in se gratiam christs possit . and he tell , that both the eucharist & oleum unde unguntur babtizati , in altari sanctificatur . cyril of ierusalem his third mistagogical catechism is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wherein he describes the anointing we have from god ; and the consecrated oil , which was the rite expressive of the former , comparing it to the dove that descended from christ , and was his spiritual anointing . which is also done by optatus , lib. 4. cont . paramenianum , and the areopagite de eccles. hier . cap. 4. where he at length describes the rites used in the consecrating of the chrisma . yet this chrisma was not so peculiar to confirmation , but that it was also used upon other occasions . nazianzen tells ( as is above cited ) that such as were ordained , were also anointed . it was also used in baptism , so both tertullian , cyprian , and ierome , and the 48. canon of the council of laodicea decrees , that the illuminati post baptisma should be anointed with this unguentum coeleste . but by the i. can. of the council of orange , it was decreed , that he who was not anointed at baptism , should receive the chrisma at his confirmation : by which it seems they did not repeat the ceremony of anointing , to such as had received it at baptism . likewise these who returned from heresie , by the 7. can. of the second general council were to be anointed & fronte , & oculis , & naribus , & ore , & auribus , & signantes eos dicimus donum spiritus sancti . and like unto this is the 7. can. of laodicea . and author resp. ad orthod . that goeth under iustin's name , ad quoest . 14. cum hoereticus ad veram fidèm accedit , corrigitur lapsus falsae opinionis , sententiae , mutatione : baptismi , sancti chrismatis unctione ; ordinationis , manum impositione : nihilque quod prius erat , indissolutum manet . now by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which he mentions , is not meant a new ordination , which was not given to these that returned from heresie . for as appears by the council of nice , the orders which they got among the hereticks were held valid , and not to be renewed : but this is meant of the ceremony ordinarily given in the absolution and receiving of penitents . august . cont . donatist . lib. 5. cap. 23. confesseth , that the baptism of hereticks was valid , but denies that they conferred the holy ghost , and therefore imposition of hands was given to those who returned from heresie . besides this chrisma , they used also in confirmation the sign of the cross , of which that phrase of tertullian is to be understood caro signatur . and aug. in psal. . 141. speaking of the sacraments , saith , quaedam sicut nostri ore accipimus , quaedam per totum corpus . and a little after , tegat frontem crux domini , which words are to be understood of the eucharist , baptism and confirmation . he calls this also sacramentum chrismatis , lib. 2. cont . petilianum , cap. 104. applying to it that of the ointment on aaron's beard , psalm 133. but elsewhere he calls that bread which was blest , not with the eucharistical and sacramental benediction , but with that lower degree , called eulogy , which might be given to the catechumens , sacramentum catechumenorum ; using this term largely , as he saith epist. ad marcellinum . signum cum ad rem sacram applicatur , sacramentum appellatur . of this sign of the cross , is likewise to be understood that of the signaculum dominicum , mentioned by cyprian , ep. 73. the next thing to be enquired after is , who was the minister of confirmation ? in the western church the bishop did only administer it . so ierome adv . luciferianos , brings in the luciferian in the dialogue . an nescis ecclesiarum hunc morem esse , ut baptizatis postea manus imponantur , & ita invocetur spiritus sanctus ? exigis ubi scriptum est ? in actibus apostolorum . etiamsi scripturae authoritas non subesset , totius orbis hanc in partem consensus , instar praecepti obtineret . then he makes the orthodox to answer : non equidem abnuo hanc esse ecclesiarum consuetudinem , ut ad eos qui longe in minoribus urbibus per presbyteros & diaconos baptizati sunt , episcopus ad invocationem sancti spiritus excurrat . and asking why the holy ghost was not given , but by the bishop ? he answers , that was potius ad honorem sacordotii , quam ad legis necessitatem . aug. de trin. lib. 15. cap. 16. speaking of the apostles conferring of the holy ghost , saith , orabant , ut veniret spiritus sanctus in eos quibus manum imponebant , non enim ipsi cum dabant , quem morem in suis praepositis etiam nunc servat ecclesia . but in the greek church , presbyters might confirm : so the above cited hilary on the 4 of the ephes. denique apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , ubi praesens non sit episcopus : and lib. quaest . in vet. & nov. test. called augustin's , but believed to be the same hilary's , quaest . 101. faith , in alexandriâ , & per totam aegyptum si desit episcopus consecrat presbyter . by the comparing of which places , it appears , that it is the same thing which is exprest by these various names of consecration and consignation : but what is meant by it , is not agreed to . it is absurd to think that ordination can be meant by it . for that decision of the case of ischyras shews that in alexandria they were far from allowing presbyters to ordain without a bishop . some think that because consecration is more usually applied to the blessing of the eucharist ; therefore both it and consignation , is so to be understood here . and whereas it is objected that in the cited places some custom peculiar to alexandria seems to be mentioned ; but it was universally allowed in the bishop's absence for the presbyter to consecrate the eucharist : therefore some other thing must be there meant . it is answered to this , that in other places presbyters might not consecrate sine episcopi jussione ; according to what was cited out of ignatius ; and that the custom in alexandria hath been , that the presbyters without any such express mandate , might have consecrated in the bishop's absence . but the general practice of the greek church inclines me to think , that confirmation is meant by the cited places , which was usually phrased by consignation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , only the consecrating af the chrisma and oil , was peculiar to the bishop , as his work ; so that the greeks seem to have made a difference betwixt the hallowing and applying of the chrisma . the first could only be done by the bishop , but the second was not denied to the presbyters . even as in the eucharist none might consecrate but presbyters , , yet laicks of both sexes , in case of necessity , might have carried and given it to the absents . of confirmation administred by presbyters , some instances do meet us in the latin church . the first canon of the council of orange , permits the use of the chrisma to the priests , who are appointed to carry some of it always about with them . conc. epaunense , cap. 16. permits the presbyters to give the chrisma to such hereticks as were converted on their death beds . and the second canon of the council of orange is : haereticos in mortis discrimine positos , si catholici esse desiderant , si episcopus desit , à presbyteris cum chrismate & benedictione consignari placuit . and the council of toledo permits a presbyter to do it in the bishops absence , or in his presence , if commanded by him . but both east and west , it was agreed , that the chrisma could not be sanctified by presbyters . conc. romanum sub sylv. cap. 5. decreed it . but as that council is much suspected , so the reason there given is a very poor one . quia christus dicitur à chrismate . but canon sixth , cod. afric . is more authentick , ut chrisma à presbyteris non fiat . and synod tolet. can. 20. quamvis pene ubique custodiatur ut absque episcopo nemo chrisma conficiat , tamen quia in aliquibus locis vel provinciis dicuntur presbyteri chrisma consicere , placuit ex hoc die nullum alium nisi episcopum hoc facere . and the areopagite , as he at length describes it , and descants upon it , so he appropriates it to the bishop . gregory the great , lib. 3. epist. 9. writing to ianuarius bishop of caralis in sardinia , discharges presbyters to anoint with the chrisma on the brow , appointing that to be reserved to the bishop : for sardinia , and the other isles , had observed the customs of the greek church : but gregory epist. 26. writing to that same person , tells , that he heard how some were scandalized , because he had discharged presbyters the use of the chrisma , which he therefore takes off in these words : et nos quidem secundum usum veterem ecclesiae nostrae fecimus , sed si omnino hac de re aliqui contristantur , ubi episcopi desunt , ut presbyteri etiam in frontibus baptizatos chrismate tangere debeant concedimus . but 200 years afterwards , nicolaus first bishop of rome , observed not that moderation . for the bulgarians who were converted by the greeks , receiving the chrisma from the presbyters according to the custom of that church ; nicolaus sent bishops to them , and appointed such as had been confirmed by presbyters to be confirmed again by bishops . but upon this , photius , who was then patriarch of constantinople , called a synod , it which it was decreed , that the chrisma being hallowed by a bishop , might be administred by presbyters . and photius in his epistle contends , that a presbyter might , unguento signare , sanctificare , consummatos angere , & expiatorium donum baptizato consummare , as well as he might either baptize or offer at the altar . but nicolaus impudently denied , that this had ever been permitted , and upon this account it is , that many of the latins have charged the greek church , as if there were no confirmation used among them . but this challenge is denied and rejected by the greeks . and so much of the minister of confirmation . it is in the last place to be considered , what value was set upon this action , and for what ends it was practised in the church . we have already heard augustin call it a sacrament . it is likewise so termed by cyprian epist. 72. and in the records of the council held by him for the rebaptizing of hereticks . but as was marked before , they took that term largely for an holy rite or symbolical action : whereas a sacrament strictly taken is a holy rite instituted by christ for a federal stipulation , by which the promises of the gospel are sealed , and grace conveyed to the worthy receivers . now in this sense it is visible , that confirmation is no sacrament : it neither being instituted by christ , nor having any grace appended to it . neither is it so totally distinct from baptism , being but a renovation of the baptismal vow , joined with prayer , and a solemn benediction . some have thought , that confirmation was only used by the ancients , as an appendix , or a consummatory rite of baptism , which mistake is founded upon this , that some of the riper age being baptized , got this imposition of hands after baptism . for the clearing of which some things must be considered : first , the ancients used an imposition of hands before baptism , to such as were admitted to be catechumens , who were in the christian church , like the proselytes of the gates among the iews : for they having renounced idolatry , were admitted to some parts of the christian worship , and instructed in the faith for some time , before they could commence christians . and an imposition of hands was used , when any were admitted to this order : so it is express in the 39. canon of elib . and in the greek euchology there is a prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where it is said , inflat signat & manum imponit . and in the liturgy called s. marks , quotquot ad baptismum dispositi estis accedite , ac manus impositionem & benedictionem accipite , dem manum imponit sacerdos . and euseb. de vitae const. lib. 4. faith of constantine ; confessione factâ precum particeps factus est per impositionem manuum . the areopagite makes mention also of this as done twice before baptism ; and aug. de mer. & remis . pec . lib. 2. cap. 26. catechumenum secundum quendam modum suum per signum & orationem manuum impositionis puto sanctificari . and cyprian ad steph. makes baptism a superaddition to that imposition of hands : which he draws from the example of cornelius , upon whom the spirit falling first , he was afterward baptized . it is true , he is there speaking of such as turned from heresie , who he judged should be rebaptized , after an imposition of hands first given them . but as the 39. canon of elib . speaks of an imposition of hands given before baptism , so the 7. canon of that same council , mentions another given after it . si quis diaconus regens plebem sine episcopo , vel presbyteris , aliquos baptizaverit , eos per benedictionem perficere debebit . and by the 33. canon of that council , any laick that was baptized , and was no bigamus , might baptize a catechumen if sick . ita ut si supervixerit , ad episcopum cum perducat , ut per manus impositionem perficere ( or as others read it perfici ) possit . if the first be the reading , it will relate to confirmation ; if the second , it will relate to the compleating of the baptism . the 48. canon of laodicea is , illuminatos post baptisma unguento caelesti liniendos esse . to infer from that , that confirmation was immediately to follow upon baptism is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doth not imply that it was to be done immediately after , but only that baptism was to go before it : and we find that same phrase in the canons immediately preceding this , applied to such as had been of a great while baptized . but tho such as were of riper years had been confirmed immediately after they received baptism , it will no more prove that confirmation was an appendix of baptism , than that the eucharist was so likewise , which was also given to them at the same time . so the areopagite tells , how such as were baptized , were carried by the priest to the bishop . ille vero unguento consecrato virum ungens sacrosanctae . eucharistiae participem esse pronunciat . and tho even children were confirmed immediately after baptism , that doth not prove the one but a rite of the other : for we find that not only in the african churches , but also in the roman church , the custom of giving children the eucharist immediately after baptism , continued long : for the ordo romanus , held by some a work of the eleventh century , appoints , that children be permitted to eat nothing after they are baptized , till they received the eucharist . that same practice is also mentioned by hugo the s. victore , lib. 1. cap. 20. in the twelfth century . and all the greek writers assert the necessity of childrens receiving the eucharist , and yet none asserted the eucharist to be but a rite of baptism . cornelius tells of novatian ( apud eusebium , lib. 6. hist. cap. 35. ) how he was baptized clinicus , and being recovered nec reliquorum particeps factus , quae secundum canones ecclesiae obtinere debuerat , nec ab episcopo obsignatus est . ( it is true , it is in the greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if it were explicative of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the former words he said he wanted ; whence some infer , that confirmation was but one of the baptismal rites . but it is clear that the true reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and so nicephorus hath read it ) quo non impetrato , quomodo spiritum sanctum obtinuisse putandus est . yet from the story it appears that confirmation was judged only necessary ad bone esse , and not to the esse of a christian ; since notwithstanding the want of this , fabian bishop of rome ordained novatian a presbyter . the greek euchology shews , that such as were baptized , were after their baptism anointed , and so to be confirmed : and it subjoyning that the eucharist was to be given to them , proves no more the one to be a rite of baptism than the other . the whole current of the fathers runs , that in confirmation the holy ghost was conferred . august . de bapt. cont . donatistas , lib. 3. cap. 16. spiritus sanctus in solâ catholicâ , per manus impositionem dari dicitur , which he derives from the apostles , tho these extraordinary effects of speaking of tongues , or the like , did not follow upon it : sed invisibiliter & latenter per vinculum pacis , est eorum cordibus charitas divina inspirata . and concludes , quid enim est aliud nisi oratio super hominem . and certainly , were confirmation restored according to the apostolical practice , and managed with a primitive sincerity , nothing should give more probable hopes of a recovery of the christian church , out of the darkness and deadness in which it hath continued so long . it might quicken persons more seriously to consider to what they were engaged in baptism , when they were put to so solemn a renovation of it . but the more denuded it were of all unnecessary rites , such as oil , and the like , it might be more sutable to the evangelical spirit . and we see likewise from antiquity , that there is no reason for appropriating this action wholly , or only to the bishop . it should not be gone about till the person were ripe in years , and not only able by rote to recite a catechism , but of a fitness to receive the eucharist immediately after . but i shall conclude this whole matter with calvin's words , lib. 4. instit. cap. 19. sect . 4. & sequentibus : where after he hath laid out the primitive practice of confirmation , he subjoins : haec disciplina , si bodie valeret , profecto parentum quorundam ignavia acueretur , qui liberorum institutionem , quasi rem nihil ad se pertinentem , negligunt ; quam tum sine publico dedecore omittere non possent . major esset in populo christiano fidei consensus , nec tanta multorum inscitia , & ruditas , non adeo temere quidam novis , & peregrinis dogmatibus , abriparentur ; omnibus denique esset quaedam velut methodus doctrinae christianae . a supplement about the rural bishops , called chorepiscopi . it hath been already marked , that the extent of the dioceses was not all of one proportion : and generally the villages which lay adjacent to cities , having received the gospel at first from them , continued in subjection to the city , as to their mother church : whereby the bishops parish was not limited to the city , but did also include the adjacent villages . the inscription of clemens his epistles insinuates this : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by which we see , that the churches of rome and corinth were made up not onely of such as inhabited the towns , but also of such as dwelt about them : and this is yet clearer from ignatius his inscription of his epistle to the romans ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . neither did they judg it fit to ordain bishops in smaller or lesser cities , as appears by the council of sardis , can. 6. where it is decreed , that a bishop should not be ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . adding , that it was not necessary that bishops should be ordained there , lest the name and dignity of a bishop should be vilipended . but before this , it was decreed in the council of laodicea , can. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( for so reads the manuscript of oxford , dionysius exiguus , isidore mercator , hervetus , and iustellus ; and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vel , as binius ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : who were to do nothing without the knowledg of the bishop of the city , whom the learned beverigius observes ( on this canon ) to have been distinct from the rural bishops ; which he makes out both from the civil law , and a place of gennadius , where the orders of churchmen being reckoned , these circular visitors are set in a middle rank betwixt the rural bishops and presbyters . frequent mention is also made of these visitors in the acts of the council at chalcedon . this course therefore they took for these villages to send presbyters from the city , who were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and because the bishop could not immediately over-see them himself , he did therefore substitute a vicar and delegate who was generally called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the first time that we meet with any of these , is in the beginning of the fourth century , in the councils of ancyra , neocesarea , and antiochia . these differed from presbyters , in that they got an ordination distinct from theirs , called by the council of antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they also might have ordained subdeacons , lectors , and exorcists , and given them commendatory letters . but they differed from bishops in these things : first , that they were ordained but by one bishop , as appears by the tenth canon of the council of antioch , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore it is true that balsamon calls them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now we have already seen , that a bishop must be ordained by two bishops at least . next , these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith zonaras . and therefore in their subscriptions of the councils , they only design themselves chorepiscopi , without mentioning the place where they served , as the bishops do . now bishops could not be ordained but with a title to a particular charge and see. thirdly , their power was limited , and in many things inferior to the power of bishops . so pope leo the first , in his 88. epist. quamvis , cum episcopis plurima illis ministeriorum communis sit dispensatio , quaedam tamen ecclesiasticis regulis sibi prohibita norint , sicut presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio . they might in general do nothing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and both the council of ancyra : , canon 13. and that of antioch , canon 10. discharge them the ordaining of presbyters or deacons . the words of the council of antioch are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which words clearly import , that the bishop must have intervened in the ordination , and so are wrong rendered by an old latin edition , praeter conscientiam episcopi . as if they had heen only limited not to ordain unless the bishop gave warrant . and thus these bishops of the villages and lesser cities were reduced from the degree of bishops , to an inferiour and limited office , and were undoubtedly of the episcopal order , tho their authority was much abridged . in the council of neocesarea their relation to the bishop , is compared to that of the seventy disciples to the apostles , and they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and that which is there marked as their chief work , is their care of the poor . but by the canon of antioch , they might have ordained lectors , sub-deacons , and exorcists . and yet basil in his 181. epist. saith , that they might not have ordained , even these inferiour ranks , without having first advertised the bishop , and sent their testimonies , and the suffrages of their election to him : which is observed by aristenus in his gloss on the 13. canon of ancyra : and by mattheus blastares in his syntagma , cap. 31. but damasus , who was about the year 370. writes his whole fourth epistle against them , telling that he found it decreed by his predecessors , that they should be abolished , prohibititam ab , hac sacrâ sede , quam à totius orbis episcopis . — nam ( ut nobis relatum est ) quidam episcoporum , propter suam quietem , eis plebes suas committere non formidant . and falls severely on these bishops , and compares them to mercenaries and whores , that give out their children to others to suckle . he proves they were not bishops , because not ordained by three bishops , and descants upon the canons of neocesarea and antioch , which seem to import , as if they had the ordination of bishops ; adding , cesset ergo , cesset tot vicibus damnata praesumptio . and yet pope leo ( as we have already cited ) who was bishop of rome about 70. years after him , makes mention of them . and notwithstanding all he saith against them , of their being condemned , it doth not appear when or where it was so done . express mention is made of them in the council of nice , canon 8. as of a rank distinct from presbyters . it being there provided , that such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as returned to the unity of the church , should continue in that same order of the clergy , wherein they were before , only such of them as were bishops might not continue bishops of a city , where there was already a bishop placed : because there could not be two bishops in one city : but if it pleased the bishop , they might either retain the bare name of a bishop , or be made chorepiscopi , or continue among the presbyters . mention also is made of them in the 2. canon of the general council of chalcedon , which shews , that at that time they were not wholly taken away : but the latest accounts we have of them is in france , where it seems they continued longest . conc. paris . an. 829. they are cap. 27. compared to the 70 disciples , according to that of neocesarea , and bishops are appointed to see that they did nothing beyond what was permitted to them by the canons . the like is decreed conc. meldensi , an. 845. cap. 44. and it is expressed there , that they might neither give the holy chrisma , nor the holy ghost , nor confer any order above that of a subdeacon , nor consecrate churches . conc. metensi , anno 888. cap. 5. it was decreed , that churches consecrated by them were to be again consecrated by a bishop , and any thing they did which was proper to a bishop was declared null , and they are reckoned all one with presbyters ; and here we lose sight of them , hearing no more of them : for as they arose insensibly , so they vanished in the like fashion . so much of them and upon the first canon . the second canon . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a presbyter shall be ordained by one bishop , so likewise a deacon , and the rest of the clergy . we find most of the fathers , even ierome himself , drawing the subordination among churchmen from what was under the law ; and therefore deacons were ordinarily called levites . but there is more ground to think , it was immediately taken from the form of the synagogue , tho that constitution might have had its rise from the model of the temple-service . i shall not here engage in a large examen of the first origine and rise of the synagogues , or of the worship performed in them , or debate whether they began before the captivity , in it , or after it . nor what ground there may be from the word synagogue used psalm 74.8 . to assert their early date . but certain it is , that the temple worship was merely typical , in which the whole people were to assist , but as a few returns of the year . and beside this , the law of nature dictates , that god is to be frequently and solemnly worshipped by such as acknowledge his great name , which will plead for an early rise to these assemblies . but be in that what may be , two things are certain . the one is , that synagogues were constitute in our saviour's time , and that there were rulers , and chief rulers in these synagogues , that in them prayers were said , the law was read , expounded , and exhortations made upon it , and discipline was used , and such as were faulty were cast out of these synagogues . all this is evident from the new testament : and much more than this can be gathered out of iewish writings . now our saviour's going into these synagogues , reading the law , and preaching in them , doth abundantly evince , that this constitution was not unlawful . another thing is as clear from the old testament , that there was neither written command , nor warrant for such assemblies ; and the contrary of this none can undertake to make out . from which positions , both of them equally clear and certain , a great step might be made for the calming and composing of debates about government , were heats and prejudices out of the way . it being apparent , that there was an entire frame of church government , and worship among the iews , which was not unlawful , though not of divine institution . in the synagogues there was ( as is marked before ) first , one that was called the bishop of the congregation . next , the three orderers , and judges of every thing about the synagogue , who were called tsekenim , and by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these ordered and determined every thing that concerned the synagogues , or the persons in it . next them , were the three parnassin or deacons , whose charge was to gather the collections of the rich , and to distribute them to the poor : and these were called septem viri boni civitatis . the term elder , was generally given to all their judges : but chiefly to these of the great sanhedrin , so we have it , matth. 16.21 . mark 8.31 . 14.43 . and 15.1 . and acts 23.14 . and for a fuller satisfaction to this , i must refer you to such as have given an account of the synagogue out of the iewish writers . next , a great deal might be said , to prove that the apostles in their first constitutions , took things as they had them modelled to their hand in the synagogue : and this they did , both because it was not their design to innovate , except where the nature of the gospel dispensation obliged them to it . as also , because they took all means possible to gain the jews , who we find were zealous adherers to the traditions of their fathers , and not easily weaned from these precepts of moses , which by christ's death were evacuated : and if the apostles went so great a length in complying with them in greater matters , as circumcision , and other legal observances , ( which appears from the acts and epistles ) we have good grounds to suppose , that they would have yielded to them in what was more innocent and less important . besides , there appears both in our lord himself , and in his apostles , a great inclination to symbolize with them , as far as was possible . now the nature of the christian worship shews evidently , that it came in the room of the synagogue , which was moral , and not of the temple-worship , which was typical and ceremonial . likewise , this parity of customs betwixt the iews and christians , was such , that it made them be taken by the romans , and other more overly observers , for one sect of religion : and finally , any that will impartially read the new testament , will find , that when the forms of government , or worship are treated of , it is not done with such architectonical exactness , as was necessary , if a new thing had been instituted , which we find practiced by moses . but the apostles rather speak , as these who give rules for the ordering , and directing of what was already in being . from all which it seems well grounded and rational to assume , that the first constitution of the christian churches , was taken from the model of the synagogue , in which these elders were separated , for the discharge of their imployments , by an imposition of hands , as all iewish writers do clearly witness . so the presbyters of the christian church were ordained by an imposition of hands . their power was not only to preach , which ( as i shewed already ) was common to others , but also to administer sacraments ; so that it is true which ierome saith , communi consilio presbyterorum res gerebantur . we have already considered , how necessary it was judged , that no ordination of presbyters might be gone about without the presence and concurrence of the bishop , as the principal person , which was judged necessary ( as i suppose ) more upon the account of unity and order , than from the nature of the thing in its self : for taking things in themselves , it will follow , that whatever power one hath , he may transmit to another ; and therefore there seems to be small reason , why one who hath the power of preaching the gospel , and administring sacraments , may not also transmit the same to others : and it seems unreasonable so to appropriate this to a bishop , as to annul these ordinations which were managed by presbyters , where bishops could not be had . maimonides saith , every one regularly ordained , hath power to ordain his disciples also . there remains nothing to be cleared about this from antiquity , save the 13 canon of the council of ancyra , which runs thus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( others read ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . others read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now the difficulty raised about this canon is this , that if the reading be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then it will follow , that the presbyters of the city might have ordained without the bishops presence , if they had his warrant in writing . yea , they also infer , that it is probable that before that , they ordained even without the bishops warrant , to which they were limited by this canon : and upon this wallo messalinus triumphs not a little . but blondel chused rather to read the canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; as if the meaning of it were , that the chorepiscopi could not have ordained either presbyters or deacons ; nor the presbyters of the city without the bishops warrant in writing ; which will infer , that they might have done it being so warranted . it is true , binnius hath read it so ; so also hath gentianus hervetus , as appears by his latin version of this council . the arabick manuscript also favors this . and it is directly asserted by zonaras on this canon , and aristenus . but it is contradicted by the whole tract of antiquity , whom we find all concurring in this , that the chorepiscopi might neither ordain presbyters , nor deacons without a bishop , as was cleared in its due place . fut for that of wallo messalinus , it will appear to be ill grounded : for first , it is certain that the chorepiscopi were a dignity above presbyters . it will be therefore unreasonable to think that presbyters could do that which was unlawful to the other . besides , how bad an inference is it from one canon of a provincial council , of which there are such various readings , to argue for a thing which is not only without any other ground , but also contrary to the whole current of antiquity ? and it was but few years after this , that in alexandria the ordinations given by colutbus , who was but a presbyter , and only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were annulled . now ancyra being in asia the lesser , and divers bishops out of syria being there , in particular the bishops of antioch and cesarea , who subscribed first ; how came it that there was no notice of this had at alexandria , to have prevented their severe sentence in the case of colutbus ? but to consider the readings of the canon , binius reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so iustellus : it is true , he hath on the margin ( aliter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) hervetus hath translated it , in alienâ parochia . now if this be the true reading , the meaning of it will run thus . whereas by a great many other canons , presbyters were so tied to their bishop , that no bishop was to receive the presbyter of another bishop , without his bishops warrant and licence , and his literae pacificae , and dimissoriae . so here the presbyters of the city are discharged to go and assist at ordinations , in other parishes , without a written licence from their own bishop . but as this canon is read ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) by some , so they seem to have added to it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; so that the meaning of it is , that the presbyters of the city might do nothing without the bishop's warrant and licence in writing : thus have both isidorus mercator , and dionysius exiguns read it , as appears by their latin versions which are , sed nec presbyteris civitatis ( licet ) sine episcopi praecepto , aliquid amplius imperare , vel sine authoritate literarum ejus ' in unaquaque parochiâ aliquid agere . and this is according to binius's edition of them . but in another edition of dionysius exiguus by iustellus , he seems to have read it simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without any supplement . another old latin edition published by iustellus hath , sed neque presbyteris civitatis licere , sine jussione episcopi , sed cum ejusdem literis eundi ad singulas parochias . ioannes antiochen in his collectio canonum , reads it simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ferrandus in his breviatio canonum , canon 92. cites this part of the canon thus : ut presbyteri civitatis , sine jussu episcopi , nihil jubeant , nec in unaguaque paroeciâ aliquid agant . alexius aristinus in his synopsis , hath the first part of the canon , but wants the second part . ( and in his gloss agrees with zonaras , as was before observed . ) and so doth simeon logotheta , in his epitome canonum . and by this diversity of reading , it will appear how little ground there is for founding any thing upon this canon alone , especially when that alledged from it , is contradicted by undeniable evidences . but as presbyters might not ordain without bishops , so neither could bishops ordain without the advice , consent , and concurrence of their presbyters conc. carth. 4. canon 22. ut episcopus , sine concilio clericorum suorum , clericos non ordinet , ita ut cirvium testimonium & co●●iventiam quaerat . and it was laid to chrysostone's charge , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and in the roman council held by sylvester ( if credit be due to the registers of that council , which are indeed justly questionable ) it was decreed , cap. 11. that one was to be ordained a presbyter , cum omnes presbyteri declararent & firmarent , & sic ad ordinem presbyterii accederet . and none was to be made a bishop , nisi omnis clerus expeteret uno voto perenni . it is likewise certain , that all things were done by the joint advice of bishop and presbyters . neither were these wretched contests , of the limits of power , much thought on , or tossed among them . the bishops pretending to no more , than presbyters were willing to yield to them ; and presbyters claiming no more than bishops were ready to allow them . their contentions lay chiefly with these that were without ; those intestine fewds and broils being reserved for our unhappy days . but as we find cyprian amply declaring , how he resolved to do nothing without the consent of his clergy , and people : so in the african , churches , that course continued longest in vigor . divers instances whereof appear in the 4. council of carthage ; one i have already cited , to which i shall add three more , can. 23. episcopus nullius causans audiat , absque praesentiâ clericorum suorum , alioquin irrita erit sententia episcopi , nisi clericorum praesentiâ confirmetur . can. 34. episcopus in quolibet loco sedens , stare presbyterum non patiatur . and can. 35. episcopus in ecclesiâ , & in consessu presbyterorum , sublimior sedeat ; intra domum vero , collegam prebyterorum sese esse cognoscat . there were two ranks of presbyters , as clearly appears from the 13. canon of neocesareo , to wit , the presbyters of the city , and the presbyters of the country . the former were the more eminent , in so far that the latter might not consecrate the eucharist within the church of the city in their presence , which appears from the cited canon . over the presbyters of the country were the chorepiscopi , of whom already ; but the presbyters of the city being next at hand , were the bishops counsel , and advisers in all matters . the bishop and they had the oversight of the souls within the city . they were also to be maintained out of the treasury of the church , and were called canonici or praebendarii . the reason why they were called canonici , was either , because of their regular observing of the course of worship , and hours of prayer : or because of the distributions that were made among them , according to the canon or rule , and from the share that was assigned to them , called praebenda , they got the name praebendarii . this consessus or collegium presbyterorum , was afterwards designed by the barbarous word capitulum . the chief over them , or the vice praeses next to the bishop was called archipresbyter , or decanus , idem quod decurio , qui decem militibus praeerat : and insensibly the whole ecclesiastical jurisdiction crept into their hands . the presbyters of the country either neglecting it , or being neglected in it . but without the capitulum , nothing that the bishop did was valid . however , when the first servor and vigor of church discipline slacken'd : avarice and ambition creeping in apace into the hearts of churchmen , these chanoins or praebends not contented with their allowances out of the church of the city , which were too small for their growing desires , got churches in the country annexed to them : and for most part serv'd them by substitutes , except at the return of some solemn festivities : and by this means it was , that church discipline fell totally into the bishops hands ; and the ancient model being laid aside , new courts which were unknown to antiquity , were set up . as these of the arch-deacons , chancellors , officials , surrogates , &c. however the praebends , though they had deserted their interest in church-discipline , yet two things they stuck to , because of the advantage and power that followed them . the one was the capitular elections of the bishop , and the other was the meddling with , and disposing of the church revenues , and treasure . but it was a gross contradiction to the ends of government , that the bishop alone might manage the spiritual part of his charge , but must be limited to the advice of his presbyters for the governing of the temporality . yet this was a farther proof of that saying , religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit matrem . and thus far we have seen what interest presbyters had within their own parish , ( mark that at first the bishops precinct was called parish , and not diocese ) neither was the meeting of the bishop with his presbyters called a synod : by which we see how weak that allegiance is , that there were no diocesan bishops in the first centuries , it being merely a playing with the word diocess . but let us next consider what interest presbyters had in provincial or national councils . if that of the acts 15. was a synod , in it we have presbyter subscribing with the apostles . brethren are also there added , not as if there had been any laicks elected out of the laity , such as these are who are now vulgarly called lay-elders , but some more eminent christians , whom as the apostles call'd then , so the bishops continued afterward to consult and advise with in ecclesiastick matters . but that presbyters sate in provincial synods in the first and purest ages , is undeniably clear . when victor held the council at rome about the day of easter , damasus tells that it was collatione facta cum presbyteris & diaconibus . likewise in the council that cyprian held , about the rebaptizing of hereticks , there were present , episcopi plurimi ex provinciâ africanâ , numidiâ , mauritaniâ , cum presbyteris & diaconibus , praesente etiam plebis maximâ parte . and his contemporary firmilian , whose epistle is the 75. among cyprian's , tells us , how there were yearly synods of bishops and presbyters , quâ ex causâ , saith he , necessario apud nos sit , ut per singulos annos seniores & presbyteri , ( by which it is clear , that he can mean none , but presbyters and bishops ) in unum conveniamus , ad disponenda ea , quae curae nostrae commissa sunt . eusebius lib. 6. cap. 35. tells , that upon the account of novatus's schism , there was held at rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which consisted of sixty bishops , and many more presbyters , and deacons , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he likewise tells , lib. 7. cap. 27. how that upon samosatenus's heresie , there was a great synod held in antioch : and after he hath set down the names of some bishops there present , he adds , that there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and their synodal letter is written in the name of the bishops , presbyters and deacons . in the council of eliberis in spain , there were 19. bishops , residentibus originta sex presbyteris , abstantibus diaconibus & omni plebe . in the provincial council at arles , which judged in the matter of donatus's schism , constantine the emperor being present , where were about two hundred bishops from divers nations , from italy , france , spain , sicily , sardinia , africk , numidia , and britain , the canons of that council are subscribed by many presbyters and deacons . and if the story of the council of rome under sylvester be true , it is subscribed by 284. bishops , 45. presbyters , and 5. deacons . now all these being before the council of nice , evince that in the first and best ages , presbyters voted and judged in provincial councils , and if in provincials , why not in general ones ? the council of nice is subscribed by some chorepiscopi , and one chorepiscopus subscribes in the council of ephesus , and if chorepiscopi be ( as it is the opinion of some ) in their natural dignity only presbyters , then we have presbyters also subscribing general councils . besides that in the council of constantinople , and ephesus , divers bishops subscribed by presbyters : from all which it is clear , that there is no ground from antiquity to exclude presbyters from a suffrage in national and general councils : and it is but a frivolous distinction that they may have a consultative , tho not a deliberative suffrage , since we see them subscribing both the decisions of faith and canons of discipline . the next thing to be examined , is the qualification , election , and ordination of presbyters . for their qualification , great care was used to train them up long in an abstracted and devote life , that so they might be well prepared for that holy function . and therefore it was , that many of the primitive bishops lived in monasteries among them , whom they were educating for holy orders , as appears from the lives of basil , augustine , and martin : neither was one to be ordained a presbyter , but after a long probation and tryal , and all these degrees , of which we shall speak afterward , were so many steps and preparations through which all were to go , before they could be initiated . and indeed it seems against reason , at first step to ordain a man presbyter , and commit the care of souls to him , before a long previous probation had of him . therefore the ancient monasteries , as they were sanctuaries for such as designed to leave the world , and live devoutly , so they were also colleges for the education of churchmen . it is true , the years of probation may seem too too many ; but they ordinarily dispensed in that , as they found persons worthy and qualified . but none might be presbyter before he were thirty years of age , according to the council of neocesarea , even tho he were highly worthy ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) and the reason given for this , is , because christ was thirty years of age before he entred upon the discharge of his holy function . likewise a clinicus , that is , one baptised in sickness , by the twelfth canon of neocesarea , could not have been a presbyter , because he was not a christian , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and this was not to be dispensed with , but upon his following faith and diligence , or that others could not be had . and in the canon law , dist . 77. cap. siquis , among other prerequisites for a presbyter , one is : si poenitentiam publicam non gesserit , holding that any gross scandal committed after baptism , should be a bar upon a man from being ordained a presbyter . as also dist. 56. cap. 1. the children of presbyters are discharged to be ordained : presbyterorum filios à sacris altaris ministeriis removemus , nisi aut in coenobiis , aut in canonicis religiose probati fuerint conversari . it is like , this was either to discourage the marriage of churchmen , or to obviate the scandal might have been taken , if they had been partial to their own children . yet this was neither old nor universal ; for nazianzen was both a presbyter and a bishop , though a bishop's son. and in the next chapter of that same dist. many instances are alledged by damasus to the contrary . further , none who had been soldiers , and were curiales , and obstricti curiae , could have been ordained without a dimission , and that they had been fifteen years in a monastery , and three parts of four of their estate were adjudged to the fisk ; so dist. 53. and iustinian 123. nov. now this might be first , left any weary of the service to which they were obliged , should upon that pretence shake it off , and run from their colors , or other employments . but next , that men who had been much involved in the world , and particularly men of bloud , might not enter into holy orders , without a long precedent change of the course of their life ; it not being easie to pass of a sudden from a course of secularity , to that sublimity of holiness which is necessary for such a sacred function . and finally , all ambitus was condemned in presbyters , as well as in bishops , though we see both from chrysostom's books de sacerdotio , and nazianzen's apologetick , that there was enough of it among both kinds . yet many there were who resisted the calls given them to church-offices with great earnestness , some flying from them to the wilderness , as from a persecution : some cutting off their noses , and other members , that they might be thought unworthy of it ; some continued to the end in their refusal : others were not ordained without being haled even by force ; many receiving this sacred imposition of hands with trembling and many tears . and indeed were the greatness of the charge more weighed , and the secular advantages less looked at , it is like there might be yet need of some force to draw men to accept of it ; whereas all are so forward to rush toward it , blown up with pride , or provoked by covetousness . we saw already how averse nazianzen was from entring in sacred orders : but no less memorable is the history of chrysostome , who ( with his friend basil ) having engaged in a monastick life , was struck with fear when a rumour rose that they were both to be ordained presbyters . ( and by the way observe , that he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) but chrysostome was silent , lest the expressing of his aversion should have deterred basil ; and his his silence was judged by basil a consent , and so proved one of his chief inducements to accept of orders . but when the day came wherein chrysostome knew that the bishops designed to ordain them , he withdrew privately , so that he could not be found : yet the bishops upon another pretence , carried basil to the church , and there ordained him , much against his mind . but when he first met with his friend chrysostome , he melted down in tears , challenging him severely for his withdrawing from him ; whereof chrysostome gives his apology at large in these six excellent books of his de sacerdotio ; wherein by way of dialogue betwixt him and his friend , he layeth out the great dignity and weight of that charge , chiefly in the third book , where he shews , that a priest should be like one of the angels of god , cap. 4. and he blames these elections that were rashly made , cap. 10. upon which he charges most of the disorders that were then in the church . and cap. 11. he confesseth how guilty himself was of that unlawful ambitus for church employment ; which being yet unmortified in him , did frighten him from entring in holy orders . cap. 14. he saith , episcopum convenit studio acri & perpetuâ vitae continentia tanquam adamantinis armis obseptum esse . in the fourth book he speaks of the great caution was to be used in elections and ordinations , complaining that in these , regard was rather had to riches and honor , than true worth . through the fifth book he shews the great evil and hazard of popular applause , and the sin of being much pleased with it . and lib. 6. cap. 2. he hath that excellent saying , that the soul of the priest should be purer than the very beams of the sun themselves . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and cap. 12. he accuses himself of his vain desires and other faults , whence it was that he had so great a horrour of attempting at that for which he knew himself so unworthy : preoccupying that objection , that a man in that is to submit to the judgment of others , by the examples of one who hath no skill in physick , and knowing himself ignorant , is not to administer physick , though all the world should desire him to undertake a cure , declaring their opinion and confidence of his skill : for if upon another mans opinion of his skill he should offer to meddle in it , and give physick , he might as well kill as cure . so neither one unacquainted in military affairs , was to undertake the leading of an army , knowing his own unfitness , though never so much solicited to it : whence he subsumes more strongly , that none should undertake the leading of souls , as long as he knew his own unfitness , were the importunities and solicitations of others never so many . and so far of the qualifications of those who were to be ordained presbyters . their election hath been touched already , for it went the same way with the elections of bishops , and so was partly popular , at least was to be ratified by the approbation , and consent of the people . possidius in vita augustini , tells how he was chosen a presbyter by the people . we have the ordination of the presbyters set down thus , conc. carth. 4. canon . 3. presbyter quum ordinatur , episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri , qui praesentes sunt , manus suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant . dionysius the areopagite in the forecited place tells , that the presbyter whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was ordained in the same form that a bishop was ordained , save only that the gospel was not laid on his head . from which simplicity of the primitive forms , we may see , how far they were from all these superstitious fopperies now used in the romish church in ordination . and so much concerning presbyters . deacons are next to be treated of . the original of them is by the general current of the ancients taken from the levites under the temple , and therefore in not a few of the antient councils , they go under that designation . but as was formerly observed , it is more probable , that the christian church took its immediate model from the synagogue , tho that might have been taken from the temple . now in the synagogue , as there was a bishop and presbyters , so there were also deacons called parnasin . there were three of them in each synagogue , two were to gather the collections , and all the three together did distribute them . the first origine of them in the christian church is set down , acts 6. where their primitive institution shews , that their first design was for looking to the necessities of the poor , who had been neglected in the daily distribution of the charity , and there they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is true , that term luke 4.20 . is used in another sense , for there the minister of the synagogue , to whom christ delivered the book , could be no other , than their chazan or bishop , whose office it was to call out any to read the law in the synagogue . but since all church-office is for service , and not for domination , christ himself not coming to be ministred unto , but to minister , it is no wonder , if that term should then have been promiscuously used . we also find s. paul applying to himself ( 1 cor. 4. a term equivalent to this . ) but though the primitive institution of deacons import only their looking to the necessities of the poor : yet from the levites ministring to the priest in the sacrifices , it came to be generally received and used , the deacons should serve the bishops and presbyters in the administration of the sacraments . the institution of them doth also discover , that they were persons to be separated for that holy service , and consecrated for it by an imposition of hands ; and so were to be no more secular , but ecclesiastical persons : and the usual practice of the church was to account that office a step , degree and probation , in order to ones being made a presbyter . and therefore our mungrel lay-deacons differ vastly , both from the first institution of the scripture , and current of all antiquity . the arcopagite gives the account of their ordinations thus : that the deacon being brought to the bishop , kneeled down on one knee , and so received imposition of hands . the fourth canon of the fourth council of carthage is : diaconus quum ordinatur , solus episcopus , qui eum benedicit , manum super caput illius ponat ; quia non ad sacerdotium , sed ad ministerium consecratur . as for their election , at the first institution they were chosen by the whole body of the people , so acts 6. and tho the people were barred their suffrage in the choice of other church officers , yet there might be good reason why they should still chuse the deacons , their office being almost wholly temporal , to receive and distribute the peoples alms . but whatever right people might pretend to in this , it will never be proved that by divine right , the people should chuse those who had the charge of their souls . for reason would infer , that none could make a choice , who were not able to give a judgment of the qualifications , and worth of a churchman , that being peculiar to the clergy . and hence it is that more than a consent cannot be justly pretended to by the people . but after all this , if this place prove anything , it will prove in favor of the whole body of the people , and not of a few selected lay-elders . all the deacons were in their degree and order inferiour to presbyters , which will appear from these canons of the 4. council of carthage , canon 37. the deacon is declared to be the minister of the presbyter , as well as of the bishop . canon 39. he might sit in the presence of a presbyter , if desired by him . canon 40. in conventu presbyterorum diaconus interrogatus , loquatur ; so that he might not speak , except desired . it is therefore a disorder in church-discipline , that the archdeacon should not only be a presbyter , but also exercise jurisdiction over presbyters . and therefore petrus blesensis , epist. 123. hath well observed , how turbato ordine dignitatis , archidiaconi bodie sacerdotibus praeeminent , & in eos vim ac potestatem suae jurisdictionis exercent . jerome is the first that makes mention of these arch deacons , telling how the deacons did chuse one of their number to be over them , quem archidiaconum vocabanst : and in the same epistle to evagrius , he severely inveighs against those deacons , who pretend to an equality with , or preference over presbyters , saying : quid patitur mensarum & viduarum minister , ut supra eos tumidus sese esserat , ad quorum preces corpus sanguisque christi conficitur . because of the first number seven , the custom was to have but seven deacons in a city were it never so great : so it was decreed in the council of neocesarea 14. canon . their office was chiefly to look to the poor , and to serve in the administration of the sacraments . just in martyr in the end of his second apology tells , that the eucharist was sent by the deacons to such as were absent . cyprian lib. 3. epist. 15. reckons it as a part of the deacon's office to wait upon the martyrs , and epist. 17. of that same book , he tells , that where there was no presbyter , & urgere exitus coeperit . the deacon might receive the exhomulagesis of penitents , and absolve them by imposition of bands . optatus lib. 2. calls them the defenders of the holy table ; telling how the donatists had broken through the roof of a church , and had killed and wounded some of the deacons , who preserved the holy elements from their sacrilegious attempt . the deacons distributed the eucharist , and sometime they did give it to the presbyters , but that was forbidden by the 18. can. of the council of nice . yet in the fourth council of carthage , can. 38. diaconus , praesente presbytero , eucharistiam corporis christi populo si necessitas cogat , jussus eroget . cyril of jerusalem in his 17. catechism , counts the deacon the minister of baptism , as well as the bishop or presbyter . and certain it is , that generally baptism was administred by the deacons , as well as by the presbyters . some parts of the publick worship were also discharged by the deacons . chrysostome hom . 14. ad rom. tells , that the deacons offered prayers for the people ; and hom . 17. ad heb. he tells , that the deacons stood in a high place at the administration of the eucharist , and calling with a terrible voice , as heraulds , invited some , and rejected others from these holy mysteries . and thus far i have given an account of the sense which the ancients had of the offices of bishop , presbyter , and deacon , which three were the only ones they accounted sacred and divine . and this held good even at the time , that the areopagites's pretended books were written ( i call them pretended , because there is none now so simple as to believe them his ) for he reckons the ecclesiastical hierarchy to consist in these three degrees . to this account given of deacons , i shall add somewhat of deaconesses , of whom mention is made , rom. 16 1. where phebe is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the deaconess ●f the church of cenchrea . they are likewise so called in the 15. canon of chalcedon ; but more ordinary in ancient writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ijerome on that place to the romans , speaking of phebe , understands her to have been a deaconess : and adds , etiam nunc in orientalibus diaconissae mulieres in suo sexu ministrare videntur , in baptismo , sive in ministerio verbi , quia privatim docuisse foeminas invenimus sicut priscillam . he likewise understood the widows mentioned , 1 tim. 5. to be diaconesses : tales eligi voluit diaconissas quae omnibus essent exemplum vivendi . origen likewise takes it as undoubted , that phebe had a particular office in the church of cenchrea : and saith on that place , hic locus apostolica authoritate docet etiam foeminas in ministerio ecclesiae constitui , in quo officio positam phaeben apud ecclesiam quae est cenchreis . chrysostome likewise understood it to be an office : and saith on that place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if any credit be due to the apostolical constitutions , they tell us many things of their office , tho with a great alloy of much idle stuff . they tell , that no woman might come to a bishop or presbyter , except in the company of a deaconess , lib. 2. cap. 26. and that they were to go to womens houses to instruct them , which had been scandalous for churchmen , lib. 3. cap. 15. they did likewise receive them in baptism , cap. 16. and kept the gates by which women entred into the church , lib. 8. cap. 28. so it seems their office was to instruct and teach women . and so s. paul , phil. 4.3 . speaks of women who laboured with him in the gospel . and rom. 16. we find mention not only of priscilla , but of tripbona , triphosa and persis , who laboured in the lord. and it is like their office was also to minister to the necessities of churchmen : and therefore when s. paul speaks of leading about a sister and a wife , as well as other apostles , he may be well understood to speak of one of those who might both have supplied his wants , and assisted him in the conversion of women ; but for eviting scandal , they were not to be under sixty years of age . mention is made of them by pliny , lib. 10. epist . 97. who writing to trajan , of the enquiry he was making of the christians , saith , necessarium credidi ex duabus ancillis quae ministrae dicebantur quid effet veri & per tormenta quaerere . they were received by an ordination in tertullian's time : for he speaking of them , saith , ( de castit . cap. 13. ) ordinari in ecclesia solent . and ad uxorem , lib. 1. cap. 7. viduam allegi in ordinationem nisi univiram non concedit . the 19. canon of the council of nice , reckons the deaconesses among those that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but saith that they had no imposition of hands , so that in all things they were reckoned among the laicks ; but hints that they had a particular habit , calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . balsamon's gloss on this is , that the virgins who dedicated themselves to god , continued in a laical habit till they were forty years of age ; and were then , if found worthy , ordained deaconesses , by a particular imposition of hands . to this zonar as adds , that the virgins in the twenty fifth year of . their age , got a particular habit from the bishop . the 74 canon of nice , according to the arabick edition , appoints the office of a deaconess to be only the receiving of women in baptism . epiph. baeres . 79. after he hath proved that a woman is not capable of the publick service of the church , adds , that the order of the deaconesses was instituted out of reverence to that sex , that when the womans body was naked in baptism , they might not be so seen by the priest. and with this agrees the 12th canon of the fourth council of cartbage : vidue vel sanctimoniales quae ad ministerium baptizandarum mulierum eliguntur tam instructae sint ad officium , ut possint apto & sano sermone docere imperitas & rusticus mulieres tempore quo baptizandae sint , qualiter baptizatori interrogatae respondeant , & qualiter accepto baptismate vivant . this is also confirmed by the 6. chap. of the 6. novel , which appoints the age both for virgins and widows to be fifty years : sicque sacram promereri ordinationem . and their office is denied to be adorandis ministrare baptismatibus , & aliis adesse secretis quae in venerabilibus ministeriis per eas rite aguntur . and the rest of that chapter gives divers other rules concerning them . the 15. canon of chalcedon , appoints a deaconess not to be ordained till she were forty years of age ( it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the canon ) and it is appointed that it be done after a strict examination ; but that after she was ordained , and continued some time in the ministery , if she gave her self in marriage , she ( as one that had reproached the grace of god ) was to be anathematized with her husband . zonaras reconciles this age with the apostle , that the apostle speaks of widows , and this canon of virgins , tho it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the canon . yet it seems some of these deaconesses have given scandal in the church , and perhaps proved like the females among the pharisees , whom the rabbins reckoned among these who destroyed the world : and so we find the western church being scandalized at some miscarriages in this order , they are discharged to be ordained by the first council of orange , can. 26. diaconissae omnimodo non ordinandae , si quae jam sunt benedictioni quae populo impenditur , capita submittunt . and in the beginning of the sixth century , it seems they gave great scandal ; for canon 22. council epaun. they are simply discharged : viduarum consecrationem quas diaco●as vocant ab omni regione nostra penitus abrogamus , solam eis poenitentia benedictionem si converti ambiant imponendo . and anno 536. con. aurel. 2. c●● . 17. benedictio diaconatus , is said to be given to the women contra interdicta canonum . and the next canon of that council is , placuit etiam ut nulli postmodum foeminae diaconalis benedictio pro conditionis hujus fragilitate credatur . yet they are mentioned in the council of worms in the year 868. canon 73. where the 15. canon of chalcedon is wholly insert . one scandal we find occasioned by these deaconesses , was , that they presumed to distribute the elements in the eucharist ; which gelasius blames in his ninth epistle written to the bishops of lucani● , quod foeminae sacris altaribus ministrare ferantur . and this it seems hath continued longer : for we find ratherius of verona in the tenth century , appoints in his synodal epistle ( which in the tomes of the councils is printed as a sermon of pope leo the fourths ) nulla foemina ad altare domini accedat . and matthaeus blastaris in his syntagma , lit . 1. cap. 11. concludes it to be unknown what the office of the deaconesses was . some judged that they ministred to women , who being in age received baptism , it being accounted a crime for a man to see a woman naked . others thought that they might enter to the altar , and exercise the office of deacons , who proved this from many things , particularly from some words of nazianzen's oration at his sisters funeral , but that was afterwards forbidden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; yet he doubts much the truth of that , it not agreeing with reason , that women who were not suffered publickly to teach , should be admitted to the office of a deacon , whose duty it was by the ministery of the word , to purifie these who were to be baptized . and after that he gives an account of the form of their ordination . mention likewise is made of them in the council in trullo , canon 14. a deaconess was not to receive imposition of band 's , before she was forty years of age . which is more expressly appointed in the 40. canon , where they decree , that though the apostle made the age 60. yet the canons had allowed their ordination at 40. because they found the church was become firmer in the grace of god , and had advanced forward : and by the 48. canon of that council , a bishop's wife , when separated from her husband by consent , was to live in a monastery , and if found worthy might be made a deaconess . basil by his 18. canon allows virgins to be received at the sixteenth or seventeenth year of their age , but by his 24. he reckons it a fault to receive a widow into the order under 60 : yet it seems that was not peremptorily observed . for in his 44 canon he speaks of deaconesses found in fornication , who might not be allowed to communicate before seven years had been past in penitence . whence this order failed in the greek church , we know not ; but balsamon on the 15. canon of chalcedon tells . that in his time deaconesses were no more ordained , and his reason is , because no woman was suffered to enter unto the altar , though ( saith he ) some women were abusively so called . as for the inferiour degrees of subdeacon , acolyth , &c. as they were only iuris ecclesiastici , so they were not designed for any sacred performance , nor had they any holy character upon them : but were intended as steps for those whom they were training up to sacred employments , and were but like the degrees given in universities . no mention is made of them in the first two centuries : ignatius is express that there is no intermedial step betwixt the laick , and the deacon , which stile we also meet in all the fathers before cyprian's time . he , epistle 24. speaks of the lectors and subdeacons , telling how he had ordained saturus a lector , and optatus a subdeacon , quos jam communi consilio clero proximos feceramus . and of the lectors , he saith , epist. 34. caeterum presbyterii honorem nos illis designasse sciatis . and by what follows , it is clear he means of a share in the maintenance of the church . epistle 28. he speaks of the subdeacons and acolyths , shewing how they likewise had a share in the divisions of the offerings made to the church . epistle 33. he tells of one aurelius , who had been twice a confessor in the persecution , whom he had ordained a lector , apologizing that he had done it without the consent of his clergy and people . in ordinationibus solemus vos ante consulere , & voces ac merita communi consilio ponderare ; sed expectanda non sunt testimonia humana , cum praecedant suffragia divina . and after he hath laid out the merits of the person , he adds , placuit tamen ut ab officio lectionis incipiat , quia & nihil magis congruit voci quae dominum gloriosâ praedicatione confessa est , quam celebrandis divinis lectionibus personare . of the same strain is his following epistle concerning celerinus , who had refused to be ordained a lector , until he was persuaded to it by a divine revelation in the night . likewise in his 76. epistle , he makes mention of exorcists : who are also mentioned by firmilian in his epistle , which is reckoned the 75. among cyprians . and at the same time cornelius , the bishop of rome , in his epistle ( insert by eusebius , lib. 6. cap. 43. ) wherein he gives account of the clergy were then at rome ; tells , that there were 46 presbyters , 7 deacons , 42 acolyths , 50 exorcists , lectors , and porters . these inferiour orders we see were then in the church . and since we have no earlier accounts of them , we may conclude their rise to have been about this time . a short account will suffice for their several employments , which will be best gathered from the several canons of the 4th council of carthage . canon 5. subdiaconus quum ordinatur , quia manus impositionem non accipit , patinam de episcopi manu accipiat vacuam , & calicem vacuum . de manu vero archidiaconi urceolum cum aquâ , & mantile , & manutergium . so his office was to look to the vessels for the eucharist , and to serve the deacons in that work . canon 6. acolythus quum ordinatur ab episcopo quidem doceatur , qualiter in officio suo agere debeat . sed ab archidiacono accipiat ceroferarium cum cereo ut sciat se ad accendenda ecclesiae luminaria mancipari , accipiat & urceolum vacuum , ad suggerendum vinum in eucharistiam sanguinis christi . as for these cerei , they shall be spoken of upon the next canon . the work of acolythus was to light the candles , and provide the wine : and from the ratio nominis , we may believe their office was particularly to wait upon the bishop , and follow him . canon 8. lector quum ordinatur , faciat de illo verbum episcopus ad plebem , indicans ejus fidem ac vitam , atque ingenium . posthaec spectante plebe tradat ei codicem , de quo lecturus est , dicens ad eum : accipe , & esto lector verbi dei , habiturus , si fideliter & utiliter impleveris officium , partem cum eis , qui verbum dei ministraverunt . and by what hath been already cited out of cyprian compared with this , it appears , that the office of the lector was judged that of the greatest importance of them all . canon 9. ostiarius quum ordinatur postquam ab archidiacono instructus fuerit , qualiter in domo dei debeat conversari , ad suggestionem archidiaconi , tradat & episcopus claves ecclesiae de altario , dicens : sic age , quasi redditurus deo rationem pro bis rebus , quae his clavibus recluduntur . canon 10. psalmista , id est , cantor potest absque scientia episcopi , solâ jussione presbyteri , officium suscipere cantandi , dicente sibi presbytero ; vide , ut quod ore cantas , corde credas ; & quod corde credis , operibus comprobes . now the psalmistae were these that were the singers , for it was appointed in the council of laodicea , that none might sing in the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , those of the suggestum , or pulpit . but because the 7. canon will afford more matter of question , i have reserved it last . exorcista quum ordinatur , accipiat de manu episcopi libellum , in quo scripti sunt exorcismi , dicente sibi episcopo : accipe , & commenda memoriae , & habato potestatem imponendi manum super energumenum , sive baptizatum , sive catechumenum . but for examining this of the exorcist , we must run a little back . the iews under the second temple were much addicted to magick . in the talmud it is given as a necessary qualification of one that might be of the sanhedrin , that he should be skilled in all magick doctrines and charms . and in the inner court of the temple , called the court of israel , there was a chamber said to have been built by one parva a magician , by the art of magick , from whom it was called happarva : and much of what they say of the bath-col , seems to hint that it was an effect of magick . many places are also cited out of the talmud , of their rabbies killing one another by that art ; and so highly do they extol it , that many of them thought that all miracles were wrought by the exact knowledg of the cabbalistick arts , and it is well enough known how that abounded among the heathens . ulpian made a law against these physicians who cured diseases by exorcisms . we see our lord triumphed over the powers of darkness , who were then raging through the world : and that the oracles were silenced at this time , is confessed by heathens . neither did this gift of casting out devils , conferred by our lord on his disciples , die with them , but remain some ages in the church . tertullian speaks of it as a gift communicated to all christians . de coronâ mil. he tells , that some soldiers did exorcismis fugare spiritus malignos : and de idololatriâ , cap. 11. quo ore christianus thurarius ( this is one that offered incense to idols ) si per templa transibit , fumantes aras despuet , & exsufflabit , quibus ipse prospexit : quâ constantiâ exorcizabit alumnos suos , quibus domum suam cellariam praestat . so that he hath understood this power of exorcizing to have been the effect of every sincere christian's prayer . origen in his 35. tract . on matth. condemns the form of doing it , by adjuring the devils , saying that christ hath given us power to command them . est enim iudaicum adjurare daemonia . cyprian speaks of an exorcism ordinarily preceding baptism ; but prefers the vertue of baptism to that of exorcism , epist. 76. hodie etiam geritur , ut per exorcist as voce humanâ & potestate divinâ flagelletur , & uratur , & torqueatur diabolus ; & cum exire se & dimittere homines dei saepe dicat : in eo tamen quod dixerit , fallat — cum tamen ad aquam salutarem , &c. and ad demetrianum , he saith , o si audire eos velles , & videre , quando à nobis adjurantur & turquentur spiritalibus flagris , & verborum tormentis , de obsessis corporibus , ejiciuntur ; quando ejulantes & gementes voce humanâ , & potestate divinâ flagella , & verbera sentientes , venturum judicium confitentur . and much of this nature is to be met with among the primitive writers , which shews that the power of exorcising was an authority over devils . yet if this had been a formal office , reason will say it should rather have been among the highest than lowest orders , the work being so great and miraculous . but from the areopagite , and others , we are told , that before baptism there was used a renunciation of the devil , with a prayer for casting him out : and there is some probability that these called exorcists were only catechists , who had some formuls , whereby they taught , such as they instructed , to renounce the devil : and this with the prayer that accompanied it , was called an exorcism . nazianz. orat. in bapt. ne exorcismi medicinam asperneris , nec ob illius prolixitatem animo concidas , nam vel ut lapis quidam lydius est , ad quem exploratur , quam sincero quisque pectore ad baptismum accedat . cyril of ierusalem , praefat. in catech. festinent pedes tus ad catecheses audiendas , exorcismos studiose suscipe , etiamsi exorcizatus & inspiratus jam sis , salubris enim est tibi res ista . the council of laodicea , can. 26. discharged all to exorcize either in churches or houses , except these appointed for it by the bishops . and by the tenth canon of antioch , the rural bishops are warranted to constitute exorcists , from which we see they could not esteem that a wonder-working office. and balsamon in his sholion , makes them one with the catechists , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and on the canon of laodicea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and towards the end of his gloss on that canon , he saith , that an exorcist though appointed by the chorepiscopus , and not by the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and beveregius cites harmenopolus to the same purpose on the tenth canon of antioch . from these evidences it is most probable to think , that the exorcists at first were nothing but catechists ; but afterwards , as all things do in any tract of time degenerate , they became corrupt , beyond perhaps either these of the iews or the gentiles ; so that the books of exorcisms now in the roman church , are so full of bombast terms , and odd receipts , that they are a stain to the christian church . and it is the most preposterous thing can be imagined , that what was given in the new testament for the greatest confirmation of the christian faith , should be made a constant office , and put in so mean hands . and to this i need not add the base arts and cheats discovered among that sort of people . i shall conclude this long tedious account of the sense the ancient church had of the several officers in it , with some words of tertullian , which i shall barely set down , without any descant on them , tho they have occasioned much perplexity to divers good antiquaries . tertullian in exortatione ad uxorem , cap. 7. saith : nonne & laici sacerdotes fumus ? scriptum est regnum quoque nos & sacerdotes deo & patri suo fecit . differentiam inter ordinem & plebem constituit ecclesiae authoritas , & honor per ordinis consessum sanctificatus . ideo ubi ecclesiastici ordinis non est consessus , & offers , & tingis & sacerdos es tibi solus , sed ubi tres sunt , ecclesia est , licet laici . but others read these words differently , their copies having them thus : sanctificatus à deo . ubi ecclesiastici ordinis est consessus , & offert , & tingit , sacerdos qui est ibi solus : sed ubi tres , ecclesia est , licet laici . finis . polyhistor to basilius . your desire , and my own promise , have engaged me to send you the enclosed papers : for the trouble the reading them may give you , my apology lies in my obedience ; and yet i have contracted things as much as i could , and perhaps have exceeded in my abridging : for had i let loose my pen in a descant on every particular , these few sheets had swelled to a volume . and my design was not to act the critick , but to be a faithful historian . these gleanings were intended partly for my own use , and partly for the direction of some under my charge in the study of antiquity ; and were written some years ago , when i had no thoughts of making them more publick , than by giving a few transcripts of them . but now i leave the midwifry of them to you , that you may either stifle this embryo , or give it a freer air to breath in . i have here only given you what related to the constitution and modelling of churches , referring to my observations on other canons , matters that come to be treated more properly upon their texts , as of the administration of all the parts of the pastoral charge , of all their forms in worship , and church-discipline , of their zeal against heresies and schisms , together with the methods used for reclaiming them ; and of the poverty , simplicity , abstraction from secular affairs , and sublime sanctity of the primitive bishops and presbyters . these with many other particulars , if well examined , as they will make the work swell to a huge bulk , so they will bring pleasure , as well as advantage , to such as desire a better acquaintance with the state of the church of god in her best times ; but what through the entanglements of affairs , and other avocations , what through their want of books , are not able to engage in so laborious an enquiry by searching the fountains themselves . i assure you , i have not gone upon trust , having taken my observations from the writings themselves , that i have vouched for my warrants . i once intended to have cited all the testimonies i brought in english ; and so to have avoided the pedantry of a babylonish dialect , as the french begin now to write . but observing that the foul play many have committed , hath put a jealousie in most readers of these citations , where the author's words are not quoted , i chused rather to hazard on the censure of being a pedant , than of an unfaithful wrester in my translations . only to save the writer the labour of writing much greek , which i found unacceptable , i do often cite the latin translations of the greek authors . i shall only add , that as i was causing write out these papers for you , there came to my hands one of the best works this age hath seen , beveregius his synopsis canonum . i quickly looked over these learned volumes , that i might give these sheets such improvements as could be borrowed from them , which indeed were not inconsiderable . i detain you too long , but shall importune you no more . i leave this to your censure , which i know to be severely critical in all such matters . your judgment being the wonder of all who know you , especially who consider how little your leisure allows you , to look unto things so far without the orb you move in : though nothing be without the vast circle of your comprehensive understanding , if you let loose these papers to a more publick view , let this paper accompany them , which may some way express the zeal of your faithfullest servant , who humbly bids you adieu . the original of kingly and ecclesiastical government by t.b. ... barlow, thomas, 1607-1691. 1681 approx. 170 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27454 wing b1513a wing b196 estc r37045 16194662 ocm 16194662 105037 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27454) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105037) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1085:5 or 2362:14) the original of kingly and ecclesiastical government by t.b. ... barlow, thomas, 1607-1691. [6], 111 p. printed for robert clavell and william hensman, [london] : 1681. place of publication suggested by wing. identified as wing b196 on reel 1085; number cancelled in wing (cd-rom, 1996). reproduction of originals in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng divine right of kings. episcopacy. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2005-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the original of kingly and ecclesiastical government . by t. b. dr. in divinity . mat. 22.21 . da caesari quae sunt caesaris . king jame's bas. dor. sublato episcopo tollitur rex . printed for robert clavell , and william hensman , 1681. the contents . chap. i. god himself was the first founder , and the first that instituted the office of kings . chap. ii. the people cannot make an anointed king. chap. iii. the meaning of the anointing of kings . chap. iv. the reason why they are called the lords anointed . chap. 5. bad kings are the lords anointed as well as good . chap. vi. it is not lawful upon any pretences whatsoever to depose , or so much as touch the lords anointed . chap. vii . what is meant by touching the lords anointed . chap. viii . that kings now adays are to be had in the same veneration and esteem as the kings of judah and israel were , notwithstanding our christian liberty . chap. ix . that a king failing in his duty , and not performing those things which he hath sworn unto at his coronation ( so solemnly ) yet the people are not dis-obliged in their obedience unto him . chap. x. touch not mine anointed , psal. 105. meant by princes , and not otherwise . chap. xi . the objection of the ten tribes revolting from rehoboam , answered . chap. xii . the objection of jehu slaying his master joram , and taking the kingdom upon him , answered . chap. xiii . a discourse concerning the necessity and excellency of monarchy . chap. xiv . that there is no such thing as a free state in the world. chap. xv. a discourse concerning episcopacy , proving it to be jure divino . to the reader . good reader , we have lived to see our profession of christianity , to have yielded some men arguments for their taking up armes against their lawful soveraigns and goverment , certainly there hath been some violence used by them herein , or else this holy religion could never afforded them such a topick . submission to our lawful governours , not only for wrath , but also for conscience-sake , is the great duty and glory of our profession , whilest evil religions prompt men to rapine , blood , and violence , religio christiana nil suadet nisi justum & lene . the original and power of kingly government hath of late been much disputed , whether it be ( as our saviour spake of st. john's baptism ) from god or from men ; this author ( i think ) hath evinced the former , and if so , subjection is our duty ; t is not male administration or persecution ( as some men call it ) can ever warrant the subjects arms against his prince . the christian church gives no example , nor our religion any precept for such undertakings ; if it then be religion ( as some men would have us think ) they fought for , why do they use unlawful weapons ? must prayers and tears be turned into pike and musket because a nero is thy governour ? the church of god knows no such usage , the legal dispensation it self , which will be acknowledged somewhat harsh in respect of the gospel , will not permit a holy david , tho a man after gods own heart , to build his temple , for that he was a man of battel and his hands were bloody ; peace , meekness , charity , and submission to our lawful government , are the effects and true signs of real christanity , the other is but spurious and apocryphal . to inform our reader of the rise of kingly government is the design of this pious author , and to perswade us to subjection to our civil as well as ecclesiastick governors , is the main intention and scope of his undertakings ; which i hope ( good reader ) by a due perusal of this small book may be well attained as the thing it self is well made out by the author , and so i leave thee to the use of the book . the original of government . chap. i. who was the first founder , or the first that instituted the office of kings . vvee , say some people , were the first that desir'd them , and moved for them , and had them , and chose them . and all the people went to gilgal , and there they made saul king before the lord in gilgal . 1 sam. 11.15 . 1 sam. 8.5 . soft and fair , good people ; do not mistake your selves ; you desired , and moved for , and would have , and had a king , but god gave him you : i gave thee a king , o israel , in mine anger , and i took him away in my wrath , hosea 13.10 , 11. according to this we read acts 13.21 . they desired a king , and god gave unto them saul , &c. and for your making of a king at gilgal , your making was but approving , and applauding him , that was made already ; for saul was both made a king , and confirmed king , and executed his office , before the people are said to have mad● him king in gilgal : he was anointed king over israel , 1 sam. 10.1 . he was confirmed by signs , 1 sam. 10.2 , 3 , 4 , &c. he executed his office , 1 sam. 11.7 , 8. god first , sent . and s●condly , shewed . and thirdly , chose . and fourthly , anointed . and fifthly , found them out a king , before ever it is said , they made him . first , god sent him ; i will send thee a man out of the tribe of benjamin , and thou shalt anoint him to be captain over my people . secondly , god shewed him ; for neither the people , nor any of the saints , nor the elders of bethlehem , no , nor samuel himself , knew not where to find this first of kings , 'till god said , this is he , he shall reign over my people , 1 sam. 9.17 . thirdly , god chose him himself ; and samuel said to all the people , see him whom the lord hath chosen , 1 sam. 10.24 . if the people had made him themselves , or could make him , what needed they to have come unto samuel , to bid him , make us a king to judge us ? 1 sam. 8.5 . and to say , give us a king ? which deprecation was indeed no otherwise , than as if they should have desired samuel to have asked a king for them of the lord ; for so it seems by the sequel , for immediately hereupon samuel went unto the lord , and declared their importunity , and the lord said , that he should hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they said unto him , verse 7. and this most certain and agreeable unto 1 sam. 1. where samuel tels the people ; ye have this day rejected your god , &c. and have said unto him , set a king over us fourthly , god anointed him ; samuel took a violl of oyl and poured it on his head , and kissed him , and said , is it not because he hath anointed thee to be captain over his inheritance , 1 sam 10.1 . fifthly , god found him out for them , where he was hidden from them ; for when all the tribes of israel were come together , and the tribe of benjamin was taken , and the families of that tribe drew neer ; and the family of matri was taken out of those families , and saul the son of kish from thence : 1 sam. 10.20 , 21. ( the smallest tribe , the least family , the poorest benjamite , as shewing us that kings were not to have derivation from the mighty people but from the almighty god : 1 sam. 9.21 . ) the people sought him but they could not find him , so that they were fain to enquire of the lord for him , and the lord shewed them where he had hid himself in the stuffe ; 1 sam. 12.22 . so that all that the people of israel had to doe , either in the election , institution , nomination , creation , or invention of their first king , was ( when god had done all this ) to shout , and say , god save the king , 1 sam. 10.24 , and for their making a king , after all this in gilgall , ● it could be no otherwise than their approbation of him , who was thus made by god already . neither was god only the founder of the first king of the jews , but of all the rest also : he was davids founder too , i have found david my servant , with my holy oyl have i anointed , him , psal. 89.20 . it was well for david , for he should have been but a poor king , if he had been but of the peoples finding ; and it may be they would not have known what to have made of him when they had found him . david was not silius populi , but dei , the son of god , not of the people : psalm 89.26 . he was neither exalted of the p●ople , nor chosen of the people , i have exalted one chosen out of the people , said god , ( vers . 19. ) but the exaltation was gods , and the choice not of , but out of the people . kings are not children of the most voices , but children of the most high , psal. 82.6 . yet the approbation of the people may serve ad pompam , but not ad necessita●em ; it may ad● something to the solemnity , but nothing to the essence of the constitution ; what was divinely given , may be humanely received , and so are kings . neither will we speak of the king , or the first of the kings of iudah or israel , but we will go along with the first king that e're was read of ( if there be not books ancienter than the books of moses ) and that was melchisedec king of salem : this melchisedec is said to have neither father nor mother ; it could not be said so in regard of his person , for we all know who he was , and who his father and mother were ; he was sem , the eldest son of noah , but it was said so , in respect of his office ; shewing us , that kings , they are not the off-spring of men , but an emanation from the deity , and teaching us , that as kings are not of the peoples making , so they ought not to be of the peoples marring , and as they are not the founders , so they ought not to be the confounders of them ; cujus est instituere , ejus est abrogare , they that institute , may abrogate , they that make , may unmake , what thou buildest thy selfe , thou maist lawfully pull down ; thou maist diruere edificare mutare , quadrata rotundis , but if thou destroyest that which another hath built , thou maist chance to be sued for dilapidations : if a limner draw a picture , he may alter and change it , and if he dislike it , race it out at his pleasure ; or if a carver or ingraver mislike his one handy-work , he may destroy it when he pleases ; but if god makes a man after his own image , and creates him , after his own similitude , we offend god in a high degree , when we cut off , or deface the least part , or member of his handy-work . now kings are lively representations , living statues , or pictures , drawn to the life , of the great deity ; these pictures , for their better continuance , are done in oyl , the colours of the crown never fade ; they are no water colours ; as kings with their own statues will not be angry , though time and age devour them , yet they will not suffer them spitefully to be thrown down , or shot against ; so god , though he will suffer kings to die like men , and fall like other princes ; yet he will not suffer his character , spitefully to be raced , or his image defaced ; but though he will have them dye like men , yet he will have them live like gods. and if all this be not proof suicffient , you shall hear god the father , god the son , and god the holy ghost affirm as much . god the father plainly affirms ▪ john 10.34 . dixi dii estis , i have said ye are gods ; but if the stroke had been in the people , then it should have been , nos diximus dii estis , we have said ye are gods. god the son told pilate , thou shouldest have no power except it were ( data desuper ) given from above ; but if the people had given him that power , then it should have been , thou shouldest have no power , except it were ( data desubter ) given from beneath ; and i am sure the holy ghost tels us , per me reges regnant , by me kings reign ; but if they reigned by the suffrage of the people , then it should have been per nos , according to the modern dialect , they reign by us , and as long as we think fit , and when we think it fit no longer , they shall reign no more ; they received their authority from us , and we may recall it when we please , and depose them when we list ; for they are but proxies and atornies , of the people , see buch. de jure regni , fickerus , & renecherus , &c. little thinking how by this powerfull doctrine of theirs , they ( quite contrary to the word of god ) destroy the higher powers , and give the whole trinity the lie at once : and if these testimonies are not sufficient , i know why they are not , because they never were confirmed by act of parliament chap. ii. whether the people can make a king or not . if the question be asked , whether the people doe make the king or not ? i could no more grant it , then i should grant , that the people made heaven ; but if you ask me , whether the people can make a king ( such a one as they use to make ) if they have not one already of gods making , they may ; such are kings and no king ; not reges but regentes ad placitum : kings by election , are allways kings upon condition , an● where the condition is so little worth , the obligation is the lesse , and but small security will be required : for my own part i should be ashamed to ware a crowne on my head , when the people must raigne , and the king stand under the penthouse : an● i had as live they should make me a jack a lent , for apprentices to throw their cudgels at me , as to make me a king to be controuled by their masters , and every tribune of the people ; for as an invitation to a dinner where there is no meat , is but a distastfull banquet , so the name of a king without its adjuncts , is but a favourless renown ; and in deed such as they are not actu reges , they do but agere regem , they are not actual kings , they doe but act the part of a king , and j hold him that acts the part of a king an hour upon the stage , to be as real a king for his time and territories as the b●st king by election , who is chosen but for his life ; herein consists the difference , as the one must act his part as the poets please , so the other must act his part as the people please ; they must have their parts given them , they must act it accordingly ▪ they must not so much as tread the stage awry ; their subjects are both spectators and judges , and it lies within the favour of the next society , whether or no the son shall come to act the fathers part . such kings as these the people may make , but to make a sacred and anoynted king , an established and successive monarch , a king that hath this hereditatem in him , a king that hath this noli me tangere about him ; whose writs were alwaies termed sacri apices , whose commands divalis jussio , whose presence sacra vestigia , whose throne is the lords , whose scepter is his rod , whose crowne is his favour , and whose representation is of himselfe ; the people can no more make such a deity then so many tapers can make a glorious sunne , or so many sparks of sprey and faggots , can make a firmament of stars ▪ chap. iii. what is meant by anoynting of kings . anointing , in severall places of scripture , betokens some spirituall grace , as jam , 5.14 call the elders of the church , and let them pray over the sicke , anoynting him with oyl in the name of the lord : which the roman-catholicks call extream unction , though now adays , we only make use of the extremity and leave out the unction : and therefore some will have the anoynting of kings to signifie some spirituall grace also , which shall inable them with religion and aptness to govern well ; which when they cease to doe , their anointing falleth off , and they cease to be kings ; if they be not good , they are none of gods anointed , and if they be not his anointed , they care not whose they are . this doctrine hath cause● the shedding of more bloud than there is now runn●ng in the veins of living christians ; whereas the truth is , it is neither religion , nor virtue , nor grace that is me●nt by this royall anointing ; cyrus was chr●●tus domini ▪ as well as josias , and saul as well as david : if religion were that that did the deed , then cyrus had not been the lords anoyn●ed ▪ if vertue , then no saul ; if grace , neither : if religion make kings , then there should have been of old no kings ; but those of iudah ; and now no kings , but those of christendome . it is jus regnandi that he meant by this royal anointing ; and vnction confers no grace , but declares a just title only ; unxit in regem , he anointed him king , includes nothing but a due title , excludes nothing but usurpation ; gives him the administration to govern , not the gift to govern well ; the right of ruling , not of ruling right : kings are anoynted with oyl , to shew , that as they have thrones to signifie that they are the cistern of iustice , and crowns to signifie that they are the fountains of honours , and scepters to signifie that the hands which hold them , are the magazines wherein the whole strength & amunition of kingdoms are reposed : so anointing is a sacred signature betokening soveraignty , obedience to the throne , submission ●o the scepter , allegiance to the crown , and supremacy to the oyl must needs be given , for oyl will have it : pour oyl and wine , and water , and vinegar , or what other liquor you please together , oyl will be sure to be uppermost : the three first ceremonies make him but high and mighty , and puissant , but the last only makes him sacred , and therefore some have maintained that a king is mixta persona cum sacerdote , whether he be so or no i will not here insist ; but sure i am , that there is much divinity in the very name , and essence of kings ; which duly consi●ered and belived ▪ that kings are thus sacred ( as we ought , and gods word informs us ) we would take heed how we touch , take warning how we tear and rend in peices , as much as in us lies ( with those leaden messengers of death ( with their gunpowder commissions ) to fetch the higher to the lower powers , and make the king a subject to the subjects wills , ) the sacred person of so great majesty ; whereas the cutting off but a peice of the lappe of ●auls garment , hath checkt a greater spirit , then the proudest riser up against his soveraigne : we would not speak so despicably of the lords anointed ; what is the king ? he is but a man , he is but one he hath a soul to be saved as well as others ; for though all this be true , yet the end for which all this is said , is most false and a●ominable , for though it be true that the king is but a man ▪ yet it is also true , that that man is the light of israel , 2 kin. 8.19 . we must take heed how we put it out . and though it be true , that such a piece of silver , is but a piece of silver , yet as it bears cesars image and superscription upon it , it is more significant ; and if thou either pare or impare it a jot , if thou art found either clipping , or diminishing of it in the least degree , thou dost it to the prejudice of thine own life ; so though a king be but a man as in himself , yet as he bears representation of god , and hath his character stamped upon him , he is some-what more , if you will beleive him that said ye are gods , psalm 82.6 . and therefore we must take heed how we debase or detract from them who represent so great a deity , who by reason of their proximity and nearnesse unto god in some respects are most commonly of more discerning spirits then ordinary men : for mephibosheth , when his servant had so grieviously slandred him to david , he makes but a short complaint . my servant hath slandred me ; but ( as if he should say , i need not tell thee much , thou hast wisedom enough to find it out ) my lord the king is as an angel of god , doe therefore what is good in thine own eyes : therefore because thou art as an angel of god , and thy selfe art a good intelligencer , as all angels are , do what is good in thine own eyes ; as if he should have said , if thou doest only that which seemeth to be good in other mens eyes , it may be they will perswade thee that the thing was true , wherein my servant slandred thy servant poor mephibosheth , and he huffer wrongfully . i am of opinion that god gives to every king to whom he communicates his name and authority , this extraordinary gift of discerning ; but because they do not some times make use of it to the end it was bestowed upon them , viz. ( the better goverment of their severall dominions ) but are contented to see and discerne with other mens eyes ; and to have false spectacles put upon their noses , whereby many a good man suffers : god in his justice gives them over ▪ that in their own particular , and wherein their own greatest good is chiefly concerned , they shall make least use of their own judgements and advice , and wholly give themselves to be overswayed by the advice of those , whose judgements perhaps is not so good as their own , and whose intentions ( it may be ) are no better then they should be . it is written that the hearts of kings are in the hands of the lord , and he disposeth them as seemeth best to his heavenly wisdome ; certainly i would take a little advice from that heart , that is so directed by that hand ; the kings head never plotted treason against the crown , and no man can wish better to his majesty then the king. i speak not this in derogation either of the great or privy councel ( for it is written , in the multitude of councellors there is safety ) but in defence only of these sons of oyl , who are supreme in both . and as it is true that the king is but one man , so it is also true , that one man is worth ten thousand of the people ; thou art worth ten thousands of us ( though all his worthies were in place ) 2 sam. 18.3 . and though it be true , that the king hath a soul to be saved as well as others , yet it is also true , that he should have no body to be crucified by his subjects , out of their dis-esteem of his person , the ceremonies of state ( as anointing , sitting in thrones , holding of scepters , and coronation it self ) being to be exploded now a days ; and who look'd for it otherwise , when the lawful and decent ceremonies of the church were called reliques of popery , and raggs of the whore of babilon : was it otherwise to be expected , but that they would call these ceremonies of state , theatrica pompa : stage plays , toyes : tush say they , what need all these popperies , a kings throne is his ●ustice , his crown his honour , his scpeter and heifest strength , the peoples hearts ; his holy oyl is his religion , and zeal to gods glory ; and so it is , what then ? may we not have the signs , and the things signified also ? because the true receiving of the communion , is the receiving of the body , and blood of christ by faith ; therefore shall we have no bread and wine ? or because that true baptism is the washing away of original sin , with the la●er of regeneration ; therefore shall we have no water powred on the child ? we have scripture for these ceremonies , and i am sure we have no scripture for the abolishing of them , but rather scripture for their continuation for ever . reges in solio collocat in perpetuum : god establishes kings upon their thrones for ever , job . 36.7 . chap. iv. why they are called the lords anointed . the lords anointed , is as much as to say the lords christ , and christi signifieth anointed ones : in the hebrew you shall read it , who shall lay his hand upon the lords messiah ? for the lords anointed . 1 sam. 26.9 . in the greek , who can lay his hand upon the lords christ. kings are taken into the society of gods name , dixi dii esti● , i have said ye are gods ; and here into the society of christs name , and all to terrifie subjects from lifting up their hands against the lords anointed , as much as if he were god or christ himself . again , kings are not termed uncti domini ( for that were no prerogative to them at all ) but christi domini , for not only persons , but things also , were anointed under the law ; not only kings , but priests and prophets likewise ; neither did it rest there , but it extended to the tabernacle it self , and ran down to the vessels thereof , even to the very fireforks , ashpans , and snuffers : but unto whom said he any time , tu es christus meus , heb. 1.4 , 5. but unto christ , and kings ? to christ once , luke 2.26 . to kings thirty two times throughout the bible ; four times by god himself ; kings are called christi mei , mine anointed ; six times to god , christi tui , thine anointed , ten times of god , christi ejus , his anointed ; twelve times in terms terminant , christi domini , the lords anointed : and therefore the ol● translator observed it rightly , when in the same word , in the hebrew , and the greek , he speaks of the priest , he translates it unctus ; but when of the king ( always ) christus . and as they are not uncti , but christi , so they are not christi populi , but christi domini ; not the people 's anointed , but the lords anointed ; there may be a master of the ceremonies , but there must be no master of the substance ; they are the lord 's christs , and they hold their kingdoms under him , in kings service : neith●r are the kingdoms of the earth any bodies else but gods : the kingdoms are gods , dan. 4.17 . neither are they at any mans disposing but his , he giveth them to whom he pleaseth , ( loco citato ) therefore for whose they are , they are the lords ; and for what they are , they may thank him and none else . secondly , they are the lords , because that by him , an● in him , and through him , th●y have their dominion , and regiment ; from him they have their crowns ; from his hands their coronation : di●dema regis in manu dei , esay 60.3 . the ●oyal diadem is in the hand of god , and out of that hand he will not part with it so much , as for another , to place it upon the kings head ; but it must be tu posuisti ( tu domine ) thou , o lord , hast set a crown of pure gold upon his head , psal. 21.3 . the emperours used to stamp their coyn with a hand coming out of the clouds , holding a crown , and placing it upon their heads ; we have no such hierogliphicks in our coyn , as a hand coming out of a cloud ; but we have grace from heaven , d●i gratia , so that there is not a king but may say with the apostle , gratia dei sum qui sum , by the grace of god ▪ i am that i am ; and indeed kings are kings , as paul was an apostle , not of men , neither by man , but by god. thirdly , they are the lord 's christs ; because , not only their crowns are in the hands of the lord , but he puts the scepter into theirs : nay , the scepters which princes hold in their hands , are gods scepters , being there , virga d●i in manibus ejus , it is gods rod that is in their hands , exod. 17.9 . and therefore right is the motto ( and reason is it that they should be esteemed the lords anointed ▪ ) diev et mon droit , god and my right ; none else have to do with it , the scepter of a kingdom , in the hands of a king , is the livery and seisin which is given him by god , of the whole mili●ia , within his dominion : they that take away that , put a reed into the hand of christs anointed : and why should it be expected that they should deal otherwise with christs anointed , then they did with christ himself , first put a reed in his hand , and afterwards a spear into his heart . fourthly , kings are the lords anointed , because they sit upon his throne : sedebat solomon in throno dei , ●olomon sate upon gods throne : 1 chro. 29.23 . but if solomon should have lived in these our days , instead of his six steps to his great throne of gold , and ivory , he should have six steppers to his throne , for the gold and ivory sake ; instead of having a foot-stool of gold under his feet , he should have much ado to keep a crown of pure gold upon his head : instead of hands to stay his throne , he should have hands enough to pull it down , and cast it to the ground : and instead of two , and twelve lyons fixed on cach side as a guard unto his throne , he should have found many lyons , without regard , running up and down , seeking how they might destroy him . lastly , kings are the lords anointed , because they are anointed with his own oyl ▪ oleo sancto meo , with my holy oyl have i anointed him , psal. 89.20 . it is not with any common , or vulgar oyl , or oyl that any lays claim to but himself : but it is oleo meo , my oyl , neither is it oyl , that was fetch'd out of any common shop , or warehouse , but it is oleo sancto , with holy oyl , oyl out of the sanctuary : and no question but this is a main reason ( if they would speak out ) why some have such an aking tooth at the sanctuaries , because they maintain in them , oyl for the anointing of kings ; but if the alablaster box were broken , the ointment would soon be lost : if they could persuade the king out of the church into the barn , they would soon pull a reed out of the thatch , to put into his hand instead of a scepter ; or if they could get him to hear sermons under a hedge , there would not be materials wanting to make a crown of thorns to plat it on his head . thus you see the reasons why kings are called the lords anointed , because the lord hath appropriated them unto himself , not in a common and general way , but in a particular and exclusive manner : my king , my kingdom , my crown , my scepter , my throne , my oyl , where is there left any place for claim ? pride may thrust down angels out of heaven , and violence may crucifie the son of god ; but ( all these things considered ) who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed , and be guiltless ? 1 sam. 26.9 . chap. v. whether bad kings be the lords anointed , or not . they are : for they are of the lords sending , and appointment as well as the good . i will set an evil man to rule over them ( saith god ) and i gave them a king in mine anger , hosea 13.11 . which king was saul , which saul was a tyrant , which tyrant was the lords anointe● when he was at the worst . you cannot have two better witnesses then david , and the holy ghost , 1 sam. 26. cyrus was a heathen persian , and one that knew not god , yet for all that , haec dicit dominus , cyro christo meo , thus saith the lord to cyrus mine anointed ; esay 43.4 . nero was no good emperour , but a monster of man-kind , yet saint peter , in whose days he wrote his epistle ▪ commanded all christians to submit to him ▪ 1 pet. 2.13 . hasael , whom the lord fore-saw , and fore-shewed unto his prophet elisha , to be the destroyer of his people of israel , and one , that should make them like the dust by thres●ing , 2 kings 13.7 . one that will set their strong holds on fire , slay their young men with the sword , dash their children against the wall , and rip up their women with child ; insomuch that it made the prophet weep to foresee all the miseries that should happen , 2 king. 8.12 . insomuch that it made hasael himself ( when he was told thereof ) cry out , is thy servant a dogg , that he should do all these things ? vers . 13. yet for all this , go● will have him to be king , and it be put to scourge his people , the lord hath shewed m● that thou shalt be king over syria ▪ vers . 13. julian when from his christianity , he fell to flat pagani●m , yet this anointing held , no christian ever sought , no preacher ever taught to touch him , or resist him in the least degree ; for whilst the cruel and bloody emperours were persecuting the poor christians , they were fitting their necks for the yoke , and teaching one another postures , how they might stand fairest for the stroke of death . and this was not quia deerant vires , because they could not help it ; for the greatest part of julians army , and the most part of his empire were christians : for saith tertullian in his apologetical defence of the christians of those times , una nox pauculis faculis , &c. one night with a few firebrands will yield us sufficient revenge , if we durst , by reason of our christian obligation , and shews how they neither wanted forces , or numbers and that neither the moors , or the persians or any other nation whatsoever , were more mighty , or more populous than they : and how they filled all places , towns , cities , imperial palaces , senates , and seats of judgment ; and that they could do any thing , in their revenge , if it were any thing lawful ; but this anointing was the thing that kept the swelling down , and hindred the corrupt humours from gathering to a head : and therefore it is not as stephanus junius , franciscus hottomanus , georgius buchananus , ficklerus ● renecheru● , with the rest of the pillars of the puritan anarchy , do answer ( being gra●el'd at the practice of the primitive chri●tians , an● those precepts of the holy apostl● ) that the church then ( as it were swathed in the bonds of weakness ) had not strength enough to make powerful resistance ; and therefore , so the one taught , and the other obeyed , but if this doctrine were allowable , then would inevitably follow these two gross absu●dities . 1. that the pen of the holy ghost ( which taught submission even to the worst of kings ) was not directed according to the equity of the thing , but the necessity of the times . 2. that either the holy ghost must turn politician , and become a timeserver , or else the church must lose the means of its being , and substance . whereas we know the contrary so well , that when acies ecclesi●e , was so far from its bene ordin●ta , that w●en all the souldiers fled , and the life-guard ●outed , the lord of ●ost ( the general himself ) taken prisoner , yet then , like the sun looking biggest in lowest estate , so the son of righteousness , think ye not that i can pray unto my father , and he will send legions of angels ; and rath●r than gods children shall be oppressed by a company of egyptians ( if it be his pleasure to deliver them ) he can , without the drawing of one sword , turn rivers into blood , produce an army of froggs to destroy them : and rather than they should be necessitated for lack of means , send swarms of flies , that may serve them in the stead of so many rescuing angels , and therefore it was not any necessity , that the church was , or could be in , that procured in the apo●tl●s , or the first christians , either that doctrine , or that use ; it was not disability , but duty ; not want of strength , but a reverend regard of the lords anointed , that wrought these effects in both : let the people be never so many and mighty , and the princes of the people never so wicked and cruel , mos gerendus est , we must obey them ; not in the performance of their unjust commands ; but in submission to their just authority ; if not by our active , yet by our passive obedience : if not for their own sakes yet propter dominum , for the lords sake ; if not for wrath , yet for conscience sake , rom. 13.5 . if it goeth against thy conscience , say , as the people were wont to say , when they fell down before the ass that carried the image of the god●ess isis , upon his back , non tibi sed religioni ; if thy conscience condemns thee , god is greater than thy conscience , and we must look what he commands , as well as what she dictates ; the one may be mislead , the other cannot mislead ; sacrifice may be either pleasing , or displeasing to the lord , but obedience was never faulty ; thou maist offer the sacrifice of fools , when thou thinkest thou doest well : but upon how sure grounds goes he , who can say with the prophet in all his actions , if i have gone a stray , o lord , thou hast caused me to erre ? never deviating from the express of his word . now god gives us express command , that we should not touch his anointed what condition soever they are of : nolite tang●re christos meos , touch not mine anointe● ; an● where gods rules are general , we must not put in exceptions of our own ; for the wickedness of a king can no more make void gods ordinance , of our obedience unto him , then mans unbelief can frustrate gods decree in us , rom. 3.3 . let saul be wicked , an● let wicked saul be but once anointed , david states the question neither concerning saul , nor ▪ his wickedness , but whether he being the lords anointed ( there 's the business ) it is lawful to stretch forth a hand against him ( who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed and be guiltless ? 1 sam. 26.9 . chap. vi. whether upon any pretences whatsoever it be lawful to depose , murder , or so much as to touch the lords anointed . there was the first time that ever it was put to the vote , whether a king might be put to death or not , but it was resolved upon the question in that parliament ; ne perdas , destroy him not ; it is well that david had a negative voice , or else it had been but a bad president for kings ; it is well that the men with whom david had this parley , would hearken unto reason , and let that sway them , otherwise david might have been forced to fly as fast away from his own men as he did at first from saul : for there wanted no lay-preachers then , to preach the destruction and slaughter of princes , under the pretences of wicked government and tyranny ; who had the trick then , as well as now , to couch their foul meaning in good words and scripture phrase , with a dixit dominus , when the lord said no such thing ; as davids zealots , 1 sam. 24.5 . this is the day whereof the lord said unto thee , i will deliver thine enemy into thine hand , and thou shalt do unto him ( what ? ) as shall seem good unto thee , that is thou shalt murder him , that was their meaning : though the word was a good word ; and we do not read where the lord said any such thing at all : so abishai , 1 sam. 26.8 . god hath delivered thine enemy into ●hine hand : what then ? therefore let me smite him ; no such matter ; david denies the consequence , as if he should have said , god hath delivered him into my hand , but i will make no such bad use of his deliverance , i had rather hereby shew him his own error , and my innocency ▪ then any way stretch forth my hand against him , for he is the lords anointed , and when sleep had betrayed saul to davids power in the trench , and made the king a subject for davids innocence , he esteemed himself but as a patridg in the wilderness , when he might have caught the eagle in the nest : he pacified sauls anger , by inabling his power to hurt , sent him his spear ( it seems he did not think it fit to keep the kings militia in his hands ) and humbly beggs , let not my blood fall to the earth ; when , if it had not been for david , abishai would have smiten saul unto the earth at once , so that he needed not to have smitten him the second time , but david would not : destroy him not saith he , and his reason was , quis potest ? who can stretch forth his hand against the lords anointed , and be guiltless ? another most notable demonstration of davids innocency , and subjection , unto a hard master , a most tyrannical king , cruel saul ; we have , 1 sam. 24. when in the cave of engildi , david might have cut off sauls head ; like precious oyntment , he descends only to the skirts of his garment , and with a quid feci ? checks himself , and beshrews his heart that he had done so much , and upon a little looking back of saul ( as if he had put on rays of majesty ) david bows , and stoops with his face to the earth to him , when he might have laid his honour in the dust ; call'd him my father ; when that father came to sacrifice him upon the mountains , and ( isaac-like ) nothing but see my father , when he could see nothing but fire , and sword , and himself also the lamb , ready for the sacrifice , a true isacc ( though many young men staid behind with the ass ) will after his father , though he have fire in the one hand and a knife in the other , ready for to sacrifice his follower ; a right david , and he that is a man after gods own heart , though he could bite to death , and knaw into the very bowels of his soveraign , yet he will assume no farther power to hurt , than to the biting of a flea ; after whom is the king of israel come out ? after a flea ? afte● whom doth saul pursue ? after a dead dog ? when he might have caught the lion in the toyle . i could easily be endless in instances of the like nature , as our saviour christs obedience to the death , under the raign of tiberius ; his disciples un●er nero , claudius and caligula , whose governments were opposite to the propagation of the gospel , as themselves were enemies to the propagators of it ; yet we see they neither attempted the alteration of the one , or the destruction of the other ; yet christ could do much if he pleased , and if the napkins of saint paul , and the shadow of saint peter could cure diseases ; if a word out of their mouths could strike men and women dead in the place ; if an oration at the bar , could make a king tremble on the bench , then surely you will confess that his disciples could do something : yet nothing was done or attempted against those wicked , cruel , and pagan emperours , one instance shall suffice for all : what mischief or injury could be done more to a people , then nebuchadonozer king of babylon did unto the jews , who slew their king , their noble , their parents , their children , and kinsfolks ; burn●d their country , their cities , their jerusalem , their temple , and carried the residue ( who were left alive ) captives with him to babylon . and now behold ( then ) nebuchadonozers good subjects : will you hear what advice the prophet daniel gives them for all this ? baruch 1.11 . pray you for the life of nebuchadonozer king of babylon , and for the life of balthazer his son , that their days may be upon earth , as the days of heaven , and the lord will give us strength ; ( what to do ? to wage war against him ? ) and lighten our eyes ( what , with new revelations how they may be reveng'd ? o no ) that we may live under the shadow of nebuchadonozer king of babylon , and under the shadow of balthazer his son , and that we may serve them many days and find favour in their sight , truly shewing that a king is alkum , prov. 30.31 . one , against whom there is no rising up ; that is , not upon any pretences whatsoever : there can be no pretences whatsoever more fair and specious ; then those of defending the church , and redressing the common-wealth . for the first ; if religion be any thing pushed at , think you that rebellion will keep it up , or that it ever stood in need of such hands ? when god refused to have his temple built by david , because he was a fighter of the lords battels ; think you that he will have his church defended by fighters against the lords anointed ? to defend religion by rebellion , were to defend it by means condemned , by the same religion we would desend ; an● to reform or redress the common-wealth , by insurrection and rebellion , were to rectifie an errour with the greatest of all mischiefs ; no government worse than a civil war , and the wor●● go●ernour is always better than the best rebellion : rebellion is as the sin of witchcr●ft , and stubborness is as idolatry : and how perilous a thing it is , for the feet to judge the head , the subjects to chose wha● government and governours they will have ; to condemn what , and whom they please , to make what pretences and surmises they have a mind to , this kingdom by woful experience hath had sad resentments . imbecillities and weaknesses in princes , are on arguments for the chastisements , deposing , or murdering of kings ; for then giddy heads will never want matter or pretences to cloak their rebellion : shall moses , because pharaoh was an oppressour of gods people , and had hardned his heart , and would not let the israelites depart , therefore inflict punishments upon pharaoh , or so much as depart without his leave ? though moses could inflict punishments upon the whole land , yet his commission never went so far , as to touch pharaoh , in the least degree ; though swarms of flies came into the house of pharaoh , and frogs entred into the kings chamber ; yet we read not that they seized on pharaohs person ; there were lice in all their quarters saith the psalmist , and there became lice in man and beast , upon the smiting on the dust , but none were smitten of the person of the king : boyls and blains were upon all the egyptians and upon the magicians , so sore , as they could not ●●and in the presence of pharaoh , but they were not on pharaoh , that he could not stand himself ; pharaoh his eldest son may die , but vivat rex , pharaoh must not b● touch'd . did bsalom do well to conspire again●● his father , though he defiled vriahs bed , and cloaked adultery with murther ? should the priest , peers , prophets , or people , offer to depose solomon , because he had brought strange wives into the land , and as strange religion into the church ? shall elias entice ahabs subjects to rebellion , because he suffered jezabel to put naboth to death , and killed the lords prophets ? shall peter take vengeance upon herod because he put him in prison , beheaded john the baptist , and killed james ? shall reuben be no patriarch , because he was unstable as water ? shall simeon and levi lose their patriarchal dignity , because they were brethren in iniquity , and instruments of cruelty , because in their anger they slew a man , and in their self-will digged down a wall ? shall judah be depose● from his rule and government for making a bargain with an harlot upon the high way ? shall issachar not be numbred amongst the other twelve , because he was none of the wisest ? no reason ; they were patriarchs as well as the rest , which was the immediate government before kings ; and ( indeed ) were princes themselves : princeps dei es inter nos , gen. 28.6 . thou art a mighty prince amongst us : and thus much shall suffice ( and i hope sufficient ) to shew , that no faults or pretences whatsoever , can make it lawful to depose , or so much as to touch the lords annointed . chap. vii . what is meant by touching the lords annointed , or stretching forth the hand against the lords anointed . not dare to touch the lords annointed , is an awfull reverence , and a supposed difference to be kept , between every subject and his soveraign ; esp●cially in point of violence . a mother doubting the discretion of her children , and being to leave some curious looking ▪ glass in a place , doth not comand her children they should not break it , but that they should not touch it ; knowing full well , that if they have the liberty to meddle with it in the least degree , they make break it before they are aware , and destroy it when they think least of any such matter . so god is very chary of his king , wherein he beholds the representatio● of himself , and ●nowing him to be but brittle and though the most refined earth , yet bu● glass : he commands his people that they should not touch his anointed ; knowing that if they were permitted but to tamper with him in the least degree , their rude hands may break it in pieces , when they do but think to set it right . a touch is but of one man , though but with one of his fingers , yet this must not be ; nolite tangere , it is not said ne tangere , wherein only the act of touching is forbidden , but nolite tangere , whereby the will is also prohibited : how wary should we be in touching , when the lord is so cautious in his prohibition ? now stretching forth the hand may signifie a combination of many into one confederacy , the hand being a part of the body , composed of five members ( one and all ) but this must not be : a most unhappy instrument is that hand that turns it self into the bowels of its own body ; if the head break out by chance , the hands must not presently be in the head clawing , with invenomed nails , the corruption there , lest that itching desire , turn into smart in the end ▪ lest when the peaceable day springing from on high , shall happily visit you , that now sit in darknesse and in the shadow of death , we then see our bloody hands , and this ( once happy ) kingdom , the only pillow , whereon peace had laid her head , streamed ( like the egyptian river ) all with blood . in a word , by touching the lords anointed , or by stretching forth the hands against him , is meant any kind of violence that is used against sacred majesty , and the signification thereof is of a large extent ▪ for we stretch forth our han●s when we do but lift up our heels in scorn against him ; who so lifteth up his heel , psalm . 41.9 . secondly , we stretch forth our han●s again●t the lords anointed , wh●n we do but raise up arms in our own defence ; whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and draweth damnation upon himself . rom. 3. thirdly , we stretch forth our hands again●t the lords anointed , when we stretch not our tongue and voice , when we hear of any traiterous plots or conspiracies against the lords anointe● , and so bring such conspiracies to light : it is a foul thing to hear the voice of conspiracy , and not to utter it : lev. 5.1 . as good lay thy hand upon the lords anointed , as lay thy hand upon thy mouth and conceal the t●eason . fourthly , we stretch forth our hands against the lords anointed , when we do not stretch forth our hands for the lords anointed , when we see him assaulted with any danger , or traiterous opposings . should a man see his father fiercely assaulte● , and should not presently run to his rescue , but should suffer him to be slain before his face , would we not equally exclaim against him with the murtherers , qui non vetat peccare quum potest , jubet ; he bids , that doth not forbid with all his power ( like a true son ) such outrages and violences , to be committed against the father of his country . fifthly , we touch the lords anointed , when we touch his crown and dignity ; intrench upon his regalia ; hol● or withhold his sons or daughters , kill or take prisoners his men of war ▪ we must take heed of ●efacing the garment , as well as of hurting the person , for they are both sacred ; the precious oyn●ment , wet not aarons head alone , but it ran down upon his beard , and down unto the skirts of his garment , making all sacred that was about him ; such touchings t●erefore are worse , than when we touch the person with the greatest violence ; for then the ano●nte● are mo●t touche● , w●en they are touch●d where the anointe● is , which is their ●tate and crown , dearer to them than their lives ; touch bot● , ●●e mur●er of the person , is but a consequence to the d●posement of the dignity . sixthly , we touch the lords anointed , when we take away h●s re●enue and li●el●hood from him , the devil thought that he ha● stretched forth his hand excee●in●ly again●t job , touch'd ( and touch●d him to the quick ) when he had procured gods permission , that the sabeans and caldeans should take away his oxen and asses , his s●eep and camels , and plundered him of all he had ; god called this a destraction unto jo● , job 2.3 . and that before ever a hand was stretched forth to touch either his bone , or his flesh . seventhly . is there no stroke but what the hand gives ? yes , the tongue can strike as well as the best : jer. tells us so , venite percutiamus cum lingua : come let us smite him with the tongue , jer. 18 , 18. and david said , his tongue was a two edged sword : there is , ( saith solomon ) that speaketh ( and that waiteth too ) like the piercing of a sword : it is bad enough in any , or against any man , but worst of all again●t the lords anointed ; for it is said thou shalt not revile the gods , nor speak evil of the ruler of the people : saint paul , but for calling of a high priest , painted wall , ( though ) when he caused him to be smitten contrary to the law , yet he eat his words and confessed his error ; and now many , that would seem to be followers of paul , are revilers of kings and make no bones thereof . the same god that commanded laban , in respect of his servant , vide ne quid lo ●uare durius , see thou give no ill language , certainly expects that ●ubjects should set a watch before their mouths , to keep the door of their lips , lest they offend with their tongue , in speaking ill of princes . eighthly , as the tongue can strike without a hand , so the heart can curse without a tongue : eccl. 10.2 . curse not the king , no not in thy heart , for a bird in the air shall carry the voice , and that which hath wings shall ●●ll the matter . the hand implies both ; never was the hand stretched forth to any evil act , but the h●art was th● p●ivy counsellor , and the tongue the chief p●rswader unto such enormities ; therefore it is goo● , obstare princi●iis , to cru●h the cockatrice egg , kill it in the hea●t , lest those pravae cogi●ati●●es want room , and then out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh , and perswades the hand to be the destruction of the whole body : if hand , and heart , and tongue , and pen where thus regulated , we need not long look for peace , or despair of an accommodation , but whilst the hand is up , and the heart is set at liberty , and the tongue saith , our tongues are our own , we , ought to speak , who is lord over us ? and every pen is a ready writer in matters pertaining to the king : in vain it is to seem christians , whil●t we are such antichrists : the bible under our arm , falls to the ground , whil●t we stretch forth our hand against the lords anointed : why do we take gods word into our mouthes if we let it not down into our hearts , to do as that directs us ? christian liberty never cut the string , that tied the tongue to those observances . of these things there might be applications made , but lapping as they go along is best for doggs , where there are crocodiles in the river . it seems by the story , that kings may be coursely dealt withal if men make no bones of being guilty ; they stand like the forbidden tree , in the midst of the paradise of god , m●n may touch them , but they had better let them alone ; if god had placed ( at the first ) cherubims , and a flaming sword , turning every way to defend the tree , how could there have been a trial of adams obedience ? so if god by some instinct , had chained the hearts of men , and tied their hands , and bound them to the peace , so that they could neither in thought , word , nor deed , have committed violence against his vicegerent , how could there have been a trial of the subjects duty ? the tree had no guard , nor fence about it , but only , thou shalt not eat thereof , if thou doest , thou shalt surely die the death , princes have no better security for themselves , than the almighties command for their preservation , ●olite tangere , &c. touch not mine anointed ; to break the first , was but death , the second is damnation ; if thou resist the higher powers , you resist the highest god , and he that resi●teth shall be damned , romans 13.2 . the commandment concerning the tree of paradise , was only thou shalt not eat thereof ; but we are forbidden to touch so much as a leaf of our forbidden tree , much less to shake down all his fruit ; there is hopes of a tree , saith job , that if it be cut down , yet it will sprout again , but not only a finger , a hand , but an axe must be laid to the root of the tall cedar of our libanus ; yea , they must be rooted up like the names of taronius ; they will not leave so much as a stump of nebuchadnezzers tree chain'd to the earth ; up must all root and branch , till all the royal branches lie like sprey upon the ground : these men had rather be destroyed themselves , than say the lords anointed is not to be destroyed . go ye blind zelots , hearken to your wives , and let them perswade you to disobedience , and the devil them , as eve did adam , and the devil her : behold the objects she presents unto your view ; how good they seem , how fair they look , how pleasant they are to thine eye , how wise you think you sha●●●e , how full of knowledg , when poor wretches , you shall find all these promises tu●ned into fig-leaves , to hide your nakedness : all these golden apples of palestine once toucht , evaporated into stench and blindness , and that your disobedience hath given you nothing but curses , and brought you nothing but sorrows and death upon your selves and children , and profited you nothing but the turning of an edom into a wilderness , till you be glad to eat the herbs of the field , and by the same fault , fall into the same punishment with our neighbours of germany , dye with grass in your mouths . these things fell upon adam for his disobedience unto god , and the like will fall upon us ( the sons of adam ) for our disobedience unto gods anointed . o then let us not by any means lift up our hands against the lords anointed , lest ( like adam ) we fall from our state of innocence , and be guilty : guilty of all the blood that hath , and shall be spilt upon this land , guilty of the tears of so many fatherless children and widowes : and if we will not be obedient unto a prince of men , guilty of all the eternal thraldom and submission unto a prince of devils : take then the advice of the wise solomon , prov. 30.32 . if thou hast done foolishly in lifting up thy self , or if thou hast thought evil , lay thy hand upon thy mouth : fear god , honour the king , have nothing to do with them that are subject unto charge , for their destruction commeth suddainly ; and so will yours . let no man deceive himself , he who is not good in his particular calling , can never be good in his general calling . he is no good man , that is no good servant , and if he be no good subject , he is no goo● christian , he that honoureth not the king , doth never fear god ; and except he obeys both , he obeys neither . chap. viii . whether kings now adays are to be had in the same veneration and esteem , as kings were under the law , by reason of our christian liberty . certainly the murmuring of co●ah , dathan and abiram , with their complices ; thou seekest to make thy self altogether a prince over us , the lord is among us , we are all alike holy unto the lord , ( and therefore moses and aaron must be no more excellent than the rest of the people ) was no prophesie to be fulfilled in these our days ; for if it had , surely our saviour would never have paid tribute for himself and peter , mat. 17.27 . which was a symbole of their subjection to heathen pagans ; for this cause pay ye tribute , rom. 13.6 . we have those who are apt enough to mak● arguments with our saviour , bearing this conclusion , then are the children free , mat. 17.26 . but few that will imitate his peaceable example , to fish for money , rather than offend the higher powers , mat. 17.27 . and if you conjecture that our saviour did this meerly for quietness sake , behold the question● rightly stated ▪ is it lawful to give tribute to caesar or not ? mat. 22.17 . seriously propounded ( master we know that thou art true ( an● therefore we hope thou wilt not deceive us with a lye ) and teachest the way of god in truth ( and therefore thou wilt not cause us to err through the deceiveableness of unrighteousness ) neither carest thou for any man ( and therefore thou wilt not be afraid to speak the truth ) thou regardest not the persons of men ) therefore fearing only god , thou wilt boldly , and faithfully without partiality , or fear , plainly tell us , whether it be lawful or not ) clearly determined and concluded upon ; da caesari quae sunt caesaris , mat. 22.21 . if christian liberty , should loose the reigns of civil government , then christ would never have acknowledged pilates power to have been of god , john 19.11 . if subjection unto kings were a hinderance to the propagation of the gospel , then saint peter would never have exhorted the christians to submit themselves to every ordinance of man. 1 pet. 2.9 . we have too many submitters now-adays unto every ordinance of men , but they are not unto such ordinances , whereof the king is supreme , 1 pet. 2.13 . object . it is better to obey god than man , and therefore for his sake we cannot obey every ordinance of man. sol. the apostle doth not in this place discourse of obedience , but of submission : obedience is to be given to things , only lawful ; submission is to be given to any ordinance whatsoever , though not for the things sake , which is commanded , yet propter dominum , for the lords sake who doth command , so absolute submission : where god commands one thing , and the king comman●s another thing , we may refuse his will , and there is perfect obedience ; when god commands one thing , and the king commands the contrary , we may not resist his authority , and therein is true submisson ; and this the apostle doth not only assure us to be the will of god , but puts this well doing in the stead of knowledg and wisdom , whereby the ignorance of foolish men may be put to silence , 1 pet. 2.15 . when fre●dom stan●s on tiptoes , her coat is too short to cover her maliciousness , therefore the apostle exhorts us to behave our selves as free , but not using our liberty , as a cloak for maliciousness , 1 pet. 2.16 . if christian liberty did break the school of civil government , then saint paul would never have been such a school-master to the romans , rom. 13. let every soul be subject to the higher powers : an excellent rule for our obedience , every soul , no exemption by greatness , or holiness , or any by-respect whatsoever , but if he have a soul , let him be subject to the higher powers : if two powers clash one against another , here we know which to stick to in our obedience , that is , which is highest ( and that saint peter plainly t●lls us is the king , whether to the king as supreme , 1 pet. 2.13 . ) there is no power but of god , the powers that be , are of god , whosoever therefore resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god , and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation , v. 2. what christian then can have his conscience so misled , as to resist those powers out of conscience , when the apostle plainly tells us , v. 1. we must needs be subject , not only for wrath ( that is , for fear of them ) but also for conscience sake , because god commanded it . there were anti-monarchists , and anti-dignitarians even in the apostles time , but if it had been laudable , or agreeable to chri●tian liberty , then saint jude in his epistle v. 8. would never have called the despisers of dominion and evil speakers of dignities , filthy dreamers and defilers of the flesh ( as he put them , so we find them both together ) he never would have compare● them to bruit beasts , v. 10. he never would have pronounced woes unto them , as unto the goers into the ways of cain : greedy runners after the error of balaam , for reward ; and perishers ( as in the gain-saying of corah ) v. 11. he would never have compared them to clouds without water : carried about with wind : to fruitless wretched trees , twice dead , plucked up by the roots : to raging waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame : wandring stars , to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness forever , ver . 12.13 . he never would have described them unto you so fully , to be murmurers , complainers , walkers after their own lusts , wide mouth'd , speakers of great swelling words , having of mens persons in admiration , by reason of advantage , separatists , sensual , ( and though they pretend never so much unto it ) having not the spirit , v. 16.19 . christian liberty frees from the ceremony of the law , not from the substance of the gospel : whereof we see submission and subjection unto kings , is a great part thereof . the roman yoke , and the romans hands which held the plough ploughing upon the christians backs , and made long furrowes , and for a long time , were both adverse to the propagation of christs gospel ; yet during all that time , neither christ , nor any of his disciples , ever attempted either the change of the one , or the displaying of the other ; and shall we think our selves more wise than he , who is the wisdom of the father ? or better advised than by him , who is the everlasting councellour ? or that any mans doctrine can settle us in more peace and quietness than he , who is princeps pa●is , the prince of peace ? will you have more orthodox fathers than the apostles ? or the children of this generation to be wiser than the fathers of old ? christ and his apostles with all the antient fathers taught , and subscribed to this doctrine . first , christ , da caesari quae sunt caesaris : then saint paul , render to all their due , tribute to whom tribute is due , custom to whom custom , fear to whom fear , honour to whom honour , and all to caesar : then st. peter , submit your selves , &c. fear god ▪ honour the king , &c. sic passim in scripturis . dear christians , are we better pleased with the glittering tin●el of a painted baby from a pedlers shop , than with the rich , and inestimabl● jewels of divine truth ? will we suffer our s●lves to be cozene● with the g●lded slips of error ? and what enthusi●smes every pretended spirit , if not ev●ry ●obler , weaver , groom , or coach-man , shall dictate , who are but velut ign●ae , and velut status , as it were of fire , or as it were a mighty an●●ushing wind , but nothing sensible , some hot exhalations of the brain set on fire , by th● continual motion , an● agitation of the tongue . goo● god , have we thus learnt christ ? is this the fruit of so clear a gospel ? and the retu●n of all our holy mothers care , and pains for education ? shall we take gods word into our mouths and preach sedition , rebellion and insur●ection , contrary to that word which we pretend to preach ? to maintain religion by insurrection , is to maintain it by means , condemned by the same religion we would maintain . chap. ix . whether a king failing in his duty and not performing those things , which he hath sworn unto at his coronation ( so solemnly ) the peo●le are not disobliged in their obedience unto him , and may , thereupon , depose or put him to death . if kings held their crowns by indentures from the people , then were the people disobliged to their obedience unto him , upon his failing ( in those things whereto he hath been sworn ) on his part , but if they receive their crowns immediatly from god , and that by him alone kings reign ( as hath been heretofore proved at large ) then all the failings that can be in a king ▪ can but make him a bad king ; but still he must remain a king ; the oath assures us of his being a king , not of his being a good king ; for he was king before he took it : coronation is but a ceremony , and his oath is but at his coronation ; the issue of ceremony , must not dis-inherit the right heir , of all that substance : king and kingdom , are like man and wife , whose marriages are made in heaven , who are betrothed by god himself ; now as in the ceremony between man and woman , the husband in the presence of god and angels , and all the congregation promiseth ( which is as solemnly binding as any oath ) that he will live together with her after gods holy ordinance in the sta●● of matrimony , that he will love and cherish her , maintain and keep her , and forsaking all other , keep himself only unto her : now if he perform all these things , he doth well , he is both a good husband , and a good christian ( considering the vow that he hath made ) but if he doth not live with her according to gods holy ordinance , nor love , nor cherish her as he should , nor maintain and keep her as he ought ; shall it be lawful for a man to put away his wife for every cause ? mat. 19.3 . much less can it be lawful for the wife to put away her husband upon every distaste ; it was god that made them male and female : mat. 19.4 . and therefore it is fit they should continue together so ; they twain are but one flesh ; mat. 19 ▪ 5. therefore they cannot be divided ; god joyned them both together : mat. 19.6 . therefore no man can put them assun●er . now to apply this to the king wedding himself to his people at his coronation ; the king ( solemnly ) takes his oath at his coronation before all the people , that he will live tog●ther with them according to the laws of the land , that he will protect and defend them to the uttermost of his ●ower , with all other protestations contained in the said oath ; which if he doth perform , he doth well , and is both a good man , and a good king ; but if he should not govern them accordingly to the laws of the land , and if he should not cherish and defend his people , shall it be lawful for his wife ●o make away this husband ? god forbid ! god made him king , them subjects , therefore they must continue so , like man and wife , for better for worse , they two are both one , the head may not be divided from the body , and quae deus conjunxit , nemo separet ; there have been bills of divorcement given unto these king-husbands in former times : but of those bills , i may say , as our blessed saviour said of the bills of divorcement which moses commanded ; it was propter duri●iem cordis , mat. 19.7 . deut. 24.1 . for the hardness of mens hearts ; and then again , this durities cordis , never went so far as that the woman might put away her husband , but only the husband his wife ▪ and that only in the case of adultery ; and if it had been otherwise , it had but a late beginning , a bad foundation : for our saviour saith , mat. 19.8 . in principio autem non erat sic , it was not so from the beginning ; and a hard heart is but a bad foundation for a good christian to build upon . i will conclude this application with words not of my own , but of saint paul , which words are a commandement , neither is it i ( saith the apostle ) 1 cor. 7.10 . but the lord , that gives you this commandement , let not the wife depart from her husband ; no , if she be an heretique , or which is worse , a heathen ; if the woman hath a busband which believeth not , i● he be pleased to dwell with her let her not leave him : 1 cor. 7.13 . if i would resist my soveraign in any kind , it should be for my religion , but when my religion tells me that i must not resist him in any case ; then i think i should but do ( in doing so ) like the boasting jew , rom. 2.13 . who boasted of the law , and dishonoured god through breaking of that law , which he had boasted of : what if some did not believe , shall their unbelief make the faith of god of none effect ? saith paul ▪ rom. 3.3 . god forbid : no more can the wickedness of a king , make void gods ordinance of our obedience unto him : our obedience must look upon gods command , not upon the kings good behaviour ; god doth not command things because they are fitting , but it is fit that we should obey , because he commands them ; neither ought we to have respect so much unto the goodness , as unto the authority of a king ; for kings do not consist in this , that they are good , but in this , that they are kings ; for as it is possible for one to be a good man , and a bad king , so it is often seen , that a bad man may be a good king ; and it is an observation here at hom● , that the best laws have been made by the worst of kings . it is an observation , that divers kingdoms have long continued in peace and happiness under bad laws , and worse governours . well observed ; when unwarrantable attempts to better both , and inconsiderable courses to mend all , hath brought all to ruin and confusion . he that sets a kingdom in combustion , to advance his own opinion , and prefer his private judgment , doth but set his house on fire to roast his eggs. god makes kings of several conditions , sometimes he gives a king , whose wisdom and reach in government is like sauls , head and shoulders higher then all the people : and then when we have wise kings , and learned judges , psal. 2.10 . we shall be sure to have all those breakers of their bonds asunder , and those casters away of their cords from them ; v. 5. to be bruised with a rod of iron , and broken in pieces like a potters vessel ; v. 9. sometimes god will send us a little child , sometimes a child in years , otherwhile a child in understanding , which of both it be , vae regno ( saith solomon ) cui puer dominabitur ; wo to the kingdom , over which a child reigns , for then the whole kingdom is sure to be put upon the rack . sometimes god in his judgment sends a tyrant amongst us , i will set an evil man to rule over them , saith god himself , and then we are never in hope to be from under the lash ; and sometimes in mercy he sends meek and mild princes ( like moses ) who carried his people in his bosom , one that shall only make use of his prerogatives , as christ did of his miracles in cases of necessity ; one who shall say with the apostle saint paul , i have no power to do hurt , but to do good , to edification but not to destruction : one who shall continue his reign , as saul began , videre ne quid sit populo , quod fleat , who will hear and ask why do the people cry ? deserve well and have well ; shall we receive good from the hands of the lord , and shall we not receive evil princes ? though they be amarae sagittae , yet when we consider that they are e dulci manu domini emissae , we should not refuse them , but be contented with whomsoever his mercy or his justice sen●s ▪ or throws upon us : never was there a bad prince over any people , but he was sent by our heavenly father for a scourge to his chil●ren ; and shall we kiss , or snatch the rod out of our fathers hand ? to conclude , there is nothing can disoblidge the people from their king , because bis authority over them is a domino , from the lord , but their obedience towards him is propter dominum , for the lords sake ; though in himself there be all the reasons that can be given to the contrary , many will be glad to hear the father of their country , say , i and the lord will go , and to be sole elect , and to hear his father tell him , deus providebit , as abraham said to his son isaac ; but if he takes fire and sword in hand threatning his follower , how many followers will he have ? i had rather , with isaac , follow my father i know not wherefore ; and with abraham , obey my god , contrary to my own nature , and beyond all hope , then to serve so great a god and his vicegerent by rules drawn by my own fancy and reason . chap. x. psal. 105.15 . touch not mine anointed , meant by kings . by the words , touch not mine anointed , is meant kings and princes : neither can any other interpretation , whatsoever , be obtruded upon this text , without a great deal of impudence and ignorance ; if there were no other argument to be used but this , to a modest man , it were sufficient , viz. that not any church , nor any church-men , nor any chri●tian , nor any father , nor any expositor whatsoever , did ever give it any other interpretation , before such time as the jesuit and the puritan , and they both at a time , and that time bearing not above an hundred yeers date neither , began to teach the world that it was lawful to murther kings ; and no marvel if this found some querk or other to turn the stream of scripture sence , out of its proper channel , and constant course ; the two birds of a feather , persecutors of one another , like two fighting cocks who quarrel amongst themselves , being both of the same kind , and yet both agree in taking counsel together against the lord , and against his anointed : or like pilate and herod , they could not agree but in the principles of condemning the lords christ. but it is objected , that as a little child upon a gyants shoulders , may see farther then the gyant himself ; so a weaker understanding comming aft●r those fathers , and taking advantage of such helps , getting up upon the shoulders of time and learning , may see more then they did , or hath been seen in former ages ; and therefore it is no wonder , if a man without aspersing himself with the least immodesty , may pretend to see more , then all those who went before him had observed , and what hath this child pick-a-pocket spied ? a birds-neast can there be a simpler thing imagined ▪ whereby to give impudence the chair , and throw all the ancient fathers flat upon their backs , then this so common , and so much approv'd of instance to usher innovation , not only into the church , but also into the very soul of scripture it self ? for what if it be granted , that a child upon a gyants shoulders sees further then doth the gyant himself , doth the child know better what he sees then doth the said gyant ? must not the child ask the gyant what is what , of all that he beholds ? must not the child be informed by the knowing gyant , of the difference between the mountains and the valleys , the water and the skie , a cock and a bull ? if the child be thus ignorant , what doth the childs getting up upon the gyants shoulders advantage the child in points of controversie ? except it be such a child as saint christopher had got upon his shoulders , that was judg of all the world : if the child be not so simple , but understands all these things ; then believe me he is no chil● in understanding ; but a gyant himself in knowledge , an● so the similitude , the child , and the gyant come tumbling all down together ; seat a child n●ver so high , he is but a child still , and sits but at the feet of a gamaliel , when he is upon the ●houlders of a gyant ; no child was ever thought worthy to pose all the doctors , but the child jesus . now to clear the text from those blots and blurs that are thrown upon the words , going before this text of scripture , touch not mine anointed , viz. i have reproved kings for their sakes , ergo , the word anointed could not betoken kings , because kings were reproved , for their sakes who were the lords anointed : now say they , the word anointed must necessarily signifie the people of god , for whose sake these kings were reproved , and so it doth ; but yet my corahmites , dathamites , and abiramites , you must not think to be all alike holy unto the lord , as that ye are all concern'd in this nolite tangere : there is no question but that in some sence the elect of god are anointed ones of the lord , but not peculiarly the lords anointed : they are filii olii , sons of oyl , as the prophet terms them , but not christi mei , or christi tui , or christi ejus , or christi domini , which were attribut●s that were never given by the holy ghost to any but to christ , and kings : the priests who were anointed ( really ) never were term'd in scripture the lords anointed , an● the prou●e●t , and most rebellious people that ever ●ere , whose arrogance claim'd an equality with , never ( in sacris ) strove to be above their prie●s . now if you expect clearness in the fountain , do not ye trouble the waters , an● you h●● behol● the springs of truth arise ; 't was the elect and chosen of the lord that were here meant by anointed , and it was the fee● of abraham , and it was not kings that were meant by this word anointed in the text ▪ but it was not all the elect of god , that must not be touch'd , it was not all the seed of abraham who have this noli me tangere about them , but it was abraham , is●a● and jacob , for whose sake god reproved kings , as they are plainly nominated in the same psalm , and none else ; if there be mention made of the seed of abraham , isaac and jacob were the seed of abraham ; who were else mentioned ? and though we cannot comprehend these three under the notion of nominal kings , yet we may be pleased to consider them as real princes , principi dei es enter nos , as it was said to abraham , thou art a mighty prince among●t us , so kings may be reproved for their sakes ; they may be kings too , and yet the lords anointed , for whose sake kings were reproved : for we do not dispute about the name , but the thing . now wheresoever you find this word nolite tangere , you shall find this word , saying , going before it , which of necessity must have some reference to some other place of scripture to which it must allude , and in reference to which it must be spoken : for the word , saying , makes it rather a question of some author , then the psalmist's own , this allusion you may easily perceive , gen. 26.11 . where it is set down , how that god touched the heart of abimelech king of the philistims , in the behalf of isaac , one of the three named in the psalm ; so that king abimelech charged all his people , saying , he that toucheth this man , shall surely die : so abimelech and king herod were both reproved for abrahams sake : gen. 12.10 . and to what place of scripture can this nolite tangere be more aptly applyed , then to this , where we find the same words reiterated ? or what clearer testimony can be given of the scriptures alluding to this saying , touch not mine anointed , then to gen ▪ 16.29 . where totidem verbis , it is said to abimelech in the behalf of isaac , we have not touched thee thou blessed of the lord ; what difference between these words , and touch not mine anointed . besides the marginal notes of all our bibles directs us to abraham , isaac and jacob , as to the anointed of the lord , and as the princes of gods people , which must not be touch'd and for whose sakes kings were so much reproved ; the word , king , in the text , doth not exclude those who were princes , but it only includes those princes who were called kings , and were reproved for their sakes who were kings themselves re , though not nomine : so that all the ground that will be gained hereby , will be , that one prince was reproved for another , though not called kings . to conclu●e , as no christians ever interpreted this place of ●cripture but of kings and princes , until jesuits and puritans , un●ertook that it is lawful to murther kings : so no english author ever interpret●d it otherwise , till within this seven or eight years ; when presbyters and independents began to put this doctrin in execution : and if the former of these two would wash their hands in innocency , as relating to this last unparallel'd act of regicide , let them remember charles the proto-martyr of gods church , and people , his own words , in his book of meditations , wherein he tells them , how vain is the shift of their pleading exemption from that aspersion , to grant commission for shooting of bullets of iron and lead in his face , and preserving him in a parenthesis of words . chap. xi . objection . rehoboam hearkened unto young men which gave him evil counsel , and would not hearken unto his sages which gave him good advice , but answered the people roughly ; wherefore they renounced the right they had in david , and the inheritance they had in the son of jesse , fled to their tents , and crowned jeroboam king : ergo , we may do the like upon the like occasion , having a president from the word of god , and warrantable , because god said , this thing was from the lord , 1 king. 13.8 . answer . all this proves only that such a thing was done , not that it was well done ; for if it be a sufficient proof to prove out of scripture , that such a thing was done ▪ and thereupon conclude that therefore we may do the like , then this is as good an argument as the best , judas betrayed christ , therefore it is lawful for a servant to betray his lord and master ; first , the scripture blames him in a most pathetical climax , 1 kings 11.26 . jeroboam the son of nebat , the servant of ●olomon , whose mothers name was zeruah , even he lifted up his hand against the king , shewing how he had desperately run through all those obligations , and tyes that were upon him ; secondly , he and all his adherents are called rebels for their pains , not only by abijah his enemy , but also by the holy ghost , who is enemy to none who are not gods enemies , 2 chron. 10.19 . and israel rebelled against the house of david unto this day ; his adherents were termed in scripture vain men , and sons of belial , they were punished with a destruction of five hundred thousand of them , which was one hundred thousand more then there were true subjects for the slaughter ; the scripture saith , god smote abraham , v. 5. if it be objected , that the thing could not but be well done , because god saith , 1 kings 14. i exalted thee from among the people , and made thee prince over my people israel , and rent the kingdom from the house of david , and gave it thee : then it could not but be well do●● ●●nts of rehoboam ( by the same reason ) to ans ▪ the people as he did : for it is written , that rehoboam hearkened not unto the people , for the cause was from god , that he might perform the saying which he spake by abijah unto jeroboam the son of nebat , 1 kings 12.15 . both were passive , and neither of them could resist the will of god ; but these places of scripture are often times mistaken , and misapplyed , and interpreted either by those who are not well acquainted with the nature of scripture language , or else by those who wilfully , ●nd wickedly layed hold of such a meaning as the scripture may seem to give them leave , for all these and the like places of scripture we must not take as gods bene placence or approbation , but only for his permission ; for otherwise we should make a mad piece of work of it , for god said , 1 sam. 12.11 . i will raise up evil against thee out of thine own house , and i will take thy wives before thine eyes , and give them to thy neighbour , and he shall lye with them in the sight of the sun : doth this justifie absolom for lying with his fathers wives and concubines in the sight of all israel ? is there any evil that i have not done it , saith the lord ? therefore did the citizens do well to do evil , because the lord said , i did it ? god did it , that is to say , he caused it to be done , as the evil of punishment , not as the tolleration of evil , so this thing was from the lord , that is to say , the lord suffered such a thing to come to pass as a punishment of solomon for his idolatry on his posterity , and yet ●●ay no way approve of any such rebellious courses : neither was rehoboam so much to be blamed for his answer , as may be supposed , nor the people justified in their rebellion neither , for they grounded their discontents upon a false ground , for the people complained when there was no cause , and deman●ed that which was not reason ; hear the whole grievance , and consider it a little , 1 kings 12.4 . thy father made our yoke grievous ( that was false ) do thou make it light : ( no reason for that ) for the people never lived happier neither before nor after , then they did in this kings fathers time , and might have done in his time , if they had known when they had been well , and gods judgments would have suffered them to have seen it . for , 1. they were a populous nation , as the sand on the sea for multitude , 1 kings 4.20 . 2. they liv'd merrily , eating and drinking , and making merry . 3. the nation was honoured abroad , for solomon reigned over all the kings that were round about him , v. 21. 4. they lived peaceably , they had peace in all sides round about them v. 24. 5. they liv'd securely and quietly , every man under his own vine , and under his own fig-tree . 6. they had much trading in his days , and much merchandize , 1 kings 10.15 . 7. he was very beneficial to those merchants , for he gave solomon , not only large wisdom , but largeness of heart , and let those merchants have commodities from them at a price , v. 28. 8. he maintained a brave fleet at sea , 1 king. 4.21 . 9. he made silver and gold to be in jerusalem as plentiful as stones , and cedars as sicamore-trees , 2 chron. 1.16 . 10. these felicities were not only in the court , or among the nobility , or between the citizens , but they were universal , even from dan unto beersheba . 11. they were not for a spurt and no more , or at one time and not at another ; but all the days of solomon . o me prope lassum juvate posteri . neither doth the scripture make any mention of any such hard yoke at all , only the margent of the bible directs us from the complaint of the people , to look upon the first chapter of the kings , v. 7. and there you shall only find how solomon had twelve officers over all israel , which provided victuals for the king and his houshold , each man his month in a year , but here is but a very slender ground for a quarrel , when the immediate verse after the naming of those twelve officers tells us , that the multitude of people as numberless as the sand upon the ●ea shore , were as merry eating and drinking as the king , and this place unto which we are directed ( and no other ) to find out this grievousness , appears by the context of the same chapter , to be mentione● as an expression of solomons glory and wisdom , rather then of any tyranny , or polling of his people : for the whole relation ends with an expression that as the people were as the sand of the sea for number , so the largeness of the kings heart extended as the largeness of the sea for bounty , all were partakers of it , 1 kings 4.29 . pardon me therefore if i think that rehoboam had more reason to answer the people as he did , then the people had just reason to complain . o alti●udo ! o the unsearchable ways of god! where god suffers his people to be a rod to visit the sins of the fathers upon the children , he permits them to take a wrong cause in hand , that he may also cast the rod into the fire . i pray god the merchants of london be not too like those merchants of jerusalem , who traded so long , until they brought over , together with other merchandize , apes and peacocks , and the traders begin to be too like their traffique , apes for manners and behaviour , peacocks for pride , and rusling until the apes grow to be so unhappy , as to be brought to their chains , and the peacocks , so vain-glorious , as to loose their feathers : and so i leave them both , tasting the fruit of their own follies . chap. xii . the objection of jehu slaying his master joram , answered . objection . thus saith the lord god of israel , i have anointed thee jehu king over the people of the lord , even over israel , and thou shalt smi●e the house of ahab thy , master , that i may avenge the blood of all the servants of the lord at the hands of jezebel : ergo , if a king , be thus wicked , we have gods warrant , for the deposing and putting such a one to death . answer . but stay until you have this warrant , and then we will allow it to be lawful ; for though every one is apt enough to be a jehu in his own case , yet every one is not a god-almighty , we must not clap his seal to our own ●arrants ; what god commands at one time , we are not to make it our warrant to do the like at all times , this is a prerogative of the almighty , no priviledg of a subject ; god may command abraham to slay his son ▪ but we must not go about to murther our children ; god may command the israelites to spoil the egyptians , but we must not rob and cosen our n●ighbours ; christ may give order for the taking away of another mans goods , because the lord hath need of it , but we must not make necessity our pretence for arbitrary power ; these acts of the almighty are specially belonging unto him , and we must have his special warrant before we go about any such thing . but setting all such plea aside , i utterly deny that either jehu did , or that god gave jehu any such authority as to slay king joram , jehu slew joram , but jehu did not slay the king , for jehu by the lords immediate appointment was king himself , before ever he laid hand upon joram ; joram was but then a private man , for in the verses going before , it is set down how that jehu was anointed king , how he was so proclaimed , and accordingly how he took the state of a king upon him and executed the office. 2 kings 12.13 . before ever any mention is made of jehu slaying joram , v. 14. therefore here is no regicidium , as yet here is but plain man-slaughter , and a lusty warrant for that too : again , we must not only take heed of unwarrantable actions , but of false warrants , the private spirit is no sufficient warrant to lay hold on such a publique magistrate : as there are false magistrates so there is a false spirit : for an erroneous spirit may as well con●emn a good magistrate as a bad magistrate may be condemned by a good spirit : but there may be a higher mistake then all this , and i wish it were not too common amongst us now adays , to mistake the works of the flesh , for the fruit of the spirit : let us compare them both together , as the apostle hath set them in order . the works of the flesh . adultery , fornication , vncleanness laciviousness , idolatry , witchcraft , hatred , variance , emulations , wrath , strife , seditions , heresies , envyings , murders , drunkenness , revellings . the fruit of the spirit . love , joy , peace , long suffering , gentleness , goodness , faith , meekness , temperance . by which of these two was charles the first 's head cut off ? chap. xiii . of the necessity and excellency of monarchy . a jove principium . let us begin with heaven , and behold its monarchy in the unity of the blessed trinity ; though there be three persons , yet there must be but one god : for the avoiding of that which we are fallen into , a confounding of p●rsons , and dividing of substance . descend lower , and consider the angels , and you shall find one arch-angel above the rest , as the angels monarch . lower yet , to those senseless and inanimate rulers of the day and night , the sun and moon , and you shall not find ( or so much as the appearance of such a thing ) more suns or moons in the same firmament then one ; without a prodigy or portent , of some dire , and direful event . come down to the regions and you shall find in the head of the highest region a prince of the air . come to the lowest , and you shall find amongst the wing●d inhabitants thereof , the soveraign eagle , as the king of birds . come amongst the beasts of the field , and the lion will soon let you know , that there is a king of beasts . run into the sea , and their is a king of fishes . descend into hell and there is a prince of devils : and shall only man be independent ? do we not observe the d●lving labourer what pains he takes to joyn house to house , and land to land , till th●re be no more room for any competitor within his dominions ; and when he hath wrought his petty dunghils into a mixen , he thinks it law and reason , that the place should not a●mit the dominion of more cocks then one , this man dies a monarch in his own thoughts , and his son lives to inlarge his fathers teritories , but at last dies big with thoughts of a principality , his son lays hold of all the advantages that may help him to the accomplishment of his hereditary desires , iuno , lucina fer opem obsecro , he is a prince , coelo timendum est regna ne summa occupet qui vicit ima , he must be an emperour , divisum imperium cum iove caesar habet , he must have all or none , none but iupiter must share with him . mundus non sufficit un●s , when he hath all , and when all is done , the empire after that it hath disimbogu'd an● incorporated into it self , all the kingdoms of the earth , terminates in an everlasting kingdom , that shall never be destroyed ; quam primum appropinquaverit regnum coelorum , as soon as the kingdom of heaven shall be at hand : and what 's all this but to shew us that not only nature , but god himself , who is the god of nature , affects monarchy . the further off any government is to monarchy , the worse it is , the nearer the better , the reason 's thus , that government which avoids most the occasion of differences , must be most happy , because most peaceable ; and peace only consi●ts in unity : now where there are many governours there must be differences : where there are few , there may be differences : where there is but one , there cannot . the romans ▪ when they shook off their government by kings , and were distasted with their government , for their governours sake ; tried all the contraverted governments of the world , of two by their consuls , of three by their triumvirat , of ten by their decemviri , of ten thousand by their tribunes : when they found that the farther off they departed from monarchy , the center of all government , the more they lost themselves in the circumference of their own affairs , they began a little to look back upon the government from which they had deviated all the while , but yet with squint eyes ; first , a king , and no king , a thing that was like a king , but not a king ; a thing that was so re , and tempore , but not nomine ; he must be only so , pro una vice , unoque anno , such were their dictators : at last this sucking government gathered strength , and grew to be perpetual , which perpetuity in one begot an everlasting monarchy in all ages , which is to continue unto the end of the world ▪ for the proph●t daniel tells us , that at the end of the la●● and fourth monarchy , which was the roman , christ should sit upon his everlasting kingdom that should never be destroyed ; therefore my enthusiasticks , must either leave dreaming of pulling down all kingdoms , and empires in the world , or else think themselves the kingdom of christ , that we have pray'd for all along . neither is it unworthy of your observation , that as soon as ever this monarchy was restored , there was universal peace over the whole world ; and the saviour of the world , who was princeps pacis , vouchsafed not to come into the world , under any of the fore-mentioned governments ; but imperante augusto natus est christus , who was the first emperour of the romans . he who affects parity , let him begin it in his own house , and as he likes it in the model , so let him attempt it in the fabrick : for my part , i have read their arguments , and am so far from being evinced by any of them , that i do not believe that there is any such thing : ● have been in all the common-wealths in europe , and i could not find any such thing as a free state , i could find the word libertas , fairly written over their gates , but within their walls the greatest bondage and arbitrary power that could possibly be imagined in any part of the world , but no liberty at all that i could find , but only some few there were , who had liberty to do what they would with all the rest . geneva may of six , genoa may have seven , venice may have eight , the hollanders nine or ten , england may have five members or leading-men as they call them ; but what 's all this but taking the government from off its shoulders , and putting it in some hand ? and when you have done , it 's ten to one but you shall find one of the fingers longer then all the re●t , and if you please you may call that king , and all the rest subjects ; what 's this but a change from a monarchy with one crown , to a tyranny with so many heads ? if it were so that all free-states , as they call themselves , had all equal power , it would be so much the worse , all these kinds of government have their continuation and subsistance upon this only ground , viz , that necessity and craft drive them to come so near to monarchy , and sometimes to an absolute monarchy , when you reckon your hogan mogan only by the pole , and not by the polar star , that commonly is fixed amongst them , about which , all the rest move and turn . but what do we talk of monarchy or aristocracy or democracy , behold a well regulated parliament , such a one as ours might have been , and ought to be ; hath the benefit and goodness that is in all these three kind of governments , of monarchy in the king , of aristocracy in the peers , of democracy in the house of commons , where the acerbities of any one is taken away by their being all three together , but if one will be all , then all will be nothing . this stupendiously wise ▪ and noble way of government had its dissolution by inverting the course it took in its original . when the first william had conquered the nation , t●e normans would not admit that any laws should be observed , or rules obeyed , but only the will of the conquerour ; and why so ? but because thereby the conquerour might take away the estates of any english-man , and give them to the conquering normans ; but in process of time ; when these normans became english , they began to insist a little upon meum and tuum , and would know the what that was belonging to the king , as a king , and to themselves as subjects ; for by the former rule the king might as well take away the estates from one norman , and give it to another , as he did formerly from the english , and give to his normans ; wherefore they would have no more of that , but joyntly and unanimously petitioned the king to the same effect , the king thought it reasonable , condescends to their desires , consultation was about the premises , the result of the consultation was , that the king should issue out writs to the lords spiritual ( who in those days were thought the wisest and most conscientious ) to reason with the king , and advise with him , as well concerning the bounding of the ocean of soveraignty , as bridling in the petty rivers of private interest . these spiritual lords thought it a work of too high a nature for their private undertakings , wherefore they supplicated his majesty , that the lords temporal might be also summoned by writ , and joyn with them in the same authority ; 't was done accordingly ; being done , they both thought it a business so transcendent , and of so universal concernment , that they found a way to involve the whole nation in a joynt consent , which was , that all free-holders in the kingdom , in their several precincts , might by the election of two in every county , disembogue all their suffrages into theirs , and to remain the countries proxies , to vote for , and to be directed by their several countries ; and thus the commons were brought in : but behold the viper , that eats through the sides of its own parents behold the asses foal , who when she hath done sucking , kicks her own dam. the king brings in the lords spiritual , the lords spiritual bring in the lords temporal , both bring in the commons , the commons destroy both , both destroy the king. neither was kingship ( as they call it ) and episcopacy better rewarded , for being the principal , and so zealous reformers of the gospel , to have both their crowns and miters broke in pieces by the same hammer of reformation ; and the walls of their pallaces mingled with abby dust , casting thereby such a blot upon the very name of reformation , that it will scarce be legible by christians , except what went before , and what may follow after , may help the future ages to the true sence and meaning of the word : thus rivers run backwards and drown their own head ; thus the monsterous children who are born with teeth in their mouths , bite off the nipple , and starve themselves for lack of sustenance ; thus blind sampsons revenge themselves upon their enemies , by pulling down the house upon their own heads ; thus the forms of the most glorious government of a church and state , are wounded to death through the sides of reformation : if you are not , i am sure you will ere it be long be satisfied , that all the specious pretences of popular goverment , free-state , liberty of the subject ▪ are but figments and delusions of the people , obtruded by vain-g●orious and haughty men , who knowing that they could not be that one governour of all the rest , yet they hope to be one of many ; thus foolish children set their fathers barns full of corn on fire to warm their hands , when they are ready to starve for lack of bread : who had not rather live under a government wherein a man is only bound to submit to him , whom it is honour to obey , then to live under a government where every man is a slave , because every one is a master ? finally , my opinion is this , i had rather have my liberty to kneel before a throne , then to be the tallest man in a crowd , and should think it more for my ease and honour . chap. xiv . that there is no such thing as a free-state in the world. if by a free-state , you mean a people who have shook off their allegiance to their prince , there are many such free-states to be found , but a beggars-bush , or a company of gipsies ( who propound to themselves new laws ) renouncing the old , and yet chuse a king and queen amongst themselves , pleasing one another with a self-conceited opinion of a thing they call liberty , which is no otherwise then an ignoble bondage of their own choosing , preferring the correction of a bundle of rods ( because their own hands have made them ) before the sway-meant of a scepter , which god himself hath put into their soveraigns hand ) is as good a common-wealth , or free-state as the best : but if you mean by a free-state , a freedom from tyranny , you will be as far to seek for any such thing in rerum natura , as for a reason why tyranny may not be in many , as well as in one : but if you mean by freedom an exemption from all such tyrannical oppressions as are expressed in the petition of right ; i see not why such a free-state may not be under a monarchy : certainly i have seen such petitions , and insistances , during the late kings reign , as having relation to freeborn people of england , and should think that the magna charta defended by one , who had power to make it good against the infringement of many breakers , and by a parliament of many , authorized to the same purpose against the pessundation of it by any one , be it by the highest , may not be as good a way to make , preserve and keep a nation free , as well as the intrusting of a nations freedom into the hands of a few , whose independency deny all remedies to be either above them , or below them . it may be it will not be thought tedious , if i entertain your eye and consideration with some observations of my own , in those free-states of christendom ( as they call themselves ) wherein i have been . i shall begin with the free-state of genoa , wherein i have been resident some time , and the rather , because whilst england was a kingdom , they could not have the face to stand in any competition with us ; but now the kings arms were cut off as well as his head , how should we do to make a distinction between them and us ? for both the state of genoa , and the state of england give the very same coat of arms , and st. george is both our patrons : certainly england must give the half-moon as the younger brother ; and why should not the moon crescent follow after , now the turkish alcoran is come before ? when the overspreading roman monarchy , like nebuchadnezzars over-grown and lofty tree was brought only to a stump chained to the ground , and when the keys of heaven and hell had so well fitted the locks belonging to the gates of rome , as to give way to the enterance of that high priest into the imperial seat , then was genoa a lop of that great fall : and soon after it was wrought into a bundle or faggot of a common-wealth , until such time as charles the great recovered all his right in italy , saving only the holy land , whose princely sword could never strike at the already cloven miters , but at helmets . amongst other counties whose subduements , acknowledged charles to be the great , genoa was one ; which city was no less happy then famous , in affording a man who honoured her walls , with making it known unto the world , that he came out of them under the name of andreas dory a genose ; this famous andreas dory was a zealous common-wealths-man , and one of the new gentlemen , as they call'd themselves , ( for you must understand , that when these states-men had shook off the yoke of soveraignty , they expelled all their gentry or nobility ; which no sooner done , but they made a new gentry or nobility amongst themselves ) and being a deserving man , the emperour charles the fifth , will'd this andreas dory to aske and have what he desired of all that he had conquered : he asked genoa , the emperour gave it him , to do with it what he pleased , he gave it the citizens , together with all their liberties , and former freedoms upon this conditions , that they should recal the old gentry in again , and settle them again in all their rights and priviledges , which being assented unto , genoa became a free-state again ; but behold the freedom , or rather the power and bonds of love and gratitude , neither the old or new gentry , nor the common people , would allow of any thing that was said or to be done , but what this dory should command or say : nor was there a more absolute and powerful monarch upon the earth then he ; and whilst he liv'd he did continue so , because the people would obey : who being once dead , the people soon found they did obey , because they must : yet still it must be a free-state , because libertas was written over the senate-house , and city-gates , but neither within their senate , or their walls , was there ever such tyranny over the common people , or the citizens , then hath been all along , and is at this day practised by some few , who spit monarchy in the face , and make no bones to swallow down all its adjuncts ? exercising their several tyrannies with this justification , that they are the supreme authority , whilst they deny supremacy ; gulling the people into a scotish belief , that they are not suppressed by one hand , because it hath many fingers . i shall instance unto you one particular , which was done whilst i was there , whereby you may easily judge in what free-state their commons live : there was a substantial citizen , between whom , and a noble genoese there was some grudge , this senator studies a revenge , and thus he intends it to be put execution . he gives command to one of his braves ( for so they call their executioners ) to kill this citizen : this slaughter-man ( being by reason of some former obligations ) struck with some remorse of doing so high an act of ingratitude to one , who had so well deserved at his hands ; discovers the whole plot to his so much acknowledg'd patron , who very much ackowledges and commends the ingenuity of this discoverer ; bids him to follow him where ●e leads him over a trap , where the leader knew full well how to order his steps , so that he might advance safely over the place , but the followers ( ignorant of these observations ) must needs fall down a precipice , no less terrible , then destructive ; the poor man is slain : this persidious murderer watches his opportunity of meeting this designer of his death , in the merc●ato , and gently takes him by the arm , and desires him that he might speak a word with him ; they withdraw themselves out of the walk to a private corner : the citizen tells this noble-man that his servant had betraid him , in discovering his design to him on whom it should be executed ; in detestation of which , perfidiousness , he had given him the reward of a traytor ( declaring the manner and form as is expressed ) and desired in all humility that he would be pacified and that whatsoever differences were between them , that he would bepleased to be his own judge whereupon they both became friends , no less satisfaction being acknowledged by the one , then ingenuity on the other party . such shifts as these , are these free-born people fain to make to appease the wrath and fury of their lords and masters : in a word , as their territories is no otherwise then a continued breach of three hundred miles along the sea-shore , so the inhabitants live no otherwise then do the fishes in the sea , the greater fishes devour the less so where there is no king in israel , every man doth that which is good in his own eyes : it cannot be otherwise . from thence i went unto the free-state of lucca , and there i found the free-men to have six princes every year ; and the senate chusing six men , whose elect a prince for the common-wealth every two months ; this prince ascending his throne up these six steps , acts what he pleaseth : nor have the common people any more liberty , then the most rigid calvinist will allow a papist , free-will : neither is their any other difference between this government of the free-state of lucca , and the empire of germany ; but that the one have so many prime chusers , and the other so many prince electors , the one keeps it within the house of austria , and the other keeps it out of the house of the medices . i went from thence unto the ancient common-wealth of venice , whose government ( if in any ) i should approve of , because they never revolted from a better : but yet i must tell you , that at my first entrance into that city , i found the people full of complaints , of the heavy taxes , exorbitant power , and arbitrary government , which seized upon all their plate , and what other goods of value they had , for the use of state , toward the maintenance of a war , which was both foolishly begun , and most carelessly run into by their trustees , or representatives ; for the pope of rome had certain intelligence that the turk was preparing to make war against some part of christendom , the pope sends to all the frontier princes of christendom , advising them they should all agree as one man to make it their own case , and that they would assist one another , on what part of christendom soever the storm should fall , and that the several embassadours would take it into consideration , about proportioning every prince or state according to their abilities , for their several supplies of men and money ; to which they all soon condescended , except the venetian , who told the rest , that there was a league between the grand seigniour and the venetians , and therefore they were not to fear any such war to be intended against them ; to which it being demanded that if the turk prevailed against other parts of christendom round about the venetian● , whether they though the would let the venetians alone at last ? or whether the venetians thought so or no , whether they di●● think themselves bound in honour , and christianity to defend their neighbour christians against so common an enemy ? to which it was answered by the venetians , that the very entring into such a league and covenant with them , were enough to break the peace between them and the turk , whereupon the juncto was dissolved , and every tub was fain to stand on his own bottom ; but it fell out that ( by the machiavillianism of the card. richlieu , who taught and perswaded the turk to break the league between him and the venetians , because he would not have the venetians to lend the emperour so much money , but would find them waies how to disburse it otherwise ) the turks waged war only against the venetians , and none else , whereupon they were fain to endure the whole brunt of the war themselves , and had no body to help them : this being so grievously found fault with by the common people , and their goods taken away ad placitum , their persons prest de bene esse , whe●her they thought so or no : i would fain know what liberty these people had , who could find such faults without remedies , and lose their goods without redress ? what liberty is there in having freedom in the state , and none in the condition ? i shall part with my children with tears in mine eyes , and through the same water behold the word , libertas , written upon the rialto ; what am i the better for this freedom ? am i robbed of all my money , because one thief takes it away ? and am i not rob'd because six or seven lay hold upon me ? believe it , i never heard such complaints ●either in the king or parliaments time , of oppression and tyranny , as i heard in this city during the time that i was there ; and this not only during the war , but also in the times of peace , five or six men rule the whole state , and it may be the prince none of them neither . i shall relate unto you a story of one loridan a noble venetian , who keeping a courtisan , on whom he was intended to bestow a favour , he went into a rich shop for to buy her some cloth of gold to make h●r a gown , the prentice was only in the shop , whom he commanded to cut out so much of such a piece as the taylor gave directions , which done , he will'd the prentice to tell his master that he would be accomptable to him therefore ; the boy excused himself , he being but a servant , and not having any such directions from his master , not doubting , but that if his master were there , he would willingly trust him for what he should be pleased to command ; the noble venetian takes his leave , willing the boy to tell his master , that he should rue the day that ever he kept such a ●awcy boy to give him such an affront , and so departed in g●eat fury : the master of the shop presently coming in , and hearing the relation of what had happened , tore his hair , wrung his hands , s●ampt upon the ground , and like a mad-man cryed out , that the boy had undone him , and all his posterity ; takes the whole piece with him , follows this noble venetian to his curtisans , offers to bribe the curtisan with the whole piece , if she would intermediate for him which with much difficulty , and many pleadings she so appeas'd his wrath , that he was satisfied : and this was as common for a senator of venice to do , as for a parliament man to pay no debts . neither is their any law or justice to be had against any of these statesmen : there was a noble-man who was an austrian both by birth and family , who being a traveller , chanc'd to cast his eyes upon a fair and vertuous lady , who in every respect were deserving of each other : this noble-man had no sooner made his mind known unto his paragon f●r beauty , but he was soon obstructed with a corrival , who was a nobile venetiano ; who perceiving his mistress affections to this stranger to be more liberally expressed than unto him , contrives his death , and soon eff●ct it , she loving her martyr more than either others conceived , or she her self could brook , so great a cross concerning them , studies revenge , and being an italian , found her self easily prompted by her own natural inclination , she pretends much love , that she might the better put in execution her greatest hatred , she gets him into a chamber , where she prays him to rest himself in a chair , wherein he was no sooner sat but his arms and thighs were caught with springs , and being thus fastened , she murders him with her own hands , and flies for sanctuary to the next nunnery within the popes dominions , leaving behind her , by the murdered , these words , written with her own hand in a piece of paper , because there is no justice to be executed against a noble venetian , i have been both judge and executioner my self . men may talk what they will , and fancy what they please , but there is no more difference , in point of freedom between a monarchy and a free-state ( as they call it ) than there is between a high sheriff of a shire , and a committee of a county ; utrum horum mavis accipe now for the free state of our neighbour netherlands , otherwise called the states of holland ( who have sprung up ( as all other free-states will do at last ) from the submissive and humble stilings of the distressed , to the high and mighty ) . the particulars which occasioned their revolt from their soveraign the king of ●pain , i shall not insist upon , but refer you to the spanish and netherland histories ; only i shall hint upon the main inducements to their rebellion ; viz. religion and freedom . for the first , there is not a people amongst whom the name of god is known , to whom religion is a greater stranger , than unto these stilers of themselves , reformed protestants , for if this free-state , who allow all religions both of the jews and gentiles , whose several churches own , in capital letters over their doors , the several sects of religions , to which each libertine is inclined , be religious , than the pantheonists were as truly reformed and religious as the amsterdamiams ; but as he , who sacrificed to all the gods in general , must needs have sacrificed unto the true god , and yet know him not , because he joyned others with him , who was to be worshipped alone : so that country which embrace●h all religions , happily may have the true religion amongst them , and yet have no religion , because they admit of many , being there is but one : this i speak in reference to the country , not to particular men . neither is there a sort of christians in the world who are less servants unto christ , if it be enough to make them so , to be the greatest prophaners of his day : for the sabbath is only distinguished from other daies , by a sermon in the church , and the ale-house being full of mechanicks , drinking and carousing from morning until night ; the shops are open , and buying and selling all the day long , excepting half the window , which is to distinguish the day , but the door is open to let in the buyers , and the other half of the window is open to let in the light : and wonderfully strange it is , and remarkable to consider how these people , who shook off their allegiance to their prince upon pretences of reformation , should be so besotted , as to fall into such a strange and unheard of prophaneness of him , and the day whereon christ himself is to be worshipped , as in their metropolls , or chief city , to have a dog-market kept to the utter scandal of true religion and christianity it self , this is no more than what i have seen , and if it were not true , it were easily returned upon my self as the greatest impudence that could be imagined ; but o the partiality of the picture-drawer , when he receives large wages for a similitude ! he insults over his own work only because it is like , when the face it self is most abominable . now for the freedom from tyranny and oppression ; if the turks or tartars had conquered them , they never would ( nor never did where ever they extended their dominions ) impose such taxes and rates as they have imposed on one another , incredible ; even to the full value of the several commodities , which run through their natives hands ; but you will ask me , how it is possible they should live then ? to which i answer you , by sharking and cosening of strangers : let any forraigners come there and ask for a dinner , and for such a dinner as they may well afford for eight pence a-piece , they will ask you five shillings a man ; find but the least fault with them , and they will demand twelve pence a piece more for fouling of linnen ; and if you seem angry at that , you shall mend your self with the payment of six pence a-piece over and above for fouling the room : and seek a remedy , and you shall be told , the prince of orange himself if he were there could not help it : altom all , is all the reason they will give you ; if in sadness you shall complain of such abuses to indifferent judges , they will tell you , that the states do lay such heavy taxes upon the inhabitants , that they are fain to flie to such shifts for their subsistance ; thus men pleased with the itch of innovation , are contented to scratch the blood out of their own bodies , till they feel the greatest smart ; rather than their physician should let out a little spare blood , to cure the disease , and preserve them in good health ; but you will say , that for all this , they thrive and prosper abudantly , so do the argiers men , but with what credit and reputation in the eye of the world ? i believe both alike : it was not their strength or policy , which brought them to this height and flourishing condition : but it was our policy of state , in emulation to other princes , which helped these calves to lions hearts , teeth , and claws , until the high and mighty butter-boxes stood in competition with the crown : and i am afraid the siding with such rebels , hath turned rebellion into our own bosoms , as a just judgment from that god who is a revenger of all such iniquities , they may call it the school of war , whilst wanting a good cause , it could be no otherwise than the christians shambles : i should be sorry that holland should be the english-mans looking-glass : a spur for his feet , or a copy for his hand , i hope the hand of providence will cure us , like the physician , who cur'd his patient by improving his disease , from a gentle ague to a high feaver , that he might the better help him : chap. xv. that episcopacy is jure divino . in this discourse i shall not trouble my self , nor you with titles , names and words of apostles , evangelists , arch-bishops , bishops , patriarchs , presbyters , ministers , angels of churches , &c. which were all from the highest to the lowest , but tearms reciprocal ; and were often taken in the church of god , and in the scripture it self , for one and the same ; for if any man , though never so mean , a minister of the gospel converted any nation , the church ever called him , the apostle of that country ; as austin , though but a monk , was every where tearmed the apostle of england : and st. paul , being an apostle , stiles himself a minister of the gospel of jesus christ : paul bids timothy being a bishop , to do the work of an evangelist ; and therefore no wonder if bishops and presbyters be often mentioned for one and the same : but it is a great wonder that any manner of men , should make this a ground for any argument against episcopacy ; these kind of arguments instead of striking fire that should light the candle , they do but pin napkins over our eyes , and turn us round , until we know not where we are ; and then we grope for we know not who , and lay hold of we know not what : he that will cut down this over-grown up-start-tree of error , must first clear his way to the root , and brush away all those brambles , and briers , which grow about it ; we must not leave any thing standing , that may lay hold of the hatchet , and deviate the stroke , turning the same edge upon the feller , that was intended for the tree : if we should insist upon names and titles , we should make but a confounded piece of work , and run our selves into a most inextricable labyrinth and mazes of error ; where we might run and go forwards and backwards , and round about , and ne're the near : christs are kings , kings are gods ; god is christ , and christ is bishop of our souls ; bishops are presbyters , presbyters are ministers , a minister is an apostle , an apostle is a minister : and so if you will quite back again . i must put off these , as david threw away sauls armour , non possum incedere cum iis ; i love to knock down this m●nstrum informe ingens cui lumen ademptum , with a blunt stone taken out of a clear river , which with the sling of application may serve well enough to slay this erroneous philistine , though he were far greater than he i● . in the first place therefore let us understand what is meant by jus divi●um ; if any man means that episcopacy is so jure divino , that it is unalterable , and must continue at all times , and in all places , so that where it is left off , there can be no church , he means to give much offence and little reason ; for there is no question but the church may alter their own government ( so that it be left to themselves to alter ) as they shall think most convenient , as well as alter the sabbath from the seventh day to the first of the week , or as well as they chang'd immersion into aspersion of the baptised , and many other things which carried as much jus divinum with them as episcopacy , and yet were chang'd . the jus divinum that is in episcopal government , doth not consist in the episcopacy , but in the government , be it episcopal or what it will ; but where the government is episcopal , no question but there episcopal government is jure divino , because a government ; and if it were otherwise , that government into which episcopacy degenerateth , would be jure divino , as well as it , provided that none touch this ark of the church but the priests themselves ; for if the hand which belongs to the same body , pull the hat from off the head , the man loses not his right , only he stands in a more humble posture , but he is in a● strong possession of his own right , as when 't was on his head , but if another hand should chance to pull it off , the party stands disgracefully depriv'd of his highest right and ornament . so if episcopal government of the church be put down , or altered by church-men themselves , the jus divinum is but removed from the supremacy of one , and fastened in the stronger hold of many members , for this is a maxim that admits no postern , power never falls to the ground , neither in church nor state , but look what one lets fall , another takes up before ever it comes to ground , wherefore losing nothing , they keep their own ; but whether this power in church or state in the point of convenience be better in the hands of one or many , let whose will look to that , that 's not my work ; neither the names of governments nor the numbers of governours shall ever be able to fright away this jus divinum out of the church government , be the government what it will , bene visum fuit spiritui sancto & nobis , keeps in the jus divinum , be the government never so altered , whereas forbidden and improper hands , actions , as unusual , as unwarrantable , le ts out this jus divi●●● ▪ when they have changed it to what they can imagine , now whether or no it be proper for a lay-parliament , or a representative of lay-men , by the power of the sword , declining the kings authority , will and pleasure , who was appointed by god to be a nursing father of his church , to alter church-government , so antient , so begun by christ himself in his own person over so many apostles , so practis'd by the apostles over others , so continued all along , i mean episcopacy , that is to say , one minister constituted an overseer of many , and to lay hold upon tumults and insurrections , to pull down these overseers , and for men who in such cases should be governed by the church , to pull down the church-government without any the least consent of the church governours ; i leave it for the world to judge ; only my one opinion is this , that any government thus set up , or by such practices as these altered , must needs be so far from being jure divino , that it must needs be jure diabolico . but it may be objected , that if they should have stayed until the bishops had altered themselves , they might have styed long enough ; to which it may be answered , that had the bishops been but as poor as job , there would have been no such hast to change their cloaths . the ark was a type of the church , and whatsoever was literally commanded concerning the type , must be analogically observed in the thing typified ; god sate in the mercy-seat that was over the ark , the ark contained within it aarons rod , and a pot of manna , so the church contains the law and the gospel , the killing letter and the reviving spirit ; others interpret the rod to signifie the government and discipline of the church , as the manna the doctrine of christ , and food that came down from heaven : i take it to signifie both , and both answers my purpose ; if both be therein contained , neither must be touch'd but by the priests themselves ; neither must we confine this prohibition to the priests of the law only , but we must extend it also to the ministers of the gospel , both which were typified by the two cherubims , or ministring angels of the almighty : these ministers or angels , though opposite to one another , yet they both lookt alike , and neither of them upon one another , but both of them upon the ark that was between them , there was mutuality in their looks , and their wings touch'd one another ; so though the ministers of the law and the gospel seem opposite in the administration of the same grace , yet they must come so near as to touch one another in the manner of the administration ; exempli gratiâ , as there was in the old law high priests , priests and levites , so in the new law , bishops , pres●yters and deacons ; as none but priests were to touch the ark , so none but the ministers should reform the church . thus much for government ; now for episcopacy ; the question then concerning episcopacy , will be , whether or no , jure divino , one minister ( which answers to all names and sorts of church-men , and church-officers whatsoever ) may not exercise jurisdiction and power over many ministers within such a place or territory ? if this be granted , the bishops ask no more : if it be denyed , how then did christ jesus , bishop of our souls , give orders and directions to his twelve apostles , and taught them how they should behave themselves throughout this diocese the whole world ? how did st. paul exercise jurisdiction over timothy and titus , who were both bishops ? and how did these two bishops exercise jurisdiction over all the ministers of creet and ephesus ? was not this by divine institution ? if i find by divine writ , that christ laid the foundation of his church in himself alone being over all the apostles , and if i find that these apostles , every apostle by himself ( in imitation of our saviour ) accordingly exercised jurisdiction and authority over many ministers which were under them , and commanded others to do the like , as paul , timothy and titus , and if i find the practice of the church all along through the whole tract of time , to continue the like discipline ; shall not i believe this discipline to be jure divino , except christ sends down a new conje deslier from heaven , upon the election of every new bishop ? christ lays the foundation , we build upon it , he gives us the model , we follow the pattern , the church is built ; is not this by divine right , because he doth not lay the several stones with his own hands ? christ promised that he would be alwaies with his church , and that he would send his holy spirit amongst them , which should lead them into all truth , so that the gates of hell should not prevail against it ; but if episcopacy ●e anti-christian , then the gates of hell have not only prevailed against it a long time , but all along . as all judgments are given in the kings name , and all records run rege praesente , though the king be not there in person , but in power ; so the universal and un-interrupted and continued and generally received discipline of his holy catholick church ( which church we are bound to believe by the apostolical creed ) is christo praesente ( ergo jure divino ) though christ be not there in person , but in power ; which power he conferr'd upon those who were to be his successours , which were called apostles , as my father sent me , so send i you : and he that heareth you , heareth me ; and loe i will be with you alwaies unto the end of the world : surely this discipli●● of one over many , call it what you will , is to descend and continue unto the end of the world. object . but it may be objected , how can you prove that christ commanded any such thing , or that christ gave to the apostles any such power , as to make successors in their steads , with a warrant for it to continue from age to age ? sol. where do you find that christ gave the sacrament to any but his disciples ? drink ye all of this , but they were all apostles to whom he said so ? where did you find that christ administred the sacrament , or commanded it to be administred unto any lay-men , or women ? therefore is not the sacrament given unto them jure divino , because the words were left out in the conveyance ? when there grew a disputation concerning divorcements , christ sends us to the original , sic autem non fuit ab initio , if christs rule be good , then the bishops are well enough , for they may say concerning episcopacy , i mean one over many ( and that safely too ) sic erat ab origine . some are very unwilling that this episcopacy should be intail'd by christ upon his apostles and their successors , out of these words , mat. 28.20 . i will be with you alwaies to the end of the world ; they will not have it to mean in their successors ; but the meaning to be this , i will 〈◊〉 with you alwaies unto the end of the world ; that is to say , in the efficacy , and power of my word and gospel , to all ages ; why may it not signifie this , and that too : that it doth one , is no argument but that it may do both : god made all things , in number , weight , and measure , and will you slight his word ? shall sensus factus thrust our sensus destinatus out of scriptures ? the first ministers of the gospel must be ad●equate to the first minister of the law , and behold the same method observed in both their institutions : what difference is there between christ's words to his disciples , i am with you alwaies unto the end of the world , mat. 28.20 . and gods words unto aaron at his setting him apart for the high priests office ? this shall be a statute for ever unto thee , and to thy seed after thee , exod. 28.43 . certainly if the gospel be nothing else but the law revealed , and the law be nothing else but the gospel hidden ; whatsoever is written or said of the ministers of the one ; must needs have reference to the ministers of the other : and i shall desire you to look a little back upon the words which god said to aaron ; when god speaks of the seed of aaron , he only maketh mention of the seed after him ; but when he speaks of the statute , he saith it shall be for ever : if i do not flatter my own judgment , that tells me , that this statute of high priesthood , or episcopacy , call it what you will , must have heirs after the seed of abraham is expired , and did not the catholick church all along call the receiving of the holy-ghost , the order of priest-hood ? did ever any record above seven years date , call it making of ministers ? and why are they angry with the word priest ? is it because the prophet isaiah , prophecying of the glory of christs church tells us , we shall be named priests of the lord , but that men shall call us ministers of god ? isa. 61.6 . if the ministration of the law be glorious , shall not the ministration of the gospel be much more glorious , 2 cor. 1.3 . and shall the ministers of the same gospel be less glorious ? when you see a man that cannot abide to see anothers glory , you may be sure he is no kin to him , or very far off ; so you may be ass●red that these are no true sons of the church , no●●o right children , who think a chair too great state for their fathers to sit in . in the apostles time these bishops , or if you will , superintendents ( which are all in one signification , only a good greek word chang'd by mr. john calvin , into a bad latin word ) were stiled embassadors of the almighty , stars of heaven , angels of the church , &c. but now these embassadours are used like vagabonds ; these stars , are not stars but fallings ; and the angels are no where to be found but ascending and descending jacobs ladder ; whilst this reputation was given unto the church , and its officers , the stones of its building were in unity , but as it is now , it seems no otherwise than as a corps kept under ground seemingly intire , but once touch'd , soon falls to dust and ashes . never was there such a monster as this ruling , and thus constituted presbytery , the father of it rebellion , the mother insurrection , the midwife sacriledge , the nurse covetousness , the milk schism , the coats armour , the rattle drums , a bloudy sword the coral , money the babies that it delights to play withal , it grows up to be a stripling , and goes to school to a council of war , its lesson is on the trumpet , its fescue a pistol , its going out of school in rank and file , its play-daies the daies of battail , and black-munday the day of judgment ; it comes of age and is married with a solemn league and covenant , it begets children like it self , whose blessing upon them is the power of the sword , and whose imposition of hands are broken pates ; this monster cries down this truly ancient catholick and apostolick power which the bishops exercised ; and then takes it up again , and uses it themselves in a higher nature than ever any bishops or apostles themselves did or durst have done , even to the excommunication and deposement of their kings ( to the delivering of them up unto satan , and to hang-men , if they stood but in their way ) to whom the apostles taught submission , ( how faulty so ever they were ) and if not obedience , yet submission , to every one of their ordinances , if not for their own sakes , yet for the lords sake , and for conscience sake : these men cry down the same authority as popish , whilst they exalt themselves above all that are called gods , in a higher manner , than ever any pope of rome ever yet did . we will begin with this monster in the very place of its nativity , and so observe him all along through the whole tract of time ; we will consider how it dealt with the first prince , under whose dominions it pullulated , which was under the prince and bishop of geneva , and these two were both nullified in the same person , as they were both here in england by the same parliament ; verifying that maxim of ours ( with that fore-running of theirs ) no bishop , no king ; and then we will shew you how they dealt with our princes here at home , where ever they had a power , viz. with mary queen of scots , and james and charles the first kings of england and of scotland both , and then usurp a power themselves , higher than popes or kings . calvin with his gladiators , having expuls'd the prince and bishop of geneva , set● up a government so high and unexpected , that the people would have nothing to do either with him , or his government : and thereupon they banished him the city ; calvin ( in exile ) bethinks himself how he might appease their fury , and give them satisfaction , and be invited in again ; calvinus de tristibus thinks it his best course of endearing himself unto the people , to make them sharers with him in the government , whereupon he invented his new fangle of lay-elders , and so all parties were agreed ; in comes mr. john calvin ( whilst he was scarce warm in his seat ) i shall present you with a story of him and of his demeanour of himself towards the temporal throne : there was a noble-man of italy , who liked the reformation which he had begun so well , that he forsook his religion and country , sold his lands and fortune , converted all into money , and took sanctuary in geneva ; as soon as he came there , great rejoycing and insulting there was , that their cause was honoured with so high a convert : the grand seigniour falls a building ; directing his masons , he found one of them something more sawcy than to what his lordship ( in his own country ) had been accustomed , little thinking that where there was promised so large a respect of souls , there had been so little respect of persons : this noble-man hereupon gives this mason a gentle tap upon the head , the mason flies upon him like a dr●●●● ▪ 〈◊〉 shakes him by the 〈◊〉 : my lord not being used to such course salutations , stabs him with his dagger , thinking nothing less , but that so high a provocation would have pleaded his indempnity ; no such matter , my lord was soon laid hold on , and brought to his trial : calvin upon the tribunal , not as a temporal judge in such cases ( take heed of him ) but only to be asked his opinion in cases of conscience ; the delinquent pleads for himself , tells them how insolently he was provoked , and wonders , considering such provocation , he should be questioned for so vile a varlet : hereupon mr. calvin soon starts up , and tells him , that with god ( whose seat they held ) there was no respect of persons , and for ought he knew , that man whom he despls'd to death , was as near and dear to god and his favour , as himself : their laws knew no such distinction as man-slaughter and murder ; but they were regulated by the divine law , that told them , that the man that sheds mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed ; that there was no exemption by greatness , nor buying it off by favour ; the noble-man replyed , that he had not been long enough amongst them to be acquainted with their laws ; it was answered , that the law of nature did forbid that , of which he could not be ignorant ( all this was well enough . ) my lord told them how hard a case it would be that a man out of his love and liking to the place and manners , should seek to it as a sanctuary for his conscience , and so soon find it his grave : that he was heartily sorry for what he had done , and would give any satisfaction to his wife and children that the court should order , or his estate allow ; he intended the man no hurt , before such rough hands shook him out of himself , that he knew not what he did , and therefore he humbly begg'd their pardon , assuring them for the future , that his waies should be so directly answerable to those paths they walked in , that he would not by gods grace hereafter step aside . the temporal judges , won with his humble and submissive behaviour began to relent , and desired mr. calvin to abate a little of his rigour , for the reasons before mentioned , assuring him that his case was no common case , and therefore it ought to have respect accordingly ; hereupon there grew a hot dispute between the spiritual , and the temporal judges : calvin remained st●ff in his opinion , and would not be bent to the least mercy ; the noble-man thought to throw one grain of reason more into the ballance , that should turn the scales , and that should be taken out of a consideration had of their own good : for saith 〈◊〉 , if you shed my blood hand over head , without any the least respect had to my years , to my birth , to my education , to the little time i had of being acquainted with your laws , nor to the provocation it self , nor to the suddenness of the action , nor to the surprize of all my senses , nor to the satisfaction i would have given , nor to the repentance of my very soul , who will come amongst you ? what lord or gentleman will live within your walls ? wherefore if you will have no consideration of me , yet consider your selves ; consider what a blow it will give to your religion , how many this very thing will stave off from ever having any thing to do with you ; by this time they were all prone to mercy , but calvin alone , who stands up , and cries fiat justitia , ruat coelum ; neither could he be brought to give his opinion , that the jury ( as we call them ) might not pass upon him ; but out went the jury , and contrary to their own law , hearing the noble-mans plea , and observing well the inclination of the bench in general , they brought in their verdict , not guilty ; whereupon the noble-man was acquitted : hereupon john calvin rises from the bench , and whilst the rest proceed to their matters , calls all the ministers within the walls and liberties of geneva , who appear before the judgment seat , with white wands in their hands , which they laid down , telling them , that with those wands they laid down their offices , protesting that they would never preach the gospel to a people whose human laws should run contrary to the laws divine ; and suddenly turned about and took their leave : which being acted with so much gravity , wrought so much upon the beholders , that they presently sent for them back again , and hanged the noble-man . this story i have read in their own history in geneva , than which my thoughts were then , as they are still , that never any pope of rome , did act as pope of rome , or so much as claim half that authority over the civil magistrate , as this anti-pope did virtually act ; and yet was not ashamed to make lesser matters than this the ground of the quarrel with the bishop , who also was their prince , when in his own person he acts the part of both . now we will see how these kind of creatures have plaid the masters of mis-rule among our princes here at home . king james in his discourse at hampton court , tells us how the presbyterians became lords paramount in his kingdom of scotland , and how they used his mother the queen of scots , viz. knox and buchanan , and the rest of that gang , came unto mary queen of scots , and told her , that by right , no pope nor potentate whatsoever , had any superiority over her in her own dominions , either in cases civil or ecclesiastical , but that she her self was supreme in both , and constituted by god as the only nursing mother of his church , within her dominion , and therefore conjured her to look about her , and not to let the pope of rome , or any of his agents , to have any thing to do within her territories , and to have care of christs evangel , as she would answer it at the dreadful day of judgment ; she gives them her ear , and at last her authority , they make use of it in the first place , to the pulling down of the bishops , and exalted themselves in their room ; when the queen look'd for an absolute supremacy , behold all the supremacy that these men would allow her , was not so much as to have one private chapel for her self , nor one priest whereby she might serve god according to her own conscience ; she finding her self so much deceived , labours to recal her authority , they kept her to it ; she takes up arms , they oppose her , fight her , beat her out of her kingdom ; she flies into england , they follow her with invectives , thrust jealousies into the queen of englands bosom concerning her , she is imprisoned , and after a long imprisonment put to death . king james having related this passage in the forementioned discourse unto dr. renolds , and knewstubs and the rest , turns unto the bishops , and closes his discourse with this animadversion ; wherefore , my lords , i thank you for my supremacy , for if i were to receive it from these men , i know what would become of my supremacy . the shining light of the gospel , and the burning zeal of the ministers thereof , may fitly be compared to fire , which if it be not in every room confin'd to one hearth , and limited to one tunnel , that may convey out of this so comfortable and necessary a blessing , all that may be destructive , and offensive in it , up toward the highest region , but is suffered like wild-fire to run up and down the house , it will soon turn all to flames and high combustions ; so the government of the soul seems to be of so transcendent nature to what the government of the body and goods is , that if it be not overtopt with superintendency or episcopacy , and so disimbogued into the supream authority , this comfortable heat if limited , as it turns to our greatest benefit , so neglected and boundless , soon converts it self into a suddain destruction and ruine . if you will hear how these men dealt with king james , her son , and father to charles the first , you shall find it in his basilicon doron , crebrae adversus me in tribunitiis concionibus calumniae spargebantur non quod crimen aliquod designâssem , sed quia rex eram , quod omni crimine pejus habebatur . are these men good subjects ? did they not convene him diverse times before them , school him , catechize him like a school-boy ? did he not protest unto his son henry , that he mislik'd their proud and haughty carriage ever since he was ten years of age ? did he not say that monarchy and presbytery agreed like god and the devil ? and have we not found it so , if we consider the behaviour of our new made presbyterians in england , to charles the first , his son ? o but the presbyterians had no hand in it , they pray'd and preach'd , and writ against it , tasted and pray'd for a diversion of all such intentions : but i pray , who took the scepter out of his hand , in taking away the militia , of which it was an emblem , that should have defended him , was it not the presbyterians ? who cast down his throne , by taking away his negative voice , was it not the presbyterians ? who took off his crown , the fountain of honour from off his head , by denying those honour on whom he had confer'd it without them , was it not the presbyterian ? who took away his supremacy , signified by the sacred unction wherewith he was anointed , in not allowing him the liberty of his own conscience in the point of episcopacy and church-government , was it not the presbyterian ? who would not treat a minute with their king before they had made him acknowledge himself guilty ( as they say ) of all the blood that had been spilt throughout his dominions , was it not the presbyterian ? who ( notwithstanding all the concessions on his part that could be granted , even to the very grating his princely conscience , when he bid them ask flesh from off his bones , and he would not deny it them , if it might have been a benefit unto his people , prayed that he might keep his conscience whole , it was the queen regent of all good mens actions , and he hoped there were none would force this queen before him in his house , as ahasuerus said to haman ) voted not satisfactory so long , until the independent army came from edenborough , and surpriz'd and murdred him , was it not the presbyterians ? he that said the presbyterians held him down by the hair , while the independents cut off his head , said true enough , they murdered him as a king , before ever they murdered him as a man ; for what may the independent say to the presbyter , if you 'l take off his authority , we 'l take off his head ; if you 'l make him no king , we 'l make him no body : if you 'l make him a man of blood , we 'l use him accordingly ; therefore at your doors , o presbyterian hypocrites , do i lay his innocent blood , it is but like the rest of your actions , committed by your ancestors to former princes al● along . one thing i pray you well observe ; there was never any reformed church in christendom , but when they shook off their bishops , they made their apologies to all the christian world , how they were necessitated to alter that ancient and best form of government of the church by bishops , in regard that they could not be drawn off from their obedience and dependance on the pope of rome ; and if possible they would retain that laudable government as most convenient ; but never were there any reformers in the world , but ours , that ever held episcopacy to be unlawful and anti christian before ; and will you know the reason ? which is only this , the bishops what they receive they lay down at his majesties feet , as acknowledging him to be supreme in all cases , when they would have him to be supreme in no case , as buch. de jure regni plainly tells us , that princes are no more but the proxies and attorneys of the people ; and yet for all this , the authority which they hold , to be as anti-christian in the chair , they practise as most christian on the bench , and much improve it . these monsters that they may the better cry down the divine right that is in episcopacy , and descended to them from the apostles ; tell us , that the calling of the apostles was extraordinary , and died with them : to make answer to which assertion , we must consider how many waies a thing may be taken to be extraordinary , and if we find that it may be taken so many waies , if we can prove a thing extraordinary one way , we must not take it to be extraordinary in every respect ; exempli gratiâ ; saul was extraordinarily called by god , because immediately by him , but this doth not make the calling of kings to be an extraordinary calling , for that succeeded ; so the apostles were extraordinarily called by god , as not being called out of the tribe of levi , nor taken from the feet of gamaliel , nor brought up in the schools of the prophets , yet this doth not follow , that the calling of the apostles should be extraordinary , for they had their successors : it may be extraordinary à parte ante ; but not à parte post , only in regard of the manner of their election , but not in regard of the nature of their commission , they were called apostles in regard of their mission , not in respect of their commission , which which was no more but what bishops had , neither doth the word apostle signifie so great authority as doth the word bishop , the one betokening but a messenger , the other an overseer , and therefore there is no extraordinariness hitherto , that they should not be extraordinary . 2. a man may be said to be extraordinary , in regard of some extraordinary gifts and endowments which god hath given unto a man , as unto the apostles the gift of tongues , of healing , &c. but this doth no way make the calling extraordinary , for then it would follow , that if god almighty should give unto any ordinary minister , extraordinary gifts , then his calling should be extraordinary , or that the calling of kings should be an extraordinary calling , because god bestows on some kings the extraordinary gift of healing . 3. it may be further urg'd , the calling of the apostles was an extraordinary calling , because they were pen-men of the holy-ghost , and in regard that the holy-ghost sat upon each of them ; no , that doth not make it extraordinary quoad nos , that it should not descend , for other divines and evangelists , were pen-men of the holy-ghost as well as they , therefore what was not extraordinary to themselves , cannot be extraordinary to us . 4. for their receiving the holy-ghost , it is no otherwise but what all bishops , pastors , and curates do receive , when they receive orders , receive ye the holy ghost , only the difference is this , they received it by the sitting of cloven tongues , and they by imp●sition of hands , but still the extraordinaries consist in the manner , but not the matter of the thing received , so that all the while there is no reason why this calling of the apostles should be so extraordinary , as that it should not descend : if christ promised to be with his apostles unto the end of the world , and they did not continue unto the end of the world , surely i should think without any straining at gnats , or swallowing of cammels , that the meaning of our saviours words should be this , that he would be with those in the assistance of his holy spirit , that should succeed the apostles in their offices of supervising his church , and propagation of his gospel , except i should see more reason than i do yet , why the apostles calling should be so peculiar , that it must not descend , or that the government of one over many , be so inconsistent with the church her good in after-time , more than in the beginning , that episcopacy should be so abominable . briefly i can compare these presbyters pulling down the bishops , to no other thing , than to a company of unhappy boys , who being not tall enough to reach the fruit , and wanting a ladder , for the fruit sake , lay hold upon the branches , and break down a bow , making it thereby no part of the tree ; so ●hese men , wanting merit to taste the fruit of learning , and not having capacity enough in themselves to reach those preferments which the church holds out to those who are deserving , they render that which was part of the church , as sever'd from the body , which is the highest kind of sacriledge , not only in depriving the church of part of its goods , but part of it self . lastly , if there be no other reason to be given , if not for the divine right of episcopacy , yet for the lawfulness thereof , but this one topical argument which i shall use , raised out of the continued practice of the church in all ages , to men whose faces are not bra●'d so thick , that it were reason proof , it were sufficient in my understanding , viz. suppose all the arguments which were for episcopacy , were as weak as so many straws to support a cause , yet though four straws are not able to support a table , yet fourteen thousand bound up together in four bundles , will hold it up as firm as so many props of iron ; so though some few practices of some few men within some few places , are not able to make an argument for episcopacy , that shall be evincing , yet the practice of the church all along for fourteen hundred years , in fourteen hundred dioceses , and throughout forty ages , makes good the argument against any few jack straws , or wat tilers whatsoever . ob. but there were no diocesan bishops in the primitive times . sol. was not christ a diocesan bishop ? and was not the world his diocess ? were not the apostles diocesan bishops , when the whole world , divided into twelve parts , were their twelve diocess ? were not timothy and titus diocesan bishops , when creet and ephesus were allotted to be their diocess ? ob. there were no lord bishops in those daies ? sol. those who ruled well were to be accounted worthy of double honour , and will you not allow them a single lordship ? ob. the lords of the gentiles exercised dominion , but so shall not you . sol. no , not such dominion as they exercised , there is a great deal of difference betwixt dominion , and domineering , betwixt lordship , and lording it over god's inheritance ; a paternal government was never accounted intolerable but by unruly children ; if this were not to be allowed of , how did christ rule his apostles ? paul , timothy and titus ? both these , all the ministers in creet and ephesus ? ob. st. paul laboured with his hands that he might not be chargeable to the brethren . sol. so might the bishops if they needed no more to study divinity than did the apostles , but if any benefactor had bestowed large revenues upon st. paul , i see no reason why he might not be a keeper of hospitality , as well as he advised timothy so to do : but now julians persecution is reviv'd ; do not ( saith julian ) destroy the christians , but take away the maintenance of the church , and that will bring their ministers into contempt , and so destroy their religion ; and now they are at it ; libera me , domine ( saith st. augustine ) ab homine impio , id est , libera me à me , so we had need to pray unto almighty god , that he would save his church out of the hands of her church-men , for she now lies upon the ground like the tree that complained , that she was rent in sunder by wedges made out of her own body . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27454-e730 see buch. de jure reg. 1 sam. 24.5 . smectymnuus redivivus being an answer to a book, entituled, an humble remonstrance. in which, the original of liturgy episcopacy is discussed, and quæries propounded concerning both. the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated. the occasion of the imparity in antiquity discovered. the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested. the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated. the prelaticall church bounded. smectymnuus. 1654 approx. 248 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 44 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52055 wing m784 estc r223740 99834025 99834025 38504 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52055) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 38504) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1836:12) smectymnuus redivivus being an answer to a book, entituled, an humble remonstrance. in which, the original of liturgy episcopacy is discussed, and quæries propounded concerning both. the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated. the occasion of the imparity in antiquity discovered. the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested. the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated. the prelaticall church bounded. smectymnuus. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. calamy, edmund, 1600-1666. young, thomas, 1587-1655. newcomen, matthew, 1610?-1669. spurstowe, william, 1605?-1666. [8], 78 p. , printed by t. c. for john rothwell, a the fountaine and beare in goldsmiths-row in cheapside, london : 1654. errors in paging: pages misnumbered and bound out of order. wing attributes authorship to stephen marshall, who, with edmund calamy, thomas young, matthew newcomen and william spurstowe, written under the acronym, smectymnuus. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hall, joseph, 1574-1656. -humble remonstrance to the high court of parliament. church of england -controversial literature. episcopacy -controversial literature. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 john latta sampled and proofread 2004-01 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion smectymnuus redivivus . being an answer to a book , entituled , an humble remonstrance . in which , the originall of liturgy episcopacy is discussed . and quaeres propounded concerning both . the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated . the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered . the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested . the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated . the prelaticall church bounded . jeremy 6.16 . thus saith the lord , stand in the wayes , and behold , and aske for the old way , which is the way , and walk therein . tertul. de praescr . adv . haeres . id dominicum & verum , quod prius traditum : id autem extraneum & falsum quod sit posterius . london , printed by t. c. for iohn rothwell , at the fountaine and beare in goldsmiths-row in cheapside . 1654. to the reader . good reader , solomon told us long since , that there is no end of many books , eccles. 12.12 . scripturiency ( it seemeth ) is no novell humour , but abounded then , even when the means of transmitting knowledge was more difficult ; if there were cause for the complaint then , there is much more now ; since the presse hath helped the penne , every one will be scribling , and so better bookes are neglected , and lie like a few grains of corn under an heap of chaffe and dust : usually books are received as fashions ; the newest , not the best and most profitable , are most in esteem ; in so much that really learned and sober men have been afraid to publish their labours , lest they should divert the world from reading the usefull works of others that wrote before them . * i remember dr. altingius a terse and neat spirit , stood out the battery of twenty years importunity , and would not yield to divulge any thing upon this fear . certainly ( reader ) 't is for thy profit sometimes to look back and consult with them that first laboured in the mines of knowledge , and not alwaies to take up with what commeth next to hand . in this controversie of discipline many have written , but not all with a like judgement and strength , which i believe hath been no small rock of offence , and stone of stumbling to the adversaries , who are hardned with nothing so much as a weak defence of the truth , as * austin complaineth , that when he was a manichee he had had too too often the victory put into his hands by the defences of weak and unskilfull christians . this work which the stationer hath now revived ( that it may not be forgotten , and like a jewel after once shewing shut up in the cabinet of private studies only ) was penned by * severall worthy divines of great note and fame in the churches of christ , under the borrowed and covert name of smectymnuus , which was some matter of scorn and exception to the adversaries , as the papists objected to calvin his printing his institutions under the name of alcuinus , and to bucer his naming himself aretius felinus , though all this without ground and reason , the affixion of the name to any work being a thing indifferent ; for there we should not consider so much the author , as the matter , and not who said it , but what ; and the assumption of another name not being infamous but where : it is done out of deceit , and to anothers prejudice , or out of shame because of guilt , or feare to own the truths which they should establish : i suppose the reverend authours were willing to lie hid under this onomastick , partly that their work might not be received with prejudice , the faction against which they dealt , arrogating to themselves a monopoly of learning , and condemning all others as ignorants and novices not worthy to be heard ; and partly that they might not burden their frontispiece with a voluminous nomenclature , it not being usuall to affix so many names at length to one treatise . for the work it self , it speaketh its own praise , and is now once more subjected to thy censure and judgement : this second publication of it was occasioned by another book for vindication of the ministery by the provinciall assembly of london , wherein there are frequent appeals to smectymnuus ; though otherwise i should have judged the reprinting seasonable ; for the lord hath now returned us to such a juncture of time , wherein there is greater freedom of debate without noyse and vulgar prejudice ; and certainly if the quarrell of episcopacy were once cleared , and brought to an issue , we should not be so much in the dark in other parts of discipline , the conviction of an errour by solid grounds being the best way to finde out the truth ; reformations carried on with popular tumult , rather then rationall conviction , seldom end well ; though the judgement of god be to be observed in powring contempt upon those which are partiall in his law , yet the improvident leapes which a people are wont to make upon such occasions , lay the foundation of a lasting mischiefe . i hope that by the review of these matters we shall come to know more of the lords counsell for the ordering of his house , or at least that by weighing what may be said on all sides , we shall learn more to * truth it in love , which is the unfeined desire of him who is thine in the lord , tho. manton . newington , june 23. 1653. most honourable lords , and ye the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the honourable house of commons . although we doubt not , but that book which was lately directed to your honours , bearing the name of an humble remonstrance , hath had accesse unto your presence : and is in the first approaches of it , discovered by your discerning spirits , to be neither humble , nor a remonstrance ; but a heap of confident and ungrounded assertions ; so that to your honours a reply may seem superfluous : yet left the authour should glory in our silence , as a granting of the cause ; we humbly crave your honours leave to present , not so much to your selves , as to the world by your hands , a view of this remonstrance ; in which the authour after too large a preface , undertakes the support of two things , which seem to him to be threatned with danger of a present precipice , the liturgie , and the hierarchy . it was a constitution of those admired sons of justice the areopagi ; that such as pleaded before them should plead without prefacing and without passion : had your honours made such a constitution , this remonstrance must have been banished from the face of your assembly ; for the preface fils almost a fourth part of the book , and the rest swels with so many passionate rhetorications , as it is harder for us in the multitude of his words to finde what his argument is that we have to answer , then to answer it when it is found . we would not trace him in his words , but close immediately with his arguments , did we not finde in him a sad exemplification of that divine axiome , in multitudine verb●rum non deest peccatum , in the multitude of words , there wants not sin : for though the author is bold to call upon your honours to heare the words of truth and confidence , yet how little truth there is in his great confidence , the ensuing discourse shall discover . his very words are confident enough , and yet as false as confident ; wherein he impropriates all honesty unto these his papers , and brands all others with the name of libellers , and yet himselfe sinnes deeply against the rule of honesty , and lies naked to the scourge of his own censure . first , in setting a brand upon all writings that have lately issued from the presse , as if they had forgotten to speak any other language then libellous : it seems himselfe had forgotten that some things had issued by authority of the king and parliament . secondly , in taxing ( implicitely ) all such as wil not own this remonstrance for theirs , as none of the peaceable and wel-affected sons of the church of england . thirdly , in censuring the way of petitioning your honours , the ancient and ordinary free way of seeking redresse of our evils , for a tumultuary under-hand way . fourthly , in condemning all such as are not fautors of this episcopal cause , as none of his majesties good subjects , engrossing that praise onely to his own party , saying , the eyes of us the good subjects of this whole realme are fixed upon your successe , &c. fifthly , in impropriating to the same party the praise of orthodox , pag. 6. as if to speak a word , or think a thought against episcopacy , were no lesse heresie , then it was in former time to speak against the popes supremacy , or the monkes fat belly ; whereas whether the episcopall part be the orthodox , peaceable , wel-affected part , and his majesties only good subjects , we leave to your honours to judge , upon the numerous informations that flow in unto you from the several parts of this kingdome . nor can they decline your judgement , seeing now you are ( through gods blessing ) happily met in a much longed for parliament : but whither so much longed for by him and his accomplices , as by those against whom he whets his style , the prayers that have obtained this happy meeting , and the praises that doe attend it , will decide in that great day . the helena , whose champion this remonstrant chiefely is , is that government which he calls sacred , viz. that government by arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , archdeacons , &c. which , saith he , through the sides of some misliked persons some have endeavoured to wound . misliked persons ? and why not offending persons ? why not guilty persons ? when this honourable house hath found just cause to charge some of them with crimes of the highest nature , our zeale for your honours makes us feare , lest your assembly should suffer in this word ; as if your proceedings against such persons should be grounded upon compliance with such as doe mislike them , rather then upon their own demerits or the justice of this court. but whatever those persons be , the government it self is sacred ; which by the joynt confession of all reformed divines , derives it self from the times of the blessed apostles , without any interruption , without contradiction of any one congregation in the world unto this present age . this is but an episcopall bravado ; therefore we let it passe , till we come to close and contend with him in the point ; where we shall demonstrate , that in the compasse of three lines he hath packt up as many untruths , as could be smoothly couched in so few words , as any man of common understanding , that lookes upon the face of the government of almost all reformed churches in the christian world may at first view discover . but before we come to this , there are yet two things in this preface which we count not unworthy observation . the first is , the comparison which he makes between the two governments , the civil which with us is monarchy : and the sacred which with him is episcopaey . of the first he saith , if antiquity may be the rule ( as he pleades it for episcopacy ) or if scripture ( as he interprets scripture ) it is variable , and arbitrary : but the other divine and vnalterable : so that had men petitioned for the altering of monarchicall government , they had ( in his judgement ) been lesse culpable , both by scripture and antiquity , then in petitioning the alteration of the hierarchicall : had he found but any such passage in any of his lewd libellers ( as his modesty is alwayes pleased to terme them ) certainly if we may borrow his own phrase , the eares of the three interessed kingdomes , yea all the neigbbour churches , and if we may say , the whole christian world , and no small part beyond it , had run with the loud cryes of no lesse then treason , treason . truth is , in his antiquity we finde that this his uninterrupted sacred government hath so farre invaded the civil , and so yoked monarchy , even in this kingdome , as malmesbury reports : that william rufus oppressed by bishops , perswaded the jewes to confute them ; promising thereupon to turne england to their religion , that he might be free of bishops . and this is so natural an effect of unalterable episcopacy , that pius the fourth to the spanish embassador , importuning him to permit bishops to be declared by the councel of trent to be iure divino , gave this answer : that his king knew not what he did desire ; for if bishops should be so declared , they would be all exempted from his power , and as independent as the pope himself . the second thing observable is the comparison he makes between the late alterations attempted in our neighbour church by his episcopal faction , and that alteration that is now justly desired by the humble petitioners to this honourable house . the one being attempted by strangers , endeavoring violently to obtrude innovations upon a setled church and state , the other humbly petitioned to the heads and princes of our state by multitudes therein almost ruined by an innovating faction : yet doth not this remonstrant blush to say ; if these be branded , ( so he calls the just censures of this honourable house ) for incendiaries , how shall these boutefeux escape , &c. thus cunningly indeavouring either to justifie the former by the practise of the latter , or to render the latter more odious then the former . the attempts of these men whom he would thus render odious , he craves leave to present to your honours in two things , which are the subjects of this quarrel : the liturgy and episcopacy ; and we humbly crave your honours leave in both to answer . sect . ii. first , the liturgy of the church of england ( saith he ) hath been hitherto esteemed sacred , reverently used by holy martyrs , daily frequented by devout protestants , as that which more then once hath been confirmed by the edicts of religious princes , and your own parliamentary acts , &c. and hath it so ? whence then proceed these many additions and alterations ? that have so changed the face and fabrick of the liturgy , that as dr. hall spake once of the pride of england : if our fore-fathers should revive and see their daughters walking in cheapside with their fannes and farthingales , &c. they would wonder what kinde of creatures they were ; and say nature had forgot her self and brought forth a monster : so if these holy martyrs that once so reverently used the liturgy should revive and look for their letany stampt by authority of parliament , they would be amazed , and wondering say ; england had forgotten her self and brought forth , &c. martyrs ? what doe we speak of martyrs , when we know sir , that one of your own a bishops said it in the hearing of many not so long since , but you may well remember it , that the service of the church of england was now so drest , that if the pope should come and see it , he would claime it as his own , but that it is in english ? it is little then to the advantage of your cause , that you tell us , it is translated into other languages ; and as little service have they done to the church of england , who have taught our prayers to speak latine again : for if it be their language chiefly that overthrows the popes claime , take away that , and what hinders then , but the pope may say , these are mine ? as for other translations and the great applause it hath obtained from forraigne divines , which are the fumes this remonstrant venditates ; what late dayes have produced we know not ; but the great lights of former ages have been farre from this applauding : we are sure judicious calvin saith , that in the liturgy there are sundry tolerabiles ineptiae , which we think is no very great applause . to vindicate this liturgy from scorne ( as he calls it ) at home or by your honours aide to reinforce it upon the nation , is the work of his remonstrance , for the effecting whereof he falls into an unparallell'd discourse about the antiquity of liturgies ; we call it unparalleld , because no man that we have seen ever drew the line of liturgy so high as he hath done . concerning which , if by liturgy this remonstrant understand an order observed in church assemblies of praying , reading , and expounding the scriptures , administring sacraments , &c : such a liturgy we know and doe acknowledge both iews and christians have used . but if by liturgy he understand prescribed and stinted formes of administration composed by some particular men in the church , and imposed upon all the rest ( as this he must understand , or else all he saith is nothing ) we desire and expect that those formes , which he saith are yet extant , and ready to be produced , might once appeare . liturgy of this former sort we finde in iustine martyr and tertullian . but that there were not such stinted liturgies as this remonstrant disputes for , appeares by tertullian , in his apol. cap. 30. where he saith the christians of those times did in their publike assemblies pray sin● monitore quia de pectore , without any prompter but their own hearts . and that so it should be , the same father proves in his treatise de oratione : sunt quae petantar , &c. there are some things to be asked according to the occasions of every man : the lawfull and ordinary prayer ( that is the lords prayer ) being laid as a foundation ; it is lawfull to build upon that foundation other prayers according to every ones occasions . and to the same purpose st. austin in his 121. ep. liberum est ; &c. it is free to aske the same things that are desired in the lords prayer , aliis atque aliis verbis , sometimes one way and sometimes another : and before this , in that famous place of iust. mar. apo. 2. he , who instructed the peeple , prayed according to his ability . nor was this liberty in prayer taken away , and set and imposed formes introduced , untill the time that the arian and pelagian heresies did invade the church , and then because those hereticks did convey and spread their poyson in their formes of prayer and hymnes , the church thought it convenient to restraine the liberty of making and using publique forms : and first it ordained that none should pray pro arbitrio , sed semper eaedem preces , that none should use liberty to vary in prayer , but use alwaies the same forme , conc. laod. can. 18. yet this was a forme of his own composing , as appears by another canon , wherein it was ordered thus : none should use any forme , unlesse he had first conferred cum fratribus instructioribus : with the more learned of his brethren . conc. carth. 3● can. 23. and lastly that none should use set prayers , but such as were approved of in a synode , which was not determined till the yeare 416. conc. milev . 2. can. 12. and had there been any liturgies of times of the first and most venerable antiquity producible , the great admirers of them , and enquirers after them would have presented them to the world ere this . we know that bishop andrewes in his zeale for liturgies pursued the enquiry after the iewish liturgy so far , that he thought he had found it ; and one there was which he sent to cambridge to be translated : but there it was soon discovered to have been made long after the jewes ceased to be the church of god ; and so himself supprest it , that it never saw the light under a translation . we wonder therefore what this remonstrant meant to affirm so confidently , that part of the forme of prayer which was composed by our blessed saviour , was borrowed from the formes of prayer formerly used by gods people . an opinion we never met before ; indeed , we have read that the rabbines since the dayes of our saviour have borrowed some expressions from that prayer , and from other evangelical passages : but we never read till now , that the lord christ the wisdome of the father borrowed from the wisdome of the rabines expressions to use in prayer . and as much we wonder by what revelation or tradition ( scripture being silent in the thing ) he knew , that peter and iohn , when they went up to the temple to pray , their prayer was not of a sudden and extemporary conception , but of a regular prescription . sure we are , some as well read in iewish antiquity , as this remonstrant shewes himself to be , have told us that the houre of prayer was the time when the priest burnt incense ; and the people were at their private prayers without , as appeares luke 1.9 . where we read , that while zachary the priest went in to offer incense , all the people stood with out praying in the time of the oblation . which prayers were so far from being prescript formes or liturgies that they were not vocal but mental prayers , as master meade tells us in his exposition upon the eighth of the revelations . and whatever peter and iohn did , this we know , that when the publican and the pharisee went up to the temple to pray ( as the apostle did at the houre of prayer ) their prayer was not of regular prescription , but of a present conception . but if this remonstrant be in the right , concerning the jewish liturgies , then the evangelical church might better have improved her peace and happinesse , then in composing models of invocation and thanksgiving , when there is one extant and ready to be produced , that was constantly used by gods people ever since moses dayes , and put over to the times of the gospel , and confirmed by apostolical practise : or else great is our losse , who are so unhappily deprived of the best improvement , the church made of her peace and happinesse in the first 300. years : for rejecting those liturgies that are confessed by the learned to bee spurious : we challenge this remonstrant to produce any one liturgie that was the issue of those times . and blessed constantine was herein as unhappy as wee , who needed not have composed forms of prayer for his guard to use upon the lords day , but might and would have taken them out of former liturgies , if there had been any ; and can ye with patience think that any ingenuous christian should be so transported , as upon such weak and unproved premises to build such a confident conclusi●n , as this remonstrant doth ? and in that conclusion forget the state of the controversie , sliding from the question of a prescribed and imposed liturgy to an arbitrary book of prayer . in his rhetorical encomium of conceived prayer we shall more willingly bear a part with him , then they whose cause he pleads ; for had that been in their hearts , which is in this book : to hate , to be guilty of powring water upon the spirit , and gladly to adde oyle rather : so many learned , able , conscientious preachers had not been molested and suspended , for letting the constant flames of their fixed conceptions mount up from the altar of their zealous heart unto the throne of grace : nor had there been so many advantages watched from some stops and seeming soloecismes in some mens prayers , to blaspheme the spirit of prayer , which though now confest to be so far from being offensive , that they are as pleasing musick in the eares of the almighty : yet time hath been , when they have sounded as meer battologies ; nay no better then meer blasphemies in the eares of some bishops . and if this conceived prayer be not to be opposed in another , by any man that hath found the true operation of this grace in himself : with that spirit then are those possest , that have not onely thus raged with their tongues against this way of prayer , but by sealing up the mouthes of ministers for praying thus in publike , and imposing penances upon private christians for praying thus in their families : and compelling them to abjure this practise , have endeavoured with raging violence to banish this divine ordinance from our churches and dwellings , and profest in open court , it was fitter for amsterdam then for our churches . but howsoever this applause of conceived prayer may seem to be cordial , yet he makes it but a vantage ground to lift up publike formes of sacred church liturgy ( as he calls it ) the higher , that they may have the greater honour , that by the power of your authority they be reinforced , which work there would have been no need to call your honours to , had not episcopal zeal broke forth into such flames of indignation against conceived prayers , that we have more just cause to implore the propitious aide of the same authority to re-establish the liberty of this , then they to re-inforce the necessity of that . yet there are two specious arguments which this remonstrant brings to perswade this desired re-inforcement , the original and confirmation of our liturgy . for the first , he tels your honours , it was selected out of ancient . models not roman but christian , contrived by the holy martyrs and confessors of the blessed reformation of religion ; where we beseech your honours to consider how we may trust these men , who sometimes speaking and writing of the roman church , proclaime it a true church of christ , and yet here roman and christian stand in opposition : sometimes they tell men , their liturgy is wholly taken out of the romane missal , onely with some little alteration : and here they would perswade your honours there is nothing romane in it . but it is wholly selected out of pure ancient models , as the quintessence of them all . whereas alas the original of it , is published to the world , in that proclamation of edward the sixt . and though here they please to stile the composers of it , holy martyrs and contrivers of the blessed reformation : yet there are of the tribe for whom he pleads , not a few that have called them traitors rather then martyrs , and deformers rather then reformers of our religion . his other argument for the liturgy is taken from that supply of strength it hath received from the recommendation of foure most religious princes , and your own parliamentary establishments : and more especially from the proclamation of king james of famous memory : the validity of which plea , your honours are best able to judge , and therefore we leave it at your bar ; yet these two things we know : first , that this forme was never established to be so punctually observed , so rigorously pressed , to the casting out of all that scruple it , or any thing in it ( as many of his majesties subjects now doe ) to the ( almost ) justling out of the preaching of the word and conceived prayer altogether . and secondly , as sure we are , that your honours think neither your own lawes , nor the proclamation of that most famous and ever admired prince , to be as unalterable as the lawes of the medes and persians . and now having briefly shewed , that liturgies are not of that antiquity that this remonstrant pretends , but that conceived prayer was in use in the church of god before liturgies , and is justified from their own mouthes , and not to be found fault with by any but a gracelesse man : and having likewise shewed that our liturgy was taken out of models , not onely christian but romane , and had since the first compiling of it suffered alteration to the worse ; and though established by law , and confirmed by proclamation , was never intended to the justling out , either of preaching or conceived prayer ; these things declared , we humbly crave your honours leave to propound these two queries . quere . i. whether it be not fit to consider of the alteration of the present liturgy . first , because it symbolizeth so much with the popish masse , as that the pope himself was willing to have it used , if he might but confirme it . it was made and composed into this frame , on purpose to bring the papists to our churches , which we finde to be with so little successe , as that it hath rather brought many of us to them , then any of them to us , and hath lost many of ours from us . because many things therein contained are stumbling blocks before the feet of many : such as these , the clogging it with ceremonies , and the often and impertinent reiterating of the lords prayer , the ill translation of the psalmes , and other scriptures , the many phrases in the very prayers , which are liable to just exception . and whereas the minister by the scripture is the peoples mouth to god , this book prescribes responsories to be said by the people , some of which are unsutable to what the minister pronounceth , some of them seem to savour of tautology , some are made to be so essential to the prayer , as that all which the minister saith , is no prayer without them ; as in the letany . because it is so much idolized , as that it is accounted the only worship of god in england , and is now made the upholder of a non-preaching ministry , and is cryed up to that height , as that some are not ashamed to say ; that the wit of men and angels cannot mend it : and that it is a sufficient discharge of the ministers duty to read this book . there are such multitudes of people , that distaste this book , that unlesse it be altered , there is no hope of any mutual agreement between gods ministers and their people . there is such a vast difference between it , and the liturgies of all other reformed churches , as that it keepes them at a distance from us , and us from full communion with them . quere ii. whether the first reformers of religion did ever intend the use of a liturgy further , then to be an help , in the want , or to the weaknesse of a minister . all other reformed churches , though they use liturgies , yet doe no binde their ministers to the use of them . a rubrick in king edwards book left it unto the discretion of the minister , what and how much to read , when there was a sermon . the homilies which are appointed to be read , are left free either to be read or not , by preaching ministers ; and why not then theliturgy ? especially considering that the ability to offer up the peoples wants to god in prayer is part of the ministerial office , as well as preaching . and if it can be thought no lesse then sacriledge to rob the people of the ministers gift in preaching , and to tye them to homilies , it can be no lesse , to deprive them of their gift in prayer . the ground of the first binding of it upon all to use , was not to tye godly men from exercising their gift in prayer ; but the old popish priests , that by a seeming returne to our religion did through indulgence retaine their places , from returning to the old masse . that which makes many refuse to be present at our church service , is not onely the liturgy it self , but the imposing of it upon ministers . and we finde no way to recover our people to a stinted prayer , but by leaving it free to use or not to use . if it be objected , that this will breed divisions and disturbances in churches , unlesse there be a uniformity , and that there are many unable . it hath not bred any disturbance in other reformed churches . why should the free liberty of using or not using a liturgy , breed more confusion then the free liberty of reading or not reading homilies ? especially when ministers shall teach people , not to condemne one another in things indifferent . if there be a care taken in those that have the power to make ministers , to choose men gifted as well for prayer as preaching , there cannot be conceived how any inconvenience should follow . or if afterwards it should appeare , that any minister should prove insufficient to discharge the duty of prayer in a conceived way , it may be imposed on him as a punishment , to use set forms and no other . but why any minister that hath the gift of prayer , in an abundant measure , as well as of preaching , should be hindered from exercising his gift well , because another useth it ill , is a new divinity never heard of in gods church , till bishop wrens dayes , who forbad all use of conceived prayer in the church . sect . iii. we come now with your honours favour , to the second point disputed in this remonstrance , episcopacy it selfe , against which , whatsoever hath been either spoken or written by any , either learned divines , or well-reformed churches ( as his conscience knows , there are of both that have writ against it ) is taxed by him as no other then the unjust clamors either of weak or factious persons . sure the man thinkes he hath obtained a monopoly of learning , and all knowledge is lockt up in his bosome ; and not onely knowledge but piety and peaceablenesse too ; for all that are not of his opinion , must suffer either as weak or factious , if he may be their judge . we know not what this arrogancy might attempt to fasten upon your honours , should the bowels of your compassion be enlarged , to weigh in the ballance of your wisedomes , the multitude of humble petitions , presented to you from several parts of this kingdome , that hath long groaned under the iron and insupportable yoake of this episcopal government , which yet we doubt not , but your honours will please to take into your prudent and pious consideration : especially knowing it is their continual practise to loade with the odious names of faction all that justly complaine of their unjust oppression . in his addresse to his defence of episcopacy , he makes an unhappy confession that he is confounded in himselfe . your honours may in this believe him ; for he that reades this remonstrance , may easily observe so many falsities and contradictions , ( though presented to publike view , with a face of confident boldnesse , ) as could not fall from the pen of any , but self-confounded man ▪ which though we doubt not but your honours have descryed ; yet because they are hid from an errant and unobserving eye , under the embroyderies of a silken language , we humbly crave your honours leave to put them one by one upon the file , that the world may see what credit is to be given to the bold assertions of this confident remonstrant . first , in his second page , he dubs his book * the faithful messenger of all a the peaceable and right affected sons of the church of england : which words ( besides that unchristian theta , which as we already observed , they set upon all that are not of his party , ) carry in the bowels of them a notorious falsity and contradiction to the phrase of the book ; for how could this book be the m●ss●nger of all his own party in england , when it is not to be imagined , that all could know of the coming forth of this book before it was published ? and how can that book crave admittance in all their names , that speakes in the singular number , and as in the person of one man almost tht whole book thorow . but it may be some will say , this is but a small slip ; well be it so : but in the seventh page he layes it on in four lines , asserting these four things : first , that episcopall government , ( that very same episcopal government , which some he saith seeke to wound , that is government by diocesan bishops ) derives it self from the apostles times ; which though we shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more fully confute anon , yet we cannot here but rank it among his notorious — : for how could there be such government of a diocesse by a bishop derived from the apostles times , when in the apostles times there were no bishops distinct from presbyters , as we shall shew ? and if there had been bishops , yet they were no diocesans ; for it was a hundred yeares after christ , or as most agree 260. before parishes were distinguished , and there must be a distinction of parishes before there could be an union of them into diocesses . secondly , it is by the joynt confession of all reformed divines granted , that this sacred government is derived from the apostles : what all reformed divines ? was calvin , beza , iunius , &c. of that minde ? are the reformed churches of france , scotland , netherlands , of that judgement ? we shall shew anon that there is no more truth in this assertion then if he had said with anaxagoras , snow is black , or with copernicus , tho earth moves , and the heavens stand stil. thirdly , he saith this government hath continued without any interruption : what doth he meane , at rome ? for we reade in some places of the world this government was never known for many yeares together : as in scotland , we read that in ancient times the scots were instructed in the christian faith by priests and monkes , and were without bishops 290. yeares : yea to come to england , we would desire to know of this remonstrant whether god had a church in england in q. maries dayes or no ? and if so , who were then the bishops of this church , for some there must be , if it be true that this man saith , this government hath continued without any interruption unto this day , and bishops then we know not where to finde but in the line of popish succession . fourthly , he saith it hath thus continued without the contradiction of any one congregation in the christian world . it seemes he hath forgotten , what their own darling heylin hath written of the people of biscay in spaine , that they admit of no bishops to come among them ; for when ferdinand the catholike came in progresse accompanied among others with the bishop of pampelone , the people rose up in armes , drove back the bishop , and gathering up all the dust which they thought he had trode on , flung it into the sea. which story had it been recorded onely by him , would have been of lighter credit . but we reade the same in the spanish chronicle , who saith more then the doctor : for he tels us that the people threw that dust that the bishop or his mule had trode on , into the sea with curses and imprecations : which certainly saith he was not done without some mystery , those people not being voide of religion , but superstitiously devout as the rest of the spaniards are : so that there is one congregation in the christian world in which this government hath met with contradiction . and are not the french , scottish , and belgick churches worthy to be counted christian congregations ? and who knowes not that amongst these this government hath met not onely with verbal but reall contradiction ? yet he cannot leave his — : but within two pages is at it againe ; and tels us of an unquestionable clearenesse wherein it hath been from the apostles derived to us : how unquestionable ? when the many volumes written about it , witnesse to the world , and to his conscience , it hath been as much questioned as any point ( almost ) in our religion . and that assertion of his that tels us that the people of god had a forme of prayer as ancient as moses , which was constantly practised to the apostles dayes , and by the apostles , &c. though we have shewed how bold and false this assertion is , yet we mention it here as deserving to be put into the catalogue . and that he may not seem contra mentem ire , but to be of the same minde still , p. 18. he saith , episcopal government hath continued in this island ever since the first plantation of the gospel without contradiction . had he taken a lesse space of time , and said but since the resuscitation of the gospel : we can prove it to him and shall , that since the reformation , episcopacy hath been more contradicted , then ever the papacy was before the extirpation of it . yet still the man runs on , thinking to get credit to his untruths by their multiplications ; for pag. 21. he saith ; certainly , except all histories , all authors faile us , nothing can be more certaine then this truth : os durum ! nothing more certaine ! what is it not more certain that there is a god ? is it not more certain that christ is god and man ? is it not more certain that christ is the only saviour of the world ? nothing more certain ! must this th●n be an article of our creed , the corner stone of our religion ? must this be of necessity to salvation ? nothing more certain ! o that men should not onely forget themselves , but god also : and in their zeale for their own honour utter words bordering upon blasphemy . indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these falsities of his any further ; we will leave this displeasing service , onely retorting the words of this remonstrant upon himself , surely could he look with our eyes ( or any eyes that were not partial ) he would see cause to be throughly ashamed of these his grosse injurious miscarriages , and should be forced to confesse , that never good cause ( if cause be good ) had more reason to complaine of a sinful prosecution . sect . iv. we will now come with your honours patience , to weigh whether there be any more strength in his arguments , then there is truth in his assertions . his plea for episcopacy consists of two parts . in the first he brings arguments for the supporting of it . in the second he undertakes to answer the objections that may be made against it . his first argument for it , is couched in these words ; were this ordinance meerly humane or ecclesiastical , if there c●uld no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding ancient , of more then 15. hundred years , &c. the strength of which argument lies in this , that they have been in peaceable possession of this government fifteen hundered years and upwards ; and in this island ever since the gospel , without contradiction . in which words he speaks two things which deserve just c●nsure . first , that the hierarchical government hath continued for fifteen hundred years ; therefore should not now be altered ; which may well be called , as hierom in another case , argumentum galeatum , an argument calculated for the meridian of episcopacy , and may indifferently serve for all religions in the world : for thus the jews might have pleaded against christ the antiquity of more then so many hundred years ; and thus the heathens did plead against the christian religion , which iustin martyr in his apology answers . and by this argument the pope sits as fast rivetted in his chayre at rome , as ours in theirs : whose plea for antiquity runs parallel with theirs . it is a good observation of cyprian , that christ said , ego sum via , veritas & vita ; not ego sum consuetudo ; and * that consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris , christ is truth , and not custome ; and custome withou truth , is a mouldy error : and as sir francis bacon saith , antiquity without truth , is a cypher without a figure . yet had this b remonstrant been as well versed in antiquity , as he would bear the world in hand he hath , he might have found learned ancients affirming , there was a time when the church was not governed by bishops , but by presbyters . and when by bishops , he might further have seen more affinity between our bishops and the pope of rome , then between the primitive bishops and them . and that as king iames of famous memory , said of the religion of england , that it differed no more from rome , then rome did from what it was at first ; may as truly be said of bishops , that we differ no more from them then they do from what bishops were , when first they were raised unto this eminency : which difference we shall shew in our ensuing discourse , to be so great , that as he said of rome , he did roman in roma quaerere , he sought rome in rome ; so wee episcopatum in episcopatu , may go seek for a bishop among all our bishops . and whereas in his application of this argument to the bishops of this nation , he saith , it hath continued in this island ever since the first plantation of the gospel , without contradiction ; which is his second in this argument : how false this is , we have declared already ; and we all know , and himselfe cannot but know , that there is no one thing since the r●formation , that hath met with so much contradiction as episcopacy hath done ; witness the several books written in the reigns of our several princes , and the many petitions exhibited to our several parliaments , and the many speeches made therein againg episcopal government : many of which are yet extant . as for that supply of accessory strength , which he begs to this argument , from the light of nature , and the rules of just policy , which ( saith he ) teacheth us not easily to give way to the change of those things which long use and many * laws have firmly established , as necessary and beneficial ; it is evident , that those things which to former ages have seemed necessary and beneficial , may to succeeding generations , prove not necessary but noxious , not beneficial , but burthensome ; and then the same light of nature , and the same just policy , that did at the first command the establishment of them , may and will perswade their abolishment ; if not , either our parliaments must never repeale any of their former acts ( which yet they have justly and wisely done ) or else in so doing must run counter to the light of nature , and the rules of just policy ; which to think were an impiety to be punished by the judge . sect . v. the second argument for the defence of episcopal government , is from the pedigree of this holy calling , which he derives from no less then an apostolical , and in that right divine institution ; and assayes to prove it from the practice of the apostles and as he saith , the clear practice of their successors , continued i' christs church to this very day : and to this argument he so much confides , that he concludes it with this triumphant epiphonema , what scruple can remain in any ingenuous heart ? and determins , if any continue yet unsatisfied , it is in despight of reason , and all evidence of history , and because he wilfully shuts his eyes with a purpose not to see the light . bona verba . by your favour sir , we will tell you notwithstanding the supposed strength of your argumentation , there is one scruple yet remaining ; and if you would know upon what ground , it is this ; because we find in scripture ( which by your own confession is o●iginal authority ) that bishops and presbyters were originally the same , though afterwards they came to be distinguished : and in process of time , episcopacy did swallow up all the honor and power of the presbytery , as pharaoh's lean kine did the fat . their identity is discernable : first , from the same names given unto both : secondly , from the same office designed unto both in scripture . as for the names , are not the same names given unto both in sacred writ ? let the fifth , sixth , and seventh verses of the first chapter to titus testifie : in the fifth verse , the apostle shews that he left titus in creet to ordain elders in every city ; in the sixth verse , he gives a delineation of the persons that are capable of such ordination : and in the seventh , the reason , why the person to be ordained , must be so qualified : for a bishop , &c. now if the bishop and elder be not here the same , but names of distinct office and order , the apostles reason rendred in the seventh verse of his direction in the fifth and sixth verses , is ( with reverence be it spoken ) inconsequential , and his demand unjust . if a chancellor in one of the universities should give order to his vice-chancellor to admit none to the degree of batchelour in arts , but such as were able to preach , or keep a divinity act : for batchelours in divinity must be so : what reason or equity were in this ? so if paul leaving titus as his lecum tenens , as it were in creet for a season , should give order to him not to admit any to be an elder but one thus and thus qualified , because a bishop must be so : had a bishop been an order or calling distinct from , or superior to a presbyte● , and not the same , this had been no more rational or equal then the former : therefore under the name of bishop in the seventh verse the apostle intends the elder mentioned in the fifth verse . consonant to this is the language of the same apostle , acts. 20. v. 17.18 . where such as in 17. verse he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders , in the 18. he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ordinary english , bishops , though our translation there , ( we know not for what reason ) reads it overseers : not so rendring the word in any other text. and though this remonstrant undertakes to shew a clear and received distinction of bishops , presbyters , & deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings in gods church , with an evident specification of the duty & charge belonging to each of them , or else let this claimed hierarchy be for ever hooted out of the church : yet let us tell him , that we never find in scripture these three orders , bishops , presbyters , and deacons , mentioned together : but onely bishops and deacons , as phil. 1. and 1. tim. nor do we find in scripture any ordination to the office of a bishop , differing from the ordination of an elder : nor do we find in scripture , the specification of any duty charged upon a bishop , that elders are secluded from : nor any qualification required in a bishop , that is not requisite in every presbyter ; some of wh●ch , if not all , would be found , were they not the same . but if this remonstrant think to help himselfe by taking sanctuary in antiquity ( though we would gladly rest in scripture , the sanctuary of the lord ) yet we will follow him thither , and there shew him that hierome from the scriptures proves more then once , presbyters and bishops to be the same . and chrysostome in philip. 1. homil. 2. with his admirer theophilact in philip. 1. affirms that while the apostles lived , the names of bishops and presbyters were not distinguished : and not onely while the apostles lived , but in after ages . doth not irenaeus use the name of bishops and presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a promiscuous sense ? are not anicetus , pius , hyginus , telesphorus , sixtus , whom the papists call bishops , and the popes predecessors , termed by eusebius presbyters ? nor was it strange in the primitive times to hear bishops called presbyters , when presbyters writing to their bishop have called him frater . so cyprian ( epist. 26. in the beginning ) is stiled by his presbyters , deacons and confessors ; nor was that holy martyr offended with that title , nor they condemned of insolency that used it . but what should we burthen your patience with more testimonies , when the evidence of this truth hath shined with so strong a beam that even our adversaries have stooped to it , and confessed that their names were the same in the apostles time ? but yet say they , the offices were distinct . now here we would gladly know , what these men make the distinct office of a bishop . is it to edifie the church by word and sacrament ? is it to ordain others to that work ? is it to rule , to govern , by admonition and other censures ? if any of these , if all these make up the proper worke of a bishop ; we can prove from scripture that all these belong unto the presbytery , a which is no more then was granted by a councel . for the first , edifying of the church by word and sacraments , though we feare they will some of them at least scarce own this as their proper worke ( for some have been cited into the high commissision for saying , it belongs to them ) yet sir we are sure , scripture makes it a part , a chiefe of the episcopal office ; for so in the 1 pet. 5.2 . they are said to doe the work of a bishop , when they do feed the flock of god. and this is such a work as we hope their lordships will give the poor presbyters leave to share with them in : or if not , we will tell them that the apostle peter in that forecited place , and the apostle paul , acts. 20. binds this work upon our hands , and woe unto us if we preach not the gospel . but this branch of episcopal and presbyterial office we passe with brevity , because in this there lies not so much controversie as in the next , which they doe more wholly impropriate to themselves : the power of ordination . which power , that it was in former times in the hands of presbyters , appeares 1 tim. 4.14 . neglect not the gift which was given thee by prophesie , and by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . the gift here spoken of is the ministerial gift , the exercise whereof , the apostle exhorts timothy not to neglect , which saith he , he had received , not by the laying on of the hands of one single man , whether apostle , or bishop , or presbyter , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the presbytery , that is , the whole company of presbyters , for in that sense onely we finde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in scripture , as in luke 22. vers . 66. act. 22. vers . 5. which the christian church called the ecclesiastical senate as ierom in isay 3. nos habemus in ecclesia senatum nostrum , coetum presbyterorum , & an apostolical senate : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignatius epis . ad magnes . and some times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concil . ancyr . can. 18. and though the apostle in his second epistle to tim. 1.6 . makes mention of the laying on of his hands : yet to maintaine the harmony of scripture , it must not be denied but there was imposition of hands by the presbytery as wel as by himself , and so it was a joynt act ; so that in this there is no more difference then in the former . and if there be no difference between presbyters in feeding or ordaining , let us see if there be any in the third part of their office of ruling , which though our bishops assume wholly to themselves , yet we shall discover , that it hath been committed to and exercised by presbyteriall hands . for who are they of whom the scripture speakes , heb. 13.17 . obey them that have the rule over you ? for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account , &c. here all such as watch over the souls of gods people , are intituled to rule over them . so that unlesse bishops will say , that they on●ly watch over the souls of gods people , and are only to give an account for them , they cannot challenge to themselves the sole rule over them . and if the bishop● can give us good security , that they will acquit us from giving up our account to god for the souls of his people , we will quit our plea , and resigne to them the sole rule over th●m . so againe in the 1 thessa. 5.12 . know them which labour amongst you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you . in which words are contained these truthes ; first that in one church ( for the thessalonions were but one church , 1 , ca. ) there was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not one chiefe bishop or president , but the presidency was in many . secondly , that this presidency was of such as laboured in the word and doctrine . thirdly , that the censures of the church were managed not by one , but by them all in communi . them that admonish you . fourthly , that there was among them a parity : for the apostle bids know them in an indifferency , not discriminating one from another : yea such was the rule that elders had , that s. peter thought it needful to make an exhortation to them to use their power with moderation , not lording it over gods heritage , 1 pet. 5.3 . by this time we have sufficiently proved from scripture , that bishops and presbyters are the same in name , in office , in edifying the church , in power of ordination and jurisdiction : we sum up all that hath been spoken in one argument : they which have the same name , the same ordination to their office , the same qualification for their office , the same worke to feed the flock of god , to ordaine pastors and elders , to rule and governe ; they are one and the same office : but such are bishops and presbyters : ergo. sect . vi. but the dint of all this scripture , the remonstrant would elude , by obtruding upon his reader a commentary ( as he calls it ) of the apostles own practise ( which he would force to contradict their own rules ) to which he superadds the unquestionable glosse of the cleare practise of their immediate successors in this administration . for the apostles practice , we have already discovered it , from the apostles own writings ; and for his glosse he superadds , if it corrupts not the text , we shall admit it ; but if it doe , we must answer with tertullian ; id verum quodcunque primum : id adulterum quod posterius , whatsoever is first is true ; but that which is latter is adulterous . in the examination of this glosse , to avoyd needlesse controversie , first , we take for granted by both sides , that the first and best antiquity , used the names of bishops and presbyters promiscuously . secondly , that in processe of time , some one was honoured with the name of bishop , and the rest were called presbyters or cleri . thirdly , that this was not nomen inane , but there was some kinde of imparity between him and the rest of the presbyters . yet in this we differ ; that they say , this impropriation of name , and imparity of place , is of divine right and apostolical institution : we affirme both to be occasional , and of humane invention ; and undertake to shew out of antiquity , both the occasion upon which , and ●he persons by whom this imparity was brought into the church . on our parts stands ierome and ambrose , and others , whom we doubt not but our remonstrant will grant a place among his glossators : saint ierome tells us in 1 tit. idem est ergo presbyt●r qui episcopus : & antequam diaboli instinctu , studia in religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , eco sum pauli , ego apollo , ego cephae , communi presbyterorū consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur . postquam vero unusquisque eos quos bap●izaverat suos putabat esse , non christi ; in toto orbe decretum est , ut unus de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret , & schismatum semina tollerentur . putat aliquis non scripturarum , sed nostram esse sententiam , episcopum & presbyterum unum esse , & aliud aetatis , aliud esse nomen of●ic●i , relegat apostoli ad philippenses verba , dicentis , paulus & timothaeus servi iesu christi qui sunt philippis , cum episcopis & diaconis , &c. philippi una est urbs macedoniae , & certè in una civitate non poterant plures esse ( ut nuncupantur ) episcopi , &c. sicut ergo presbyteri sciant se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse subjectos ; ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , & in communi debere ecclesiam regere . a presbyter and a bishop is the same : and before there were through the devils instinct , divisions in religion , and the people began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollo , and i o● cephas , the churches were governed by the common-councell of the presbyters . but after that each man began to account those whom he had baptized his own , and not christs ; it was decreed thorow the whole world , that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the care of all the church should belong , that the seeds of schisme might be taken away . thinks any , that this is my opinion , and not the opinion of the scripture , that a bishop and an elder is the same ? let him read the words of the apostle to the philippians , saying , paul and timothy , the servants of jesus christ , to them that are at philippi , with the bishops and deacons , philippi is one city of macedonia , and certainly in one city there could not be many bishops ( as they are now called &c. ) and after the allegations of many other scriptures , he concludes thus ; as the elders therefore may know , that they are to be subject to him that is set over them by the custome of the church ; so let the bishops know , that it is more from custome , then from any true dispensation from the lord , that they are above the presbyters , & that they ought to rule the church in common . in which words of ierome , these five things present themselves to the readers view ; first , that bishops and presbyters are originally the same ; idem . ergo est presbyter qui episcopus . secondly , that that imparity that was in his time between bishops and elders , was grounded upon ecclesiastical custome , and not upon devine institution ; episcopi noverint , &c. thirdly , that this was not his private judgement , but the judgement of scripture ; putat aliquis , &c. fourthly , that before this priority was upon this occasion started , the church was governed communi presbyterorum consilio , by the counsel of the presbyters in common , and that even after this imparity , it ought to be so governed ; sciant episcopi se ecclesiam debere in communi regere . fifthly , that the occasion of this imparity and superiority of bishops above elders , was the divisions which through the devils instinct fell among the churches ; postquam verò diaboli instinctu . saravia would take advantage of this place , to deduce this imparity as high as from the apostles times , because even then they began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollos : but sure s. ierome was not so weake as this man would make him , to speak inconsistencies ; and when he propounds it to himself , to prove that bishops and presbyters are in scripture the same , to let fall words that should confute his own proposition : whereas therefore s. ierome saith , that after men began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollos , &c. it was decreed that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest , &c. this is spoken indeed in the apostles phrase , but not of the apostles times , else to what purpose , is that coacervation of texts that followes ? but suppose it should be granted to be of apostolical antiquity ( which yet we grant not , having proved the contrary ) yet it appeares , it was not of apostolical intention , but of diabolical occasion : and though the devil by kindling divisions in the church , did minister occasion to the invention of the primacy or prelacy or one for the suppressing of schisme ; yet there is just cause to think , that the spirit of god in his apostles was never the author of this invention . first , because we read in the apostles dayes there were divisions , rom. 16.7 . and schismes , 1 cor. 3.3 . and 11.18 . yet the apostle was not directed by the holy ghost to ordaine bishops for the taking away of those divisions . neither in the rules he prescribes for the healing of those breaches , doth he mention bishops for that end : nor in the directions given to timothy and titus for the ordination of bishops or elders , doth he mention this as one end of their ordination , or one peculiar duty of their office . and though the apostle saith , oportet haereses inter vos esse , ut qui probati sunt manifesti fiant inter vos ; yet the apostle no where saith , oportet episcopos esse , ut tollantur haereses , quae manifestae fiunt . secondly , because as doctor whitaker saith , the remedy devised hath proved worse then the disease , which doth never happen to that remedy whereof the holy ghost is the author . thirdly , because the holy ghost , who could foresee what would ensue thereupon , would never ordaine that for a remedy , which would not onely be ineffectual to the cutting off of evil , but become a stirrup for antichrist to get into his saddle . for if there be a necessity of setting up one bishop over many presbyters for preventing schismes , there is as great a necessity of setting up one archbishop over many bishops , and one patriarch over many archbishops , and one pope over all , unlesse men will imagine , that there is a danger of schisme onely among presbyters , and not among bishops and archbishops , which is contrary to reason , truth , history , and our own experience . and lest our adversaries should appeale from hierome as an incompetent judge in this case , because a presbyter , and so a party , we will therefore subjoyne the judgments of other ancient fathers who were themselves bishops . the commentaries that go under the name of saint ambrose upon ephes. 4. mention another occasion of this discrimination or priority ; and that was * the increase and dilatation of the church upon occasion whereof they did ordaine rectors or governours , and other officers in the church ; yet this he grants , that this did differ from the former orders of the church , and from apostolical writ . and this rectorship or priority was devolved at first from one elder to another by succession , when he who was in the place was removed , the next in order among the elders succeeded . but this was afterwards changed , and that unworthy men might not be preferred , it was made a matter of election , and not a matter of succession . thus much we finde concerning the occasion of this imparity , enough to shew , it is not of divine authority . for the second thing , the persons who brought in this imparity : the same authors tells us , the presbyters themselves brought it in ; witnesse hierome ad evag. alexandriae presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collacatum , episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faceret , aut diaconi de se archidiaconum . the presbyters of alexandria did call him their bishop , whom they had chosen from among themselves , & placed in a higher degree ; as if an army should make an emperour , or the deacons an archdeacon . ambrose upon the fourth of the ephesians tells us , it was done by a councell , and although he neither name the time nor place of the councel , yet ascribing it to a councell he grants it not to be apostolical : this gave occasion to others to sixe it upon custome as hieronym , in tit. and august . epist. 19. secundùm honorum vocabula quae ecclesiae usus obtinuit episcopatus presbyterio major est , and had that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or prelacy had the seal and confirmation of divine or apostolical authority , gregory nazianzene would never in such a pathetick manner have wished the abolition of it , as he doth in his 28. oration . and now where is that acknowledgement , and conveyance of imparity and iurisdiction which saith this remonstrant was derived from the apostles hands , and deduced in an uninterupted l●ne , unto this day : where is it ? we finde no such imparity delivered from apostolical hands , nor acknowledged in apostolical writings ; yet had there been such an acknowledgement and conveyance of imparity : how this should have been deduced to us in an uninterrupted line , we know not , unlesse our bishops will draw the line of their pedigree through the ●oynes of antichrist , and joyne issue , and mingle blood with rome : which it seemes they will rather doe then lose this plea for their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their tyrannical prerogative , as nazianzen calls it , suffer us therefore humbly to appeale to your honours , whether this remonstrant hath not given sentence against himself , who is so confident of the evidence of his cause , that he doth not feare to say , if there can be better evidence under heaven for any matter of fact then there is for his episcopacy : let episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of the church of god. sect . vii . yet it seems himselfe in the height of his confidence was not without jelousies , of some thing might be spoken against his cause , therefore he seems to heare , what is spoken against it . that the apostles bishops and ours are two : there was no other then a parochial pastor , a preaching presbyter without inequallity , without any rule over his brethren . ours claime an eminent superiority , and a power of ordination and iurisdiction unknowne to the primitive times . that this which he supposeth he heares us say is scripture truth we have shewed already , &c. that there was a parity between presbyters and bishops : and that eminent superiority and power of ordination and iurisdiction which our bishops claime , was unknown to scripture : and are now prepared by gods assistance to prove , it was unknown to primitive times . but how doth this remonstrant meete with this reply : alas , alas , how good people may be abused by misinformation ! it seemes the man judged this reply so poor as in his thoughts it was more worthy of his pitty , then of his paines to answer , or rather knew there was more in this reply , then he knew how to answer , and therefore waves it with his rhetoricke . and this we rather think , because he knowes but little in antiquity , that knowes not , that there is so vast a difference between our bishops , and those that were not onely in the apostles dayes ( whom we have proved to be undistinguished from presbyters ) but those bishops that were in the church 400. yeares after , when there began to be some discrimination , that episcopacy may well be likened to the ship argo , that was so often repaired , as there was nothing left of the first materials ; yet still it challenged the first name . which difference we spread before your honours in three particulars : first in point of election to their office ; secondly , in point of execution of their office ; thirdly , in point of state-imployment . first ( having discovered already upon what occasion this priority began to have existence in the church , and from whom it first received its being , not from god but from consent and custome of the churches , according to ambrose , ierome , augustine , &c. ) we come now to declare what was the manner of election unto this priority in these times , and to shew first , how therein these bishops did differ from ours : for all their elections were ordered by the privity , consent , and approbation of the people , where the bishops was to serve . were there no other authors to make this good , cyprian alone would doe it , among other places let his 68. epistle witn●sse , where he saith * plebs maxime habet potestatem , &c. the people specially have power either of chusing worthy priests , or rejecting the unworthy : for this is derived from divine authority , that the priests should be chosen in the presence of the people , before all their eyes and approved as fit and worthy by their publike vote and testimony . this he proves by the testimony of sacred writ both old and new. where we observe first , that the special power of judging of the worthinesse or unworthinesse of a man for the prelacy was in the breast of the peogle . secondly , the special power of choosing or rejecting eo his place according as they judged him worthy or unworthy resided in the people , plebs maximè habet potestatem , &c. thirdly , that this power did descend upon the people de divina authoritate . nor was this the judgement of one sole man , but of an affrican synod consulted by the spanish churches in point of election , as the inscription of the epistle shewes . a the obtrusion of a bishop upon the church of alexandria without the presence , desire and vote of the clergy or people is condemned by athanasius not onely as a breach of canon , but as a transgression of apostolical prescript , and that it did compel or necessitate the heathen to blaspheme . nor did onely christian bishops , but christian princes acknowledge the right and power of election of bishops to be in the people , so that admired constantine the great promover and patron of the peace of the christian church writing to the church of nicomedia against eusebius , and theognius , tells them the ready way to lay asleep the tumults that did then disturbe the church about the election of a bishop was , si modo episcopum fidelem & integrum nacti fuerint , quod quidem in praesentia in vestrâ situm est potestate , quodque etiam dudùm penes vestrum iudicium fuerat , nisi eusebius de quo dixi pravo corum , qui cum juverunt consilio hac praeceps ruisset & rectum eligendi ordinem impudenter conturbasset . gelas in act , concil . nicen. part . 3. if they would get a faithful and upright bishop which saith he , is in your power presently to doe ; and was long agoe , if eusebius with the aide of his faction , had not rushed in upon you , and impudently disturbed the right order of election . that which this sacred emperour calls the right order of election , what is it but the election by the people ? in whose power , he saith it then was and long had been to choose a bishop ; and by whose power the next bishop was chosen . so the same author tells us , that after eusebius and theognius were cast out of their several seats for arianisme , by the councel of nice , others were appointed in their roomes by the clergy and people of each diocesse . to this election in nicomedia , we could ( if it were needful in so cleare a truth ) adde many the like presidents of popular elections ; which for brevities sake , we passe over . not questioning , but that which hath been spoken , is sufficient to informe the intelligent reader , that our bishops and the bishops of former times , are two in point of election . sect . viii . a second thing wherein we have undertaken to shew , that our bishops and the bishops of former times are two , is in the execution of their office : and here there are three things , wherein he that will not wilfully shut his eyes against all light , may see a latitude of difference between ours and former bishops . first , in that sole iurisdiction which our bishops assume to themselves . secondly , in the delagation they make of the power of exercising this jurisdiction unto others . thirdly , in the way of the exercise of that power . for the first of these , their sole iurisdiction ; that our bishops assume this to themselves , it is known and felt , and that this sole iurisdiction was a stranger , a monster to former times , we shall now prove , and make cleare ; that the power of ordination , admonition , excommunication , absolution , was not in the hands of any sole man. first , for ordination , cyprian in his exile writing to his charge , certifies them , that aurelius was ordained by him and his colleagues , who were present with him ; ( who were these colleagues , but his presbyters ; as he himself expounds it , writing to lucius in his own name , and the name of his clergy and people , ego & collegae & fraternitas omnis , &c. i and my colleagues and my whole people send these letters to you , &c. so that it is cleare in cyprians time , presbyters had a hand in ordination , and bishops did not ordaine alone . firmilianus saith of them that rule in the church , quod baptizandi , manvm imponendi et ordinandi , poffident potestatem . and who those he , he expresseth a little before , seniores & prapositi : by whom the presbyters as well as the bishops are understood . and as these places prove , that bishops in the primitive time , could not ordain alone without the presbyters ; so there are that give us light to understand , that the presbyters might ordain without the bishop . the author of the comment upon the ephesians , that goes under the name of of ambrose , saith , apud egyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus , in egypt the presbyters ordain , if the bishop be not present ; so saith augustine in the same words ; and the corepiscopus , who was but a presbyter , had power to impose hands , and to ordaine within his precincts , with the bishops licence . now licences confer not a power to him that hath it not , but onely a faculty to exercise that power he hath . the iniquity of our times hath been such , that a minister may not preach to his own flock , without a licence : doth this licence make a man a minister , and give him power to preach , or only a faculty and liberty to exercise that power ? should a bishop give a laike a licence to preach , or to ordain , doth that licence make him a minister , or a bishop ? sure all will say , no : why ? because in the laike there is not actus primus , the root and principle of that power , which licence onely opens a way to the exercise of ; and therefore that must be concluded to be in those chorepiscopi ; or presbyters , by vertue of their place and calling , and not by vertue of a licence . so that the power of ordination was so farre from residing in the bishop alone , as that the presbyters and corepiscopi had power to ordain as well as he . neither was this onely a matter of ecclesiastical custome , but of ecclesiastical constitution , which bids the bishop ; first , in all his ordinations to consult with his clergy ; vt episcopus sine concilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet : that the bishop shall not ordain a clergy man without the counsel of the clergy : this was cyprians practice , epist. 33. secondly , in his ordinations to take the ●oncurrent assistance of his presbyters ; cum ordinatur presbyter , episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri qui praesentes sunt , manus suas juxta manum episcopi sut er caput illius teneant . when a presbyter is ordained , the bishop blessing him , and holding his hand upon his head , all the presbyters that are present , shall likewise lay their hands upon his head , with the hands of the bishop . in which canon , we have the unanimous vote of two hundred and fourteen bishops , declaring that the power of ordination is in the hands of presbyters as well as bishops . and whereas it may be objected , that hierome and chrysostome , affirming bishops to differ from presbyters in the power of ordination , seem to imply , that that power is soly theirs : here wee desire it may be observed . first , that these fathers put all the difference that lies betweene bishops and presbyters , to be in point of ordination . quid facit episcopus , quod non facit presbyter exceptá ordinatione . and therefore chrysostome himselfe confesseth , that in his days there was litle or no difference between a bishop and a presbyter . inter episcopum & presbyterum interest fermè nihil , &c. secondly , that this difference is not so to he understood , as if these fathers did hold it to be by divine right ( as bellarmin and our episcopal men would make us beleeve ) but by a humane constitution . and therefore they do not speak de jure but de facto , quid facit , &c. not quid debet facere . and this hierom confesseth . so leo prim . ep . 88. upon complaints of unlawful ordinations , writing to the germane and french bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the bishops , among which he set down presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio , and then addes , quae omnia solis deberi summis pontificibus authoritate canonam praecipitur : so that for this power of ordination , they are more beholden to the canon of the church , then to the canon of gods word . thirdly , we answer that this very humane difference was not in the primitive antiquity . it was not so in cyprians time , as we even now shewed . and when it did prevaile , it was but a particular custome ( and sometimes usurpation ) of some churches . for it was otherwise appointed in the councel of carthage , and in egypt , and other places , as is declared in the former part of this section ; and even in chrysostomes time , it was so little approved of , that it was one great accusation against chrysostome himselfe , that he made ordinations without the presbytery , and without the consent of his clergy , this is quoted by bishop downam , lib. 1. cap. 8. pag. 176. sect . ix . no● had the bishops of former times more right to the power of sole iurisdiction , then of sole ordination : and here we have confitentem reum , our very adversaries confess the votes of antiquity are with us . cyprian professeth , that he would do nothing without the clergy ; nay , he could do nothing without them ; nay , he durst not take upon him alone to determine that which of right did belong to all ; and had he or any other done so , the fourth councel of carthage condemns the sentence of the bishop , as irritanisi clericorum sententiâ confirmetur . would ye know the particulars , wherein the bishops had no power of judicature without their presbyters . first , in judging and censuring presbyters themselves , and their doctrine ; for this the canon law in gratian is full and cleare : episcopus non potest iudicare presbyterum vel diaconum sine synodo & senioribus : thus basill counselled and practised , epist. 75. so ambr. lib. 10. epist. 80. cyril in epist. ad iohannem antiochen . thus gregory ad iohan. panor mitan . lib. 11. epist. 49. secondly , in judging of the conversation or crimes of any of the members of the church : penes presbyteros est disciplina quae facit homines meliores ; that discipline that workes emendation in men , is in the power of the elders . and therefore when any was questioned in point of conversation , he was brought , saith tertullian , into the congregation where were exhortations , castigations , and divine censures : and who had the chiefe stroke in these censures , he tells us after : president probati quique seniores : all the approved elders sit as presidents . and those censures that passed by the whole presbytery were more approved by the church in ancient times , then such as were passed by one man ; for we finde that when syagrius and ambrose passed sentence in the same case , the church was unsatisfied in the sentence of syagrius , because he past it sine alicujus fratris consilio , without the counsel or consent of any of his brethren . but were pacified with the sentence of saint ambrose : because , saith he , hoc iudicium nostrum cum fratribus & consacerdotibus participatum processerit . nor was there any kinde of censures that the bishops did administer alone : admonitions were given by the elders ; augustine tells us the elders did admonish such as were offenders ▪ to the same purpose speakes . origen . contra celsum . lib. 3. * so excommunication , though that being the dreadfullest thunder of the church , and as tertullian calls it , sumntum praejudicium futuri iudicij , the great fore-runner of the judgement of god , was never vibrated but by the hand of those that laboured in the word and doctrine : yet was no one man in the church invested with this power more then another . therefore saith b hierom ; presbytero si peccavero licet me tradere satanae in interitum carnis . if i sinne , a presbyter ( not a bishop only ) may deliver me to satan , to the destruction , &c. where the reader may please to take notice that saint hierom speakes not of one particular presbyter , but of the order of presbyters . the same s. hierom saith againe , sunt quos ecclesia reprehendit , quos interdum abijcit , in quos non nunquam episcoporum & clericorum censura desaevit . there be some whom the church reproves , and some which she casts out ; against whom the censures of bishops and presbyters sharply proceed ; where we see , the censures whereby wicked men were cast out of the church , were not in the sole hands of the bishops , but likewise in the hands of presbyters . syricius bishop of rome signifies to the church of millaine , that iovinianus , auxentius , &c. were cast out of the church for ever , and he sets down how they did it , omnium nostrum tam presbyterorum quam diacon●rum , quam totius etiam cleri sciscitata fuit sententia . there was a concurrence of all presbyters , deacons , and the whole clergy in that sentence of excommunication . the truth herein may be further evidenced by this , because the whole clergy as well as the bishops imposed hands upon such , as repenting were absolved : nec ad communicationem ( saith cyprian ) venire quis possit , nisi prius ab episcopo & clero manus illi fuerit imposita : no man that hath been excommunicated might returne to church-communion , before hands had been laid upon him by the bishop and clergy . also writing to his clergy concerning lapsed christians , he tells them , exomologesi facta & manu eis à vobis in poenitentiam impositâ , &c. that after confession and the laying on their hands , they might be commended unto god : so when certaine returning from their heresie were to be received into the church at rome in the time of cornelius , they came before the presbytery , and therefore confessed their sinnes , and so were admitted . but though the sentence of excommunication was managed onely by the hand of those that laboured in the word and doctrine , yet we will not conceale from you , that neither excommunication not absolution did passe without the knowledge and approbation of the body of the church , to which the delinquent did belong . so we have learned out of tertullian , that their censures were ordered in their publike assemblies ; and good reason , because the people were to forbeare communion with such . 2 thes. 3.6 , 14 , 15. and publike censures of the church were inflict●d not onely for the emendation of delinquents , but for the admonition of others , and therefore ought to be admistr●d in publike that others might feare , 1 tim. 5.20 . origen speaking of the duty and power of the church in cutting off a scandalous person though a presbyter , making the case his own , he saith thus : in uno consensu ecclesia universa conspirans excidat me d●xtram suam & projiciat a se , he would have the consent of the whole church in that act. and when the lapsed christians were received againe into the church , the peoples consent was required therein ; else why should cyprian say , vix plebi per suadeo imò extorqueo ut tales patiantur admitti : i can scarce perswade the people to suffer such to be admitted : and in another epistle written to his people in his banishment , he promiseth to examine all things , they being present and judging . examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . but of this power of the people we shall have a further occasion to speak afterwards , when we come to discourse of governing elders . onely may it please your honours from hence to take notice , how unjustly our bishops have invaded this right and power of presbyters and people in church censures , and devesting both of it , have girt it wholly upon themselves , and how herein they and the bishops of former times are two . sect . x. and as our bishops , and the bishops of former times are two in point of sole iurisdiction , so also in the delegation of this power of iurisdiction unto others : to their chancellours , commissaries , officers , &c. was ever such a thing as this heard of in the best primitive times ? that men that never received imposition of hands , should not only be received into assistance , but be wholly intrusted with the power of spiritual iurisdiction : even then when it is to be exercised over such persons as have had hands laid upon them . we may observe in cyprian , whilst persecution separated him from his church , when questions did arise among his people , he doth not send them to his chancellour or commissary ; no , he was so far from substituting any man ( much lesse a lay man ) to determene or give judgement in such cases , that he would not assume that power wholly to himself , but suspends his judgement , till the hand of god should restore him to his church againe , that with the advice and counsel of the presbyters , he might give sentence : as may appeare to any that shall peruse his epistles . sure if god had ever led his church to such a way of deputation , it would have been in such a case of necessity as this was : or had any footsteps of such a course as this been visible by this holy martyr in the goings of former ages , he needed not have deferred the determination of the question about the receiving of some penitent lapsed ones into the bosome of the church again , till his returne and the returne of his clergy , as he doth . we will instance in his 28 epistle , wherein giving direction for the excommunicating of such as would rashly communicate with lapsed christians , he gives this charge not to his chancellor or commissary , or any other man upon whom he had devolved his power , and set him as his deputy or viccar generall in his absence , but ad clerum , to the whole presbytery . this truth is so cleare , that bishop downam the great advocate of episcopacy confesseth , that in ambrose his time , and a good while after ( which was about 400 years ) till the presbyters were in a manner 〈…〉 sect . xi . a third branch wherein the difference between our bishops , and the bishops of former times , in point of exercising their jurisdiction , is visible , is the way or manner of exercising that power . for brevities sake we will onely instance in their proceedings in causes criminal ; where let them tell us , whether any good antiquity can yeild them one president for their oath ex officio , which hath been to their courts , as purgatory fire to the popes kitchin : they have forgotten that old maxime in the civil law , nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , which as it is grounded upon natural equity , so it is confirmed by a law enacted by dioclesian and maximilian , nimis grave est quod petitis , &c. it is too grievous that the adverse part should be required to the exhibition of such things as should create trouble to themselves . vnderstand therefore that you ought to bring proofes of your intentions , and not to extort them from your adversaries against themselves . shall the lamp of nature in the night of ethnicisme enable heathen princes , ( yea persecutors ) to see and enact thus much , and shall not the glorious sunne of the gospel convince these of their iniquities in transgressing this law , that call themselves the fathers of the church ? if neither the light of nature , nor gospel light can , yet the custome of the church , to which they so oft appeal , may both convince them of this iniquity , and discov●r to all the world the contrariety of their proceedings , to the proceedings of former times , in this particular . for of old , both the plantiffe and defendant were brought face to face , before the parties , in whose power it was to judge : which way of proceeding , athanasius affirmes to be according to scripture , the law of god. and because those that condemned macarius , did not thus proceed , he condemnes their sentence as malicious and unjust . of old , no sentence passed against any man , but upon the testimony of other witnesses besides the accusers : after complaint exhibited , the first thing they applyed themselves to , was to consider the person and quality of the accuser , concil . prim . constant. can. 6 then they heard the witnesses , who were two at least , can. apost . can. 75. and these witnesses must be such , as might not be imagined to be partiall , nor to beare enmity nor malice against the party accused . ambros. epist. 64. so gratian , caus. 3. quae . 5. cap. quod suspecti . of old , none might be party , witnesse , and iudge , which gratian proves at large . caus. 4. qu. 4. cap. nullus unquam praesumat accusator simul esse , & iudex & testis , we grant indeed the canon law permits in some cases tryal without witnesses ; si crimen ita publicum est , ut meritò debeat appellari notorium ; if the crime be so publike , that it may deservedly be called notorious . which law further determines what is notorious , saying , offensam illam nos intelligimus manifestam , quae vel per confessionem vel probationem legitime nota fuerit , aut evidentiâ rei , quae nulla possit tergiversatione celari ; we count that offence manifest , which eith●r by confession , or by lawful proofe comes to be known , or by evidence of fact , so as it can be hid by no tergiversations . so that all was done in former times with mature deliberation , upon examination and evidence produced , and proved by such witnesses , as against whom the defendant could lay in no just exception . and not as now an accusation whispered against a man , he knowes not by whom , to which he must take his oath to answer , before he knows what his accusation is . which oath , if he takes , without further witnesse , he is censured upon the witnesse of his own oath . if he takes it not , he is sent presently to prison , there to lye without bayle or mainprize , till the insupportable miseries of his long durance , compel him to take on oath against nature , scripture , conscience , and the just defence of his own innocency . that our bishops therefore and former bishops are two , in the point of executing their judicatory power , we need spend no more time to prove . but come to the third thing , in which the difference betweene ours and former bishops is to be evidenced . sect . xii . and that is state imployment , or attendance upon civil and secular affaires , &c. which both christ and saint paul prohibits , which prohibition reacheth every bishop ( to speake in chrysostomes words ) as well as timothy , to whom it is directed ; nullus ergo episcopatu praeditus haec audire detrectet , sed agere ea omnia detrectet , let no man that is a bishop , refuse to hear what the apostle saith , but to doe what the apostle forbids . we deny not but that bishops were in the primitive times often incumbred with secular business : but these were put upon them , sometimes by emperors , who sought the ruine of the church , as iulian , of whom niceph. lib. 10. cap. 13. doth report , that in clerum coaptatos senatorum munere & ministerio perverse fungi jussit . sometimes the gracious disposition of princes toward christian religion , made them thus to honour bishops , thinking thereby to advance religion : as constantine the great enacted , that such as were to be tryed before civil magistrates , might have leave to appeale ad iudicium episcoporum , atque eorum sententiam ratam esse tanquam ab ipso imperatore prolatum , and this the historian reckoneth as one argument of his reverend respect to religion . sometimes the excellency of their singular parts cast civil dignities upon them . tiberius granted a questors dignity unto a bishop for his eloquence : chrysostome for his notable stoutness and freedome of speech , was sent as the fittest man to gainas , with the emperors command . sometimes the people observing the bishops to be much honoured by the emperour , would sollicit them to present their greivances to the emperour . and sometimes the aspiring humour of the bishops raised them to such places , as appears by cyrill , who was the first bishop in alexandria , who had civil dignities conferred upon him , as socrates relates it , from whom civil authority did descend upon succeeding bishops . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : of whom nicephorus therefore recorded , episcopatum majoricum fastu , prophanorum magistratuum more , quam praedecessores ejus episcopi , ingressus est , unde adeo initium sumptum est in ecclesia alexandrina ut episcopi etiam , profana negotia curarent : he entred upon his episcopacy with more pomp then his predecessors , with a pomp conformable to the heathen magistrates . both these historians relate the sad consequence that followed upon this , that orestes the roman governour seeing his power much weakened by the bishops interposing in secular affairs , hated the bishop : and this ( as the historian calls it ) his usurped power . this president of the alexandrian bishop , the bishop of rome did soon follow ; et romanus episcopatus non aliter quam alexandrinus , quasi extra sacerdotii fines egressus ad secularem principatum erat jam delapsus ; the bishop of rome as well as the bishop of alexandria breaking the limits of the priestly function , did degenerate into a secular principality : which purchased no lesse envie to him then that to the other . and though these two bishops went at first abreast in this point , yet in a short time the roman had out stripped the alexandrian in that power , till the church degenerating more and more , that roman priest advanced his power not onely above all the bishops , but all the monarchs in the christian orbe . yet notwithstanding , he that shall look into the ancients , shall finde ; first , that the best of them held , that they were not to be molested with the handling of worldly affaires , cyprian epist. 66.1 . singuli divino sacerdotio honorati non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire & precibus atque orationibus vacare debent , molestiis secularibus non sunt obligandi , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupantur . secondly , that they complained of them as of heavy burthens , aug. calls it angaria , yea austin himselfe in his 81. epistle complaines , that worldly business hindered his praying and so pressed him , that vix respirare potuit : and gregory the great , non sine dolore in secularibus versabatur , praefat . in dial. thirdly , cyprian construed it as one great cause of persecutions raised against the church , de lapsis , sect. 4. fourthly , it was much cryed down as unlawful by the holy fathers , many canons forbidding it , and that under pain of being removed from their places . can. apost . can. 6. can. 81. hee that did presume to administer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a roman command or administration of military affaires or civil place ( as zonaras there ) he should be desposed , can. apo. can. 83. hiring of ground , medling with worldly affaires is to be laid aside by them . otherwise they are threatned to be liable to ecclesiastical censures , conc. cal. can. 3. conc. carth. can. 16. we will adde this for a conclusion in this point , it is observed by athanasius , sulpitius , severus , and other ecclesiastical historians , that the arians were very expedite in worldly affaires , which experience they gained by their constant following and attendance upon the emperours court ; and what troubles they occasioned to the church thereby , is notoriously known to any that have seen the histories of their times . and in this our bishops have approved themselves more like to the arian bishops then the purer bishops of purer times : but how ever cleare it is , that our bishops and the bishops of former times are two ▪ two in election to their office ; two in the discharge of their office ; two in their ordination , iurisdiction , processes , censures , administrations ; and the difference between our bishops and those of former times , is greater then between the great bishop of rome and them . sect . xiii . but it seemes our remonstrant soared above these times even as high as the apostles dayes , for so he saith , if our bishops challenge any other spiritual power , then was by apostolike authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angels of the seven asian churches , let them be disclaimed as vsvrpers . and the truth is , so they deserve to be , if they doe but challenge the same power that the apostle did delegate to timothy and titus ; for timothy and titus were evangelists , and so moved in a sphere above bishops or presbyters . for timothy , it is cleare from the letter of the text , 2 tim. 4.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : doe the work of an evangelist : if timothy had been but a presbyter or bishop , paul had here put him upon imployment , vltra sphaeram activitatis . and to any man , that will but understand and consider what the office of an a evangelist was ; and wherein it differed from the office of a presbyter or bishop , it will be manifest that timothy and titus were evangelists , and no bishops : for the title of evangelist is taken but two wayes ; either for such as wrote the gospel , and so we doe not affirme timothy and titus , to be evangelists : or else for such as taught the gospel ; and those were of two sorts , either such as had ordinary places and ordinary gifts , or such whose places and gifts were extraordinary ; and such evangelists were timothy and titus , and not bishops , as will appeare if we consider , what was the difference between the evangelists and bishops . bishops or presbyters were tyed to the particular care and tuition of that flock over which god had made them overseers , acts 20.28 . but evangelists were not tyed to reside in one particular place , but did attend upon the apostles by whose appointment they are sent from place to place , as the necessity of the churches did require . as appeares first in timothy whom saint paul besought to abide at ephesus , 1. tim. 1.3 . which had beene needlesse importunity , if timothy had the episcopall ( that is the pastorall ) charge of ephesus committed to him by the apostles , for then he might have laid as dreadful a charge upon him to abide at ephesus , as he doth to . preach the gospel . but so far was paul from setling timothy in cathedrâ in ephesus , that he rather continually sends him up and down upon all church-services , for we finde acts. 17.14 . that when paul fled from the tumults of berea to athens , he left silas and timothy behinde him , who afterwards comming to paul to athens , paul sends timothy from athens to thessalonica , to confirm the thessalonians in the faith , as appears 1 thes. 3.1.2 . from whence returning to paul to athens again , the apostle paul before he left athens and went to corinth , sent him and silas into macedonia , who returned to him again to corinth , act. 18.5 . afterwards they travelled to ephesus , from whence we read paul sent timothy and erastus into macedonia , act. 19.22 . wither paul went after them , and from whence they and divers other breathren journied into asia , acts 20.4 . all which breathren paul calls , as it is probable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the messengers of the churches , 2. cor. 8.23 . and being thus accompanied with timothy , and the rest of the bretheren he comes to miletum , and calls the elders of the church of ephesus thither to him , of which church had timothy been bishop , the apostle in stead of giving the elders a charge to feed the flock of christ , would have given that charge to timothy , and not to them . and secondly , the apostle would not so have forgotten himself , as to call the elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before their bishops face . thirdly , it is to be conceived , the apostles would have given them some directions , how to carry themselves towards their bishop ; but not a word of this though timothy were then in pauls presence , and in the presence of the elders . the cleare evidence of which text demonstrates , that paul did not leave timothy at this time as bishop of ephesus . but it is rather evident that he took him along with him in his journey to hierusalem , and so to rome ; for we find that those epistles paul wrote while he a prisoner , bear either in their inscription or some other passage of them , the name of timothy as pauls companion , viz. the epistle to the philippians , c●lossians , hebrewes , philemon , which epistles he wrote in bonds as the contexture , which those two learned professors ; the one at heydelburg , the other at saulmur , make of saint pauls epistles , doth declare . so that it appears that timothy was no bishop , but a minister , an evangelist , a fellow labourer of the apostles , 1 thes. 3.1 . an apostle , a messenger of the church , 2 cor. 8.3 . a minister of god , 1 thes. 3.2 . these titles the holy ghost gives him , but never the title of a bishop . the like we finde in scripture concerning titus , whom paul as it is conceived by learned men , did first assume into the fellowship of his labors in the place of iohn , and made him his companion in his journy through antioch a to hierusalem , b so we find gal. 2.1 . from thence returning to antioch againe ; from thence he passed through syria and cilicia , confirming the churches ; and from cilicia , he passed to creet , where having preached the gospel , and plainted churches , he left titus * there for a while , to set in order things that remaine , yet it was but for a while he left him there , for in his epistle which he wrote to him not many yeares after , he injoynes him to come to him to nicopolis * where he did intend to winter , but changing that purpose sends for him to ephesus , where it seemes his hyemal station was , and from thence sends him before him to corinth , to enquire the state of the corinthians * . his returne from thence paul expects at troas * , and because comming thither he found not his expectation there , he was so grieved in his spirit , 2 cor. 2.12 . that he passed presently from thence into macedonia , where titus met him ; and in the midst of his afflictions joyed his spirits with the glad tydings of the powerful and gracious effects , his first epistle had among the corinthians , 2 cor. 7 , 5 , 6 , 7. paul having there collected the liberalities of the saints , sends titus againe to the * corinthians , to prepare them for the same service of ministring to the necessities of the saints , 2 cor. 8.6 . and makes him with some others the conveyers of that second epistle to the corinthians . all these journey es to and fro did titus make at the designment of the apostle , even after he was left in creet . nor doe we finde , that after his first removal from creet * ; he did ever returne thither . we read indeed , 2 tim. 4.10 . he was with paul at rome , and from thence returned not to creet , but into dalmatia . all which doth more then probably shew , it never was the intendment of the apostle to fix titus in creet as a bishop , but onely to leave him there for a season for the good of that church , and to call him from thence , and send him abroad to other churches for their good , as their necessities might require . now who that will acknowledge a distinction between the offices of bishops and evangelists , and knows wherein that distinction lyes , will not upon these premisses conclude that timothy and titus were evangelists and not bishops . i but some of the fathers have called timothy and titus bishops . we grant it true ; and it is as true , that some of the fathers have called them archbishops and patriarks ; yet it doth not follow , they were so . we adde , secondly , that when the fathers did call them so , it was not in a proper but in an improper sense ; which we expresse in the words of our learned orthodox raynolds ; you may learne by the fathers themselves , saith he , that when they termed any apostle a bishop of this or that city ( as namely s. peter of antioch or rome ) they meant it in a general sort and signification , because they did attend that church for a time , and supply that roome in preaching the gospel , which bishops did after ; but as the name of bishop is commonly taken for the overseer of a particular church , and pastor of a several flock ; so peter was not bishop of any one place ; therefore not of rome . and this is true by analogy of all extraordinary bishops , and the same may be said of timothy and titus , that he saith of peter . but were it true that timothy and titus were bishops : will this remonstrant undertake , that all his party shall stand to his conditions ▪ if our bishops challenge any other power then was by apostolick authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angels of the seaven asian churches , let them be disclaimed as usurpers . will our bishops indeed stand to this ? then actum est . did ever apostolick authority delegate power to timothy or titus , to ordain alone ? to governe alone ? and do not our bishops challenge that power ? did ever apostolique authority delegate power to timothy and titus , to rebuke an elder ? no ; but to entreat him as a father : and do not our bishops challenge themselves and permit to their chancellors , commissaries , and officials power not only to rebuke an elder ▪ but to rayle upon an elder ? to reproach him with the most opprobrious termes of foole , knave , jack-sauce , &c. which our paper blushes to present to your honors view ? did ever apostolick authority delegate to timothy and titus power to receive an accusation against an elder , but before two or three witnesses ? and do not our bishops challenge power to proceed ex officio , and make elders their own accusers ? did ever apostolick authority delegate power to timothy or titus , to reject any after twice admonition , but an heretick ? and do not our bishops challenge power to reject and eject the most sound and orthodox of our ministers , for refusing the use of a ceremony ? as if non-conformity were heresie . so that either our bishops must disclaime this remonstrance , or else themselves must be disclaimed as usurpers . but if timothy and titus were no bishops , or had not this power , it may be the angels of the seven asian churches had ; and our remonstrant is so subtile as to twist these two together , that if one faile , the other may hold . to which we answer ; first , that angel in those epistles is put collectively , not individually ; as appears by the epistle to thyatira , cap. 2. vers . 25. where we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but i say unto you ( in the plural number , not unto thee in the singular ) and unto the rest in thyatira , &c. here is a plain distinction between the members of that church . by you , is signified those to whom he spake under the name of the angel. by the rest , the residue of the people . the people governed , and the governours in the plural number . what can be more evident to prove , that by angel is meant not one singular person , but the whole company of presbyters that were in thyatira . this also further appears , because it is usual with the holy ghost , not only in other books of the scripture , but also in this very book of the revelation , to express a company under one singular person . thus the civil state of rome , as opposite to christ , is called a beast with ten horns : and the ecclesiastical state antichristian is called the whore of babylon , and , the false prophet ; and the devil and all his family is called an old red dragon . thus also the seven angels that blew the seven trumpets , revel . 8.2 . and the seven angels that poured out the seven vials , are not literally to be taken , but synecdochically , as all know . and why not then the seven angels in those epistles ? mr. mede in his commentaries upon the revelation , pag. 265 , hath these words ; denique ( ut jam femel iterumquemonuimus ) quoniam deus adhibet angelos providentiae suae in rerū humanarū motibus & conversionibus ciendis , gubernandisque administris : idcirco , quae multorum manibus peraguntur , angelo tamen tanquam rei gerendae praesidi & duci pro communi loquendi modo tribuuntur . adde , thirdly , that the very name angel is sufficient to prove , that it is not meant of one person alone , because the word angel doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction or preheminence , but is a common name to all ministers , and is so used in scripture . for all ministers are gods messengers and embassadours , sent for the good of the elect. and therefore the name being common to all ministers , why should wee think that there should be any thing spoken to one minister , that doth not belong to all ? the like argument we draw from the word stars used revel , 1.20 . the seven stars are the angels of the seven churches . now it is evident , that all faithful ministers are called stars in scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the churches , in all purity of doctrine and holiness of conversation . and in this sense , the word is used , when it is said , that the third part of the stars were darkned , revel . 8.12 . and that the dragons taile drew the third part of the stars of heaven , and cast them to the earth , revel . 12.4 . which is meant not only of bishops , but of other ministers , unlesse the bishops will appropriate all corruption and apostacy unto themselves . adde , fourthly , out of the text it selfe , it is very observable , that our saviour in opening the mystery of the vision , revel . 1.20 . saith ; the seven candlesticks which thou sawest , are the seven churches , but he doth not say , the seven stars are the seven angels of the same churches , but the angels of the seven churches ; wherein not without some mystery the number of the angels is omitted , least we should understand by angel , one minister alone , and not a company . and yet the septenary number of churches is twice set down . lastly , though but one angel be mentioned in the fore-front , yet it is evident , that the epistles themselves are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in every church , and to the churches themselves : and if to the whole church , much more to the presbyters of that church . this is proved revel . 1.11 . what thou seest , write in a book , and send it to the seven churches which are in asia . and also by the epiphonema of every epistle ; he that hath an care to hear , let him hear what the spirit saith unto the churches . upon which words , ambrosius ausbertus in his second book upon the revelation , saith thus ; vnâ eademque locutione & angelos & ecclesias unum esse designat . nam cum in principio locutionum quae ad septem fiunt angelos dicat , & angelo illius ecclesiae scribe ; in fine tamen earundem non dicit , qui habet aurem audiat quod spiritus dicat angelo , sed quid ecclesiae dicat . by one and the same phrase of speech he sheweth , the angels and the churches to be one and the same . for whereas in the beginning of his speech , which he makes to the seven churches , he saith , and write to the angel of the churches ; yet in the close of the same , he doth not say , he that hath an eare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the angel , but what he saith to the church . and this is further proved by the whole argument of those epistles , wherein the admonitions , threatnings , commendations , and reproofes , are directed to all the ministers of all the churches . revel . 2.10 . the devil shall cast some of you into prison , &c. revel . 2.16 . i will fight against them with the sword of my mouth , revel . 2.24 . i will put upon you no other burthen , &c. i say unto you and the rest of thyatira , as many as have not this doctrine , and which have not known the depths of satan , &c. and when it is said in the singular number ( as it is often ) i know thy works and labour , &c. vers . 2. and vers . 4. repent and do thy first works ; and vers . 13. thou hast not denyed my faith , &c. and cap. 3.26 . because thou art neither hot nor cold , &c. all these and the like places , are not to be understood as meant of one individual person , but of the whole company of ministers , and also of the whole church , because that the punishment threatned , is to the whole church ; revel . 2.5 . repent and do thy first works , or else i will come unto thee quickly and remove thy candlestick out of his place ; rev. 2.16 . repent , or else i will come unto thee quickly , and will fight against thee with the sword of my mouth ; revel . 2.24 . i will not put upon you any other burthen . now we have no warrant in the word to think that christ would remove his gospel from a church for the sin of one bishop , when all the other ministers , and the churches themselves are free from those sins . and if god should take this course , in what woeful & miserable condition should the church of england be , which groaneth under so many corrupt prelates ? by all this it appears , that the word angel , is not to be taken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not properly , but figuratively . and this is the judgment of master perkins upon the second chapter of the revelation : and of master brightman : and of doctor fulke , who in answer to the rhemists in apoc. 1.20 . hath these words : s. iohn by the angels of the churches meaneth not all that should wear on their heads myters , and hold crosier staves in their hands , like dead idols , but them that are the faithful messengers of gods word , and utter and declare the same . again , they are called the angels of the churches , because they be gods messengers . master fox likewise in his meditation upon the revelation ( pag. 7.9.17 . ) is of this opinion , and hath gathered to our hands the opinions of all interpreters he could meet , and saith that they all consent in this that under the person of an angel , the pastors & ministers of the churches were understood . s. austin in his 132. epistle , saith thus , sic enim in apocalypsi legitur angelus , &c. quod si de angelo superiorum colorum , & non de praepositis ecclesiarum vellet intelligi , non consequenter diceret , habeo adversum te , &c. and so in his second homily upon the revelation ( if that book be his ) quod autem dicit angelo thyatirae . habeo adversum te panca , dicit praepositis ecclesiarum , &c , this also gregory the great , lib. 34. moral . in iob. cap. 4. saepe sacram scripturam praedicatores ecclesiae pro eo quod patris gloriam annunciant , angelorum nomine solere designare : & hinc esse , quod iohannes in apocalypsi septem ecclesiis scribens , angelis ecclesiarum loquitur , id est , praedicatoribus populorum . master box citeth primasius , haymo , beda , richard , thomas , and others , to whom we refer you . if it be here demanded ( as it is much by the hierarchical side ) that if by angel be meant the whole company of presbyters , why christ did not say , to the angels in the plural number , but to the angel in the singular ? we answer , that though this question may savor of a litle too much curiosity , yet we will make bold to subjoyn three conjectural reasons of this phrase of speech . first , it is so used in this place , because it is the common language of other scriptures in types and visions to set down a certain number for an uncertain , & the singular number for the plural . thus the ram , dan. 8.3 . is interpred vers . 20. to be the kings of media , and persia. and the enemies of gods church are set out by four horns . and the deliverers by four carpenters , zach. 1.18.20 . and the wise and foolish virgins are said to be five wise and five foolish . and many such like . and therefore as we answer the papists , when they demand why christ if he meant figuratively when he saith , this is my body , did not speak in plain language , this is the sign of my body ? we say , that this phrase of speech is proper to all sacraments : so we also answer here , this phrase of speech , angel for angels , is common to all types and visions . secondly angel is put , though more be meant , that so it may hold proportion with the vision which iohn saw , chap. 1.12.20 . he saw seven golden candlesticks , and seven stars . and therefore to hold proportion , the epistles are directed to seven angels , and to seven churches . and this is called a mystery , revel . 1.20 . the mystery of the seven stars . &c. now a mystery is a secret which comprehends more th●n is expressed ; and therefore though but one angel be expressed , yet the mystery implyes all the angels of that church . thirdly , to signifie their unity in the ministerial function , and joynt commission to attend upon the feeding and governing of one church , with one common care , as it were with one hand and heart . and this i● more fitly declared by the name of one angel , then of many . we often finde the name of ( one ) prophet or priest to be put for the general body of the ministery , or whole multitude or prophets or priests , in the church of israel or iudah , when the spirit of god intendeth to reprove , threaten , or admonish them . thus it is iere. 6.13.18.19 . isa. 3.2 . hos. 9.8 . ezek. 7.26 . hos. 4 , 6. mal. 2.7 . neither should it seem strange , that a multitude or company of ministers should be understood under the name of one angel , seeing a multitude of heavenly angels ( imployed in one service for the good of gods saints ) is sometimes in the scripture shut up under one angel in the singular number , as may be gathered from gen. 14.7 . 2 kings 19.35 . psal 34.7 . compared with psal. 91.11 . gen. 32.1 . 2. kings 6.16 , 17. and also a multitude of devils or evil angels , jointly labouring in any one work , is set forth under the name of one evil or unclean spirit , 1 kings 22.21 , 22. mark 1.23 , 24. mark 5.2.9 . luke 4.33.34 . luk. 8.27.30 . 1 pet. 5.8 . heb. 2.14 . ephes. 6.11.12 . but now let us suppose ( which yet notwithstanding we will not grant ) that the word angel is taken individually for one particular person , as doctor reynolds seems to interpret it , together with master beza , yet nevertheless● , there will nothing follow out of this acception ▪ that will any ways make for the upholding of a diocesan bishop , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , as a distinct superior to presbyters . and this appears , first , because it never was yet proved nor ever will ( as we conceive ) that these angels were diocesan bishops , considering that parishes were not divided into diocesses in s. iohns days . and the seven stars are said to be fixed in their seven candlesticks or churches , not one star over divers candlesticks . neither can those churches be thought to be diocesan , when not onely tindal and the old translation , calls them seven congregations , but we read also acts 20. that at ephesus which was one of those candlesticks , there was but one flock . and secondly , we further finde that in ephesus one of those seven churches , there were many presbyters , which are all called bishops , acts 20.28 . and we finde no colour of any superintendency or superiority of one bishop over another . to them in general the church is committed to be fed by them without any respect had to timothy , who stood at his elbow , and had been with him in macedonia , and was now waiting upon him to jerusalem . this is also confirmed by epiphanius who writing of the heresies of the miletians , saith , that in ancient times this was peculiar to alexandria , that it had but one bishop , whereas other cities had two . and he being bishop of cypres , might well be acquainted with the condition of the churches of asia , which were so nigh unto him . thirdly , there is nothing said in the seven epistles that implyeth any superiority or majority of rule or power that these angels had over the other angels that were joyned with them in their churches . it is written indeed , in commendation of the angel of the church of ephesus , that he could not beare them that were evil , and that he had tryed them which say they were apostles and are not , and had found them lyers . and it is spoken in dispraise of the angel of pergamus , that he suffered them which h●ld the doctrine of balaam , &c. but these things are common duties requirable at the hands of all ministers , who have the charge of souls . but suppose that there were some superiority and prehemenency insinuated by this individual angel , yet who knoweth not that there are diverse kinds of superiority ? to wit , of order , of dignity , of gifts and parts , or in degree of ministery , or in charge of power and jurisdiction . and how will it be proved that this angel if he had a superiority , had any more then a superiority of order , or of gifts and parts ? where it is said , that this angel was a superior degree or order of ministery above presbyters ? in which epistle is it said that this angel had sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ? and therefore as our learned protestants prove against the papists , that where christ directed his speech to peter in particular and said , i will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; &c. that this particularization of peter did not import any singular preheminence or majority of power to peter more then to the other apostles ; but that though the promise was made to peter , yet it was made to him in the name of all the rest , and given to all as well as one . and that therefore it was spoken to one person , and not to all ; that so christ might fore-signifie the unity of his church , as cyprian , austin , hierome , optatus , and others say . so when christ directs an epistle to one angel , it doth not imply a superior power over his fellow-angels , but at most only a presidency for order sake . and that which is written to him , is written to the rest as well as to him . and therefore written to one , not to exclude the rest , but to denote the unity that ought to be between the ministers of the same church in their common care and diligence to their flock . and this is all that doctor reynolds saith , as you may read in his conference with hart , cap. 4. divis . 3. ad finem . for it is evident that doctor reynolds was an utter enemy to the ius divinum of the episcopal preheminency over presbyters , by his letter to sir francis knolls . and learned master beza also saith something to the same purpose in his annotations upon revel . 2.1 . angelo . i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem nimirum oporuit imprimis de his rebus admoneri , ac per eum caeteros collegas totamque adeo ecclesiam . sed hinc statui episcopalis ille gradus postea humanitus in ecclesiam dei invectus certe nec potest nec debet , imo ne perpetuum quidem istud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munus esse necessario oportuisse , sicut exorta inde tyrannis oligarchica ( cujus apex est antichristiana bestia ) certissima cum totius non ecclesiae modo , sed etiam orbis pernicie , nunc tandem declarat . if therefore our remonstrant can produce no better evidence for his hierarchy then timothy and titus , and the angels of the asian churches , let not this remonstrant and his party , cry out of wrong , if this claimed hierarchy be for ever booted out of the church , seeing it is his owne option . and yet we cannot conceale one refuge more out of scripture , to which the hierarchy betake themselves for shelter . and that is the two postscripts in the end of pauls second epistle to timothy , and of that to titus ; where in the one , timothy is said to be the first bishop of ephesus , and in the other , titus is said to be the first bishop of the church of the cretians : to both which places wee answer . that these two postscrips ( and so all the rest ) are no part of canonical scripture . and therefore our former and ancienter english translations , though they have these postscripts , yet they are put in a small character different from that of the text. although our episcopal men of late in newer impressions have inlarged their phylacteries , in putting those postscripts in the same full character with that of the text , that the simple might beleeve they are canonical scripture . the papists themselves ( baronius , serrarius , and the rhemists ) confesse that there is much falsity in them . the first epistle to timothy , is thus subscribed : the first to timothy was written from laodicea , whoch is the chiefest city of phrygia pacatiana . here wee demand , whether paul when hee writ the first epistle to timothy , was assured he should live to write a second , which was written long after ? and if not ; how comes it to bee subscribed , the first to timothy , which hath relation to a second ? besides , the epistle is said to bee writ from laodicea , whereas beza in his annotations proves apparently , that it was written from macedonia ; to which opinion baronius and serrarius subscribe . it is added , which is the chiefest city of phrygia pacatiana . but this epithet is nowhere read in the writers of those ages , saith beza , sed apud recentiores illo● , qui romani imperii jam inclinantis provincias descripserunt . so that by this place it is evident , that the subscription was added a long while after the writing of the epistles by some men , for the most part vel indoctis , saith beza , vel certe non satis attentis , either by a learned , or negligent man. the second epistle is thus subscribed ; the second epistle unto timothy , ordained the first bishop of the church of the ephesians , was written from rome , when paul was brought before nero the second time . now these words ordained the first bishop , is wanting , saith beza , in quibusdam vetustis codicibus , in veteri vulgatâ editione , & apud syrum interpre●●m . if saint paul had written this postscript , he would not have said , to timothy the first bishop , &c. whereas it was not yet certain whether ever there should bee a second . neither would it bee said when paul was brought , &c. but when i was the second time brought before nero. the syriack interpreter reads it , here ends the second epistle to timothy written from rome . the epistle to titus is thus subscribed : written to titus , ordained first bishop of the church of the cretians , from nicopolis of macedonia . here it is said that this epistle was written from nicopolis , whereas it is cleare that paul was not at nicopolis when he wrote it . tit. 3.12 . be diligent to come to me at nicopolis , for i have determined there to winter . hee doth not say , here to winter , but there ; where note , for the present he was not there . and besides it is said , that titus was ordained the first bishop , &c. and who was the second ? or was there ever a second ? and also he is said to be bishop , not onely of a diocess , but of all creet . was there ever such a second bishop ? adde , lastly , that it is said , bishop of the church of the cretians ; whereas it would bee said of the churches of the cretians . for the christian churches of any nation are called churches by luke and paul , not church . therefore codex claremontanus subscribes ; here ends the epistle to titus , and no more . so the syriack ; finitur epistola ad titum quae scripta fuit è nicopoli . the old vulgar edition hath nothing of the episcopacy of titus . by all this it appears , that if the bishops had no more authority to urge us to subscribe to their ceremonies , then they have authority for their episcopal dignity by these subscriptions , there would be no more subscription to ceremonies in the churches of england . but some will say , that there is one objection out of scripture yet unanswered , and that is from the inequality that was betweene the twelve apostles , and the seventy disciples . to which we answer ; first , that it cannot be proved that the twelve apostles had any superiority over the seventy , either of ordination , or jurisdiction , or that there was any subordination of the seventy unto the twelve : but suppose it was , yet we answer secondly , that a superiority and inferiority betweene officers of different kindes , will not prove that there should be a superiority and inferiority between officers of the same kinde . no man will deny but that in christs time , there were apostles , evangelists , prophets , pastors , and teachers , and that the apostles were superior to evangelists and pastors but it cannot be proved , that one apostle had any superiority over another apostle , or one evangelist over an other . and why then should one presbyter be over another ? hence it followeth , that though we should grant a superiority between the twelve and the seventy , yet this will not prove the question in hand . because the question is concerning officers of the same kind , and the instance is of officers of different kinds , amongst whom no man will deny but there may be a superiority and inferiority , as there is amongst us between presbyters and deacons . and now let your honours judge ( considering the premisses ) how far this episcopal government is from any divine right , or apostolical institution : and how true that speech of hierome is , that a bishop as it is a superiour order to a presbyter , is an humane presumption , not a divine ordinance . but though scripture fails them , yet the indulgence and munificence of religious princes may support them , and to this the remonstrant makes his next recourse , yet so as he acknowledgeth here , ingagements to princes onely for their accessory dignities , titles , and maintenance ; not at all for their stations and functions , ( wherein yet the author plainly acknowledgeth a difference between our bishops and the bishops of old by such accessions . ) for our parts , we are so farre from envying the gracious munificence of pious princes , in collating honourable maintenance upon the ministers of christ , that we beleeve , that even by gods own ordinance , double honour is due unto them . and that by how much the ministery of the gospell is more honourable then that of the law , by so much the more ought all that embrace the gospell , to be carefull to provide , that the ministers of the gospell might not onely live , but maintain hospitalitie , according to the rule of the gospell . and that worthy gentleman spake as an oracle , that said , that scandalous maintenance is a great caues of a scandelous ministery . yet we are not ignorant , that when the ministery came to have agros , d●mos , lecationes , vehicula ●ques , la●if●ndia , as chrysost . hom. 86 in matth. that then religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit matrem , religion brought forth riches , and the daughter devoured the mother ; and then there was a voice of angels heard from heaven ; hodie venenum in ecclesiam christi cecidit . this day is poison shed into the church of christ. and then it was that ierom complained , christi ecclesia post quam ad christianos principes venit , potentiâ quidem & divitiis major , sed virtutibus minor facta est . then also was that conjunction found true ; that when they had wooden chalices , they had golden priests ; but when their chalices were golden , their priests were wooden . and though we do not think , there is any such incompossibility , but that large revenues may be happily managed with an humble sociablnesse , yet is very rare to finde history tells us , that the superfluous revenues of the bishops not onely made them neglect their ministery , but further ushered in their stately and pompous attendance ; which did so elevate their spirits , that they insulted over their brethren , both clergy and people , and gave occasion to others to hate and abhorre the christian faith , which eusebius sets forth fully in the pride of paulus samosatenus , vvho notwithstanding the meannesse and obscurity of his birth , aftervvards grew to that height of insolency and pride in all his carriage , especially in that numerous traine that attended him in the streets , and in his stately throne raised after the manner of kings and princes , that fides nostra invidiae , & odio , propter fastam & superbiam cordis illius , facta fuerit obnoxia ; the christian faith vvas exposed to envy and hatred through his pride . and as their ambition ( fed vvith the largenesse of their revenues ) discovered it self in great attendance , stately dvvellings , and all lordly pomp , so hierom complaines of their pride in their stately seates , qui velut in aliqua sublimi specula constituti , vix dignantur videre mortales & alloqui conservos su●s : who fitting aloft as it were in a vvatch-tovver , vvill scarce deigne to looke upon poore mortalls , or speake to their fellovv-servants . here vve might be large in multipying several testimonies against the pride of ecclesiasticall persons , that the largenesse of their revenues raysed them to : but we will conclude with that grave complaint of sulpitius severus . ille qui antè p●dibus aut as●lloire consueverat , spumante equ● superbus inv●hitur ; parvâ priùs ac vili cellula contentus habitare , erigit celsa laquearia , construit multa conclavia , sculpit p●stes , pingit a●maria , vestem respuit g●ossiorem , indumentum molle desiderat , &c. which because the practice of our times hath already turned into english , we spare the labour to translate . onely suffer us ( being now to give a vale to our remonstrants arguments ) to recollect some few things . first , whereas this remonstrant saith ; if we do not shew out of the true & genuine writings of those holy men , that lived in the apostles dayes a clear & received distinction of bishops , presbyters , and deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings , with an evident specification of the duty belonging to each of them : let this claimed hierarchy be for ever routed out of the church : we beseech you , let it be remembred how we have proved out of the genuine and undeniable writings of the apostles themselves , that these are not three distinct callings : bishops are presbyters , being with them all one , name and office , and that the distinction of bishops and presbyters was not of divine institution , but humane : and that these bishops , in their first institution did not differ so much from presbyters , as our present bishops differ from them . secondly , whereas this remonstant saith , if our bishops challenge any other power then was by apostolike authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the ang●ls of the asian churches : l●t them be disclaimed as usurpers . wee desire it may be remembred , how we have proved first ; that timothy and titus and the angels who are diocesan bishops ; and secondly , that our bishops challenge ( if not in their polemickes , yet in their practicks ) a power that timothy and titus , and those angels never did . thirdly , whereas this remonstrant saith , if there can be better evidence under heaven for any matter of fact , let episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of gods church : we beseech you remember how weake we have discovered his evidence to be ; and then the inference upon all these we humbly leave to your honours wisdom and iustice. sect . xiv . having thus considered the validity of those arguments , whereby this remonstrant would suffult episc●pacy , we descend now to inquire , what satisfaction he gives to those objections , which himself frames as the main , if not the ●ole arguments , that episcopacy is assaultable by , and they are two ▪ first , that pleading the divine right of episcopacy is to the prejudi●e of sovereignty . secondly , that it casts a dangerous imputation upon all those reformed churches that want this government . to the first , the prejudice of sovereignty ; he answers there is a compatibleness in this case of gods act , and the kings : it is god that makes the bishop , the king that gives the bishoprick . but we have proved already , that god never made a bishop , as he stands in his superiority over al other presbyters , he never had gods fiat : and if they disclaim the influence of sovereignty unto their creation to a priority , and assert that the king doth not make them bishops , they must have no being at all . sure we are , the laws of the land proclaim , that not only bishopricks , but bish●ps and all the iurisdiction they have , is from the king : whereas the remonstrant acknowledgeth no more , but the bare * place and excercise to be from regall donation , which cannot be affirmed without apparent prejudice of that sovereigntie which the lawes of the land have invested our princes with . and for his unworthy comparison of kings in order to bishops , and patrons in order to their clerkes , when he shall prove that the patron gives ministerial power to his clerke , as the king according to our laws gives episcopall power to the bishop , it may be of some conducement to his cause ; but till then , we leave the unfitnesse of this comparison , and the unthankfulnesse of those men to the indulgence of their sovereigne , to their deserved recompence . his learned answer to such men as borrowing saint ieroms phrase , speake saint pauls truth , is in summe this : that he knowes not how to prescribe to mens thoughts , but for all his rhetoricke , they will think what they list ; but if they will grant him the question , they shall soon be at an end of the quarrell : which one answer if satisfactory , would silence all controversies to as good purpose as he did bellarmine , who said , bellarmine saith it is thus , and i say it is not , and where is bellarmine now ? to the second objection , that episcopacie thus asserted casts an imputation upon all the reformed churches , that want that government , he saith , that the objection is intended to raise envie against them , who ( if they may be beleeved ) love and honour those sister-churches , and 〈◊〉 god for them . but do they out pluck all this envie upon themselves , who in their conferences , writings pulpits , vniversities , disputes , high commissi●n , declamations , have disclaimed them as no churches , that 〈◊〉 disclaimed the prelates and have honoured the most glorious lights of those reformed churches , calvin , beza , and others with no better titles then of rascals , blasphemers ? &c. but the pith of his answer after a few good words is this , that no such consequent can be drawn from their opinion ; for their ius divinum pleads only for a iustifiablenesse of this holy calling : not for an absolute necessity of it , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; but not fixing upon the church that wants it , the defect of any thing of the essence of a church , but only of the glory and perfection of it ; neither is it their sin , but their misery . and is it so , doth not this ius divinum argue a necessitie , but only a iustifiablenesse of this calling ? nor is the want of it a want of any thing of essence , but onely of perfection ? we had thought , that page the 20th , where this remonstrant strives to fetch the pedegree of episcopacie from no lesse than apostolicall , and in that right divine institution he had reckoned it among those things , which the apostles ordained for the succeeding administration of the church in essentiall matters : but here it seemes he is willing to retract what there fell from him : there it was to his advantage to say , this government was a thing essentiall to the church , and here it is no lesse advantage to say , it is not essentiall . but if it be not essentiall , then what is the reason that when a priest who hath received orders at rome , turnes to us , they urge not him to receive ordination among us again : but when some of our brethren , who flying in queene maries dayes , had received imposition of hands in the reformed churches beyond the seas , returned again in the dayes of queene elizabeth , they were urged to receive imposition of hands againe from our bishops , and some did receiv● it . if those churches that want bishops , want nothing essentiall to a church ; then what essentiall want was there in the ordination of those ministers that received imposition of hands in those churches , that might deserve a re-ordination , more than if they had first received their ordination at rome ? and what is the reason that bishop mountague so confidently affirmes , that ordination by episcopall hands is so necessary , as that the church is no true church without it , and the ministery no true ministery , and ordinarily no salvation to be obtain●d without it ? and if this remonstrant should leave bishop mountague to answer for himself , yet notwithstanding he stands bound to give us satisfaction to these two questions , which arise from his own book . first , whether that office , which by divine right hath the sole power of ordaining , and ruling all other officers in the church , ( as he saith episcopacie hath ) belong not to the being , but onely to the glory and perfection of a church ? secondly , there being ( in this mans thoughts ) the same ius divinum for bishops , that there is for pastors and elders , whether if those reformed churches wanted pastors and elders too , they should want nothing of the essence of a church , but of the perfection and glory of it ? but this remonstrant seemes to know so much of the minde of those churches , that if they might have their option , they would most gladly embrace episcopall government , as little differing from their own moderatorship , save onely in the perpetuitie of it , and the new invention ( as he odiously calls it ) of lay-elders . but no question those learned worthies that were intrusted by the churches to compile their confessions , did comprise their iudgements better than the composer of this remonstrance . and to his presumtion , we oppose their confession . we will begin with the french church , who in their confession speake thus : credimus veram ecclesiam gubernari debere eâ politiâ , quam dominus noster iesus christus sancivit , ità videlicet , ut fint in ea pastores , presbyteri , sive seniores , & diaconi , ut doctrinae puritas retineatur , &c. art. 29. credimus omnes pastores ubicunque collocati sunt , eâdem & aequali potestate inter se esse praeditos sub uno illo capite summóque & solo universali episcopo iesu christo. art. 30. gallicae confessionis credimus veram hanc ecclesiam aebere regi , ac gubernari , spirituali illâ politiâ , quàm nos deus ipse in verbo suo edocuit ; ità ut sint in ea pastores ac ministri , qui purè & concionentur , & sacramenta administrent ; sint quoque seniores & diaconi , qui ecclesiae senatum constituant , ut his veluti mediis vera religio conservari , hominésque vitiis dediti spiritualiter corripi & emendari possint . tunc enim ritè & ordinatè omniae fiunt in ecclesiâ , cùm viri fideles , & pii ad ejus gubernationem deliguntur juxta divi pauli praescriptum , 1 tim. 3. confes. belgic . art. 30. caeterùm ubicuuque locorum sunt verbi dei ministri , candem atque aequalem omnes habent tum potestatem tum authoritatem , ut qui sunt aequè omnes christi unici illius universalis episcopi & capit is ecclesiae ministri . we believe that the true church ought to be governed by that policy which christ jesus our lord established , viz. that there be pastors , presbyters , or elders , and deacons . and again , we believe that all true pastors whereever they be , are endued with equal and the same power , under one chief head and bishop christ jesus . consonant to this the dutch churches : we believe ( say they ) the true church ought to be ruled with that spiritual policy which god hath taught us in his word , to wit , that there be in it pastors to preach the word purely , elders and deacons to constitute the ecclesiastical senate , that by these means religion may be preserved , and manners corrected . and so again , we believe where-ever the ministers of god are placed , they all have the same equal power and authority , as being all equally the ministers of christ. in which harmony of these confessions , see how both churches agree in these five points : first , that there is in the word of god , an exact form of government set down ; deus in verbo suo edocuit . secondly , that this form of government christ established in his church ; iesus christus in ecclesiâ sancivit . thirdly , that this form of government is by pastors , elders , and deacons . fourthly , that the true church of christ ought to be thus governed ; veram ecclesiam debere regi . fifthly , that all true ministers of the gospel are of equal power and authority . for the reason he assigns , why those churches should make this option , we cannot enough admire that such a passage should fall from his pen , as to say , there is little difference between their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and our episcopacy , save onely in perpetuity and lay-elders ; for who knows not that between these two there is a vast a difference as between the duke of venice and an absolute monarch . for , 1 , the moderator in geneva is not of a superiour order to his brethren ; nor 2 , hath an ordination differing from them ; nor 3 , assumes power of sole ordination or jurisdiction ; nor hath he 4 , maintenance for that office above his brethren ; nor 5 , a negative voice in what is agreed by the rest ; nor 6 , any further power then any of his brethren . so that the difference between our bishops and their moderators is more then little : but if it be so little as this remonstrant here pretends ; then the alteration and abrogation of episcopacy will be with the lesse difficulty , and occasion the less disturbance . sect . xv. but there is another thing , wherein our episcopacy differs from the geneva moderatorship , besides the perpetuity ; and that is the exclusion of the lay-presbytery , which ( if we may believe this remonstrant ) never till this age had footing in the christian church . in which assertion , this remonstrant concludes so fully , with bishop halls irrefragable propositions , and his other book of episcopacie by divine right , as if he had conspired to swear to what the bishop had said . now , though we will not enter the lists with a man of that learning and fame , that bishop hall is , yet we dare tell this remonstrant , that this his assertion hath no more truth in it , then the rest that we have already noted . we will ( to avoid prolixity ) not urge those * three known texts of scripture , produced by some for the establishing of governing elders in the church , not yet vindicated by the adversaries , nor will we urge that famous text of * ambrose in 1 tim. 5. but if there were no lay-elders in the church till this present age , we would be glad to learn , who they were of whom origen speaks , when he tells us , it was the custome of christian teachers , first to examine such as desired to heare them , of whom there were two orders ; the first were catechumeni , or beginners ; the other was of such as were more perfect : among whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. nonnulli praepositi sunt qui in vitam & mores eorum qui admittuntur inquirant , ut qui turpia committant eos communi caetu interdicant qui verò ab istis abhorrent , ex anima complexi , meliores quotidie reddant : there are some ordained to inquire into the life and manners of such as are admitted into the church , that they may banish such from the publique assembly , that perpetrate scandalous acts ; which place tells us plainly : first , that there were some in the higher forme of hearers ( not teachers ) who were censores morum over the rest . secondly , that they were designed or constituted to this work , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , that they had such authority intrusted into their hands , as that they might interdict such as were scandalous from the publique assemblies . we would gladly know , whether these were not , as it were , lay-eelders ? that there were such in the church ( distinguished from others that were called to teach ) appeares . augustine writing to his charge , directs his epistle , dilectissimis fratribus , clero , senioribus , & universae plebi ecclesiae hipponensis : where first there is the general compellation , fratribus , brethren ; then there is a distribution of these brethren into the clergie , the elders , and the whole people ; so that there were in that church elders distinguished both from the clergie , and the rest of the people . so again , contra cresconium grammaticum : omnes vos episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi , and seniores scitis ; all you bishops , elders , deacons , and elders do know . what were those two sorts of elders there mentioned in one comma , and ibidem cap. 56. peregrinus presbyter & seniores ecclesiae musticanae regionis tale desiderium prosequuntur ; where again we read of elder and elders , presbyter , and seniors in one church . both those passages are upon record in the publick acts , which are more fully set down by baronius , anno 303. num. 15 , 16 , 17. as also by albaspineus , in his edition of optatus : in which acts the seniors are often mentioned . in that famous relation of the purging of caecilianus and felix , there is a copie of a letter ; fratribus & filiis : clero & senioribus , fratribus in domino aeternam salutem : another letter is mentioned a little before , clericis & senioribus cirthensium in domino aeternam salutem . these seniors were interessed in affaires concerning the church as being the men , by whose advice they were managed . the letter of purpurius to silvanus saith , adhibete conclericos , & seniores plebis , ecclesiasticos viros , & inquirant quae sint iste dissensiones : ut ea quae sunt secundum fid●i praecepta fiant , where we see the joynt power of these seniors , with the clergie in ordering ecclesiasticall affairs ; that by their wisdom and care peace might be setled in the church ; for which cause , these seniors are called ecclesiastical men ; and yet they are distinguished from clergie men . they are mentioned again afterwards by maximus , saying , loquor nomine seniorum populi christiani . greg. mag. distinguisheth them also from the clergie : tabellarium cum consensu seniorum & cleri memineris ordinandum . these seniors had power to reprove offenders , otherwise why should augustine say , cùm ob errorem aliquem à senioribus arguuntur , & imputatur alicui cur aebrius fuerit , cur res alienas pervaserit , &c. when they were by the elders reproved for their errours , and drunkenness is laid to a mans charge , &c. so that it was proper to the seniors to have the cognizance of delinqents , and to reprove them . the same augustine in psal. 36. necesse nos fuerat primiani causam , quem , &c. seniorum literis ejusdem ecclesiae po●tulantibus audire . being requested by letters from the seniors of that church , it was needful for me to hear the cause of primian , &c. so again , optatus , who mentioning a persecution that did for a while scatter the church , saith , erant ecclesiae ex auro & argento quàm plurima ornamenta , quae nec defodere terrae , nec secum portare poterat , quare fidelibus senioribus commendavit albaspineus , that learned antiquary , on that place acknowledges , that besides the clergie there were certain of the elders of the people , men of approved life , that did tend the affairs of the church , of whom this place is to be understood . by all these testimonies it is apparent ; first , that in the ancient church there were some called seniors , secondly , that these seniors were not clergie men . thirdly , that they had a stroke in governing the church , and managing the affairs thereof fourthly , that seniors were distinguished from the rest of the people . neither would we desire to chuse any other iudges in this whole controversie ; then whom himself constituted ; forreign divines , taking the general suffrage and practice of the churches , and not of particular men . as for the learned spanhemius whom he produceth , though we give him the deserved honour of a worthy man : yet we think it too much to speak of him , as if the judgment of the whole church ●f geneva were incorporated into him , as this remonstrant doth . and for spanhemius himselfe , we may truly say , in the place cited , he dilivered a complement , rather then his judgement , which in dedicatorie epistles is not unusuall . we know that reverend calvins and learned beza have said as much upon occasion in their epistles , and yet the christian world knowes their judgement was to the contrary little reason therefore hath this remonstrant , to declaime against all such as speake against this government as unlawfull , with the termes of ignorance and spitefull sectaries , because they call the government unlawfull : had they proceeded further to call it antichristian , ( which he charges upon them ) they had said no more , then what our eares have heard some of their principall agents , their l●gat● à latere speake publikely in their visitations : that howeve● th● chu●ch of ●ngland be as sound , and orthodox in her doctrine as any church in the world yet in our discipline and government we are the same with the church of rome , which amounts to as much as to say the government is antichristian , unless they will say , the government of rome is not so , nor the pope antichrist . sect . xvi . now our remonstrant begins to leave his dispute for the office , and flowes into the large praises of the persons , and what is wanting in his arguments for the place , thinks to make up in his encomiasticks of the persons , that have possest that place in the church of god : and tells us , that the religious bishops of all times are and have been they that have strongly upheld the truth of god against satan and his antichrist . it is well he sets this crown only upon the heads of religious bishops , as knowing that there are and have been some irreligious ones , that have as strongly uph●ld satan and his antichrist against the truth of god. but the religious bishops are they that have all times upheld the truth . what ? they ? and onely they ? did never any uphold the truth , but a religious bishop ? did never any religious minister or professour preach , or write , or die , to uphold the truth , but a religious bishop ? if so , then there is some perswasive strength in that he saith ; and a credulous man might be induced to think , if bishops go down , truth will go down to● : but if we can produce for one bishop many others that have been valiant for the truth , this rhethoricall insinuation will contribute no great help to their establishment . nor indeed any at all ; unlesse he were able to make this good of our times , as well as of all others , which he assaies ; for saith he , even amongst our own how many of the reverend & learned fathers of the church now living , have spent their spirits , & worne out their lives in the powerfull opposition of that man of sin ? how many ? i sir , we would fain know how many : that there are some that have stood up to beare witnesse against that man of sin , we acknowledge with all due respect , to the learning and worth of their persons . but that their episcopall dignity hath added either any flame to their zeal , or any nerves to their ability , we cannot believe , nor can we think they would have done lesse in that cause , though they had beene no bishops . but what if this be true of some bishops in the kingdome , is it true of all ? are there not some that have spent their spirits in the opposition of christ , as others have in the opposition of antichrist ? and are there none bu zealous , religious prelates in the kingdom ? are there none upon whom the guilt of that may meritoriously be charged , which others have convincingly and meritoriously opposed ? and are there not some bishops in the kingdome , that are so far from opposing the man of sin , that even this remonstrant is in danger of suffering under the name of puritan for daring to call him by that name ? we doubt not but this remonstrant knowes there are . but if he will against the light of his own conscience , beare up a known errour out of private respects , ( we will not say these papers ) but his own conscience , shall one day be an evidence against him before the dreadfull tribunall of the almighty . but there is yet a second thing that should endeare episcopacie , and that is the careful , peaceable , painfull , conscionable mannaging of their charges ; to the great glory of god , and the comfort of his faithfull people . which ( in not seeming to urge ) he urgeth to the full and beyond . this care , conscience , paines of our bishops , is exercised and evidenced , either in their preaching , or in their ruling ; for their preaching , it is true , some few there are that labour in the word and doctrine ; whose persons in that respect we honour : but the most are so far from preaching , that they rather discountenance , discourage , oppose , blaspheme preaching . it was a non-preaching bishop , that said of a preaching bishop , he was a preaching coxcomb . as for the discharge of their office of ruling , their entrusting their chancellors , and other officers with their visitations , and courts ( as ordinarily they do , whiles themselves attend the court ) doth abundantly witnesse their care in it . the many and loud cries of the intolerable oppressions and tyrannies of their court-proceedings ; witnesse their peaceablenesse , their unjust fees , exactions , commutations ; witnesse their conscionablenesse in managing their charges , to the great glory of god , and the comfort of his faithfull people . and hence it is that so many at this day hear ill ; ( how deservedly , saith this remonstrant , god knows ; ) and do not your honours know , and doth not this remonstrant know ? and doth not all the nation ( that will know any thing ) know how deservedly some , nay , most , nay , all the bishops of this nation hear ill , were it but onely for the late canons and oath ? but why should the faults of some , diffuse the blame to all ? why ? by your owne argument , that would extend the deserts of some , to the patronage of all ; and if it be a fault in the impetuous and undistinguishing vulgar , so to involve all , as to make innocency it self a sin ; what is it in a man able to distinguish , by the same implication , to shrowd sinne under innocencie , the sin of many under the innocency of a few ? but have our bishops indeed beene so carefull , painfull , conscionable , in managing their charges ? how is it then that there are such manifold scandalls of the inferiour clergy presented to your honours view , which he cannot mention without a bleeding heart ; and yet could finde in his heart ( if he knew how ) to excuse them ? and though he confesse them to be the shame and misery of our church , yet is he not ashamed to plead their cause at your honours barre , onuphrius-like , that was the advocate of every bad cause ; and to excite you by constantines example ( in a differ●nt cause alledged ) if not to suffer those crimes , which himselfe calls hatefull , to passe unpunished , yet not to bring them to tha● open and publique punishment they have deserved . but what , if pious constantine ( in his tender care to prevent the divisions that the emulation of the bishops of that age , enraged with a spirit of envie and faction , were kindling in the church , le●t by that meanes the christian faith should be derided among the heathens ) did suppresse their mutuall accusations , many of whi●h might be but upon surmises ; and that ●ot in a court of iustice , b●t in an ecclesiasticall synode ; shall this be urged before the highest court of iustice upon earth , to the patronizing of n●toriou● scandall● , and hatefull en●rmities , that are already proved by evidence of cle●●e witnesse ? but ●o forbid it to tell it in ga●h , &c. what the sin ▪ ●as , that is done already ; do we not know , the drukennesse , profanenesse superstition , popishnesse of the english clergie rings at rome already ? yes undoubtedly ; and there is no way to vindicate the honour of our nation , ministery , parliaments , sovereigne , religion , god ; but by causing the punishment to ring as farre as the sin hath done ; that our adversaries that have triumphed in their sin , may be confounded at their punishments . do not your honours know , that the plaistring or palliating of these rotten members , will be a greater dishonour to the nation and church , then their cutting off ; and that the personall acts of these sonnes of belial , being connived at , become nationall sins ? but for this one fact of constantine , we humbly crave your honours leave to present to your wisdome three texts of scripture , ezek 44.12.13 . because they ministred unto them before their ●dol● , and caused the house of israel to fall into iniquity , therefore have i lift up my hand unto them , saith the lord , and they shall beare their iniquity . and they shall not come neere unto me , to do the office of a priest unto me , nor to come neere unto any of mine holy things in the most holy place , &c. the second is ier●m . 48.10 . cursed be he that doth the work of the lord negligently : and the third is , iudges 6.31 . he that will plead for baal , let him be put to death while it is yet morning . we have no more to say in this ; whether it be best to walk after the president of man , or the prescript of god , your hunours can easily judge . sect . xvii . but stay , saith this remonstrant ; and indeed he might well have stayed and spared the labour of his ensuing discourse , about the church of england , the prelaticall and the antiprelaticall church : but these episcopall men deale as the papists that dazle the eyes , and astonish the senses of poor people , with the glorious name of the church , the church ; the holy mother the church . this is the gorgons head , as doctor * white saith , that hath inchanted them , & held them in bondage to the●r errors : all their speech is of the church , the church ; no mention of the scriptures , of god the father ; but all of the mother the church . much like as they write of certain aethiopians , that by reason they use no marriage , but promiscuously company together , the children only follow the mother ; the father and his name is in no request , but the mother hath all the reputation . so is it with the author of this remonstrance , he stiles himself , a dutifull son of the church . and it hath beene a custome of late times to cry up the holy mother the church of england , to call for absolute obedience to holy church ; full conformity to the orders of holy church ; neglecting in the meane time god the father , and the holy scripture . but if we should now demand of them , what they meane by the church of england ? this author seemes to be thunder-stricken at this question ; and calls the very question , a new divinity ; where he deales like such as holding great revenues by unjust titles , will not suffer their titles to be called in question . for it is apparent , ac si solaribus radiis descriptum esset ( to use tertullians phrase ) that the word church is an equivocall word , and hath as many severall acceptions as letters ; and that dolus latet in universalibus . and that by the church of england ; first by some of these men is meant onely the bishops ; or rather the two archbishops ; or more properly the archbishop of canterbury : just as the iesuited papists resolve the church and all the glorious titles of it into the pope ; so do these into the archbishop , or at fullest , they understand it of the bishops and their party met in convocation ; as the more ingenuous of the papists make the pope and his cardinals to be their church : thus excluding all the christian people and presbyters of the kingdome ; as not worthy to be reckoned in the number of the church . and which is more strange , this author in his simplicity ( as he truly saith ) never heard , nor thought of any more churches of england then one ; and what then shall become of his diocesan churches , and diocesan bishops ? and what shall we think of england , when it was an heptarchy ? had it not then seven churches , when seven kings ? or if the bounds of a kingdome must constitute the limits and bounds of a church , why are not ●ngland , scotland , and ireland , all one church ? when they are happily united under one gracious monarch , into one kingdom ? we read in scripture , of the churches of iudea , and the churches of galatia : and why not the churches of england ? not that we denie the cons●ciati●n or combination of churches into a provinciall or nationall synod for the right ordering of them . but that there should be no church in england , but a nationall church : this is that which th●s ●mb●r ●o his simplicity affirmes , of which the very rehearsall is a 〈◊〉 sect . xviii . there are yet two things with which this remonstrance shuts up it self , which must not be past without our obelisks . first , he scoffs at the antiprelatical church , and the antiprelatical divisions ; for our parts , we acknowledge no antiprelatical church . but there are a company of men in the kingdom , of no mean rank or quality , for piety , nobility , learning , that stand up to bear witness against the hierarchie ( as it now stands : ) their usurpations over gods church and ministers , their cruel using of gods people by their tyrannical government : this we acknowledge ; and if he call these the antiprelatical church , we doubt not but your honours will consider , that there are many thousands in this kingdom , and those pious and worthy persons , that thus do , and upon most just cause . it was a speech of erasmus of luther , vt quisque vir est optimus , it is illius scriptis minimè offendi ; the better any man was , the less offence he took at luthers writings : but we may say the contrary of the prelates , ut quisque vir est optimus , it à illorum factis magis offendi ; the better any man is , the more he is offended at their dealings . and all that can be objected against this party , will be like that in tertullian . bonus vir cajus sejus , sed malus tantùm , quia antiprelaticus . but he upbraids us with our divisions & subdivisions , so do the papists upbraid the protestants with their lutheranisme , calvinisme , and zuinglianisme . and this is that the heathens objected to the christians , their fractures were so many , they knew not which religion to chuse if they should turn christians : and can it be expected that the church in any age should be free from divisions , when the times of the apostles were not free ? and the apostle tells us , it must needs be that there be divisions : in greg. naz. dayes there were 600 errours in the church ; do these any wayes derogate from the truth and worth of christian religion ? but as for the divisions of the antiprelatical party , so odiously exaggerated by this remonstrant : let us assure your honours , they have been much fomented by the prelates , whose practice hath been according to that rule of machiavil : divide & impera , and they have made these divisions , & afterwards complain'd of that which their tyranny and policy hath made . it is no wonder , considering the paths our prelates have trod , that there are divisions in the nation . the wonder is our divisions are no more , no greater ; and we doubt not but if they were of that gracious ▪ spirit , and so intirely affected to the peace of the church as greg , naz. was , they would say as he did in the tumults of the people , mitte nos in mare , & non erit tempest as ; rather then they would hinder that sweet concordance , and conspiration of minde unto a government that shall be every way agreeable to the rule of gods word , and profitable for the edification and flourishing of the church , a second thing we cannot but take notice of , is the pains this author takes to advance his prelaticall church : and forgetting what he had said in the beginning : that this party was so numerous , it could not be summed ; tells us now , these severall thousands are punctually calculated . but we doubt not but your honours will consider that there may be multi homines , & pauci viri ; and that there are more against them then for them . and whereas they pretend , that they differ from us onely in a ceremony or an organ-pipe , ( which however is no contemptible difference ) yet it will appeare that our differences are in point of a superiour alloy . though this remonstrant braves it in his multiplied queries what are the bounds of this church ? what the distinction of the prefessours and religion ? what grounds of faith ? what new creed do they hold differenc from their neighbours ? what scriptures ? what baptisme ? what meanes of salvation other then the rest ? yet if he pleased he might have silenced his owne queries : but if he will needs put us to the answer , we will resolve them one by one . first , if he ask what are the bounds of this church ? we answer him out of the sixt of their late founded canons : where we finde the limits of this prelatical church extend as farre as from the high & lofty promontory of archbishops , to the ●erra incognita of an , &c. if what distinction of professors and religion ; we answer , their worshipping towards the east , and bowing towards the altar prostrating themselves in their approches into churches , placing all religion in outward formalities , are visible differences of these professours and their religion if what new creed they have , or what grounds of faith differing from their neighbours ? we answer , episcopacy by divine right is the first article of their creed , absolute and blinde obedience to all the commandements of the church ( that is , the bishop and his emissaries ) election upon faith foreseen , the influence of works into iustification , ●alling from grace , &c. if what scripture ? we answer , the apocrypha and unwritten traditions . if what baptism ? a baptism of absolute necessity unto salvation ; and yet unsufficient unto salvation : as not sealing grace to the taking away of sinne after baptisme . if what ●u●harist ? an eucharist that must be administred upon an altar or a table set altar-wise , railed in an eucharist , in which there is such a presence of ●hrist , ( though modum nesciunt ) as makes the place of its administration the throne of god , the place of the residence ●f the almighty ; and impresseth such a holinesse upon it as makes it not only capable , but worthy of adoration . if what christ ? a christ who hath given the same power of absolution to a priest that himselfe hath . if what heaven ? a heaven that hath a broad way leading thither , and is receptive of drunkards , swearers , adulterers , &c. such a heaven as we may say of it , as the indians said of the heaven of the spaniards : unto that heaven which some of the prelaticall church living and dying in their scandalous sinnes , and hatefull enormities go to , let our soules never enter . if what meanes of salvation ? we answer , confession of sinnes to a priest , as the most absolute , undoubted , necessary , infallible meanes of salvation . farre be it from us to say with this remonstrant , we do fully agree in all these and all other doctrinall , and practicall points of religion , and preach one and the same saving truths . nay , we must rather say as that holy martyr did , we thank god we are none of you . nor do we because of this dissension feare the censure of uncharitableness from any but uncharitable men . but it is no unusuall thing with the prelates and their party , to charge such as protest against their corrupt opinions and wayes , with uncharitablenesse and schisme , as the papists do the protestants : and as the protestants do justly recriminate , and charge that schisme upon the papists , which they object to us ; so may we upon the prelates : and if austin may be judge , the prelates are more schismaticks then we . quicunque ( saith he ) invident bonis , ut quaerant occasiones excludendi eos , aut degradandi , vel crimina sua sic defendere parati sunt ( si objecta vel prodita fuerint ) ut etiam conventiculorum congregationes vel ecclesiae perturbationes cogitent excitare , jam schismatici sunt . whosoever envie those that are good , and seeke occasions to exclude and degrade them , and are so ready to defend their faults , that rather then they will leave them , they will devise how to raise up troubles in the church , and drive men into conventicles and corners , they are the schismaticks . and that all the world may take notice what just cause we have to complain of episcopacie , as it now stands , we humbly crave leave to propound these queries . queries about episcopacie , whether it be tolerable in a christian church , that lord bishops should be held to be iure divino ; and yet the lords day by the some men to be but iure humano ? and that the same persons should cry up altars in stead of communion-tables , and priests in stead of ministers , and yet not iudaize , when they will not suffer the lords day to be called the sabbath-day , for feare of iudaizing ? whereas the word sabbath is a generall word , signifying a day of rest , which is common as well to the christian sabbath , as to the jewish sabbath , and was also used by the ancients , ruffinus in psal. 47. orig●n . hom. 23. in num. gregory nazian . whether that assertion , no bishop , no king ; and no ceremonie , no bishop ; be not very prejudiciall to kingly authority ? for it seemes to imply , that the civill power depends upon the spiritual , and is supported by ceremonies and bishops . whether seeing it hath been proved , that bishops ( as they are novv asserted ) are a meere humane ordinance , it may not by the same authority be abrogated , by vvhich it vvas first established ; especially , considering the long experience of the hurt they have done to church and state ? whether the advancing of episcopacie into ius divinum , doth not make it a thing simply unlavvfull to submit to that government ? because that many consciencious men that have hitherto conformed to ceremonies and episcopacy , have done it upon this ground , as supposing that authority did not make them matters of vvorship , but of order and decencie , &c. and thus they satisfied their consciences in ansvvering those texts , colos. 2.20 , 21 , 22. matth. 15.9 . but novv since episcopacy comes to be challenged as a divine ordinance , hovv shall vve be responsible to those texts ? and is it not , as it is novv asserted , become an idoll , and like the brazen serpent to be ground to povvder ? whether there be any difference in the point of episcopacy betweene ius divinum and ius apostolicum ? because we finde some claiming their standing by ius divinum ; others by ius apostolicum . but we conceive that ius apostolicum properly taken , is all one with ius divinum . for ius apostolicum is such a ius , which is founded upon the acts and epistles of the apostles , written by them so as to be a perpetuall rule for the succeeding administration of the church , as this author saith , pag. 20. and this ius is ius divinum , as well as apostolicum . but if by ius apostolicum they mean improperly ( as some do ) such things which are not recorded in the writings of the apostles , but introduced , the apostles being living , 〈…〉 be rightly said to be iure apostolico , nor such things which the apostles did intend the churches should be bound unto . neither is episcopacie as it imports a superioritie of power over a pre●byter , no not in this sense iure apostolico , as hath beene already proved , and might further be manifested by divers testimonies , if need did require . we will only instance in cassander a man famous for his immoderate moderation in controverted points of religion , who in his consultat . articul . 14. hath this saying , an epis●opatus inter ordines ecclesiastic●s ponendus sit , inter theologos & canonistas non convenit ? convenit autem inter omnes , apostolorum aetate inter presbyterum & episcopum nullum discrimen fuisse , &c. wether the distinction of beza , between episcopus divinus hum●nu● , & diabolicus , be not worthy your honours consideration ? by the divine bishop , he meanes the bishop as he is taken in scripture , which is one and the same with a presbyter . by the humane bishop he meanes the bishop chosen by the presbyters to be president over them , and to rule with them by fixed lawes and canons . by the diabolical bishop , he means a bishop with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , lording it over gods heritage , and governing by his owne will and authority . which puts us in minde of the painter that limned two pictures to the same proportion and figure ; the one he reserved in secret , the other he exposed to common view . and as the phansie of beholders led them to censure any line or proportion , as not done to the life , he mends it after direction : if any fault be found with the eye , hand , foot , &c. he corrects it , till at last the addition of every mans fancy had defaced the first figure , and made that which was the picture of a man , swell into a monster : then bringing forth this and his other picture which hee had reserved , he presented both to the people . and they abhorring the former , and applauding the latter , he cried , hunc populus fecit : this deformed one the people made : this lovely one i made . as the painter of his painting , so ( in beza's sense ) it may be said of bishops , god at first instituted bishops , such as are all one with presbyters ; and such are amiable , honourable in all the churches of god. but when men would be adding to gods institution , what power , preheminence , jurisdiction , lordliness their phansie suggested unto them , this divine bishop lost his original beauty , and became to be humanus . and in conclusion ( by these and other aditions swelling into a pope ) diabolicus . whether the ancient fathers , when they call peter marke , iames , timothy , and titus bishops , did not speak according to the language of the times wherein they lived , rather then according to the true acception of the word bishop ? and whether it be not true which is here said i● this book , that they are called bishops of alexand●iae , ephes●s , hierus●lem , &c in a very improper sense , because they abode at those p●ac●s a longer time then at other places ? for su●e it is , if 〈…〉 and and i●mes apostles ( which are bishops ; over the whol● 〈◊〉 ) and the apostles made mark● , ●imothy and titus 〈…〉 , &c. it seemes to us that it would have been a great sin in them to limit themselves to one particular diocesse , and to ●eave that calling in which christ had placed them . whether presbyters in scripture are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that it is an office , required at their hands , to rule and to govern , as hath bin proved in this book ; the bishops can without sin arrogate the exercise of this power to themselves alone , and why they may not with the same lawfulness , impropriate to themselves alone the key of doctrine ( which yet notwithstanding al would condemn ) as well as the key of discipline , seeing that the whole power of the keys is given to presbyters in scripture as well as to bishops ; as appears , mat. 16.19 . where the power of the keys is promised to peter , in the name of the rest of the apostles , and their successors ; & given to all the apostles , and their successors , mat. 18.19 . iohn . 20.23 . and that presbyters succeed the apostles , appears not onely , mat. 28.20 . but also , acts. 20.28 . where the apostle ready to leave the church of ephesus commends the care of ruling and feeding it to the elders of that church ▪ to this irenaeus witnesseth , lib 4 cap. 43.44 . this bishop iewell against harding , artic. 4. sect. 5 , 6. saith , that all pastors have equall power of binding and loosing with ●eter . whether since that bishops assume to themselves power temporall ( to be barons , and to sit in parliament , as judges , and in court of star-chamber , high commission , and other courts of justice ) and also power spirituall over ministers and people , to ordain , silence , suspend , deprive , excommunicate , &c. their spiritual power be not as dangerous ( though both be dangerous ) and as much to be opposed as their temporal ? 1 because the spiritual is over our consciences , the temporal , but over our purses . 2 because the spiritual have more influence into gods ordinances to defile them , then the temporal . 3 because spiritual judgements and evils are greater than other . 4 because the pope was antichrist , before he did assume any temporal power . 5 because the spiritual is more inward and lesse discerned : and therefore it concerns all those that have spiritual eyes , and desire to worsh●y god in spirit and truth , to consider , and endeavour to 〈…〉 spiritual usurpations as well as their temporal . whether a●rius be justly branded by epiphanius and austin for a here●●cke ( as some report ) sor affirming bishops , and presbyters to be of an equal power ? wee say , as some report , for the truth is , he is charged with heresie meerly and onely because he was an arrian . as for his opinian of the parity of a presbyter with a bishop ; this indeed is called by austin , proprium dogma aerii , the proper opinion of aerius . and by epiphanius it is called dogma suriosum & stolidum , a mad and foolish opinion , but not an heresie neither by the one nor the other . but let us suppose ( as is commonly thought ) that he was accounted an heretick for this opinion : yet notwithstanding , that this was but the private opinion of epiphanius , and borrowed out of him by austin and an opinion not to be allowed , appeares : first , because the same authors condemne aerius , as much for reprehending and censuring the mentioning of the dead in the publ●que prayers , and the performing of good works for the benefit of the dead . and also for the reprehending stata jejunia , and the keeping of the week before easter as a solemne fast , which if worthy of condemnation , would bring in most of the reformed churches into the censure of heresie . secondly , because not onely saint hierome , but austin himself , sedulius , primasius , chrysostome , theodoret , o●cumenius , theophilact ▪ were of the same opinion with aerius ( as michael medina observes in the council of trent , and hath writen , lib. 1. de sacr . hom . origine . ) and yet none of these deserving the name of fools , much lesse to be branded for hereticks . thirdly , because no councell did ever condemne this for heresie ; but on the contrary , concilium aquisgranens . sub ludovico ●io imp. 1. anno 816. hath approved it for true divinity out of the scriture , that bishops and presbyters are equal , bringing the same texts that aerius doth , and which epiphanius indeed undertakes to answer ; but how slightly let any indifferent reader judge . whether the great apostasie of the church of rome hath not been , in swerving from the discipline of christ , as well as from the doctrine ? for so it seems by that text , 2. thess. 2.4 . and also , revel . 18.7 and divers others . and if so , then it much concernes all those that desire the purity of the church , to consider , how neere the discipline of the church of england borders upon antichrist ; lest , while they endeavour to keep out antichrist from entring by the door of doctrine , they should suffer him secretly to creep in by the door of discipline , especially considering , what is here said in this booke , that by their own confession the discipline of the church of england is the same with the church of rome . whether episcopacie be not made a place of dignity , rather then duty , and desired onely for the great revenues of the place ? and whether , if the largenesse of their revenues were taken away , bishops would not decline the great burthen and charge of soules necessarily annexed to their places , as much as the ancient bishops did , who hid themselves , that they might not be made bishops and cut off their cares , rather then they would be made bishops : whereas now bishops cut off the eares of those that speak against their bishopricks ? how it comes to pass , that in england there is such increase of popery , superstition , arminianism , and prophaneness , more then in other reformed churches ? doth not the root of these disorders proceed from the bishops and their adherents , being forced to hold correspondencie with rome , to uphold their greatness , and their courts and canons , wherein they symbolize with rome ? and whether it be not to be feared , that they will rather consent to the bringing in of popery , for the upholding of their dignities , then part with their dignities for the upholding of religion ? why should england that is one of the chiefest kingdomes in europe , that separates from antichrist , maintain and defend a discipline different from all other reformed churches , which stand in the like separation ? and whether the continuance in this discipline will not at last bring us to communion with rome , from which we are separated , and to separation from the other reformed churches , unto which we are united ? whether it be fit that the name bishop , which in scripture is common to the presbyters with the bishops ( and not only in scripture , but also in antiquity for some hundreds of yeers ) should still be appropriated to bishops , and ingrossed by them , and not rather to be made common to all presbyters ; and the rather because ? first , we finde by woful experience , that the great equivocatithat lieth in the name bishop , hath been , and is at this day a great prop and pillar to uphold lordly prelacy ; for this is the great goliah , the master-piece , and indeed the onely argument with which they think to silence all opposers ; to wit , the antiquity of episcopacie , that it hath continued in the church of christ for 1500 yeers , &c. which argument is cited by this remonstrant ad nauseam usque & usque . now it is evident tha● this ●r●ument is a paralogism , depending upon the equivocation of the 〈◊〉 ●●shop . for bishops in the apostles time were the s●me with pre●byters in name and office , and so for a good wh●le after . an● when afterwards they came to be disting●●shed , the ●i●hops of th●●rimitive times differed as much from o●●s now , as rome anci●nt ●rom rome at this day , as hath been su●fi●ie●●ly decl●●ed in this book . and the best way to confute this ●rgumen● i●●y h●nging in a community of the name bishop to a presby●er a● w●ll 〈…〉 a ●●shop . secondly , becau●● we ●in●e 〈…〉 late innovators which have so much disturbed 〈…〉 p●r●ty of our church , did first begin w●●h the al●●ratio● 〈…〉 ; and by changing the word table into the word altar , and the word minister into the word priest , and the wo●d sacr●ment into the word ●acrifice , have endeavoured to bring in the popish mass. and the apost●e exhorts us , 2 tim. 1.13 . t● hold fast the form of sound words : and 1 tim. 6.20 . to avoid the prophane novelties of words . upon which text we will only mention what the rhemists have commented , which we conceive to be worthy consideration . ( nam instruunt nos non solùm docentes , s●d eti●m errantes . ) the church of god hath alwayes been as diligent to resist novelties of words , as her adversaries are busie to invent them , for which cause she will not have us communicate with them ▪ no● follow their fashions and phrase newl● invented , though in the nature of the words ●ometimes there be no harm . le● us keep our forefathers words , and we shall easily keep our old and true saith , that we had of the first christians ; let them say , amendment , a●sti●ence , the lords supper , the communion-table , elders , ministers , ●uper-inten●●nt , congregation , so be it , praise ye the lord , morning prayer , evening prayer , and the rest as they will ; let us avoid those novelties of words , according to the apostles prescript , and keep the old terms , ●enance , ●ast , priests , church , ●ishop , mas● , ma●●in , ●ven-song , the b. sacrament , altar , oblation , host , sacifice . hal●elujah , amen ; lent , palm-●unday , christmass , and the words will br●ng us to the faith of our first ●postles , and condemn th●●● new apostates , new faith and phrase . whether having proved that god never set such a government in hi● church as our episcopal government is , we may law●ul●● any l●●ger be subject unto it , be present at their courts , obe● th●ir inju●ctio●s , and especia●ly be instruments in publishing , and ex●c●ting their excommunications and abs●ustions ? ●nd ●hus we have given ( as we hope ) a sufficient answ●r , an● brief as the matter world permit , to t●e remon●●rant . with 〈◊〉 though we agree not in opinion touching episcopacie and liturgie ; yet we fully consent with him , to pray unto almighty god , who is great in power , and infinite in wisdom , to poure down upon the whole honourable assembly , the spirit of wisdom , and understanding , the spirit of counsel & might , the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the lord : that you may be able to discern betwixt things that differ , seperate between the precious and the vile , purely purge away our dross , and take away all our tin , root out every plant that is not of our heavenly fathers planting : that so you may raise up the foundations of many generations , and be called the repairers of breaches , and restorers of paths to dwell in . even so , amen . a poscript . though we might have added much light and beauty to our discourse , by inserting variety of histories upon several occasions given us in the remonstrance , the answer whereof we have undertaken ; especially where it speaks of the bounty and gracious munificence of religious princes toward the bishops , yet unwilling to break the threed of our discourse , and its connexion with the remonstrance by so large a digression , as the whole series of historie producible to our purpose , would extend unto : we have chosen rather to subjoyn by way of appendix , an historical narration of those bitter fruits , pride , rebellion , treason , unthankfulness , &c. which have issued from episcopacy , while it hath stood under the continued influences of sovereigne goodness . which narration would fill a volume , but we will bound our selves unto the stories of this kingdom , and that revolution of time which hath passed over us since the erection of the see of canterbury . and because in most things the beginning is observed to be a presage of that which follows , let their founder austin the monk come first to be considered . whom we may justly account to have been such to the english , as the arrian bishops were of old to the goths , and the jesuits now among the indians , who of pagans have made but arrians and papists . his ignorance in the gospel which he preached is seen in his idle & judaical consultations with the pope , about things clean and unclean ; his proud demeanour toward the british clergy , appears in his council called about no solid point of faith , but celebration of easter , where having troubled and threatened the churches of wales , and afterwards of scotland , about romish ceremonies , he is said in fine to have been the stirrer up of ethelbers , by means of the northumbrian king , to the slaughter of twelve hundred of those poor laborious monks of bangor . his successors busied in nothing but urging and instituting ceremonies , and maintaining precedency we pass over . till dunst●n , the sa●nted prelate , who of a frantick necromaacer , and suspected fornicatour , was shorn a monk , and afterwards made a bishop . his worthy deeds are noted by speed , to have been the cheating king eldred of the treasure committed to his keeping ; the prohibiting of marriage , to the increasing of all filthiness in the clergy o● those times ; as the long oration of king edgar in stow well testifies . in edward the confessors dayes , robert the norman no sooner archbishop of canterbury , but setting the king and earl godwine at variance for private revenge , broach't a civil war , till the archbishop was banisht . now william the conquerour had set up lankefrank bishop of canterbury , who to requite him , spent his faithful service to the pope gregory , in perswading the king to subject himself and his state to the papacy , as himself writes to the pope , suasi , sed non persuasi . the treason of anselm to rufus was notorious , who not content to withstand the king , obstinately in money-matters , made suit to fetch his pall or investiture of archiepiscopacy from rome , which the king denying as flat against his regal sovereignty , he went without his leave , and for his romish good service received great honour from the pope , by being seated at his right foot in a synod , with these words , includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis papam . whence perhaps it is that the see of canterbury hath affected a patriarchy in our dayes . this anselm also condemned the married clergy . henry the first reigning , the same anselm deprived those prelates that had been invested by the king , and all the kingdom is vext with one prelate , who the second time betakes himself to his old fortress at rome , till the king was fain to yield . which done , and the archbishop returned , spends the rest of his dayes in a long contention and unchristian jangling with york about primacie . which ended not so , but grew hot between york and london , as dean to canterbury , striving for the upper seat at dinner , till the king seeing their odious pride , put them both out of doors . to speak of ralph and thurstan , the next archbishops , pursuing the same quarrel , were tedious , as it was no small molestation to the king and kingdom , thurstan refusing to stand to the kings doom , and wins the day , or else the king must be accurs'd by the pope ; which further animates him to try the mastery with william next archbishop of canterbury , and no man can end it but their father the pope , for which they travel to rome . in the mean vvhile , marriage is sharply decreed against , speed 448. and the legate cremonensis , the declamour against matrimony taken with a strumpet the same night . in king stephens reign , the haughty bishops of canterbury and winchester bandy about precedency ; and to rome to end the duel . theobald goes to rome against the kings will ; interdicts the realm , and the king forc't to suffer it ; till refusing to crown eustace , the kings son , because the pope had so commanded , he flies again . becket's pride and out-ragious treasons are too manifest ; resigning the kings gift of his archbishoprick to receive it of the pope ; requiring the custody of rochester-castle , and the tower of london , as belonging to his seignorie . protects murthering priests from temporal sword ; standing stifly for the liberties and dignities of clerks , but little to chastise their vices , vvhich besides other erying sins , vvere above a hundred murthers since henry the seconds crowning , till that time : to maintain vvhich , most of the bishops conspire , till the terrour of the king made them shrink ; but becket obdures , denies that the king of englands courts have authority to judge him ▪ and thus was this noble king disquieted by an insolent traitour , in habit of a bishop , a great part of his reigne ; the land in uproar ; many excommunicate , and accursed ; france and england set to war , and the king himself curbed , and controlled ; and lastly , disciplin'd by the bishops and monks : first , vvith a bare-foot penance , that drevv blood from his feet , and lastly , with fourscore lashes on his anointed body vvith rods. in the same kings time it vvas that the archbishop of york striving to sit above canterbury , squats him down on his lap , vvhence vvith many a cuff he vvas throvvn dovvn . next the pride of w. longchamp , bishop of elie , was notorious , vvho vvould ride vvith a thousand horse ; and of a governour in the kings absence , became a tyrant ; for vvhich flying in womans apparel he vvas taken . to this succeeds contention betvveen canterbury and york , about carriage of their crosses , and rome appeal'd to : the bishop of durham buyes an earldom . no sooner another king , but hubert another archbishop to vex him , and lest that were not enough , made chancellour of england . and besides him , ieffery of york , who refusing to pay a subsidy within his precincts , and therefore all his temporalities seaz'd ; excommunicates the sheriff , beats the kings officers , and interdicts his whole province . hubert outbraves the king in christmass hous-keeping : hinders king iohn by his legantine power from recovering normandy after him stephen langton , set up by the pope in spite of the king , who opposing such an affront , falls under an interdict , with his whole land ; and at the suit of his archbishop to the pope , is depos'd by papal sentence ; his kingdom given to philip the french king , langtons friend ; and lastly , resignes and enfeuds his crown to the pope . after this tragical stephen , the fray which boniface the next archbishop but one had with the canons of saint bartholmews , is as pleasant ; the tearing of hoods and cowles , the miring of copes , the flying about of wax candles , and censors in the scuffle , cannot be imagined without mirth ; as his oathswere loud in this bickering , so his curses were as vehement in the contention with the bishop of winchester for a slight occasion . but now the bishops had turned their contesting into base and servile flatteries , to advance themselves on the ruine of the subjects . for peter de rupibus bishop of winchester persvvading the king to displace english officers , and substitute poictivines , and telling the lords to their faces , that there vvere no peeres in england , as in france , but that the king might do what he would , and by whom he would , became a firebrand to the civill wars that followed . in this time peckam archbishop of can. in a synod was tampering vvith the kings liberties , but being threatened desisted . but his successor winchelsey on occasion of subsidies demanded of the clergie , made ansvver , that having tvvo lords , one spirituall , the other temporall , he ought rather to obey the spirituall governour the pope , but that he vvould send to the pope to knovv his pleasure , and so persisted even to beggerie . the bishop of durham also cited by the king flies to rome . in the deposing of this king vvho more forvvard , then the bishop of hereford ? vvitnesse his sermon at oxford , my head , my head aketh , concluding that an aking and sick head of a king vvas to be taken off vvithout further physick . iohn the archbishop of canterbury , suspected to hinder the kings glorious victories in flanders , and france , by stopping the conveyance of monies committed to his charge , conspiring therein vvith vvish ●he pope . but not long after vvas constituted that fatall praemunire , vvhich vvas the first nipping of their courage , to seek aide at rome . and next to that , the wide wounds that wickleffe made in their sides . from which time they have been falling , and thenceforth all the smoak that they could vomit , was turned against the rising light of pure doctrine . yet could not their pride misse occasion to set other mischief on foot . for the citizens of london rising to apprehend a riotous fervant of the bishop of salisbury then lord treasurer , who with his fellowes stood on his guard in the bishops house , were by the bishop who maintained the riot of his servant , so complained of , that the king therewith seized on their liberties , and set a governour over the citie . and who knowes not , that thomas arundell archbishop of canterbury was a chief instrument and agent in deposing king richard , as his actions and sermon well declares . the like intended the abbot of westminster to henry the fourth , who for no other reason , but because he suspected that the king did not favour the wealth of the church , drew into a most horrible conspiracie the earles of kent , rutland , and salisbury , to kill the king in a turnament at oxford , who yet notwithstanding was a man that professed to leave the church in better state then he found it . for all this , soone after is richard scroop archbishop of york in the field against him , the chiefe attractor of the rebellious party . in these times thomas arundell a great persecutor of the gospel preached ▪ by wikclefs followers , dies a fearfull death , his tongue so swelling vvithin his mouth , that he must of necessity starve . his successor chickeley nothing milder diverts the king , that vvas looking too neerly into the superfluous revenues of the church , to a bloody warre . all the famous conquests vvhich henry the fifth had made in france , vvere lost by a civil dissension in england , vvhich sprung first from the haughty pride of beaufort bishop and cardinall of winchester , and the archbishop of york against the protector , speed 674. in the civill warres the archbishop sides with the earle of warwick , and march in kent , speed 682. edward the fourth , mountacute archbishop of york , one of the chiefe conspirators with warwick against edward the fourth , and afterwards his jaylor , being by warwicks treason committed to this bishop . in edward the fifths time , the archbishop of york was , though perhaps unwittingly ( yet by a certain fate of prelacie ) the unhappy instrument of pulling the young duke of york out of sanctuary , into his cruel uncles hands . things being setled in such a peace , as after the bloody brawls was to the afflicted realm howsoever acceptable , though not such as might be wished : morton bishop of ely , enticing the duke of buckingham to take the crown , which ruin'd him , opened the veins of the poor subjects to bleed afresh . the intolerable pride , extortion , bribery , luxury of wolsey archbishop of york who can be ignorant of ? selling dispensatitions by his power legantine for all offences , insulting over the dukes and peers , of whom some he brought to destruction by bloody policie , playing with state-affairs according to his humour , or benefit : causing tournay , got with the blood of many a good souldier , to be rendred at the french kings secret request to him , not without bribes ; with whom one while siding , another while with the emperour , he sold the honour and peace of england , at what rates he pleased ; and other crimes to be seen in the articles against him , holinshed . 912. and against all the bishops in general , 911 , which when the parliament sought to remedie , being most exc●ssive extortion in the ecclesiastical courts , the bishops cry out ; sacriledge , the church goes to ruine , as it did in bohemia , with the schisme of the hussites , ibid. after this , though the bishops ceased to be papists ; for they preached against the popes supremacie , to please the king , yet they ceased not to oppugne the gospel , causing tindals translation to be burnt , yea , they agreed to the suppressing of monasteries , leaving their revenues to the king , to make vvay for the six bloudy articles , which proceedings with all cruelty of inquisition are set down , holinsh. pag. 946. till they were repealed the second of edward the sixth , stopping in the mean while the cause of reformation well begun by the lord cromwel . and this mischief was wrought by steven gardiner , bishop of winchester . the six articles are set down in speed , pag. 792. the archbishop of saint andrews , his hindring of england , and scotlands union , for fear of reformation , speed 794. as for the dayes of king edward the sixth , we cannot but acknowledge to the glory of the rich mercy of god , that there was a great reformation of religion made even to admiration . and yet notwithstanding we do much dislike the humour of those , that cry up those dayes as a compleat pattern of reformation , and that endevour to reduce our religion to the first times of king edward , which we conceive were comparatively very imperfect , there being foure impediments which did much hinder that blessed work . the three rebellions . one in henry the eighths time , by the priests of lincoln and yorkeshire , for that reformation which cromwel had made . the other two in king edwards dayes . one in cornwal , the other in york●shire . the strife that arose suddenly amongst the peers , emulating one anothers honour , speed , pag. 837. the violent opposition of the popish bishops , which made martin bucer write to king edward in his book de regno christi , lib. 2 cap. 1. and say , your majesty doth see , that this restoring again the kingdom of christ , which we require , yea , which the salvation of us all requireth , may in no wise be expected to come from the bishops , seeing there be so few among them which do understand the power and proper offices of this kingdom ; and very many of them by all means ( which possibly they can and dare ) either oppose themselves against it , or defer and hinder . the deficiency of zeal and courage even in those bishops who afterwards proved martyrs , witness the sharp contention of ridley against hooper for the ceremonies . and the importunate suit of cranmer and ridley for toleration of the mass for the kings sister , which was rejected by the kings not only reasons , but tears ; whereby the young king shewed more zeal then his best bishops , 839. the inhumane butcheries , blood-sheddings , and cruelties of gardiner , bonner , and the rest of the bishops in queen maries dayes , are so fresh in every mans memory , as that we conceive it a thing altogether unnecessary to make mention of them . on●ly we fear lest the guilt of the blood then shed , should yet remain to be required at the hands of this nation , because it hath not publickly endeavoured to appease the wrath of god by a general and solemn humiliation for it . what the pract●ces of the prelates have been ever since , from the begininning of queene elizabeth to this present day , would fill a volume ( like ezekiels roll ) with lamentation , mourning , and wo to record . for it hath been their great designe to hinder all further reformation ; to bring in doctrines of popery , arminianisme , and libertinisme , to maintain , propagate and much encrease the burden of h●mane ceremonies : to keep out , and beat down the preaching of the word , to silence the faithfull preachers of it , to oppose and persecute the most zealous professours , and to turn all relig●on into a pompous out-side ; and to tread down the power of godliness . insomuch as it is come to an ordinary proverb , tha● when any thing is spoiled , we use to say , the bishop's foot hath been in it . and in this ( and much more which might be said ) fulfilling bishop 〈◊〉 prophecie , who when he saw that in king edwards reformation , there was a reservation of ceremonies and hierarchy , is credibly reported to have used these words : since they have begun to taste of our broath , it will not be long ere they will eat of our beef . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52055-e240 * videbat enin● passim laborari mole & copiâ variorum in hoc genere commen●●tiorum ; novis editionibus ancipitem reddi corum delectū ; sed meliores etiam , id est veteres illos et probatos authores è studiosorum manibus excuti &c ▪ praefat. scriptorum theolog. henric . alting . * quaedam noxia victoria paenè mihi semper in disputationibus proveniebat cum christianis imperitis : august . contra manich. cap. 19. * mr. stephen marshall . mr. edm. calamy . dr. th. young. mr. matthew newcomen . dr. william spurstowe . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eph. 4.15 . notes for div a52055-e1000 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 23. pag. ● pag. 2. pag. 3. pag. 6. pag. 2. pag. 7. untruths . remon . pag. 8. malmsbury lib. 4. hist. concil . trid. pag. 9. liturgie . pag. 10. a ad hoc ma●orum devoluta est ecclesia dei & sponsa christi , ut haereticorum exempla sectentur , & ad celebranda sacramenta coelestia , disciplinam , lux mutuetur de tenebris , & id faciant christiani quod antichristi faciunt . cypr. ep. 74. pag. 13. just. mar. apost . 2. tert. ap. ad . gen. c. 39. just. mar. apost . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . laod. can. 18. conc. carth. 3. can. 23. anno 397. conc. milev . 2. can. 12. an. 416. pag. 10. pag. 11. pag. 18. pag. 11. euseb. de vit . con. li. 4. cap. 18. pag. 11. pag. 12. pag. 12. pag. 13. d. corbet . m. nevel . pag. 13. pag. 13. abbot against church-forsakers . ob● ans. pag. 17. pag. 17. pag. 17. * pag. 2. a one of these sonnes of the church of england whose messenger this remonstrant is , was he who swore by the eternal god , he would be the death of those that did appeare to move against the grievances of episcopacy ; and if the rest of these millions mentioned pag , 2. whose thousands are so punctually calculated p. 41. be of his spirit , they are an army of very peaceable & right-affected men . pag. 7. evaristus . 100. dionysius . 260. some say 267. as p●l . virg. pag. 13 , 14. iohn maior l. 2. hist. de gest : scot. cap. 2. heylins geog. p. 55. gener. hist. of spain l. 22 pag. 9. pag. 18. pag. 18. * frustra co●saetudinem nobis opponunt , quasi consuetudo major sit veritate , aut nonid sit in spiritualibus sequendum , quod in melius fuerit à spiritu sancto revelation : cy●r ▪ ep. 73. b it is wel observed by gerhard , that a bishop phrasi apostolicâ , that is , the bishop that is the same with a presbyter , is of fifteen hundred years standing ; but a bishop phrasi pontificiâ , that is , a distinct order superiour to a presbyter , invested with sole power of ordination and iurisdiction , is but a novell invention . pag. 19. pag. 19. * what the establishment of episcopacy by the lawes is , and upon what grounded , the learned sir edward 〈◊〉 informes us , who reports , that in an act of parliament holden at c●●●ile in the 25. year of edw. 1. it is declared that the holy church of england was founded in the state of prelacy within the realm of england , by the king and his pregenitors , &c. for them to inform the people in the law of god , and to keep hospitality , and give almes , and do other works of charity . and the said kings in times past were wo●t to have their advice and counsel for the safe-guard of the realme , when they had need of such prelates and clerks so advanced . cook de jure regis ecclesiastico . but whether bishops have observed the orders of their first foundation , &c. pag. 19.20 . pag. 21. pag. 8. hierony . ep. ad evag. & ad ocea . iren. a●ver . ●aer . l. 4. c●p . 43.44 . hist. lib. 5. cap. 23. bellarm. de cleric . lib. 1. cap. 15. a presbyterie sicut episcopis , dispensatio mysteriorum dei commissa est : praesunt enim ecclesiae christi : in consecratione dominici corporis & sanguinis ▪ consortes sunt cum episcopis : & similiter in doctrina populorum & in officio praedicandi : ac solum propter auteritatem , summo sacerdoti clericorum ordinatio reservata est : concil . aquisgran . primum , can. 8. euangelium tribuit his qui praesunt ecclesiae mandatum docendi evangeli , remittendi peccata , administrandi sacramenta : praeterea jurisdictionem ; videlicet mandatum excommunicandi eos quorum notae sunt crimina , & resipiscentes rursum absolvendi : ac omnium consessione , etiam adversariorum liquet , hanc potestatem jure divino communem esse omnibus qui praesunt ecclesiae , sive pastores vocentur , sive presbyteri , sive episcopi . scriptum philip. melanch . in conventu smalcald . anno. 1540. a praecipuis illarum ecclesiarum doctoribus communi consensu comprobatū de potestate & jurisdictione episcoporum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ierom. isa. 3. igna. epis. ad magnes . conc. ancyr . can. 18. pag. 20. tertul. * at ubi omnia loca circumplexa est ecclesia , conventicula constituta sunt : & caeperunt rectores : & caetera officia in ecclesiis sunt ordinata . caepit ali●t ordine & providentia gubernari ecclesia . ideo non per omnia conveniunt scripta apostoli ordinationi quae nune in ecclesia est , quia haec inter ipsa primordia scripta sunt . nam & timotheum à se presbytorium creatum episcopum vocat , &c. sed quia experuli● sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos , immutata est ratis , &c. hierom ad evag. ambros , ubi prius . grego , naz. orat. 28. pag. 21 , 22. greg. nazi . ubi priu● . pag. 22. pag. 23. pag. 23. * plebs ipsa maximè babet potesiatem vel eligend● . dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos vecusandi , qu●d & ipsum videmus de divina authoritate de scendere : ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatu● , & dignus atque idoneus publico iudicio ac testimonio comprobetur . by priests the authour here understands bishops , as the whole series of the epistle shews . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . athanas. epist. ad orthodoxos . idem ubi supra . cyprian , cornelius , athanasius and others . cypr. epist. 33. epist. 58. apud cypr. epist. 75. cum jure divino non sint diversi gradus episcopi & pastores : manifestum est ordinationem in suâ ecclesiâ factam ivre divino ratam esse . itaque cum episcopi ordinarii fiant hostes ecclesiae aut nolunt ordinationem impertire , ecclesia retinet jus suum . melanch . ubi supra , pag. concil . antios . can. 10. & aneyr. can. 13. concil . 4. cathag . can. 22. ibid. can. 3. hieronym . in epist. ad evag. chrysost. hom. ii. in i. ad tim. chrysost. upon the 1. tim , libro de septem ordinibus . concil . aquisgra . 1. can. 8. solum propter authoritatem clericorum ordinatio & consecratio reservata est summo sacerdoti ▪ bilson . spalat . franc. à sancta clara. cyp. epist. 6. & 28. concil . 4. carth●g . can. 23. vid ruff. hist. lib. 10. cap. 9. sozo . l. 2. c. 23. possiden . de vita . aug. c. 4. orig. ham. 11. in exo. pag. 97. decret . part . 2. can. 15. quae . 7. per totum & partes dist. 93. cap. 5 , 6. clem. alex. stromat . lib. 7. tertul. apol. advers . gent. ambros. epist. ad syagrium . aug. de verb. apost . ser. 19. * constat . iurisdictionem illam excommunicandi reos manifestorum criminum pertinere ad onnes pastores , hanc ad se solos tyrannicè transtulerunt , & ad questum contulerunt episcopi , melanc . ubi sup . b hieron . epist. ad heliodor . ep. ad demet. ambros. lib. 10. epist. 80. cypr. epist. 12. and this was the custome , saith cyprian in minoribus delictis . cypr. epist. 46. vide etiam cypr epist. 6. tertul. apol . adver . gent. cap. 59. origen . ham. 7. in iosh. cypr. epist. 55. cypr. epist 11. ad plebem . indecorū est laicum vicarium esse episcopi , & seculares in ecclesiâ judicare : in uno enim eodemque opere non decetdispar professio quod etiam in lege divina probibetur dicente mose , non arabis in bove & asino simul , concil . hispal . 2. cypr. epist 28. downham in the defence of his son cod. li. 4. tit. 20. l. 7. athan. apol. 2. apud ●naram . greg. deceet . lib. 3. tit. 2. cap. 8. quâ vos . decret . greg. lib. 5 tit. 4. cap. 24. chrysost : hom. 40. in . 8 ▪ tim recording ▪ this among those things that he did dolo modo ducere , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sozo . 1.9 . nicep . 18. ●1 socra . 7.7 . lib. 14. c. 14 , soc. l. 7. c. 19. niceph. l. possidou● in vini august . a let the reader please to consult euseb. hist lib. 3 : cap. 33. according to some , after others cap. 37. and view the description , he there makes of an evangelist , and then judg of what we speak ▪ anno , aerae . christi receptae , 47. anno 48 anno 51 anno 53 anno 53 paraeus . capellus . heb. 13.23 . we finde not onely that timothy was with paul at rome , but a prisoner with him there . a anno 43 b anno 45 * anno 46 * anno 51 * anno 51 * anno 52 * anno 53 * anno 64 raynolds contra ha●t ●a : 6 : hoc erant tique & eteri astoli quod erat peus , pari usortio editi & noris & estatis , exordiab unie profi●itur , ut clesia umontur . euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. pag. 22. pag. 23. pag. 2● . 37. h●n . s. cap. 1● . * the remonstrant here acknowledges the same of the k●ng , that frier simon a floren●ine did of the pope , who affirmed the degree of a bishop was de jure divino , but every particular bishop de jure pontificio . hist. con trid. pag. 28 , 29. pag. 29. ●spara● * 1 tim. 5.17 . 1 cor. 12.28 . rom. 12.8 . * vnde & synagoga , & pastea ecclesia seniores habuit , quorum sine consilio nihit agebatur in ecclesiâ . quod quâ negligentiâ obso●verit nescio , nisi forte doctorum desidi● , aut magis superbia , dum soli ●olunt aliquid videri . origen . lib. 3. contra celsum . epist. 137. lib. 3. cap. 1. aug. serm. 19. de verb. dom. august . in psal 38. conc. 2. pag. 32. pag. 33 pag. 33 doct. duck. pag. 34 pag. 35. we may rather think that they would have done more . remembring what martinus was wont to say to his friend sulpitius , nequaquam sibi in episcopatu eam virtutum gratiam suppetisse , quàm priùs se habuisse mominisset . sulpitius severus dial. 2. pag. 35. pag. 35. pag. 35. pag. 36. pag. 36. pag. ●7 . pag. ●● pag. 39. * in his preface to his book called , the way to the true church . s●linus . pag. 39. tertull. advers . gent. pag. 2. pag. 4● . pag. 41 pag. 41. pag. 42. h●nc populus ●ecit . e●i●han●●s saith he did , 〈…〉 sa●th in 〈…〉 accus●d 〈◊〉 , ●ecause he s●id tha● 〈…〉 d●d n●● 〈…〉 . and aust●n accused arrius , because he said , non licet orare , vel offc●re pro mortu●s oblationem . whitaker . respons . ad campian . rat . 10. hath these words : aerium epiphanius & augu●tinus in haereticis numerant , & praeter cos antiqui panci . e● si presbyterum e●iscapo aequare sit haereticum , nihil catholicum esse pot●st . cun. aerio hicronymus de pres●y●● is 〈◊〉 sensit illos enim jure divino episcopis aequales esse statuit . sozomen . hist. lib. 6. cap. 10. qu●st● 6. notes for div a52055-e29010 beda . holins● . speed. helinsh . out of capgrave-osborn , hig●en . edw cons. holsh . 191. will. conq. speed p. 442. will. ruf. hen. 1. holshim . 37. holinsh. 38. holinsh. 42 , 43. k. stephen . holinsh. 57 , 58 , 59. henry 3. speed 462. out of nubrigens . yet this mans life is lately printed in english , as a thing to be imitated . holinsh. 70. speed 469. holinsh 98. richard 1. page 129 , 130 , 132. 144. king iohn . speed 503. speed 509. hen. 3. stow 188. hol. 247. speed 529.530 . edward 1. holsh 280. holsh . 301 , holsh . 315 , edward 2. speed 574. edward 3. speed 586. holsh . 409 richardpunc ; holsh , 478. page 506. henry 4. page 514. speed 631. holsh . 529. henry 5. speed 638. henry 6. holsh . 596. page 620. edward 4. speed ●99 . edward 5. richard 3. henry 8. hol. 845.462 . speed 784. hol. 992 , speed 792. speed. statut. hen. 8. anno 35. cap. 5. edward 6. lord bishops, none of the lords bishops. or a short discourse, wherin is proved that prelaticall jurisdiction, is not of divine institution, but forbidden by christ himselfe, as heathenish, and branded by his apostles for antichristian wherin also sundry notable passages of the arch-prelate of canterbury in his late booke, intituled, a relation of a conference, &c. are by the way met withall. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10190) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 15739) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1286:01) lord bishops, none of the lords bishops. or a short discourse, wherin is proved that prelaticall jurisdiction, is not of divine institution, but forbidden by christ himselfe, as heathenish, and branded by his apostles for antichristian wherin also sundry notable passages of the arch-prelate of canterbury in his late booke, intituled, a relation of a conference, &c. are by the way met withall. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [88] p. printed [at the cloppenburg press], [amsterdam] : in the moneth of november 1640. by william prynne. a reply to: laud, william. a relation of the conference betweene william lawd, then, lrd. bishop of st. davids; now, lord arch-bishop of canterbury: and mr. fisher the jesuite. identification of printer from stc. cf. folger catalogue, which gives signatures: a-l⁴. "good councel for the present state of england", k2r-end. reproduction of the original in the union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library. eng laud, william, 1573-1645. -relation of the conference betweene william lawd, then, lrd. bishop of st. davids; now, lord arch-bishop of canterbury: and mr. fisher the jesuite -controversial literature -early works to 1800. church of england -controversial literature -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. a10190 s115311 (stc 20467). civilwar no lord bishops, none of the lords bishops. or a short discourse, wherin is proved that prelaticall jurisdiction, is not of divine institution, prynne, william 1640 44023 222 0 0 0 0 0 50 d the rate of 50 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lord bishops , none of the lords bishops . or a short discovrse , wherin is proved that prelaticall jurisdiction , is not of divine institution , but forbidden by christ himselfe , as heathenish , and branded by his apostles for antichristian ; wherin also sundry notable passages of the arch-prelate of canterbury in his late booke , intituled , a relation of a conference , &c. are by the way met withall . math . 20. 25 , 26. iesus said to his disciples , ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them : but it shall not be so among you : but whosoever wil be great among you , let him be your servant . 1 joh. 2. 18 , 19. even as there are many antichrists : they went out from us , but they were not of us . bern. praelati pilati : non pastores , sed impostores . printed in the moneth of november , 1640. to the high and honovrable court of parliament , the nobilitie and gentrie novv assembled in both the houses , grace , mercy and peace be multiplyed . most noble senare , and right worthy pattiots , who both feare your god , and honour your king ; he who truly honours you , and dayly prayes for a blessed successe of this your meeting , humbly presents you here with a cause , which well weighed in your maturest judgements , may prove one of those greatest parliament businesses , which your most pious and prudent thoughts and consultations are taken up withall . when you have perused this short discourse concerning prelaticall authority , whence it is , and if it shall appeare by cleare evidence of scripture , justly compared with their prelaticall properties , and practises , that they are the seed of antichrist , the mystery of iniquity ; a more then heathenish tyranny over soules , bodies , and estates ; a meere enmity ( but under the veile of hypoerisie ) against christ , against his word , against his ministers , against his people , and the salvation of their soulee ; yea against the peace and prosperity of civil states , by their factious and seditious practises , and the like : your wisdome , your piety , your zeale for god , your love to christ , your loyalty to your king , your tender compassion towards your poore country , your christian care of your own soules , and of your posterities , will all of them call and cry for a serious consultation , and a speedy resolution what is to be done herein , as you shall apprehend the prosperity , or calamity of this whole church and state , and the happy or miserable issues of parlliaments to depend upon it . a word to the wise . what i would further say , i will turne into continuall supplication to the great president of councels jesus christ , that he will send his spirit of wisdome and vnderstanding , the spirit of councel and might , the spirit of knowledge , and the feare of the lord : that antichrists throne being quite cast out , and christs alone set up , the king may be established in perpetuall peace and prosperity to himselfe and royall posterity , 'till the coming of him , who shall put an end to times and kingdomes ; and with whom all that truly serve him here , shall raigne for evermore . your honours and worships faithfull orator till death . lord bishops , none of the lords bishops . chapter 1. of the state of the question : whether bishops be de jure divino , of divine authority ? of bishops , or episkopoi , episcopi , so called , so commended in scripture , we doubt not , but they are de jure divino . but what are those bishops ? not diocesan lord bishops , so commonly called . for of such we no where read of in scripture ; as we shall fully prove anon . but those , whom the scripture calleth episcopos , are presbyters , or ministers of the word , lawfully called , and set over their severall congregations respectively . such onely are bishops jure divino . but as for such , as are katagrestikoes , abusively styled bishops , to wit , diocesan or lord bishops , there is not so much as any one footstep of them in the scripture . and therfore as these have not the true nature and calling of a scripture-bishop : so neither ought they to usurpe the name and title of bishop . but as they are of humane invention and institution onely , yea of humane presumption ( as old father hierome saith ) and not of divine institution : so let them be known by such titles onely , as man hath given them , as namely prelates &c. prelati , or prelates are so called , because they are preferred , or rather preferre them selves before and above others , that are gods ministers . and thus they participate of the prelacie of the great antichrist , who is that * supereiromenos ( as the apostle styles him ) he that exalts himselfe , above all that is called god . he is also called in the same place ' o a'ntikeímenos , that adversary , called by iohn , ' o antíkristos , that antichrist , to wit , that adversary against christ . and agreeable hereunto is that other title of prelates , namely antistes in the latine , which they interpret a witnesse : but it may rather be derived from the greek ; anti is not a latine preposition , but greeke , and signifies against . so as antistes , is one that stands against ; and it may answere to antistasiastès , one of the adverse faction , or on the contrary side , as all prelates are antistasiastai , adversaries against christ , or antichrists , which you will ; as will further appeare . but we will content our selves with the title of prelate in this our whole insuing discourse , as being none of the scripture-bishops . now concerning prelates , the learned papists themselves are not , cannot be resolved , that they are jure divino , of divine institution immediately , but onely at the most mediately , deriving their prelacie from the pope , as all his canonized saints doe their saint-ship ; saying , that the pope hath his supremacie jure divino , both as christs vicar , and peters successor : but all prelates derive their prelacie from no further a fountaine , then the pope , as from the well-head , or the head of the hierarchicall body , which gives them their lively motion , as the head to the naturall members . this very point of prelaticall jurisdiction was canvased and controverted in the councel of trent , and held by some learned there , to be but jure pontificio , by pontifician authority resident in the pope : whom therefore they call patrem patrum , the father of fathers , as being the father of the whole paternity of prelates . and our prelates of england may remember , that till hen. 8. cast the pope out of england , the prelates held all their jurisdiction from the pope , and their authority was but translated from the pope , to the king , so as passing from one man to another , it was meerly humane still . and the great primate , the now champion of the church of england as he beares himselfe in his ●a●e book ( his relation of the conference ) confesseth thus much , that among these ( to wit , ‡ bishops in their severall dioces , as there he names them ) there was effectuall subjection respectively grounded upon canon and positive law in their severall quarters . where by effectuall subjection he meanes subjection of the prelates in every province to the arch-prelate , or primate : then he confesseth , that archiprelaticall iurisdiction is grounded upon canon and positive law , and so consequently not upon the holy scriptures , as being jure divino . and thus much he confessed in open court at the high commission at doctor bastvvicks censure , that no one of the apostles had iurisdiction one over another ; and so consequently not an arch-prelate over other prelates , jure divino , but onely jure canonico , & positivo , by canon and positive law . arch-prelates therfore have no iurisdiction by divine institution . or if he meane it of subjection of ministers in every diocese to their prelates respectively , that this also is grounded upon canon and positive law : though so he should say truly , yet in so saying , he should contradict himselfe , as where he saith elsewhere , that christ thought it fitter to governe the church ( universall ) aristocratically by diverse , rather then by one vice-roy . as much to say , rather by many popes , then by one . and this ( saith he i beleeve to be true . so as he makes it an article of his faith , that prelates are jure divino . yet but a little before in the same page , it is not certaine that the whole militant church is a kingdome : for there are no meane ones ( saith he ) which thinke our saviour christ left the church militant in the hands of the apostles , and their successors , in an aristocraticall , or rather mixt government , &c. so as what others , and those no meane ones thinke , the prelate beleeves . and the government , which some thinke , and he beleeves to be aristocraticall , he understands to be prelaticall , which ( saith he ) is aristocraticall , or rather a mixt government . what meanes he by a mixt government ? namely , partly aristocraticall and partly monarchicall , for of those two he there speaketh . his meaning then is , that a prelate is in part in monarch . but where doe we find that christ thought it fittest to governe his church by prelats , that the prelate is so confident to beleeve it ? it seems he is one of christs cabinet counsellors , that he is so intimately privie to his thoughts . for surely christ hath no where left the impression of any such thought of his in his written word . but i suppose the prelate doth but presume so , or charitably beleeve christ thought so . me thinks he should not so beleeve it , as to write upon it , i beleeve this is true . but thus ( i say ) this faith of his overthrows the credit of his former saying , that prelates with their effectuall subjection , are grounded upon canon , or positive law , and so have no authority from christ ( as the prelate a little before affirmeth ) of what force is his canon ? for there speaking of the pope he saith , nay out of all doubt , 't is not the least reason , why de facto , he hath so little successe , because de jure he hath no power given . but how then is it , that some few * pages before he saith , that some one must be ordine primus , to avoyd confusion● and he speakes there of the rom●e prelate . it is then of necessity , that there must be one ordine primus to avoyd confusion in the catholick church militant ( which elswhere he makes to be visible , and hierarchicall , or prelaticall ) then did not christ leave so much exprest in writing , but to canon and positive law ? but perhaps christ thought it best : and the prelate so beleeves . thus we see here is nothing , but ridd●es , ambiguities , and contradictions , or enterfeerings with our prelate . what course then shall we take for a cleare resolution of the question , that prelates ( as themselves affirme ) are jure divino ? certainly , if they be jure divino , they must shew good proofe for it in the written word of god . and to this rule we must hold them , and to this onely . for it were to tread an endlesse maze , to goe about to prove a divine title , or authority out of the volumes of humane writings , or ecclesias●icall histories . they can tell us de facto what hath been : but that prelates are de jure divine , that we must search for in the sacred records of divine writ . if there we find it , well and good : but if there it be not , but the contrary : then all humane writings are in this point to be rejected , as of no credit , or value . come we therfore to the scripture , which will clearely tell us what christ thought of this matter . chap. ii. wherein is proved , that christ expresly condemneth all prelacie , or hierarchie , as flatly forbidding it to his apostles and disciples . math . 20. 29 , &c. then came to him the mother of zebedees children , with her sons worshiping him , and desiring a certaine thing of him . and he said unto her , what wilt thou ? she saith unto him , g●ant that these my two sonnes may sit the one on thy right hand , and the other on thy lest in thy kingdome . but jesus answered and said . ye know not ●hat ye aske . are ye able to drinke of the cup , that i shall drinke of , and to be baptised with the baptisme , that i am baptised with ? they say unto him , we are able . and he saith unto them , ye shall drinke indeed of my cup , and be baptised with the baptisme , that i am baptised with : but to sit on my right hand , and on my left , is not mine to give , but it shal be given to them , for whom it is prepared of my father . and when the ten heard it , they were moved with indignation against the two brethren . but jesus called them unto him , and said , ye know , that the princes of the ●entiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority upon them . but it shall not be so among you : but whosoever wil be chiefe among you , let him be your servant . even as the son of man came not to be ministred unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransome for many . in these words , as we see the mind of these , as yet carnall disciples : so on the other side we see the mind of christ , and what he thought of prelacy . for prelacy is that , which they make such a solemne suit for . they ambitiously affect cathedram , a prelates chaire , or throne : they make suit to sit , and that in the most prime seat , on the right , and left hand of christ . and these two suiters were christs kinsmen , iames and iohn . a faire motive for promotion to a prelacy . for as the saying is , dic●re vis , praest● ? de sanguine praesulis esto . wouldst thou have church dignitee ? the prelats kinsman thou must be . or according to those old verses : quatuor , ecclesias , his portis , itur ad omnes : sanguinis , & simonis , praesulis , atque dei . prima patet claris : nummatis altera : charis tertia , sed raris janua quarta patet . through these foure gates all churches wayes are trod of birth : of simon : prelate : and of god . the first for nobles : next for golden worth . for prelates kin , the third : for few the fourth . these two brethren would enter into the chiefe cathedralls by the gate of nobility , as they are christs neere kinsmen , and so descending of the blood royall . and in hope the better to speed , they get their mother to speake , who with christ was not a little gratious . but besides the absurdity of this their suit ( for christ told them , ye know not what ye aske ) they come in as unfit a season , and upon as unsutable an occasion for such a suit , as possibly could be . for in the very next words going before , christ had but newly told them of his death at ierusalem , saying , behold we goe up to ierusalem , and the son of man shal be betrayed unto the chiefe priests and scribes , and they shall condemn him to death : and shall deliver him to the gentiles to mocke , and to scourge , and to crucifie him , &c. and in the next words they come to make their suit . nor onely here , but in other places of the euangelists this is constantly noted of the disciples , that when christ was telling them of his suffering , and death , they were still harping upon this string , which of them should be the greatest . as we may read , mark 9. ver. 30. to 34. and luk. 9. ver. 43. to 46. yea ( luke 22. ) when they were at the last supper , and christ had newly told them , that one of them should betray him , they were instantly againe at their philoneikía , a hotly contending about prelacy : as ver. 21. to 24. as if they would contend , which of them should betray him . so as still they took as bad a season for their suit , as might be . but in mathew ( chap. 20. 19. ) christ told them also of his resurrection , which might give him a faire hint for their suit . but alas , poore soules ; they as yet * understood nothing at all , either of his crucif●ing , or of his rising againe . and againe it is to be noted , that after the lord was risen againe , and they had received the holy ghost , they never made any such suit , or had any such contention , or ambition among themselves . then they were become other men , never so much as thinking of any such vanity , as a prelacy ; they now saw , that christs kindome in its military condition admitted not of prelaticall chaires to sit at their ease , and to injoy their pomp , pleasure , and riches of the world . their contention was then , which should be the greatest in paines taking in his ministry , and in undergoing greatest afflictions for christ , and the gospell , and in winning most soules to christ , and the like . but ( i say ) before christ was risen againe , they were carnall , carnally minded , they dreamed of a temporall , and worldly kingdome , wherein they would be chiefe . and such a kingdome indeed is that , which hath chaires of prelacy , and preeminence , such as they blindly aymed at . and yet as blind as they were , their * conscience made them ashamed to confesse to christ what it was , that they reasoned of by the way ; for they had been at it , which of them should be the greatest . well , we have heard of their suit : now for christs answere ye know not ( saith he ) what ye aske . you know not the nature of that kingdome of mine , which in this world is not a kingdome of externall pompe , glory , and greatnesse , but a kingdome of grace , humility , patience , and wholly spirituall , a kingdome not of ease and pleasure , as to sit in chaires of state , but of paines-taking , of labour and travell in your ministry , of contempt of the world , and of suffering manifold afflictions , and even death it selfe , for my names sake . and therefore christ addeth here : are ye able to drinke of the cup , that i drinke of ? &c. and they answering : we are : he addes ; ye shall indeed drinke of the cup , and be baptised with the baptisme , that i am baptised with : that is , you must thinke of other matters , when you come into my kingdome , then of any such worldly greatnesse as you dreame of ; you must prepare your feet for the fetters , your backs for the whip , your bellies for hunger and thirst , your bodies for nakednesse , your stomacks to drinke and digest the bitter cup of death , and to be dipped over head and eares in floods and seas of afflictions . are ye able to doe this ? alas , poore soules , as yet they were novices in christs schoole , they would be of the highest forme , before they had learned the very first principles of the catechisme , or the a , b , c. of the crosse of christ . but , saith christ , ye shall drinke of my cup , &c. that is , after ye have fullfilled your ministeriall course , and suffered afflictions , and drunke deaths cup , and therewith have been baptised , then a place shal be proved for you in my kingdome of glory , such as my father hath appointed for you , and for all my disciples , so as in whom the greater improvement of the * talents of grace , committed to your trust , is found , the greater preferment in glory he shall have , each according to his proportion yet so , as every good and faithfull servant , shall enter into his masters joy , in ‡ whose presence is the fullnesse of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . but for any such thing as you aske , it is not mine to give , i have no such commission from my father to bestow upon you any such thing , as worldly prelacy ; that 's no part of my kingdome , nor of the administration thereof . but all that are found faithfull in the kingdome of grace , shall in the kingdome of glory sit with me at my fathers right hand for evermore . whereas on the contrary , such as turne my kingdome of grace into a kingdome of pleasure , pride and ease , as they due which hunt after , and injoy the preferments of the world , to those i say , ‡ woe to you that are rich for you have received your consolation . woe to you that are full : for you shall hunger . woe to you that laugh now : for ye shall mourne , and weepe : woe unto you , when all men shall speake well of you : for so did their fathers to the false prophets . hence we may note by the way , that christ applyes this his whole speech to such especially as are false prophets ; that wallow in ease and pleasure , as we know all prelates doe ; who therfore shall be ranked among the voluptuous and salacious goates at christs left hand when he shall say unto them , goe ye cursed , &c. for as one said , qui praelatum quaerit in terris , inve●●t confusionem in coelis . he that seeks prelacy on earth , shall find confusion in heaven . and we see here , that christ hath no such prelacie to give ; he convinces his disciples of great blindnesse , in such their ambition . christ then to be the author and giver of any such prelacie . prelacie therfore is not jure divino , as from christs ordinance . for prelacie alwayes is attended with a long silken traine , goodly palaces , rich revenews , great grace in princes courts , and what not that the world can afford ? quo jure then ? from what title doe prelates hold ? namely , from him who said * all these things are mine , and to those that will fall downe and worship me , i give them : that is , all that will be prelates , and so will be my servants in oppressing gods word , in persecuting christs saints and ministers , in exercising their lordly iurisdiction over the consciences of gods people , captiving them with manyfold ceremonies of will-worship , to ●h● destruction of christs kingdome , of mans salvation , and of that liberty from all spirituall bondage , the redemption from which cost christ his best blood : to those i will give rich prelacies , goodly houses and palaces , a princely traine and retinue , a lordly revenew , and all the pleasures and contentments , which the world can afford . and thus we have found out the very source of this egyptian nilus , the prime author , and patron of all such prelacie , as falsely pretends its title to be de jure divino , yea even from christ himselfe . it followeth in the text ver. 24. and when the ten heard it , they were moved with indignation against the two brethren . observe here of these disciples , as yet carnall , some are ambitious , and the rest envious . for all of them before christs resurrection , were ambitious of prelacie ; as we read in the place forecited . so as hence we may note , that such as affect , and are ambitious of prelacie , they are carnall men , which savour the things of the flesh , worldly minded , such as the apostle speaks of , that § are enemies to the crosse of christ , whose end is destruction , whose god is their belly , whose glory is in their shame , who mind earthly things . they have a wisdome indeed , but † such as is not from above , but is earthly , sensuall , and develish , as iames speaketh . and whereupon speakes he it ? in the former verse he had sayd , if ye have bitter envying and strife in your hearts , glory not , and lye not against the truth . and this was the wisdome of these carnall disciples , they were ambitious , and envious one against another ; yea they did a'ganaktein , stomack and maligne one another in the point of prelacy . for ambition and envy are two inseperable twinnes , like those of hypocrates , they are borne together , live together , and dye together . and as iames in the former place addeth , for where envying and strife is , there is confusion , kai pan phaulon pragma , and every evill worke . now to apply this to our prelates : what men in the world more ambitious of prelacie , and more envious one against another ? in those primitive times , at the first councel of nice , what bundles and fardles of complaints did those prelates bring one against another ? and all this arose from their ambition and 〈◊〉 , each seeking precedency of his sea before another . and the fire was so kindled , that had not constantine the emperour caused all the bills of complaints to be cast into the fire together , it had been enough to have set all the world in a combustion . and the prelate of canterbury in his said book confesseth , * that the onely difficulty was to accommodate the places and precedencies of bishops among themselves . and afterwards , what a hot stirre was between iohn of constantinople , and gregory of rome , for the precedencie of their seas , and for the supreme headship it selfe ? and heretofore between the prelates of canterbury and yorke for the universall metropolitanship over all england ? but let us further hearken to what christ saith : but iesus called them unto him , and said , ye know that the princes of the gentiles exercise dominion over them , and they that are great exercise authority over them . but it shall not be so among you . and luke expresseth it thus : the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them , and they that exercise authoritie upon them , are called benefactors . but ye shall not be so . all is to one effect . which is , christ here forbids his disciples to exercise any such dominion , or auhortity , or lordship , either over one another , or upon his church , as heathen princes doe use over their people . and this he applies to their ambition of prelacie , which prelacie he samples and parallells with the dominion , authority , and lordship , which heathen princes exercise over their people . these words of christ are so expresse and full , that bellarmine hath no other shift to ward off the blow , but to say , that christ here forbids his disciples the exercise of all temporall authority and jurisdiction , such as heathen princes used , but not of spirituall dominion and lordship , authority , and jurisdiction over the church . but it is more cleare then the sun , that christ forbids here to his disciples all manner of dominion and lordship either over one another , or over the church of god , as over gods ministers and people . first , for lordship over one another , the said arch-prelate of canterbury confesseth christ gave them none . and secondly , for lordship over gods heritage , the apostles themselves afterwards both disclaimed in themselves , and condemned in others ; as we shall see hereafter . and by the way , by bellarmines own confession , all temporall lordship , or government is condemned in prelates . but now for our prelates : quo jure doe they de facto exercise such authority and dominion , such lordship and jurisdiction over gods ministers and people , as differeth nothing at all from the state of heathen princes ? this christ expresly forbids to his disciples : and therefore such as doe it , are none of his disciples , nor yet any of their successors . but they will say , they are spirituall lords , and exercise a spirituall lordship over the church . but this bare title of spirituall , is too short a cloake to cover the nakednesse of so poore a shift . they call themselves spirituall , when they are the most carnall men in the world . thus did those false * apostles , deceitfull workers , transforme themselves into the apostles of christ . thus antichrist himselfe , whom the scripture intitles ‡ the man of sinne , and the son of perdition , will salve all , by styling himselfe , holy father , yea holinesse it selfe . but to come a little more close and home to our prelates , those spirituall lords : wherein doth their spirituall dominion and lordship differ from that of heathen princes ? for first , they assume the title of prince to themselves , as the arch-prelate in high commission most bravely and boldly alledged psal. 45. 16. for which he borrows bellarmines glosse . princes then they must be . but what princes ? spirituall . nay by their lordships favour , they are temporall lords ; for how els come they to sit in parliament cheek by jowle with the princes and peers of the realme ? and do they not in all points beare the image , and represent heathen princes in their state and dominion ? have they not their stately palaces , as they ? have they not their attendants and officers of their house , as they ? doe they not goe in purple , and scarlet , silkes and velvets , and fine linnen , and faire deliciously every day , as they ? have they not their courts , and officers , their tipstaves , lictors , and prisons , as they ? and doe they not exercise their authority without subjection to any humane law , and in their own names , as absolute , and independent lords , as those heathen princes did ? thus have they not with the beast ( their syre ) in the * revelation , made a perfect image of the first beast , to wit , of the heathen empire , from top to toe , whose whole forme and state of dominion they set up in their prelaticall hierarchie ? doth not the ‡ beast , which cometh out of the earth , having two hornes like a lamb , but speakes as a dragon ( which is the papall hierarchie ) exercise all the power of the first beast before him ( namely of the roman emperour there described ) yea and cause the earth , with all that dwell therein to worsh●p the first beast , that is , to subject themselves to the throne and authority of the hierarchie , which is now invested with an absolute , imperiall , independent power , which yet they blush not to affirme to be jure divino , and from christ himselfe ? how can any thing be more diametrically contrary to christs words here , it shall not be so among you ? yes ( saith this shamelesse beast , it shal be so with us , and this imperiall jurisdiction ) we doe , and will exercise over the people . as they doe indeed . yea these spirituall lords do not only exercise all the power of the first beast , as of heathen princes over the bodies and goods of men , by imprisoning , fyning , undoing of men and their whole families ; yea and faggotting also the deare saints and servants of god , onely by a pretty conveyance , making the civil magistrate to be their executioner , as the high priests having condemned christ , delivered him over to the secular power , to pilate the roman governour : but they also usurpe and exercise a most transcendent and tyrannicall dominion over the soules and consciences of gods people , as whose canons and constitutions ( even their whole canon law , written in blood , signified by their red inke , like to draco his laws , which for their cruelty were sayd to be written in blood● are most cruelly pressed upon the peoples soules for a full conformitie to all those humane rites and ceremonies of their will-worship in their divine service , as they call it . a bondage infinitely more bloody and cruel , then that of gods people of old under the egiptian taskmasters . and yet , not withstanding all these things , is this their lordly and princely jurisdiction jure divino , from christ ? or are prelates herein the apostles successors ? were the apostles ever such princes ? lived they in such palaces ? kept they such courts ? did they imprison , persecute , and undoe gods saints ? did they make any canons , or laws for will worship ? did they presse so much as any one ragge of a ceremony of their own devising upon the conscience of any of gods people ? nay did they not expresly forbid , and condemn it ? not as lords over gods heritage , saith * peter to the presbyters . not as having dominion over your faith , saith ‡ paul to gods ministers and people . yea this was also one branch of that dominion , which the heathen emperours exercised over the people , namely to force their conscienses in matters of religion . ‡ darius made a decree , that none should make any request to god or man for 30. dayes , save to the king alone : § nebuchadnezzar proclaimes his commandment , that all should fall downe and worship his golden image . and iulian the apostata would force the christians to offer sacrifice to his idols , or at least to cast but a little incense upon the fire before them . and such as refused , were sorely persecuted , punished , yea put to death . and doe not the prelates exercise the like dominion over mens soules ( i say ) even to the utter undoing and exterminating of all those , that refuse to submit their necks to such an antichristian yoake ? nay doe they not fast chaine to their tyranny all ministers , that take their oath of canonicall obedience , even as temporall princes take an oath of allegiance of their subjects● only here is the difference , the subjects are by their oath bound to the prince , to obey him according to gods law , and the laws of the land : but prelates by imposing the oath of canonicall obedience , doe exact of all ministers absolute and unlimited obedience , to all their canons , not onely those in being ( although they be both contrary to christs law , and are not authorised by the law of the land ) but to whatsoever other canons they should in time frame and compose . which was one great coale , that hath caused the smoaking out of all the prelates out of our neighbour countrey . thus we see , that the prelates , exercising the like , yea even the same authority and dominion , which the heathen princes used in all points over their people , are here flatly and expresly forbidden by christ himselfe : so as their pr●lacie is so farre from being sure divino , of divine authority , as that it is an open rebellion against christ and his kingdome , and a very trampling of his words under their feet : but it shall not be so among you . againe for the words in luke , the kings of the gentiles exercise lordship over them , and they that exercise authority upon them , are called benefactors . but ye shall not be so . ye shall not be called e'uergétai , benefactors , or gracious lords , as some translations render it . in which word or title christ forbids all such titles to be assumed by his apostles , as are heathenish , or such as did , set forth the magnificence , pompe and state of heathen princes , or such titles , as the scripture doth not give to gods ministers . now it was not unusuall with the heathen to call their kings , who were the greatest tyrants , and oppressors of the people , * benefactors , or the like , in flattery of them . thus they did incrustare vitia , parget , or roughcast their vices ; as the poet speakes . and it seems the popes learned of the heathen this fashion of changing of their names : as , if he were deformed , to call him , formosus : if cruel , clemens , &c. but for prelates , are they not called euergetae , benefactors , your grace , your honour , right reverend , most reverend father in god , my lord , my reverend discesan , my patron and benefactor , our metropolitan , primate , my ordinary , and many such like devised titles , no where to be found in scripture , but serving to bolster out their pontificiall pride ? all such titles christ forbids to his disciples here ; as elswhere also , ‡ be ye not called rabbi : for one is your master , even christ , and all ye are brethren . and call no man father upon earth ( such fathers as prelates are called ) for one is your father which is in heaven . neither be ye called masters : for one it your master , even christ . but the prelates will say , distingue tempora , distinguish the times : the apostles were poore , the church was then but in the infancie , swadling clouts might serve the turne : but now we that are the successors of the apostles , are men grown , and know how to use the honours , pleasures and preferments of the world , being cast upon us ; and being now promoted to be princes , those titles , riches , and honours that we have , are but sutable to our dignity , and serviceable to our principality : then was then : and now is now . these things some great pontificians and popes themselves have alledged . ‡ but bernard , who was one of their owne , writing to pope eugenius , and telling him plainly and freely of all his pontificiall pomp , and how unlike therein he was to christ and his apostles : saith , scilicet sic factitabat petrus ? sic paulus ludebat ? did peter i pray you doe thus ? did paul play such play ? si anderem dicere , daemonum magis , quam ovium pascua haec : if i durst speake it , these are the pastrues of devils , rather then of the sheep . honori totum datum datur , sanctitati nihil aut parum : all is given to honour , but little , or nothing to holinesse . but he puts their allegation as i sayd before ) absit ; inquiunt , tempori non convenit : what should holinesse doe , say they ? it is not sutable for our times . thus bernard . but we need goe no further , then to the painter , whom the pope set a worke in his gallery to draw the pictures of peter and paul : who having painted their faces blushing redde , and the pope coming in to see his worke , and asking him , if peter and paul had such redde faces , because he had so painted them : no , quoth he , but if they were here now , and did behold what a glorious , rich and magnificent successor they have , they would blush as redde , as now you see their pictures doe . and his holinesse was very well pleased with the painters conceit , to see himselfe a braver man , then ever poore peter and paul were , whose successor notwithstanding he boasts himselfe to be . for what els , but a sweet fable , doth the pope make of the gospel , as himselfe said ? and surely we cannot thinke , that prelates , who are the limbs of this great beast , are of any other spirit , then atheisticall , such as the head himselfe is of , and which he hath derived to his members . well , hitherto we have heard christs sentence concerning prelacy in the church , and that negatively , denyed to his apostles , as a thing heathenish and carnall ; and so which turnes christs spirituall kingdome into a meere carnall and temporall , yea profane and heathenish kingdome . but it shall not be so among you . ergo prelates ( as before is noted ) are none of christs disciples , and their prelacie , or hierarchy none of his institution or ordinance , but flatly forbidden and condemned by hm . now a word of the affirmative part of his answere , wherein the shews what manner of men his true disciples must be . verse 27. &c. but whosoever wil be great among you , let him be your minister : and whosever wil be chiefe among you , let him be your servant : the summe is : christs apostles and disciples must be humble men , and servants to their brethren , not lords over them . for these two are opposed one to the other : prelacy is for proud men : humility for christs disciples . christs disciples then , and prelates cannot stand together . and pride is not the way to come to sit the next to christs right hand , but humility . he that is most humble , shal be exalted to the greatest honour . as christ saith here , whosoever wil be chiefe among you , let him be your minister , or servant . that 's the way to be the chiefe . lastly , in the next words , christ sets himselfe for an example : even as , ( saith he ) the son of man came not be ministred unto , but to minister , and to give his life a ransome for many . and the servant is not above his lord . and as christ humbled himselfe below all men : so for that cause god hath highly exalted him , and given him a name , above every name , that in the name of iesus every knee should bow , &c. that is as christ made himselfe the servant of all , so god hath made him now the lord of all : this is that name above every name : so as in this name to bow , is not an hypocriticall and superstitious bowing of the knee of the body , when ever the bare name iesus is named , when the name christ is nothing regarded : but it is an acknowledgement that iesus christ is the lord and iudge of all , to the glory of god the father ; as there the apostle speakes . so as he there saith , * let the same mind be in you , which was in christ iesus . thus true humility is the way to honour in christs kingdome : he that fits lowest at christs footstoole here , shall sit highest at his right hand in heaven . so as this is not such an humility , as was in the monke , that alwayes went hanging down his head , untill at length he came to be prior , and then being asked , why now he held up his head : he answered , i have now found the keys of the covent . nor as of another , that being a frier , would cover his table with a piece of an old fisher-net , in token of his humility : but coming to be abbat , he cast away his net ; and being asked why , he said , i have now taken the fish . neither are christs words so to be taken , as the pope stiles himselfe , servus servorum dei , servant of the servants of god : under which title he hath made himselfe dominus dominantium , lord of lords . nor because pope gregory was the first , that styled himselfe servus servorum dei , and his next successor but one , boniface 3. got the title of vniversalis episcopus , universall bishop : therfore christ requires such an humility ; as aymes at temporall promotion . but he is truly humble , that denyes himselfe ; and tramples on the worlds preferments , preferring christs rebukes before the treasures of egypt , and to suffer afflictions with the people of god , rather then to injoy the pleasures of sinne for a season . this is that humility , which brings us to that recompence of reward , to sit at christs right hand . and thus much of christs words , wherein he declares his mind touching prelacy , so as he never thought it fittest to governe his church by prelates , as the said archprelate is not ashamed to bely him , and so to blaspheme him . therfore the hierarchy is no institution of christ , and so not jure devino , of divine authority . chap. iii. wherein sundry passages of the prelate in his said booke , for the mainteynance of his hierarchy , and so for the disabling of the authority and evidence of the holy scripture , are met withall . for concerning the scripture , he hath writ a large treatise or * section of his relation , of almost 15 sheets of paper , wherein he extremely abuses the clearenesse and sufficiencie of scripture , as wanting light enough of it selfe to show it to be the word of god ; untill the authority and tradition of the present church doe light it . and for proofe hereof he saith , that god in his providence hath kindled in it no light for that . thus belying and blaspeming gods providence . it shal be sufficient to name and note this onely , for the present , the confutation thereof requiring a larger discourse , then this of mine will admit . againe , he saith , ‡ if there be a jealousie or doubt of the sense of the scripture , we must repaire to the exposition of the primitive church , and submit to that : or call , and submit to a generall councel , &c. now , if he shall quarrell this scripture , and those words of christ forementioned , as being either jealous or doubtfull of the sense thereof : and so send me to the primitive church , or call me to a generall councel , for the determination of this point : what shall we say ? for in no case can he yeeld the scripture the honour to be sole judge of controversies in faith . and for the primitive church , which he meanes , namely that which came after christ and his apostles , that ( he will say ) had bishops , or prelates . and for a generall councel , that by his own verdict , must consist of prelates , and so then shal be judges in their own cause . therefore herein i must tell him plainly : that , first , for the primitive church , which was that of the apostles , never any one of them was a prelate or diocesan bishop , as we shall see more anon . secondly , the next ages of the church succeeding that of the apostles , knew no such lord bishops , or prelates , as are now adayes , with their traines and courts . and when they began to get prelacies , old hierome reprooved them ; and so did others . thirdly , never any generall councel yet concluded , that prelates were jure divino . fourthly , for a generall councel now to be called for the determining of this controversie , which must consist onely of prelates : i deny them to be competent iudges in this case . for by the prelates own confession * no man ought to be both party and iudge in his own cause . and again , the ‡ prelate is too strict and canonicall , in tying all men to the decision of a generall councel , and to yeeld obedience unto it , yea although it determine a matter erronious in the faith . now then if a generall councel of prelates should determine , that prelates are jure divino , although it be erronious , yet according to the prelates rule , all must yeeld obedience , and submit thereunto . and then we are gone , if we commit this matter to a generall councel . but we will passe by these , and come to some other of his passages for his prelacy . he saith , ‡ i beleeve , christ thought it fitter to governe the church aristocratically by diverse , rather then by one vice-roy . a●d those diverse , he makes to be prelates , or hierarchs , or rather archprelates . now except he verily beleeve that prelates are the best men in the world , how can he beleeve , that christ thought is fittest to governe his church by them ? for aristocracie is a government of the best men . aristoi , optimi , and therefore called optimates , most honourable for their vertues but are prelates so ? doth their extreme pride , ambition covetousnesse , voluptuousnesse , idlenesse , hatred and suppressing of gods word , persecution of gods ministers , oppression of gods people , even all that professe godlinesse , and extreme both injustice and cruelty without all law or conscience in censuring poore innocent soules that come before them : doe these their vertues make them to be the best men for christ to thinke the fittest , by whom to governe his church ? unlesse in this respect christ might thinke it fittest : that seeing he thought it fittest , to keep his true church , his little sto●ke , alwayes under manifold tryalls of afflictions and persecutions , as being the exercises of all that will live godly in christ iesus , and the way , through which they must goe into the kingdome of god : therefore for this very cause , he might thinke it fittest to suffer satan to set up anticr●ist in the temple of god , with his traine of prelates , who should prove the most vengable instruments of persecuting and oppressing gods true children , of all other men in the world . and this i beleeve to be true . and againe , i beleeve this to be true also , that christ thought it fittest to governe his true church aristocratically , that is , by the best men , because he hath so expressed himselfe in his word . why ? where ? and who be those best men ? let my lord prelate have patience , and i will shew him a cleare ground of this my faith , such as he can never shew for his blind faith . those best men , that christ thought is fittest to governe his church by : are the severall ministerss rightly qualified , and lawfully placed over their severall congregations respectively . and they are called both presbyteri , and episcopi , presbyters or elders , and overseers , or ( as prelates falsely style themselves ) bishops . but how are these o i aristoi , the best men ? because christ requires such to have the qualities of the best men . what be those ? first , such a bishop , or overseer must be blamelesse : the husband of one wife ( not therfore one tyed from marriage , which is for antichrists priests ) vigilant , sober , of good behaviour given to hospitality apt to teach , not given to wine , no strik●r , not greedy of filthy l●●re : but patient , not a brawler , not covetous , &c. and in titus : not selfe-willed : not soon angry : a lover of good men● sober , just , holy , temperate , holding fast the faithfull word that he may be able by sound doctrine , both to exhort , and to convince the gainesayers . such therefore , as call themselves the onely bishops , to exercise lordship over many ministers and congregations , and are proud , heady , high minded , lovers of pleasures , more then lovers of god , cruell strikers with their high-commission-weapons , soone angry ; and never appeased againe , not lovers , but persecuters of good men ; not such as hold fast the wholesome word , but suppresse it all they can , forbidding others to convince the gainesayers , as those of the arminian party , and the like ; and cutting off the eares of those ministers , that should dare to reprove the prelates notorious practises and attempts , in setting up a false , idolatrous , and anchristian religion for christs religion , and such like : such ( i say ) how can the prelate beleeve to be of those diverse , whom christ thought it fittest to governe his church by . againe ; another passage of his , is this : * she ( the church of england ) beleeves , that our saviour christ hath left in his church , besides his law-booke , the scripture , visible magistrates and iudges , that is arch-bishops , and bishops , under a gracious king , to governe both for truth and peace according to the scripture , and her owne canons and constitutions ; as also chose of the catholick church , which crosse not the scripture , and the just laws of the realme . so the prelate . in the next passage before , the prelate makes profession of his own faith concerning christs thought for prelaticall government : and here he tells us what is the faith of the church of england about the same new article of his beliefe●● and not unlikely it is ● that the prelaticall church of england is of the saine beliefe with her learned champion , and great metropolitan . but the faith both of the prelate and his church , in this point , is notoriously erronious , as both is proved before , and which the prelates own words here will sufficiently convince of fashood . for first , christ left none ( when he went into heaven ) but his apostles and disciples , such as he inspired with his spirit , to instruct and governe his church . but the prelate a * little after confesseth , that one of these visible iudges , arch-bishops and bishops , are infallible . therfore christ left no such iudges ; and when he went into heaven , there were no prelats extant , nor yet hatched ; and therfore christ cannot be so much as thought ; much lesse beleeved , to have left any such visible iudges , as the prelate mentioneth . secondly , it cannot be safe to beleeve , that christ left any such to be visible iudges in matters of faith and religion , who are in their judgement not onely erronious , but in their affections malicious against christ and his word , and his trile church . for the universall and constant practise of prelates ( and especially ever since antichrist hath been exalted in his throne ) in persecuting the professors of the gospell , doth proclaime them to be of the malignant church , and of ‡ the bendwoman , that where of babylon , whose ●eed doth persecute the true church and children of god : and therefore christ would never appoint such to be visible iudges in matters of faith and religion in his church . thirdly , the prelate in making such visible iudges besides christs law-booke , the scripture ( as he saith ) doth hereby deny and exclude the scripture from being the sole iudge in all matters of faith and religion . and the church of england formerly before this her metropolitan started up ) was of this beliefe , that the scripture was the sole iudge and rule of faith , and admitted of no other iudges to sit on the same bench with it . this the many learned works of our english divines , yet extant , can abundantly testifie . therfore except the church of england hath lost her wits , and hath no more grace left her , then the grace and faith of canterbury : she cannot be so madde as to beleeve christ left any such visible iudges , as her prelate speakes of . fourthly , it can never be beleeved of any sensible man , much lesse of any even common christian , that christ would leave notorious hypocrites to be iudges in matters of religion , who under a faire pretence of truth and peace , doe labour utterly to destroy both truth and peace in his church . as here , the prelate names truth and peace , as the end of his hierarchicall government : but his practises doe prove him to be the greatest enemy both of truth and peace , that ever sate in the chaire of canterbury . for first , for truth ( as the truth of the doctrines of grace , layd down in the articles of religion of the church of england hath he not in the declaracion before those 39 articles ( but set forth in the kings name : for all must be , under a gracious king ) baffled it , making the articles to speake nonsense , or in the language of the delphick oracle , ambiguous , that may be taken either way , as favouring the arminian , aswell as the orthodox ; so as by this meanes , his arminian crew may prove their heresies out of those articles , aswell as the orthodox , can the truth . is this visible iudge then for truth ? againe , how doth he suppresse all preaching of the doctrines of grace , by terrifying ministers in all the visitations of these visible iudges ? so cleare it is , that he governes for truth . secondly , for peace . what peace , i pray you , hath either the church , or state of england had , since this polypragmatick began to stirre and stickle both in church and state ? nay what peace hath the neighbour-kingdome had , since his arme hath been imped out , to put his hot coale under the eves of that church also . so as now , when scotland burneth , is 't not time for england to looke out , and to cast on water , and to quench the fire , not with more fire , to consume all , but by quenching the coale , that both first kindled , and still fomenteth the flame ? thus we see what a governour here is under a gratious king , for truth and peace . but , fiftly , he addeth , according to the scripture . this is something . and yet as good as nothing : for he immediately annexeth , and her own canons and constitutions canons , enough to batter the scripture : and constitutions to undermine and blow it up . for what scripture can stand in any force , where his canons come ? and much more , where these canons of his church of england are seconded by his catholike church : wherein his church of england , and that of rome , are become ( according to his * own words ) one and the same church , of one and the same faith and religion . and thus indeed , the church of england may enter common with rome in her canons , as namely in her canon law , and so make corpus cononicum the rule whereby to governe this new corporation of the two churches now become one againe . so as let but the canons of the church of england be seconded with those of her prelates catholicke church , and then all scripture is gone in common law . so vaine is it , that with scripture he names and yoakes his canons of england and rome , by which his figures of value , he conjures the scripture within the circle of a meere cypher but , sixtly , he concludes with this qualification : which crosse not the scripture , and the just laws of the realme . but first , for the scripture , who shal be judge whether the canons doe crosse it ? who but the canon-makers , and canon-masters , the prelates ? and will they trow you turne the mouth of their own canons against themselves ? nay their canons , though never so crosse to scripture , yet are like to darius his decree , which though against the scripture , yet rather then it shal be broken , daniel must to the lions denne , to try whether the lions , or the kings decree be more cruell . so the prelates church catholick canons are like the laws of the medes and persians , all the daniels in the world shall rather to the lions denne , then the canons be reversed . to give but one instance for many : that canon de haeretibus comburendis , of burning the hereticks ( which is one of those speciall canons of his catholick church , and a most damnable canon , as any in all the packe , and such , as if christ and his apostles were now upon the earth , and did preach as once they did , they should by vertue of that canon be brought to the stake , as christ was by the high priests * law to his crosse ) that canon ( i say ) though it crosse the scripture ( as being against all true chistians , whom this canon calls hereticks , and burnes for the scripture-sake ) yet shall it not be for ever in force , so long as there is one hereticke remaining upon the face of the earth , and one pope , or prelate to discharge the canon ? but the prelate addes , and the just laws of the realme : if the said canons crosse not the just laws of the realme . this is as good , as the former , and no better . for what laws of the realme doth he account just ? those , that crosse any prelaticall practises , and antichristian lawlesse courses of his spirituall courts ? surely those are not to be ranked among the just laws of the realme those must needs be unjust laws , which are made to restraine ; the infolencie and lawlesse proceedings of prelaticall courts . which is the reason , that now of late , under this archprelate , prohibitions out of the kings bench to the high-commission are so gueason , so well schooled are both lawyers to move , and judges to grant any such thing . thus the prelates practises are a sufficient commentary of his owne words . so as the summe of this his whole passage is , that his church of england must submit her beliefe to her arch bishops and bishops , as visible iudges left by christ to governe , and to determine all matters of difference in point of faith and religion , and that according to scripture too , so farre as they crosse not her own canons , and those of the catholicke church , wherein england and rome are one and the same , one church , of one faith , of one religion . and all this ( if we may beleeve her metropolitan ) the church of england beleeves . o miserable church ! chap. iiii. wherein some other passages of the prelate in his booke , touching the authority of his hierarchie , are met withall , and confuted by evidence of scripture . in his * epistle dedicatory he hath these words : she the church of england ) practises church-government , as it hath been in use in all ages , and all places , where the church of christ hath taken any rooting , both in , and ever since the apostles times ; and yet the seperatist condemnes her for antichristianisme in her discipline . so he . a bold speech , and the more bold , because most false , and hath nothing but his bare ipse dixit , his naked affirmation , as authority sufficient . whence i note sundry particulars . first that he calleth the hierarchie , or ecclesiasticall government therof , the church of england . a thing familiar with prelates to make themselves the church . and such a church as that of rome , the pope and his priests , or prelates , are the church , as themselves affirme . whereas indeed ( as iunius hath well distinguished ) ● they are not the body it selfe of the church , but ●●ennes , or swellings grown up , and so incorporated into the body , as overspreading it like a leprosie , it assumes the denomination of the body . and such are prelates , who in the church of england are strumae great swellings like the kings evill , which are commonly next the head , or about the necke , in the most principall parts of the body . onely in this they will not be called the kings evill , because they claime their originall from christ ( as before is noted ) and therfore though they be but certaine abscessus , or apostemes ( and so indeed apostat●s from the true church of christ ) which not onely deforme the body , but greatly in danger the life thereof , yet the name of church they challenge in peculiar to themselves . but surely the true church of christ in england disclaimes communion with such a false church , as the hierarchie calls it selfe . secondly , he saith that his church , or prelaticall government hath been in all times and places , where the church of christ hath taken any rooting . here he finely excludes all the protestant reformed churches , as no churches of christ , because they have weeded out those . * bittet roots , whereby many are defiled , and rooted up those plants , ‡ which our heavenly father hath not planted , to wit ; all prelates with their hierar●hicall government , which being rooted out of those churches , the gospell ( blessed be god ) and so the true church of christ hath taken the deeper and firmer rooting , and brought forth the more abundant ‡ fruits of holin●sse . but the prelate in thus unchurching all true reformists , is as good as his word , which he openly spake at dr. bastwicks censure , in high-commission , saying , the protestant churches beyond the seas were no churches , as having no bishops , calling calvin a plaine rascall . but so long as those churches have the true bishops namely orthodox and sound pastors to feed their severall ●locks , it is not the arch-prelate , that can so easily degrade them from being christs true churches , as he can deprive those ministers both of ministry and meanes , who are obnoxious to his church-go●ernment . thirdly , where he saith , that his church-government hath been in use in all ages , and in all places , where the church of christ hath taken any rooting , both in , and ever since the apostles times : although this be most false , yet were it true , it would not therupon follow , that this his church-government is either apostolicall , or jure divino , or from christ . for first , every thing that hath been in use in the apostles times , and in the true church of christ , is not therfore apostolicke , or such , as the true church of christ alloweth of . for we read , that the mistery of iniquity began to worke in the apostles times , and even then there were § many antichrists , and that in the very midst of the church in those dayes . † and if prelates shall prove to be those antichrists , which the apostles detected , and described by their qualities ( as will appeare anon● ) then because such antichrists were extant , and their church-government in use in the apostles times , will the prelate therfore conclude , such were apostolicke , and had their originall jure divino ? secondly , neither can the prelate ever prove , that his prelaticall government ( as now of later , and of long time it hath been ) is any thing like to the church-government exercised by those , who took upon them to be the first diocesan , or provinciall bishops in those ages succeeding the apostles . he that shall read the centuries ; cat●lagus testiun● veritatis , and other true church stories , shall find as vast a difference between those poore ancient bishops , both in their manner of life , and church-government , and the moderne prelotes , since antichrist mounted aloft in his pontificalibus : as the * poet makes between the silver age , and the iron age : or as the ‡ prophet shews between the brazen brest of the image of the babylonish empire , and the feet mixt of iron and clay . and that image may well resemble the state of the spirituall babylon , or hierarchy , which had its rise of simple and small beginnings , but by degrees successively , it grew and got strength , and both height and bredth , and so became at length of a blind brooke , a goodly navigable river , so as the church turned a city of traffique and trade in all worldly pleasures and riches ( as babylon is described revel. 18. ) and so the more worldly it grew , the more wicked , proud , tyrannicall , lordly , and imperious , and of a militant church turned triumphant as the prelate himselfe saith of rome so as now the church government of the prelates in regard of their great courts , and consistories , and doing all things without the presbytery● is as much unlike that ancient church-government of those bishops of old , as our moderne prelates themselves are unlike them in manner of life ; for these are persecuters of the gospel : those were persecuted , and suffered martyrdome for christ . thus it is false , that he saith , that the church-government now in england was in us● in the primitive church . for to instance in one thing : in those ancient times excommunication was not used for every trifle , nor done in a blind court , nor denounced by a dumb priest . but enough of this . fourthly , whereas he saith : and yet the seperatist condemnes her for antichristianisme in her discipline . first , as for the seperatist ( as he calls him ) i thinke the prelate with this his book , and other his prelaticall practises hath made more separatists from his prelaticall church of england , then ever any that hath sit in the chaire of canterbury ever since his predecessor augustine first sate in it . nor doe i see , how any christian living in england can with a safe conscience have communion with that church , which professeth ( as the prelate doth in her name ) to be one and the same church with rome , of one and the same faith and religion . yea were it no more , but that the church of england professeth to be a hierarchicall or prelaticall church , which in that very respect is no true church of christ , it were argument and cause sufficient to seperate from her . and that because , secondly , he that is a true seperatist from her , for the former respects , may justly condemne her for antichristianisme in her discipline , for first , she exerciseth , she professeth no other discipline , but that which antichrist , the pope and the whole antichristian romish church exerciseth and professeth , and that in all points cap a pied , from top to toe . and this her discipline is antichristian , as being of antichrist , and so against christ , and exercised in the maintenance of antichrist . for instance : the prelaticall church of england hath lately found out a discipline , to censure , punish , imprison , fine , excommunicate , degrade deprive , and all these together , him that shall dare to deny the pope and prelates to be jure divino . dr. bastwicke did thus : and so the high-commission served him , as aforesaid . what discipline then in the world can be more antichirstian , or more forcible to drive christians from having any more communion with that church ; which exercising such an antichristian discipline , how can she shift off the just condemnation of antichristianisme , which they shall cast upon her ? againe , secondly , the whole discipline of the church of england , as it is the discipline , which antichrist and his church exerciseth , and therfore antichristian : so it is that , which hath no footing , but is expresly forbidden in the word of god , as antichristian and tyrannicall . for the church of englands discipline stands most upon the imposition of sundry ceremonies of humane invention , and antichristian observation , which she presseth upon all mens consciences , and for default of conformity , layes grievous censures upon them , as excommunication , and the like . now all such ceremonies , so imposed , both christ himselfe condemneth , * in vaine they worship me , teaching for doctrines the commandements of men : and the apostle also throughout that whole chapter of the epistle to the collossians doth charge christians not to put their necks under any such yoake , as whereby they are deprived of the benefit of christs death , and beguiled of their reward , and spoyled of their christian liberty , and the like . againe , the prelates in imposing their ceremonies are antichristian , because in so doing , they usurpe christs throne , and therein fitting , doe exercise a tyranny over mens consciences , intolerable to be borne ; which if men will not yeeld unto , they doe in as much as in them lyeth , make them anathemaes , shut them out of the church , by excommunication , &c. and lastly , their excommunication , not onely in regard of the matter and cause , for which it is , namely , because men will not renounce christs service , to take the tyrannicall yoake of antichrists ceremonies upon the shoulders of their consciences , but for the very manner of it , as it is used in the church of england , is a discipline antichristian , as being against that form of excommunication , which is prescribed in the word of god , and was practised in the apostolicall churches . it was christs rule , tell it to the church , that is , to the congregation ; and if the offender will not heare the congregation , he is excommunicate by and out of the congregation . and the apostles rule is , for such offenders as deserve excommunication : * i verily ( saith he ) as absent in body , but present in spirit , have judged already , as though i were present , concerning him , that hath so done this deed : in the name of our lord iesus christ , when ye are gathered together , and my spirit , with the power of our lord iesus christ , to deliver such a one unto satan , for the destruction of the flesh , that the spirit may be saved in the day of our lord iesus christ . whence i note , that excommunication is a solemne businesse , not to be inflicted for every trifling matter , much lesse as the pharisees did , who excommunicated all those , that confessed christ ; nor to be done in a blind court , and by a single soled priest , nor the offender to be released for the payment of his fees , or by way of committing , or the like : all which are practised in the discipline of the church of england . but excommunication must not be , but for a great offence ; nor done , but by the whole congregation , nor released , but upon the publique repentance , confession , and promise of reformation before the said congregation , where the offence was given , and by whom the penalty is taken off . therfore the discipline of the church of england in this case is wholly antichristian . lastly , forasmuch as prelates doe necessarily draw after them a traine of ceremonies , as a chaine of so many links , wherwith they captivate , ensnare , and enslave the consciences of men ( as their motto is , no ceremonie , no bishop : for they goe inseperably together , like tobie , and his dogge ) and the church of england in her discipline , and church-service , is wholly captivated by the masters of such ceremonies , the prelates : and some ceremonies are such , as even doe deny the lord that bought them , as namely , altars , and their service : and all the ceremonies imposed upon the conscience , deny christ to be the onely king of his church : all these taken together , what between the prelates , and between their ceremonies , the church of england , and her discipline is become antichristian ; and therfore no marvail , if for this cause , good christians , that have knowledge , and make conscience , doe seperate from communion with any such church . chap. v. wherein some other passages of the prelate are taken tripping , though he would run away with it , that his hierarchie is jure divino . he saith , * for the calling and authority of bishops over the inferiour clergie , that was a thing of known use , and benefit for preservation of unity and peace in the church . and so much st. jerome tells us . though being none himselfe , he was no great friend to bishops . and this was so sei●ed in the minds of men from the very infancy of the christian church , as that it had not been to that time contradicted by any . so that then there was no controversie about the calling . the difficulty , was to accommodate their precedencies● and the ‡ ordine primus ( whereof there was a necessity ) falling to the roman prelate , by reason of the imperiall seat , this was the very fountaine of papall greatnesse , the pope having his residence in the imperiall city . so he . now for answere hereunto : first , for the authority of bishops or prelats over the inferiour clergie ( as he calls it ) first he must prove their calling , before he can make good their authority . now prelates have no such calling from god . and the apostle saith , ‡ no man taketh this honour unto himselfe , but he that is called of god as aaron . so christ glorified not himselfe , to be made an high priest : but he that said unto him , thou art my son , to day have i begotten thee : thou art a priest for ever after the order of melchisedec . but that the prelates have no such calling from god , the prelate himselfe ( as before is noted ) doth as good as confesse , saying , § among bishops there was effectuall subjection respectively grounded upon canon , and posuive law in their severall quarters ergo this was not jure divino . and if not , where is their authority then ? and therfore , as the prelate saith of the popes supremacy , in being the sole living iudge in and over the universall church . † neither ( saith he ) hath he power from christ over the whole church to doe it ; nay out of all doubt , 't is not the least reason , why de facto he hath so little successe , because de jure he hath no power given : so i may say as truly of all prelates ( who challenge to be the living visible iudges ( as before is shewed ) which is one maine part of their usurped authority over the ministry ) that they have no such power from christ over their severall diocese , provinces , or quarters to doe it ; nay out of all doubt 't is not the least reason , why de facto they have so little successe , because de jure they have no power given . according to that in the prophet . * behold ( saith the lord ) i am against the prophets , that steale my word every one from his neighbour . behold i am against the prophets , saith the lord , that use their tongues , and say , he saith . behold i am against them that prophecie false dreames , saith the lord , and doe tell them , and cause my people to erre by their lyes , and by their lightnesse , yet i sent them not , nor commanded them therefore they shall not profit this people at all , saith the lord . and this : is the very case of the prelates ; they are faise prophets , they steale gods word from the people of god , and instead thereof use their own word , prophecying false dreames , saying , the lord saith , the lord hath sent us , we have our calling and authority from god over all ministers , we are the sole living visible iudges in matters of faith and religion , so as all must rest in our iudgement , according to our own canons and constitutions , &c. thus causing simple people to erre by their lyes , and by their lightnesse : yet the lord hath not sent them , nor commanded them , they have no calling , and so no power and authority from god : and therfore the lord is against these false prophets : and because he hath not commanded them , nor sent them , therfore they shall not profit the people at all . but secondly , the prelate saith , that his prelaticall iurisdiction over the inferiour clergie , was a thing of known use and benefit for preservation of unity and peace in the church . now first , for his inferiour clergie . clergie being appropriated to the ministry is an abusive monopoly , and usurpation ; for all gods people redeemed by christ , are his kleros , his lot , or ●nheritance , whereof the word clergie is derived . as peter saith , writing to the presbyters , ‡ not as lording over t●n kleron , gods heritage , but as ensamples to the flocke . so that the flocke of god , are his kleros , his heritage . but to passe over this : secondly , he tells us of an inferiour clergie : he meanes his priests , and the rest , as archdeacons , and so forth , to the number of 7 orders , as they call them . a rabble of orders not unsutable to the subjects of a lord prelate , as being all of them of humane devise and institution ; of which their hierarc●ie is made up ; another word of mans invention , which some call rather ‡ hierodoulia ; but what holy orders christ hath left in his church , we shall see anon . thirdly , this was ( saith he ) a thing of known use and benefit . of the known use we have formerly spoken . but now , what 's the benefit ? namely , for the preservation of unity and peace in the church . how proves he this ? from s. ierome , who said , that one was chosen over the rest in sckismatis remedium , to remedy schisme in the church . but by the way , these very words of ierome doe argue , that prelates were of humane institution : for unus electus est , one was chosen , i ●rgo of men . but lerome speaks more expresly , which the prelate wisely passeth over dry foot , where he saith , that prelacy was set up humana praesumptione , non institutione divina , by humane presumption , and not by divine institution . well : but had it that successe , the prelate speaks of ? did it produce the fruitfull benefit of unity and pea●e ? or what unity ? or what peace ? indeed we find by wofull proof , that this hierarchy was the very egge , of which the cockatrice , antichrist was hatched , so as the hierarchy consisting of so many prelates , grew at length co●lescere , to grow together into one antichrists ●n body , whereof the ordine primus came to be the head . and herein unity and peace are so conjoyned , as they have made up one intire new catholicke church , that , whereof the prelate professeth himselfe , with the church of england , and of rome , and all other prelaticall churches in the world , ( all other not prelaticall , as the reformed protestants beyond the seas , excluded , as before is noted ) to be , in all which this his catholick church ( as * elswhere he saith , hath its existence . which prelaticall catholicke church is the ver●head and body of antichrist . even as the prelate tells us , that the ordine primus , the roman prelate having his throne in rome . this ( saith he ) was the very fountaine of papall greatnesse : so i may say , the prelacie , or hierarchie was the very fountaine● , when●e hath issued the maine ocean of th●se ‡ many waters over which the whore sitteth , which though it be distinguished into many severall seas of so many prelates , yes all make up but one maine sea ( as it were ) one catholicke church . and this is that unity and peace , the benefit of both the constitution , and preservation whereof is to be ascribed to the hierarchy of prelates over their inferiour clergy . thirdly where he saith , though s. jerome , being no prelate himselfe , he was no gre●t friend to bishops . hence i note onely the conceit of the prelate , that he thinks none can speake against prelates , but such as are none themselves , as if it were onely a matter of envie . but as the poet said , dic mibi , si fi●l tis l●● , qualis eris● tell me , if thou thy selfe wert a lion , what manner of man wouldst thou be ? so the prelate imagines , that if any of those , that speake against the authority of prelates , were themselves lions that is , lord prelates , they would be of another mind , they would then say , we prelates have authority over all inferiour priests , jure divino ; we are the sole visible living iudges to determine and resolve all doubts in matters of faith and religion ; we are the sole masters of ceremonies , to bind all men to canonicall obedience to all our canons and constitutions : we enjoy honours , pleasures , riches , ease , delights of the world , favours in court , and what not ? thus the prelate thinks all men would be of his mind , were they in his place . and i thinke so too , thus farre , that they who take upon them the prelacy , they no sooner sit in that chaire , but it proves a chaire of pestilence unto them , infecting and corrupting mans very reason and judgement so farre , as to make him beleeve all is gold that glistereth . onely few come to that chaire , but such as are selfe-infected with their own imbred plagues , as pride , ambition , covetousnesse , and that in a high degree . so as king iames being once asked , why he had made so many bishops , in scotland , and not one honest man amongst them all : he replyed , saying , by his saule there was never an honest man wad tack a bishopricke . and histories tell us of many holy men , that utterly refused bishopricks , and there is never a true reformed protestant minister , but hates a bishoprick , as he doth the throne of the beast . but fourthly ( saith the prelate ) this ( to wit anthority of bishops ) was so settled in the minds of men from the very infancy of the christian church , as that it had not been to that time ( in the 4th age or century ) contradicted by any . no doubt but such a brave and bonny thing , as a prelacy ; would find grace enough in the world , and quickly sink down , and settle in mens minds and affections . but what 's this to the purpose , as to prove it a calling from god● but this was ( saith he ) from the very infancy of the christian church . surely the prelacy , in the very infancy of the christian church , either had no being at all i●rerum natura , or was but a misshapen embrio , or infant in the mothers belly , as es●● was at the same time in his mothers belly with isaac , yea and would have claimed the blessing of the birth-right too from isaac , because of his antiquity . and did not this young babe wrastle with 〈◊〉 in the wombe , when the apostle saith , the mystery of iniquity doth already works , and this young prelate wanted but time and opportunity to grow up to be a nimrod , even the great antichrist , as we shall see further anon . so as to plead antiquity of the prelacy even from the very infancy of the christian church , is yet no good argument to confirme their authority to be jure divino . for even satans kingdome had existence in the world , before christ was promised . and the kingdome of heaven , to wit of 〈◊〉 here , is described to be such as no sooner was the wheat of the gospell sowne , but that wicked one had his supersemination of tares of manifold ●rrors , such as sprung up even in the apostles times , the very infancy of the church . but had not been till that time which the prelate speakes of ) contradicted by any . that i must now contradict . for first ( as before is shewed ) christ forbad it upon the first motion of it . secondly , the apostles of which we shall speake by and by ) mightily contradicted it , and cryed it down , as being that monstrous mystery of iniquity . and thirdly , it was contradicted by sundry ; as by 〈◊〉 . but you will presently say , that epiphanius ranks him ( even for that very opinion only , that he held prelates not to be de jure divino , or that the degree of a bishop was no greater , then that of a priest ) in the catalogue of hereticks . and so am i also content , upon the same termes , to be by the prelates , counted for an hereticke . but secondly , himselfe confesseth s. ierome to have contradicted their authority ; as we noted before ; saying , that their institution was meerly of humane presumption . yea and thirdly augustine ( that famous light ) was of the same mind with ierome : so as some of the learned in the * councel of trent alledged both of them in this point . so that contradicted it was , and had been , and that by many , and some of them ( as christ and his apostles ) of divine and infallible authority . so as without all controversie , prelaticall authority over other ministers is no calling of god at all ; which we now come more fully to shew , by the testimony of the apostles , both in their doctrine and practise . chap. vi . wherein is shewed , that according to the scripture , preshyters and bishops are all one , without difference , so as he which is a presbyter , is called episcopus , a bishop , and a bishop a presbyter . the first place of scripture that proves this , is in acts 20. where the apostles called together the presbyters , or elders of the church of ephesus , as ver. 17. which elders , or presbyters in v. 28. he calls episcopus , saying , take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the flocke , over the which the holy gh●st hath made you episcopous , ( that is , overseers , as our english renders the word , or ) bishops , to feed the church of god , which he hath purchased with his own blood . from which words it is manifest , first , that presbyters and bishops are all one and the same order , calling and office . secondly , that in the church of ephesus there were many bishops , or presbyters . thirdly , that they had their calling from the holy ghost . fourthly , that their office was to feed the flock of god , over the which the holy ghost had made them overseers . and for this cause such are called elsewhere * pastors , and teachers , right shepheards indeed , that feed the flocke of god . now will our prelates say , first , that they are those episcopi ? what more contrary to their canons , and practise : for first , they doe not allow , that every presbyter be called a bishop , nor to be of the same order , calling , and office . for they say , that the order , calling , and office of a bishop or prelate is distinct and different from that of the presbytery . secondly , the prelates have an old canon , that there must be but one bishop in one city , or diocese . but here we see the church of ephesus , that one city had many bishops in it , even as many as there were presbyters . thirdly , our prelates can never prove their authority and office to be from the holy ghost either from any inward calling , or outward . not from an inward calling , because , first , it is not any zeale of gods glory , or desire to win soules to god , but it is the strong bias of ambition and covetousnesse , pride , and vaine glory , and love of the world , that draws them to a bishopricke . nor secondly , is it an outward calling from men . for as in respect of god , they have run ; afore they be sent : so in respect of man , they come before they be called . yea they provide and prepare a long time before for such a purchase . for they heap up by hook or crock 3 or 4 fat livings , they seldome preach at any of them , nor keep residence , or hospitality , but hoord up full bagges , sculke at the court , ●gratiate themselves with those in greatest grace , and when the chaire is voyd , they bring out their bagges , and so they ar the onely qualified men for such a dignity . they are well known to be no puritans . so as neither according to their own ancient canons ( which were framed according to the practise held in the apostles dayes , when the people had a voyce in the election of their pastors ) have the prelates an outward calling to their dignities . for instance ; when mr. moutague was to be installed ( or i wot not what they call it ) in bow church , and the tipstaffe ( according to the ancient custome in that case ) with his mace proclaimes open liberty for any , that can come and except against the worthinesse of that man ; one stood forth , and made his exception ; which though it was both legall , and very materiall , yet he was borne down , and the matter never came to tryall , but was carryed with a strong hand for the new prelate . thus ( i say ) they have no lawfull , nor truly formall , or yet canonicall outward calling . yea , besides that they are notorious simonists , either purchasing that dignity with a great summe of money , or procuring it , obsequio , by obsequiousnesse , or court-service , and attendance , or by a wager , or the like ( all which are branches of simonie they doe also play the egregious hypocrites . for when the question is asked them , vis episcopare , wilt thou be a bishop ? he answers , nolo , no forsooth . and this is done three times . a meere mock-holiday . for if the wretch were taken at his word , he were undone . fourthly , neither doe our prelates affect the bishopricke for that end , that those bishops of the church of ephesus were exhorted unto by the apostle : namely , to feed the fock of god . yea , besides that their ayme and desire is not for the office and worke of a true bishop ( as the apostle saith , * he that desireth the office of a bishop , desireth a worthy worke ) which is principally to feed the flocke of god , as also ‡ peter exhorteth ; for they look not to the duty , but after the dignity , as chrysostome and ‡ bernard have noted of old . thou seest ( saith bernard ) all ecclesiasticall zeale to boyle and pant aft●r their dignities onely , &c. as we noted before : besides this , i say , it is a thing impossible for them to feed the flocke of god . for some of them have foure or five hundred flocks within their diocese , some more● some lesse , which they never once in all their life bestow one fothering upon ; onely the prelate in his trienniall visitation , that is once in 3. yeares , visites perhaps halfe a dozen churches , where he comes not to feed the flock● with one scrap of a sermon , but to fill his pouch with his poore ministers double procurations , and his paunch with their good cheere . but our prelates will answere ( as our non-residents doe in that case ) that though themselves doe not feed the flocke , yet their curates do● it for them . for ( say our prelates , and that according to their collect for bishops and curates ) all the ministers in their severall diocese are their curates , to feed so many flocks . thus by this reckoning , the prelates are the most egregious non-residents , of all other . and thus we see , how not onely unlike , but directly contrary all prelates are to those bishops of the church of ephesus , and that in all and every of those particular and remarkable respects forespecified out of the apostles own words . and therfore by that place of scripture , prelates , though they have usurped most unjustly the title of bishops , yet they have nothing in them of true bishops indeed , and therfore are never able to prove , that they are bishops jure divino . for they which are bishops jure divino , are lawfull pastors set over their particular flocke , to feed the same with the wholesome food of the word : but prelates call themselves diocesan bishops , having so many flocks , as they neither doe , nor ever are able , nor ever intend to feed them . nay instead of feeding them , they restraine and inhibit all ministers to feed their flocke at all in the afternoone on the lords dayes , nor at any time to feed them with sound and wholsome , and comfortable f●od of the doctrines of grace , and gods free love to his elect in giving christ for them , effectually to redeeme them , and certainly to bring them to that eternall glory in heaven , which god from all eternity had predestinated them unto . so as without this sound preaching of grace no flock can be savingly fedde . prelates therefore are wolves to destroy , not shepheards to feed the flocke of christ . a second place of scripture , proveing a presbyter and a bishop to be all one , in order , calling and office , is in tit. 1. 5. &c. for this cause ( saith the apostle to titus ) i left thee in creete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine elders in every city , as i had appointed thee . if any be blamelesse , &c. for a bishop must be bl●melesse , as the steward of god ; not selfe-willed● &c. here againe we plainly see , that those , who are the presbyters , or pastors set over the flock of god , are here called bishops by the apostle . whence in is evident that in the infancy of the christian church , in the time of the apostles themselves , and that by order from christ , and from the holy ghost , all presbyters , or true pastors of several●congregations ( as aforesaid ) were called bishops , or overseers , as the greek word signifieth . and this was k●ta po●n , in every city , and towne in creete , especially where there was a congregation of christians , titus was appointed by the apostle to ordaine such elders or bishops , and in centuries we read , ●ow in some countries , there was never a towne , or village , but it had a bishop in it , which bishop was the pastor there . and the severall qualities required in those presbyters or bishops are in the same chapter set down by the apostle , which because we touched before upon occasion , i will not here insist upon . but those qualities are such , as our prelates willingly leave to those poore presbyters or bishops , as most sutable for those apostolick times and persons , content they are to take the name of bishop upon them , but for the qualities there required , they are not prelaticall enough , such as will ●uit with a lord-bishop . for those were poore bishops , or overseers , and feeders of one flocke in this or that city : but these are lord-bishops over a whole di●●●se , as before is noted . to these places , we might adde others ; as phil. 1. 1. with the bishops and deacons . where the apostle , nameing no more orders , but of bishops and deacons● ( the same which he nameth and describeth in the forecited places , 1 tim. 3. and tit. 1. ) makes it cleare unto us , that by those pishops in philippi he meanes the same in kind , that were in ephesus , and creete , to wit , so many presbyters , as were also called bishops , or overseers . and naming bishops . which were at philippi , it argues , there were many bishops of that one church , as we noted before of the church of ephesus . and in other places also , they are called elders . for 1 tim. 5. 17. let the elders that rule will , be counted worthy of double honour , mali●ta o● kopiontes , especially th●se , that take greatest paines in the word and doctrine . now those elders ( chap. 3. ) he calls bishops . implying they are both o●e , as also , that there were many of those bishops in the church of ephesus , where timethy then was . and those presbyters or bishops , some were more industrious in the word and doctrine , did kopian , labour more hard therein ( as the word signifieth ) then ordinary : and therefore such the apostle would have to be counted worthy of double honour . now is it thus with our lord-bishops ? first , do they kopian , ●oyle hard at gods plough ( to use la●imers comparison ) do they desire no more honour , but such as is proportionable to their paines in preaching gods word ? tussi , their honour is according to the honour of the city whereof they are lord-bishops ( as the prelate himselfe ‡ tells us , the honours of the church should follow the honours of the state ) or according to the greatnesse of their reven●●s , or according to their great favour and place in kings courts , and not according to their yeares , or vertues , or good deserts , which are neither required in them , nor respected of them . thus still all along quantum abludunt , how much distance is there , and what infinit disparity between our lord bishops , and scripture-bishops ? and lastly , these bishops , so called by paul , are called also by peter praesbyteri , presbyters , or elders : where he saith , ‡ the elders which are among you , i exhort , who am also an elder , and a witnesse of the sufferings of christ , and a partaker of the glory that shal be reveald : feed the flocke of god , which is among you , taking the oversight thereof ( episcopountes ) not by constra●nt , but willingly : not for filthy luore , but of a ready mind : neither as being lords over gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flocke . and when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare , ye shall receive a crown that fadeth not away . where first , he notes the ministers and pastors by the title of presbyters , or elders , as also he stiles himselfe . he saith not my lords , or right reverend fathers , or the like . secondly , he useth no imperious language unto them , but saith , parakalo , i exhort , or beseech you . not as the prelates to their priests . these are to will and require you , upon pai●●e of episcopall censure , &c. thirdly , the thing he exhorts them unto , is to ●eed the flocke of god committed to their charge . but our lord-prelates command their inferiour ministers to feed their flocke , as sparingly as may be , as , at the most to preach but once upon the lords day , or once a moneth will serve , and for catechising in the afternoone , altogether to forbeare expounding , and for the sound food of the doctrins of gods free grace , which is the very summe of the gosp●l , never to preach of them at all , as being too puritanicall , and the like . fourthly , he exhorts them to feed , each his own flocke , feed the flocke of god , which dependeth on you . he saith not flocks , as if one presbyter or bishop were set over many flocks or congregations as our lord bishops are ; as is noted before . fiftly , he exhorts them to oversee their flock● , not for filthy lucre , but of a free and ready mind . but our lord prelates , and their curate priests are of another mind , as being hirelings , and noe true shepheards , so as it is with them , no penny , no pater noster ; they looke more to their tithes , then to their taske , and more after the sleece , then for the good of the flocke . sixtly , not as lords over gods heritage ; yea mud ' o●s katakurie●ontes , nor as lording it ever gods heritage . the same word is used in mat. 20. 25. mark . 10. 42. where such heathen-like lording , is by christ himselfe forbidden his disciples , as * before is she●ed . but the pontificians , and so our lordly prelates say , that this word katakurieuein signifieth onely a tyrannicall lordship , which they doe not use . i answere , that in luke kurieu●in , to lord it at all , is forbidden . and being put for katakurieuin , it noteth , that all manner of lordship over the flocke of god is forbidden to christs true ministers . nor can the prelates ( whether pontifician , or protestant in name ) so easily cleare their lordly dominion over gods people from tyranny . for even our great prelate himselfe sticks not to charge the church of rome with ‡ tyranny . and can he discharge himselfe of it ? wherein comes the primate of the church of england short of the papall tyranny , but in this , that the pope tyrannizeth over the universall church of the great world , and the metropolitan or metropolitician of all en●land tyrannizeth over that whole church , which the pope called the other world ? the difference ( i say ) is onely in the magi● & minus , which alter not the nature of the thing . for , for the popes inquisition , the prelate hath his high-commission ; by the law whereof though he cannot bring his heretick puritans to the stake , attended with fire and fagot , as the popes inquisition doth , yet he can make their life more miserable , then death it selfe , by his pecpetuall close imprisonments , and the like . nor wants he either canons and ceremonies , as snares to catch , nor pursuivants , as beagles to hunt out the poore sheep , and to hale them to his shambles , for refusing to be fed with such hemlocke , instead of gods wholesome word . yea where his high-commission cannot reach to suck the blood , and crucifie the bodies of christs servants , as upon the pillory : he can easily remove the cause into another court , where himselfe sitting a grand and powerfull swaying judge , will satisfie his blood-thirsty longing . and as in * another place of his booke he twitteth the church of rome for being a tryumphant church : saying , now she must be a triumphant church here ; militant no longer : so no lesse triumphant hath the prelate made his present prelaticall church of england . oh , how doth he triumph in his chaire , as in his charet ? yea , more specially , how did he triumph over those . three his remarkable men , whom he ( looking out at the court-window beheld standing on the pillory , and loosing their eares and blood ; how did he then applaud his politicke pate , and potent credit in court , that he could thus anékesta , without rememedy ( as the ‡ story saith of the tyrant licinius , a persecuter of the christians ) overthrow the most innocent cause , and therein the most innocent persons ( and without all colour of contradiction , the minister ) that ever was judged in any christian court . thus he triumphed over them : though their triumph over him , and all his antichristian lawlesse cruelty , in that their most constant couragious , and invincible cheerfullnes in suffering , was as much more glorious , and noble , as his was most ignoble , and base . but thus ( i say ) the prelate , with his prelaticall church , must be triumphant : militant no longer , but in warring against the lambe , and his poore followers . so as this prelate , with his confederates , are the successors of the high-priests , scribes and pharisees , and of edmund bonner , and stephen gardiner , those bloody butchers and wolves , which devoured and destroyed christs sheep in queen maries dayes ; and therein were the church-triumphant in england . but this by the way . returne we now , whence we have a little ( as it were ) digressed , though not impertinent to our purpose in hand , which is to shew the true difference between the true ministers of christ , and those of antichrist . seventhly , therefore , not as lording it ●ver gods heritage , but being ensamples to the flocke . now wherein are our lord prelates ensamples to the flocke ? in their humble carriage ? in their meeknesse of spirit ? in the moderation of their government ? in their continencie , and contempt of riches , honours , pleasures , ease , and the like ? nay are they not examples to the world ( farre be it from gods flocke ) of extreme pride , ambition , covetousnesse , voluptuousnesse , idlenesse , profanesse , lawlessenesse , extreme cruelty , barbarous injustice , implacable malice , and intolerable tyranny , palpable hypocrisie , and such like prelaticall vertues and graces , the most proper and peculiar indowments , inseperable qualities of their hierarchie ? eightly , and lastly , true elders , or bishops , that with a good conscience feed gods flocke , both with the wholsome food of sound doctrine , and with the holy example of a good life , shall , when the chiefe shepheard shall appeare , receive a crown of glory , that fadeth not away . where i observe two particulars : that iesus christ is the onely chiefe or arch-shepheard . o' a' rkipóimen . so as here is no place , either for pope , over the universall church , or metropolitan over a whole kingdome , or for arch-prelate over the provinciall , or yet prelate over all the shepheards in his diocese● for then such should be a' rkipoímenes , the cheif shepheards : but this title and office is peculiar to christ alone , and incommunicable to any other . nor did peter himselfe , arrogate to himselfe any such title , but was content with * o● tumpresbúteros , a fellow-elder , as if an equall to those elders , or presbyters , to whom he writ . the second particular i note is , that all such presbyters , or true bishops ( as aforesaid ) may and do most certainly expect , and shall most surely receive , at the appearing of the chief shepheard , an immarcescible crown of glory-behold , here is such a reward , as no lord prelate can expect , or hope for . for these are rightly resembled by ‡ dives , to whom ( being in hell torments , and desiring one drop of water to coole his tongue ) abraham answered , son remember , that thou in thy life time receivedst thy good things , &c. for he had gone in his purple and fine linnen , and fared deliciously every day , while mercilessy he suffered poore lazarus to lye at his gate full of sores , yeelding him no reliefe , or comfort at all ; saving that his dogs came , and licked his sores . a●d doe not our diveses , our rich lord prelates ( and which of them is poore ) goe in their purple , satten , velvet , and the finest lynnen , as their lawn sleeves and rochet , and faire deliciously every day , not induring once in their lives , with their good wills , to keep one extraordinary fast day , so zealous are they of the observation of lent , and other embers ; wherin they can faire deliciously with the choycest fish , and fruits , and wines , and other cates . so as with dives they have their good things here . only these come short of , and outstrip dives in some things : for first , dives yet suffered lazarus to be layd at his doores : but these beat away the true lazars from their doores , 2. dives suffered his dogs to shew so much compassion , as to lick lazarus his sores : but our lord prelates doe set their dogs at the true lazarusses , to teare them in pieces ; 3. lazarus brought his sores with him , dives did not cause them : but our lord prelates doe fill gods lazarusses full of wounds , which they carry away with them , not scaping from their gates with a whole skin ; 4. lazarus was willingly layd at dives his gates : but gods lazarusses never come to the lord-bishops gates , but with an ill will , when they are hayld and pull'd ; 5. dives denyed his crummes , to lazarus , because they were of his bread to feed his dogs : but the prelates doe not onely deny any one crumme of mercy , when they are offended , or to doe right when the lazarusses are injured : but they doe also rob , pill and poll them , stripping them of all they have , and so doe not relieve , but make lazars . againe , on the other side , lazarus in some sort may be an embleme of gods true ministers : for lazarus had all his evill things in this world : so the good and faithfull ministers of god must undergoe manifold afflictions , tribulations , and persecutions in the world , as our saviour * christ forewarned his disciples , and so their true successors , to wit , godly and painfull ministers of the word ; who find their masters words verified in themselves , by manifold experince of tributations and persecutions , which they mainly and chiefly suffer at the hands of antichrist , and his antichristian prelates ; as the world it selfe is able to beare witnesse . in the kingdome of england at this day , who are the great persecuters , yea and the onely oppressors of gods faithfull and painfull ministers , and of all true professors , but these lordly prelates , who will not suffer any one , minister , or other , to burrow within their diocese ( if he doe but smell of a puritan , as they call them ) but do ferrit them out , and hunt them to the death ? where by the way it is cleare to all men , that have but common sense , that the prelates ( which are , and ever have been ●at least since antichrist hath been aloft ) the most furious and fiery persecuters of gods good ministers and people , even for religion sake ) are false bishops , falsely pretending their iurisdiction from christ , and their succession from the apostles . they might aswell say , that they have authority from christ , and his apostles to afflict , persecute , and oppresse all true religion , with all the true preachers , and professors therof , and so prove themselves to be of those of whom christ foretold his disciples , saying , * they shall put you out of the synagogues , yea , the time cometh , that whosoever killeth you , will thinke that be doth god service . and surely the prelates , grounding their usurped authority upon christ , which they so exercise in afflicting and oppressiing christs ministers and people , must needs consequently conclude , that this their persecution is a speciall part of gods service . to conclude , then the parable ; as these prelates have their good things here , and nothing is left them , but a ‡ fearefull expectation of judgement and fiery indignation , which shall devoure the adversaries , so as they shall not find a drop of mercy in hell , who would not shew a crumme of mercy here , but contrariwise shal be tormented with more scorching flames , then dives , by how much their wickednesse here exceeded his : so gods faithfull ministers , as they receive their evill things here ( and especially at the hands of antichristian prelates , whose malice and cruelty against them exceedeth all other in the world ) so they shal be sure to receive a most glorious and unfading ‡ crown of glory , which the lord , the chiefe shepheard , the righteous iudge shall give unto them , at that day , nor to them onely , but to all those that love his appearing . chap. vii . wherein is shewed , that the prelates are no lesse contrary to the practise of the apostles ( whose successors notwithstanding they pretend to be ) then they are to their doctrines ; as hath been proved . for the more cleare demonstration hereof , we will consider the practise of the apostles in a twofold notion : 1. the practise of their ministry : 2. the practise of their life and conversation . first , for their ministry : that also we consider in a double respect : 1. of doctrine . 2. of discipline . of these being to speake , we will first consider the apostles two wayes : 1. as they were apostles : and 2. as they were ministers . first , as they were apostles , to speake in a strict and proper sence , they left no successors behind them . for as apostles , 1. they had their immediate calling from christ : 2. they did * see christ with their bodily eyes : 3. they were inspired immediately from christ with apostolicall gifts and graces of the holy ghost , ‡ which led them into all truth , so as their judgement was infallible , they could not erre : 4. they were made the pen-men of the scripture : 5. they had a power given them to appoint euangelists to attend their apostleship in the gospell , to settle and water , where the apostles had planted , and where they appointed them : 6. they had ‡ immediate direction from the holy ghost where to preach at such , or such a time : 7 they had their § commision immediately from ch●●st , which was to preach the gospell throughout the world , though the † holy ghost did more particularly dispose of them to severall countries . now in all these respects the apostles , as apostles left no successors behind them . for after the decease of apostles , and so also of the euangelists ( some whereof writ the gospell , and some preached the gospell , and did other things at the apostles appointment ; whereof we shall have occasion to speake more anon ) their office of apostles and euangelists , ceased . so as , never since they lived , have there beene any apostles or euangelists , properly so called . though in a generall notion all true preachers of the gospell , in asmuch as they have a calling from god , being sent of him , though mediately by the church , may be called apostoli , that is , sent , ( as the apostle called epaphroditus ‡ a'póstolon , the philippìans apostle , which our english translates a messenger , because they had sent him to him ) as they are called in the selfe same respect aggeloi , * angels , or messengers : and they may be called also for the same reason euangelists , because they are preachers of the gospell . but i say , strictly and properly the apostles onely were called apostles , and the euangelists euangelists , for the reasons aforesaid . so as after their decease , the ordinary ministers of the word which god appointed to succeed them in their ministry , were called pastors and teachers , as eph. 4. 11. and somtimes presbyters or elders , and overseers , or episcopi , set over their severall congregations respectively as aforesaid ) and somtimes ‡ u●pereta , or díakoni , ministers of the word ; as the apostle often styles himselfe . so as in the second place we come to speake of the practise of the apostles , as they were ministers of the gospel , whose examample all true ministers imitating , are said to be their true successors . but before we speake thereof , one objection crosseth us in our way , which is this . we noted before , that one peculiar priviledge and badge of an apostle● properly so called , was , that he had the holy ghost immediately inspired into him by christ , so as it led him into all truth , that he could not erre in his preaching , or writing of the word of god . now it is objected , that the promise of * christs spirituall presence , and so of the holy ghost , is made to the apostles , but to all the succeeding generations of all their true successors to the end of the world . upon which promise ( but most falsely applyed ) the pope doth build his imaginary infallibility , of a power of not erring in the faith . for answere hereunto briefly . first , neither the pope , nor any prelate , have any thing to doe with this promise . for they have no calling from christ , as hath been proved ; and they are antichrists , and so led by another spirit , to wit , of him , of whom they have their calling , and tha● is , of the great red dragon ; as remaines yet further to be cleared secondly , concerning this promise made immediately by christ to his apostles , that he would be with them to the end of the world , and that the holy ghost should lead them into all truth : we must distinguish between the apos●les , and all succeeding true ministers . first , this promise was actua●ly fullfilled to the apostles , so as they neither erred in their preaching , nor in their writing of the word of god ; and the substance of all their preaching ( so farre as it is necessary for the salvation of gods chruch to the end of the world ) is by them left in writing to be a rule of our faith , and the ground of all holy and saving knowledge . now then all true ministers , succeeding the apostles in all ages , and also all true beleevers , though they neither receive the holy ghost inmiediately from christ as the apostles did , nor are any to expect to receive it in that extraordinary way : yet all true beleeving both ministers and people doe receive the holy ghost . but how ? by what meanes ? the apostle tells us , ‡ by the hearing of faith preached ; that is , by hearing the gospell ( which is the ground of faith ) preached , we receive both faith , and the holy ghost . now as we received the holy ghost by hearing of faith preached : so this spirit of god doth guide us into all truth , by and according unto the scripture . and as the holy ghost is ( as i may so say ) § begotten in us by the seed of gods word sown in our hearts ( though properly we are begotten again by the holy ghost ) so this holy ghost is as it were , nourished and preserved in us by and through the word of god , even as the light of the lamp is nourished by the oyle , or as the breath goeth with the voyce or word spoken ; or as the blood hath its course in the veins , or the vitall spirits have their s●at in the heart ; or as the animall spirits in the braine , when they are derived into all the parts of the body in the arteries and veines , so as all the members are thereby actuated and moved . and as the philosopher saith of naturall bodies , * a'panta trephétas tois a●utois , e'x o`pér e`isi : all things are nourished by selfe same substance , whereof they are begotten , or have their beginning or beeing : so in a sort it may truly be said , that as we begin spiritually to live by the holy ghost through faith by the preaching of the word of god : so this holy ghost in the severall graces and operations there of is preserved , and as it were nourished in us by the continuall ministration of the food of the same word in our soules : or in a word , the holy ghost hath no operation in us , either for instruction , or illumination , or consolation , or corroboration of any grace in our soules , but in and by , or according to the word of god . so as besides gods written word , there are no revelations of the spirit to be expected in gods true church . secondly therefore , the promise of the holy ghost to christs true church and children , succeeding the apostles even to the end of the world , is made good to all and every particular member of christs mysticall body , whether ministers or people : so as in the matter of their faith , and whatsoever appertains to their salvation , they are by christs spirit guided into all truth , being led by the rule and light of gods word , which to those that are in christ never goes unaccompanied with the holy ghost . for , even as * so many as are led by the spirit of god , they are the sons of god● so as , if any man have not the spirit of christ , the same is none of his : so none are led by the spirit of god , but those that are led by the word of god . and therefore as christs spirit dwells in all his , so his ‡ word also . for these two are inseperable ; the holy ghost teaching us no other things , but what we find written in the word of christ . to which purpose christ saith , when § the spirit of truth is come , be will guide you into all truth : for he shall not speake of himselfe : but whatsoever he shall heare , that shall he speake . now the whole scripture is christs word : this the holy ghost receiving from christ revealed to his apostles , or ( as christ saith ) † brought to their remembrance : and the apostles commited those things to writing ( as the holy ghost directed them ) for our both instruction , and remembrance . so as if * any speake not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . whatever spirit men bragge of , not indurcing the law and testimony of the scripture , it is without light , a counterfet spirit , a lying spirit . and this is that very spirit of antichrist , and of his prelates , who to advance their own canons and decrees , and to cry up their usurped antichristian authority , in taking upon them to be the onely visible iudges in matters of faith ( as * before we have noted of our prelate of cant● ) as if they had the spirit of infallibility , and were the onely men of gods privy counsell , and the onely privilegiats not to erre : doe so much depresse , vi●ifie and cry down the authority and sufficiencie of the scripture , as if it were a ‡ dumbe , dead , and blind iu●ge , having not so much light in it , as is sufficient to demonstrate it to be the word of god , but what it must be beholden to the authority and tradition of the present prelaticall church●or . but ● ye blind guides , § to the law , and to the testimony : for while ye speake not accordiag to this word , but contrariwise blaspheme the same : it is a manifest signe , that there is neither light , nor ‡ life in you , come we now to prosecute the remainder of the former particulars propounded : the second generall whereof is , the practise of the apostles , as they were ministers of the gospell , whose example all true ministers imitating , are said to be their true successors . and first of this practise in regard of doctrine , to wit , in their ministy of the word , and sacraments . first for their doctrine , it was sound and sincere , the very word of god , which they preached with all diligence , and good conscience ; exhorting other ministers also to the like diligence and faithfullnesse in preaching : as 2 tim● 4. 1 , 2. i charge thee therefore before god , and the lord iesus christ , &c. preach the word , be instant , in season , out of season , &c. thus did the apostles . but doe our prelates thus ? first , do they preach diligently ? are their sermons , any more , then 2 or 3 festivalls in the yeare ? and doe they preach sound doctrine ? nay as the apostle there saith , they will not indure sound doctrine ; they neither preach it themselves , nor permit others . and instead of exhorting ministers to be diligent in preaching , and teaching the people , they flatly forbid them to preach so of●en , as twice on the sabbath , or to expound the catechisine , for instructing the people . thus they are enemies of gods word , and so of the salvation of gods people . are these men then successors of the apostles ? againe , for the two sacraments , the apostles administred them duly according to ‡ christs institution , not varying one title from it ; they neither detracted any thing from i● , nor added ought of their own inventions . now doth the prelaticall catholicke church , ( wherein that of england , and of rome are both one and the same , and doe professe one and the same faith and religion , as our great prelate saith ; noted before ) thus ? now romes detractions and additions , we all know . but what hath the prelaticall church of england done in this kind ? 1. doe they not detract both from christs institution , and from the dignity of the sacraments , while they set dumb priests , no better then masse-priests , to administer ? doe they not detract from baptisme , while they doe as much debase it in comparison of the lords supper , as they doe exalt this ( which they * call the great eucharist ) in comparison of that ? do they not administer that , neere the belfrey , or church-door , the lowest part of the church , as they estimate it : and this at the end of the chancel , their highest part of the church ? secondly , do they not alter christs institution by adding to the sacraments of their own superstitious inventions ? doe they not adde an empty and 〈◊〉 signe of the crosse to baptisme , the o mission whereof is no lesse heinous , then of baptisme it selfe ? and have they not added a long forme of liturgie to the administration of both the sacraments ? have they not altered the table for the lords supper , into an altar for a sacrifice , which is also as great a derogation from the sufficiencie of christs onely sacrifice on the crosse , as it is an alteration , yea and an annihilation of this sacrament , which is to be administred as a supper , on a table , not as a sacrifice , on an altar . and this they doe also , in imposing a necessity of kne●eling at the receiving of the sacrament , whereby they overthrow the nature of a supper . to omit their necessity of private baptisme , and of carrying their host to a man on his death bed : would they not also of ‡ late yeares have brought againe into the church of england the other 5 sacraments of the romish church , that so the church of england and of rome might in nothing be unlike in their practise , as they are not in profession , as our said prelate saith : thus are our prelates herein successors of the apostles ? secondly , for the apostles practise in point of discipline . and this is either in ordination of ministers , or reformation and correction of manners , or imposition of ceremonies . for the first , ordination of ministers , we read , of timothies ordination no lesse by the imposition of the hands of the presbytery , then of paul himselfe . titus indeed was appointed by paul to ordaine elders in every city in creet ( as was noted before ) but if he did this alone , without the presbytery , 2 necessity must needs be supposed , which is neither rule nor law in ordinary cases . and by the way , whether titus and tim●thy were diocesan bishops , as the prelates pretend , we shall see in a more fit place . and for ordination this we are sure of , that whoever have the charge of it , prelates have nothing at all to doe with it , because ( as is already proved ) they are no lawfull ministers of christ , much lesse successors of the apostles . againe , whom did the apostles , and presbytery ordaine ministers of the word , but such , as were every way qualified with gifts and graces for preaching , and the like ; as we see prescribed in 1 tim. 3. tit. 1 ? they were not like to ierobeams priests , nor any of those , whom the prelates doe make priests , which are * dumb dogs ( as the prophet calls them ) blind watchmen , that love to s●●ep , to take their ease , greedy dogs , that are never satisfied with heaping up living upon living , they fill themselves with strong drinke , and are good fellows , not good ministers . yea such as are truly qualified , either prelates doe not ordaine them : or they doe afterwards , seeing how they prove painfull in their ministry , put them to silence , or suspend and persecute them , as before is noted . and againe thirdly , the apostles , and presbyters in their time , ordayned none for money ; for offering whereof ‡ simon magus was accursed ; but our prelates ordaine tag and rag for money , so as the ordinary fees come to 3 , 4 , 5 , or 6 pounds . so as in point of ordination how doe our prelates prove themselves to be successors of the apostles ? and lastly , the apostles and their lawfull successors ordained none , but lawfull ministers of the gospell : but our prelates do ordaine a new order of priests , bringing in , and setting up a new priesthood , which is antichristian , not having any foundation in the sccripture . prelates therefore in ordrnation are no successors of the apostles . secondly , for matter of censure , or for reformation and correction of manners , as for instance , in the censure of excommunication , the apostles , though as apostles , they might doe of themselves , yet as ministers they did it not , but with the whole congregation ; or else the congregation with the presbyters ; as we see 1 cor. 5 3. 4. 5. insomuch , as even prelates themselves , after they first had taken footing , as being the time of their innocency ( as i may say ) observed this order . so as cyprian , who lived about 250. yeares after christs nativity , would doe nothing in this kind , without the consent both of the presbytery and people . this lasted during the 10. persecutions : but peace and prosperity succeding , it degenerated into that height of tyranny by degrees● to which we see it arrived at this day . secondly , excommunication was for weighty causes , as in the same place ; and 1 tim. 1. 20. the apostles had no prelates courts , or consistories , where they did privately by themselves , or by a dumb priest excommunicatt for every trifle , and especially for the least breach of a canon , and the like ( as we noted before ) but the consistory was the whole congregation solemnly assembled , where no censure was imposed , but for great offences , and those breaches of gods laws , and of christs ordinance . nor were those censures remitted , but in and by the whole congregation , after publick satisfaction given by the offender to the offended . whereas our prelates , in all , doe quite contrary , absolving also great offenders for a fee , without any signes of repentance , much lesse fruits of reformation , and satisfaction made to the congregation offended . whereas the apostles absolved none , before the congregation was first satisfied by , and so pacified towards the offender ; as 2 tim. 2. 10. do our prelates thus ? no such thing . therfore no successor of the apostles . thirdly , for imposition of ceremonies in the worship of god , the apostles were so farre from laying any such yoake , upon christians necks , or any such snares for their feet , as they did utterly condemne all humane rites and ordinances whatsoever in gods service , laying also a speciall charge upon christians not to put their necks under such yoakes , unlesse thereby they would renounce iesus christ for their onely king , and lord over their consciences and soules in all matters of faith , and the worship of god . in one chapter ( colloss. . 2. ) the apostle beats them all down , whether they be old iewish ordinances ( now abolished under the gospell ) or of mans devising , and imposing . first , for iewish ceremonies , he saith , they are * shadows , which now upon the death of christ are all vanished , and abolished . secondly , all other rites and ceremonies , which are of mans devising , he calls them ‡ philosophy , and vaine deceit , traditions of men , rudiments of the world ; not after christ : a ‡ voluntary humility , as worshiping of angels , and so idolatry ; an intrusion into things not seen in scripture ; of a fleshly mind vainly puft up ; which seperate from the § head , christ ; they † evacuate christs death , wherein he did ‡ blot out the handwriting of all such ordinan●es , nayling it to his crosse , &c. so as now to be subject to such , is to renounce christs death , and make it of none effect : and they * perish with the using , are good for nothing , being after the commandements and d●ctrines of men : they have but a meere shew of wisdome in will-worship and humility , and hypocrisie in not sparing the body , and onely serve to satisfie the flesh . arguments sufficient to any one , that feares god , and hopes to be saved by iesus christ , to * beware of being spoyled , and made a prey ( as the word signifieth ) of being ‡ heguiled of their reward by such a bondage and slavery . thus the apostle so damning all manner of rites and ceremonies imposed on the conscience in the worship of god , so as he shews it to be a very apostacy from christ , of such as hold not the head : with what face can our lord prelates ( the great masters of all manner of superstitious and idolatrous , both iewish , and heathenish , romish and antichristian ceremonies ) beare themselves to be the successors of the apostles , while not onely they erect such superstitions , but with all rigour impose them upon mens consciences as a most insupportable burthen , and intolerable bondage , and with all severity and cruelty inflict terrible punishments upon those , that refuse to performe the tasks of such egyptian taskmasters ? or how dare they affirme , that they have such their iurisdiction from christ , while in so doing , usurping such a power over mens consciences , they thrust iesus christ out of his throne ? but we shall have occasion to speake more of this hereafter . thus we see in the meane time what kind of vice-roys of christ , and successors of his apostles , the prelates prove themselves to be , in lording over the consciences of gods people by their superstitious ceremonies , and romish rites . but perhaps they will object the apostles determination ( act. 15. ) concerning the gentiles newly converted to christianity , that they should abstaine from eating of blood , and things strangled , which was a mosaicall rite . to which i answere : first , that the apostles in the § same place do shew , that that burthen of legall ceremonies was removed by the death of christ , and buried in his grave . secondly , they did this , in regard of the iews , which dwelt among those christians , for the time being for peace-sake , untill the † christian iews were better confirmed in the faith and knowledge of christ . thirdly , they did it by the speciall direction of the ‡ holy ghost , for the reason alledged . so as that example being extraordinary , and for the time of the infancie of the gospell , it is no rule for us to follow now , after so long a shining forth of the gospell . and i might adde this moreover , that the apostles did not this alone , but with the whole congregation , the presbyters , or elders , and brethren being ●oyned with them . whereas our prelates , though they confesse that a * generall councel hath no immediate institution from christ to determine controversies ; but that it was prudently taken up in the church , from the apostles example , act. 15. yet for all their prudence in taking up that , which belongs not unto them , they shew themselves very unfaithfull , while they follow not the example of the apostles in determining alone , and not with the whole congregation ; and therefore christians have the lesse reason to captivate their faith to prelaticall decrees , either in a generall councel , where the pope of rome , and of canterbury are the rulers of the rost , or in a convocation , where the pope of canterbury is prime , primate , metropolitan , and all , who without the holy ghost ( which is never given to any such antichristian assemblies ) whatever they decree in point of faith , or otherwise , be it never so erronious , yet they enjoyne obedience thereunto by all men ; as our ‡ prelate affirmeth . but he will not be so easily beaten off from his ceremonies : for in his § epistle dedicatory he tells the king , that ceremonies are ne●essary for the setting out of gods worship his great witnesse to the world that our heare stands right in that service of god , to wit , the inward worship . take this away or b●ing it into contempt , and what light is there left to shine before men , that they may see our devotion , and glorifie our father which is in heaven . and to deale clearely with your majesty , these thoughts are they , and no other , which have made me labour so much as i have done , for decency , and an orderly settlement of the externall worship of god in the church ; which cannot be without some ceremonies , &c. for ceremonies are the hedge , that feare the substance of religion , &c. and a great weaknesse it is , not to see the strength , which ceremonies adde even to religion itselfe , &c. so and much more the prelate● whence it appeareth , that had he not ceremonies to garnish his worship of god ( as he calls it the world could not see how right his heart stands , nor yet see his good works ; because instead of good works perverting christs word ) he puts his devotion , and his devotion stands in his ceremonies ; which he saith must not be too few , for then they leave his service naked , and therfore to avoyd that he must have both a surplice , and hood , and cope , to cover that nakednesse . so as all his light is in his externall worship shining forth in his brave garbe of ceremonies ; as that of the pharises in their broad philacteries . so as without this , men ( in truth ) could not so easily see the pride , vanity , superstition , and hyprcrisie , which lurketh in the prelates ●●re , and bewrayeth it selfe in his many inventions of superstitious ceremonies , the very ideas and idols of his profane heart . and antiquity was the mystery of iniquity ; if that will doe them any pleasure . this we generally touched before in the third chapter . but for the second , that the prelacie is this mystery of iniquity , let us a little examine what is meant by this mystery of iniquity . this mystery of iniquity is opposed to the mystery of godlinesse , of which the apostle speaks , 1 tim. 3. 16. iniquity is opposit to godlinesse : but both godlinesse and iniquity are called a mystery . yet in a different respect . the mystery of godlinesse is so called , because of its deepnesse , and difficulty to be understood , but by gods * spirit reuealing the same : but the mystery of iniquity is so called , because iniquity is vailed under a pretence and shew of godlinesse , by which ‡ many are deceived , § whose names are not written in the booke of life . as christ saith , † many shall come in my name , saying , i am christ , and shall deceive many . and thus doe all prelates come in christs name , while they pretend christs authority , and usurpe christs throne over his people . and the great antichrist is so called , because though he be against christ , yet he saith , he is for christ , as being christs vicar ; even as antichristus in the greeke is a compound word , the preposition anti signifying both for , or instead , and against . and so is antichrist , in pretence for christ , but in practise against christ : and so are all our prelates ; as shall yet further appeare . and this is truly and properly the mystery of iniquity . in which respect the turke , and other profest enemies of christ , and christian religion cannot come within the compasse of this mystery of iniquity , and so cannot be full antichrists , because they doe gumme kephale , openly , without any vaile , professe this iniquity , of being adversaries to christ . and for the further application of this mysterie of iniquity to the prelates , we come to the third proposition : that , what is spoken of the great antichrist himselfe , is spoken of all prelates , as members of the same head , or as so many inferiour antichrists , though in themselves great enough . let us therefore see the properties of antichrist here described by the apostle . first he is called , that man of sinne : and this is antichrist in two respects : 1. in respect of himselfe , as being carnall , proud , covetous , ambitious , voluptuous , and a most malicious hater , and most cruel persecuter of the saints and servants of christ , a proper sinne of antichrist● these sinnes and lusts are the proper sinnes of a prelate , and common to every prelate , and especially those of the latter stamp , since antichrist mounted aloft , now for above 600. yeares , yea a 1000. yeares from boniface 3. secondly , antichrist is that man of sin , in respect of others , as being a prime instrument of causing others to sin : as by giving indulgence , dispensation , and liberty to men to sin , and by suppressing the means whereby they should be kept from sin . the pope is notorious for this . and our prelates come not farre behind him . for they allow profane sports on the lords day , by which the 4th commandement is broken : and that to servants and ch●ldren so as their parents and masters may not restraine them ; which is a manifest breach of the fift commandement : so as by this means many other commandements are broken in committing many sinnes . thus they both * breake the greatest commandements , and teach men so . againe instead of suppessing of sports , they restraine and suppresse the preaching of gods word , whereby men should be kept from sinne , and learne to live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world , denying all ungodlinesse and worldly lusts . thus antichrist is that man of sinne . secondly , antichrist is called the son of perdition for as he is that man of sinne : so by consequence he is that son of perdition ' and that in both the foresaid respects , as of sinning , so of perishing : for as he both sins himselfe , and causes others to sin : so he both perisheth himselfe , and causeth others to perish , as 2 thess. 2. 10. and this is proper to the pope in the first place , whose necessity of perishing is such , that himselfe confesseth an impossibility of amendment . as is noted of adrian 6. who said , * that the condition of popes was miserable , seeing it was evident , that they could not doe good , though they desired and indeavoured it never so much . and pope ‡ marcell flapping his hand on the table , said , it was impossible , that any one sitting in that chaire could be saved . and his own decretalls say , that if the pope carry with him millions of soules to be tormented with the great devil , no man may reprove him . so incorrigible he is . and this is according to christs saying , § that it is easier for a camel to goe through the ●ye of a needle , then for a rich man to goe into the kingdome of heaven . and are prelates in any better condition ? is there any more hope of them , then of the pope , that ever they can or will repent ? if they will repen● indeed , that they may not be the sons of perdition , either in themselves , or also in others , they must get them out of the chaire of pestilence , they must in one word , abandon their prelacie , and prelaticall practises . will they doe this , and so cease both to sinne themselves , and to cause others ●o sin ? this were happy for them . and this were the onely way to free them from being the sons of perdition , namely by ceaseing to be those men of sin . but if chrysostome said of prelates in his dayes , that he wondred , if any of them could be saved : then what would he have said of the prelates in our dayes ? thirdly , antichrist is called o `antikeímenos , that adversary . but still under a pretext of being a friend ; as before is noted . thus antichrist is the grand adversary , ●a'ntikeímenos , opposit , or set against . but against whom ? against christ , against his word , against his ministers , against his people , even all true professors of the gospell , against all true religion . such is the pope , and such are the prelates , as their practises doe plainly prove , and openly proclaime them to be . and fourthly , here is added by a copulative , kaì u`prairomenos , and he that exalts himselfe ( as our english renders it ) over whom ? over all that is called god , or that is worshiped . epìpantà , over all , or against all ( as some translation hath it ) that is called god . for the preposition e'pì may signifie both . but for against we have a'ntikeímenos , opposite , and so this we may take for lifting himselfe up over all that is called god , or that is worshiped ; which we may understand two wayes , either over all religion ( as before we noted ) or over all policy , and civill government , over kings , and princes and magistrates , who are * called gods , and over the emperour himselfe , who is called s●bastos , which is venerable , or worshipfull ; and the honour of caesar which is called sèbasma ( as in the text ) over which this antichrist exalts himselfe . now that this is verified of the pope , it needs no proofe , as being as cleare as the sun at noone day , and which impudencie it selfe hath not the face to deny . but now for our prelates , how is this verified of them ? for they would seem to be friends to kings and princes , insomuch as they are by princes themselves openly proclaimed to be a holy order most christian in it selfe , most peaceable in civil states , and most consonant to minarchie , or the like . for answere whereunto : first , if the pope their sire be such an adversary , and so exalted , how can the prelates be excused , seeing they are of the same spirit , as the members actuated by the head ? secondly , if prelates be ( as their ordinary practises doe shew ) adversaries and opposits to christ , and to his word , aswell as the pope is ( as before is noted ) how can their hierarchie be said to be either most christian in itselfe , or most peaceable to civil states , or most consonant to monarchie ? can such an hierarchie be most christian , which is most antichristian ? or can it be peaceable for a civil state , that professeth christianity , yea and the true religion , to uphold and maintaine such as are most notorious adversaries to christ , and to the gospel ? or can that be most copsonant to a monarchy ( professing to be under christ the onely monarch , on whom all others depend , and to be governed by good and just lawes , and not by a lawlesse tyranny , which it selfe is an hierarchicall tyranny , and such as tyranniseth over soules , bodies , and estates ? or can prelates be true friends to princes , who under a false vizard of friendship labour to corrupt them by their flattery , to make them forget they are men , to make them disaffected with their good subjects , to make them the authors of innovation in religion , by suppressing the truth by their publicke edicts , which tends to fill the people with discontents , and to stirre up sedition , and the like ? can this be safe for monarchie , or peaceable for the civil state , or a thing in it selfe most christian ? nor is it so onely with our present prelates . revolve all histories since antichrists exaltation , and ye shall find that never any great treasons have been , either against the persons of princes , or their civil states ( if they were but suspected of disaffection to the papacy , or romish religion ) but either a prelate , or some of his faction had his finger in it . but there it may suffice , that our eyes have been witnesses of the effects of prelaticall pranks and practises , in being so busie and bold to bring in againe the romish religion , and after the gospel had taken such deep rooting . so as if our kings wisdome had not been the greater in composing things in a peaceable way ( as foreseeing the dangerous consequences that might have ensued , in case he should have by a strong hand gone about to have reduced that antic bristian government into that kingdome , which it had now cast out ) god knows what wofull calamities such a warre might have produced . but blessed be god , for preventing it . againe . as the pope lifts up himselfe above and against all emperious kings , and princes ; yea setting his feet on their necks , causing them to hold his stirrop , to lead his palfrey , and doe such like offices ( as his holinesse booke of ceremonies , and other histories shew ) to hold their kingdomes in fee from him , and the like : and as his cardinalls take place of kings , his arch-prelates of dukes , his prelates of lords : so our prelates ( which come from them , and pro●esse still to be of one and the same church with them , of one and the same hierarchicall catholicke church , of one and the same faith and religion , as before is noted ) doe they not the like , according to their proportion , and degree ? doe not archprelates take place of dukes , and prelats of lords ? nay , doe they not set their feet upon the neck of the kings laws , while they ( though as yet de jure they cannot , yet de facto they doe ) exempt themselves from them , in that they by their power in court , and threatnings in their own courts , so terrifie all prohibitions , that they dare not peep , or shew their faces in the high-commission ; as the author of the * apologie , and two sermons , for god and the king , hath observed , though he hath payd dearely for his truth telling ? thus doe they not u`praírethai , highly exalt themselves above all that is called god ( as above kings and civil states ) while they dare thus withdraw their necks from under the obedience of their good and just laws ( the benefit whereof the kings good subjects should enjoy in relieving themselves , and their innocent cause from the prelates unjust and tyrannicall oppressions in the lawlesse proceeding in their courts ) and so set their proud feet upon the kings both laws , which are the sinews , and loyall people , which are the members of the same body politick , whereof the king is the head ? do they not herein come neere their father pope , who trampleth upon emperours necks , when they dare tread upon the kings feet , as ‡ the serpent did upon christs heele ? and for this cause is the hierarchie , or antichristianisme , called by the apostle , the mysterie of iniquity . yea the mystery tes a'nomías , of lawlessenesse ; for which cause the head of this mystery , to wit , the grand antichrist , or the pope , is called o`anomos , that lawlesse one , which our english turnes , that wi●ked . so as here may fitly come in antichrists fift title o` a'nomos , that lawlesse one . this the pope proves himselfe to be , as being subject to no laws , either of god , or man . so as ( he saith ) he hath all laws folded up in the cabinet of his own brest , as being the great oracle of the world , and the onely infallible iudge in matters of faith ; at least , when he sits in peters chaire ; and that he can dispense with the apos●●● , and the like . but how doth his agree with our prelates ? are they also such a'nomi , such lawlesse ones , as to merit the next place to the pope , for the title of antichrist ? yes surely , they hold a correspondence with their syre , so as in all things they doe patrifare , shew themselves to be his sons . of their lawlessenesse , in regard of subjection to princes laws , we spake but now . and now remaines to shew how they are lawlesse , in regard of gods laws . first , their hierarch●e is 〈◊〉 at all , nor in any thing ( as neither g●o●●ded ; so ) regulated by the law of god , and of c●●ist , but meerly by their own lawlesse canons , which are the laws of their lawlesse kingdome . yea , and when they list , they have a prerogative to goe either beyond , or against their canons , in case their lust find not scope enough . secondly , ( as is noted before ) they not onely can dispense with gods law , but dare and doe annihilate it , and make it of no authority . for they doe unmoralize the 4th commandement , as concerning the sabbath day for christians : they allow profane sports thereon , which gods law hath altogether forbidden : they forbid preaching on that day , which gods word commandeth to be both in season , and out of season : they altogether forbid preaching of the doctrines of grace , which gods word commends unto us , and commands to be preached : they suspend the sense of the articles of religion touching . gods free grace , thereby giving way to the contrary errours , which they forbid preachers to confute , flatly against * gods commandement : they dispense with the fift commandement , dissolving the bond of obedience in children and servants to the parents and masters , and stripping those governours of their authority over them , while they give them liberty to sport , and run riot on the lords day , and threaten all that shall dare to controule them . and herein also , they destroy mans law : for the law of the land no where , either allows any such profane sports on the lords dayes , but flatly forbids them : or forbids parents and masters to restraine their youth from such profanati●ns , or to correct them , if they offend , and will not obey then lawfull commands : nor much lesse hath the law of the land given any such power and authority to any civil magistrate , or other , to punish those , that shal be brought before them , for exercising their lawfull authority over those under their charge . and we all know , that the prelates had the chiefe hand , not onely in penning , but in publishing that booke for sports on the lords day , which is an open proclaiming of warre against god , against christ , against his holy laws , against all holinesse , against our christian vow in baptisme , against the good laws of the land , and acts of parliament , and against the very bonds of all civill and natural societies . and thus our prelates are the most notorious lawlesse men ( onely excepting the grand antichrist , the pope , unlesse in some things they doe outstrip him ) that ever were in any age of the world . further , two wayes more doe the prelates prove themselves to be o`i a'nomei , those lawlesse men . as first , in hanging the keys of scripture at their girdle , saying , that the credit and belie●● of scripture to be the word of god , doth necessarily depend upon the authority and tradition of the present church , as the prime inducing cause to that bel●●f . this our great prelate in his said book boldly affirmeth● and often repeateth , saying withall , that the scripture hath not light enough in it selfe , is not sufficient to shew and prove it selfe to be the word of god . so as the whole authority of scripture● depending upon church-tradition , and authority , is necessarily made subject to episcopall power , and so consequently the law of god contained therein , shall not be divine , unlesse it please their good lordships to give their good word for it , and to make it of so much credit , by the vote of their authority and tradition , as that men may beleeve it to be gods law . and upon this ground it is , that if the prelates shall pronounce the 4th commandement not to be morall for the sanctifying of a seventh day , yea the first day of the weeke , for sabbath , and that servants , and children are not bound to yeeld obedience to their masters and parents on that day , in case civil or ecclesiasticall authority shall dispense with them to be free that day for their sports . then all men must be of their opinion , that those commandements are none of gods commandements . the second way , whereby prelates doe shew themselves lawlesse men , is by denying the scripture to be iudge in controversus of faith . for the said prelate pe●emptorily saith , * i absolutely make a lawfull and free generall councel iudge of controversies , by and according to scriptures . which [ by and according to the scriptures ] come in by the by , and are meere cyphers . for by these words he either meanes , that by and according to the scriptures hee absolutely makes , &c. which is most false : for by and according to the scripture no generall councel is iudge of coneroversies ; neither by and according to the scriptures hath the prelate power absolutely to make a generall councel iudge of controversies : or els , by these words he doth but cast a ●yst before his readers eyes to make him beleeve upon the first rebound of his words , that he makes scripture the rule , for generall councels to determine controversies by . whereas he meanes no such thing . for elswhere he hath sundry speeches to the contrary : as ‡ the churches declaration can bind us to peace , and externall obedience , where there is not expresse letter of scripture , and s●nce agreed upon . and againe , if there be a a●eal●usie or doubt of the sense of scripture , a generall councel must judge the difference : onely scripture must be the rule . now if scripture be doubtfull , and not cleare , how can it be a rule to others , to judge by ? but if scripture be sufficiently and aboundantly cleare in it selfe in resolving of matters of faith for salvation , how come men to take upon them to be iudges ? but that the scripture it selfe should be iudge , the prelate in no case , in no place of his booke will allow of that : onely he confesseth , that the scripture is a * iudge , but without light sufficient : visible , but not living , not speaking but by the church . so as the iudge he makes upon the matter both blind , and dead , and dumb . as the ‡ papists make it a dead letter , and leaden or lesbian rule , that so they may set the church above it , to be supreme iudge . thus our prelates ( if they will allow their primate to speake for them ) have made the scripture , and so gods word of no authority in and of it selfe , when it must depend both for its authority , and sense upon the church and that the prelaticall church , or that catholicke , wherein the church prelaticall of england , and of rome , are one and the same . are not the prelates then , next after the pope , those lawlesse men , branded here by the apostle , under the name of that lawlesse one ? we come now to the sixth note of antichrist in the text : which is●that he at god sitteth in the temple of god , shewing himselfe , that he is god . now the ‡ temple of god , properly , according to the new testament ( the ancient temple of the iews being abolished ) is the soule and conscience of every beleever : or true christian , namely a spirttuall temple . now all that beare but the beare name of christians , as papists doe , doe also participate of the bare name of such , as are the true temples : and so in that respect , antichrist is said to sit in , or upon or over the temple of god . for sitting , argues a seat , chaire , or throne , which antichrist sets up in the soules and consciences of all papists , sitting and raigning as king over them in all matters of faith . so as thus he makes himselfe a spirituall lord , or king over them . and thus by antichrists sitting is understood his raingning , as the scripture doth often use this terme : as revel. 17. 1. 3. 15. and 18. 7. and so in other places of scripture , by sitting , is understood raigning , as heb. 1. 13. 1. rev. 1. 13. now that the pope doth thus set up his throne , and sit and raigne in the consciences of men , who are the subjects and vassalls of his spirituall kingdome , himselfe cannot , will not deny . and he sits , as god , that is , assumes and exercises that power and authority over the conscience , which appertaines to god , to christ alone . and thus he makes shew , that he is god , as to whom god hath committed all his power and authority unto . as the pope calls himselfe vice-god , christs vicar , and the like , usurping whatsoever titles of power christ hath in the scripture : as we read of leo 10 , in the councel of lateran , calling himselfe the lyon of the tribe of iudah , and the like . and bellarmine blusheth not to say , and therein to blas-pheme , that what soever is attributed to christ in the scripture , is communicated to his vicar , the pope . and thus is fullfilled that , which christ , foretold , * many shall come in my name , saying , i am , or i am christ , and shall deceive many . thus for the pope , that man of sinne , that sonne of perdition , who opposeth and exalteth himselfe , ab●ve all that is called god , or that is worshiped , that lawlesse one , that as god sits in the temple of god , shewing himselfe , that he is god● now for our prelates , are they not herein also , as in all the rest , at least petty gods sitting in the temple of god , shewing themselvs to be so many gods ? as for their materiall princely thrones in materiall temples , they have them set up in great state . but this is nothing to that throne , which they have set up , and wherein they sit and raigne , over the consciences and soules of gods people ; their multitude of canons and ceremonies being so many laws by which they rule over them , and so many bonds or chaines , whereby they hold them in spirituall bondage . and thus they sit also as god , in the timple of god , shewing themselves to be god , in saying they are christs vice-roys , and the apostles successors , having authority from christ to exercise that their iurisdiction and power over gods people , who are the living temples of the living god . thus we see all along , how this army of priests ( as g●egory and others call them ) the prelates , do follow their captain and king antichrist step by step , in all his properties here described by the apostle . the last thing we propounded here to speake of , is , that apostacie must goe before to strow the way , to the full revealation of the mystery of iniquity , and so of antichrist , which apostacie was partly and primarily the prelacie . i say , partly and primarily . for partly the removall of the imperiall seat , from rome to constan●inople by constantine , and partly the decaying and declyning of the empire , and partly the defection of sundry kingdomes from the empire , made way for antichrists greatnesse , to which he grew not but by degrees , and that through many ages . yet the prime foundation of his babylonian tower was layd in the apostles own times , they labouring to hinder it all they could , but not prevailing herein , they preached and writ against it , and so forewarned gods people to beware of it . and this foundation so long agoe begun to be layd , was the prelacie , or rather the spirit of prelacie , which had a time of working even while the apostles lived , and became to be as it were an embrio or little masse , but did not receice the forme of a body , till afterwards , and was long a growing up , untill it came to the full stature . now ( i say ) the spirit of prelacie was the very beginning of the apostacie , which was antichrists way-maker . but how doth it appeare , that this spirit of the prelacie began to worke in the apostles dayes ? and then secondly , how will it appeare , that this spirit of the prelacy was and is an apostacie ? for answere : first , that the prelacie began to get life in the apostle time , it is manifest by sundry places of scripture . as 2. cor. 11. 20. ye suffer ( saith the apostle to the corinthians ) if a man bring you into bondage , if a man devoure you , if a man take of you , if a man exalt himselfe , if a man smite you on the face . now the apostle meanes here of those immediately mentioned before , to wit , false ministers , whom he calls false apostles , deceitfull work●rs is transforming themselves into the apostles of christ , v. 13. 15. these ( as young prelates ) would be apostolic●ll men ; and they have the qualities of prelates , they captivate gods people ( as before ) they devoure , take , exalt themselves , smite● just prelate-like . and for brevity ( to omit sundry other places ) we find one pretty briske prelaticall man in 3. iob. 9. 10. his name was diotrephes , and he did beare himselfe according to his name , as one of iupiters nurslings : his qualities are these : 1. he loveth to have the preeminence . 2. he receiveth not the apostles , and brethren : 3. he prateth against them with malicious words : 4. he neither receiveth the brethren , and forbiddeth them that would : 5. he casteth them out of the church . loe here a pretty well grown prelaticall child , a pregnant sparke to make a lord prelate of . for all his properties are proper to a prelate : for a prelate , first , loves the preeminence : 2. though he pretend to succeed the apostles , yet his deeds shew , that he hates both their doctrine , and example , persecuting them in their true successors : 3. he receiveth not the brethren : yea 4. he so hates the very name of holy brethren , that he forbids all men to receive them : and 5. he casteth them out of the church , he playes fy gib with his thunderbolt of excommunication . i might insist more , and inlarge all these particulars : but this may suffice to shew , that the spirit of the prelacie was stirring in the wombe of the church , even while the apostles lived . now for the second , it is no lesse true , that the spirit of the prelacy was and is an apostacy from christ . this first appeares by the apostles former words of falling away first , which made way for antichrist . and this began in the prelacie : for the prelacy is the setting up of a new church , a new kingdome , turning christs heavenly kingdome into an earthly , and the spirituall into a carnall , and the kingdome of grace , into a kingdome of terrene glory , and the church militant into a church malignant and triumphant ( as before is noted ) and the true catholicke church which we beleeve to consist of all the elect onely , christs living members ) into a new catholicke visible church of all nominall christians , tagge and ragge , papists and others : and in a word , the church of christ into the church and synogogue of antichrist . is not here then a fearefull apostacie , and falling from christ ? time calls me off , and therefore i must be very briefe . i will adde therefore but one place more for the proofe of this , that prelacy is apostacy from christ . it is in 1 io. 2. 18. little children , it is the last time , and as ye have heard that antichrist shall come , even now are there many antichrists , whereby we know that it is the last time . they went out from us ; but they were not of us : for if they had been of us , they would no doubt have continued with us : but they went out , that they might be made manifest , that they were not all of us . loe , here is an apostacie , and it is of certaine antichrists , that were then sprung up , even many antichrists . but how doth this concerne our prelates ? let us looke but a little lower , and as before we found them wrapped in the swadling clouts of the mystery of iniquity : so here we shall behold them in the very robes of antichrist . for v. 22. who is a lyar , but he that denyeth , that iesus is the christ : he is antichrist , &c. now what is it to deny iesus to be the christ ? surely we must so take these words , as we hold the analogie of faith , and so , as they crosse not the mystery of iniquity , which we shewed before to be a denying of christ , under a colour of confessing him . now then there is a twofold denyall of christ : one in words , another in works . so the apostle saith of such , * they porfesse that they know god , but in works they deny him , being abominable and disobedient , and unto every good worke reprobate . so as there is a denyall of christ in deeds . but what it is to deny , that iesus is the christ ? this is a point indeed very considerable . to deny that iesus is the christ , is to deny , that iesus is the auointed king priest and prophet ; so , as never any were anointed , to all these 3 offices . and therefore christ was said to be ‡ anointed above his fellows . and for that cause he is called here , o' kristòs , the anointed . now then to deny that iesus is the christ , is to deny , that iesus is the onely king , the onely high priest , and the onely prophet of his church . but ( to apply this ) doth the pope , and so our prelates , deny that iesus is thus the christ ? yes , they do . first , for the pope , it is manifest , that he denyes iesus to be the only king of his church : because himselfe takes upon him to be king over the church , sitting as god in the temple of god , shewing himselfe , that he is god ; as before is shewed . secondly , he not onely sets up other high-priests in heaven , as whom he makes mediators of interc●ssion : and so he denyes christs high priesthood in heaven , whose office alone it is to make intercession within the v●ile , as was typed by the high priest , heb. 9. but the pope also makes himselfe the high priest on earth , in forgiving of sins , and in sacrificing and offering up a breaden christ for a propitiatory sacrifice , wherein also every masse-priest usurps christs priesthood on the crosse . and thirdly , he denyeth iesus to be the onely prophet to teach his church , taking upon him to be the sole oracle , and unerring iudge in matters of faith . these might be inlarged , but i hasten . and a word in things so cleare , is sufficient . now for our prelates : do not they too deny , that iesus is the christ ? doe not they deny him to be the only king of his church , by their usurping of his throne and dominion over the consciences of gods people in matters of faith and religion , by imposing their manifold canons , and ceremonies , as before is shewed ? and secondly , do they not deny , that iesus is the onely high priest , while themselves with the pope , and their false priesthood , take upon them to forgive sins ? yea and doe they not labour to come home to rome , in setting up their altars , with their priests , which must needs have a sutable sacrifice , some host : so as thereby christ is denyed to be the onely high priest , who offered up himselfe on the crosse once for all ? thirdly , and lastly , doe they not deny iesus to be the onely prophet of his church , while themselves usurpe the office of being iudges of the s●ripture , and of the controversies of faith , making their dictates to be received for doctrines , and their determinations ( though in things erronious in the faith ) to bind all men to peace and obedience ? which being so : the conclusion is , that as the pope is the grand antichrist , so prelates are so many antichrists . for ( saith the apostle ) who is a lyer , but he that denyeth , that iesus is the christ ? he is antichrist . and thus we see , how these hypocrites , who are so superstitiously and idolatrously devout in their worshiping of the name jesus , prove themselves notorious . antichrists , in denying iesus to be the christ , to be the only king , priest and prophet of his church . chap. ix . wherein the prelates usuall allegations out of the scriptures , by them perverted , or other by them pretended , are answered . as there hath been no heresie , nor hereticke , so grosse , but he could alledge some scripture or other for the maintenance of his heresie , if his own carnall sense might be the intepreter and iudge : so our prelates , though their pretended title of iurisdiction be in some cleare scriptures so expresly condemned both by christ and his apostles ( as hath been shewed ) as were sufficient to confound them , and put them to perpetuall silence : yet they leave no stone unturned , under which they might find but some worme for a baite to deceive the simple fish . and therfore where they find but the least shadow , or appearance or resemblance , which may present to their fancy and imagination some aëry image of their hierarchie , that they set up for all men to adore . now let us see what starting holes they find out for themselves in the holy scripture . first , they alledge those postscripts in the end of pauls second epistle to timothy , and of that to titus : where in the one , timothy is said to be first bishop of ephesus : and in the other , titus first bishop of the church of the cretians . these ( say they ) were diocesan bishops , ordained by the apostle . and here ( say they ) we have scripture for it . ergo we bishops have our authority iure divin● to both which places , i answere : first , that those two postscripts are no part of canonicall scripture , or of the holy text . for ( as the learned beza hath well observed ) they were not found in the most ancient greek copies : nor yet in the vulgar latin translation , no not to this day . these were additions of some monks , that were made some hundred yeares after the apostles . so as in ieromes time they were not extant , as the translation that goes in his name can testifie , which hath no such postscrips . secondy , our former and ancienter english translations , though they have those postscripts , yet they are put in a small character , different from that of the text , that all men may take notice they are no part of the text . although our all-innovating prelates of late , have in the newer impressions inlarged their phylacteries , in putting those postscripts in the same full character with that of the text , that the simple might beleeve they are canonicall scripture . thirdly , timothy and titus , are no where in scripture called bishops . fourthly , suppose they were such bishops , as the scriptures approve of , as before is shewed : doth it therefore follow , that they were diocesan bishops , lording over the presbyters , as our lord prelates doe ? let them shew us that . but fiftly , it is cleare by scripture , that timothy and titus were neither dioce●an bishops ; nor yet bishops of a particular congregation , such as the scripture commends unto us . not diocesan bishops : for first , as yet there was no distribution of diocese ; that came in afterward . and secondly , they were not tyed to any residence either diocesan , or parochiall . and neither as yet was the church divided into parishes . now the reason why timothy and titus were no such bishops , is , because they were * euangelists , whose office was to attend upon the apostles , and to be sent by them now to one church , now to another , and that in remote countries , and farre distant one from another , where they stayed no longer , then the apostles thought expedient , having occasion to imploy them in other places ; as we may read tit. 1. 5. and 3. 12. phil. 2. 19. 23. 2 cor. 8. 16. 18 , 19. and 12. 17 , 18. col. 4. 7 , 8 : 1 thess. 3. 2. 5 and in sundry other places . so as timothy and titus , and other euangelists , their office was to water those churches , which the apostles had planted , to comfort , confirme , establish the hearts of christians newly converted to the faith of christ . so as if timothy and titus had been bishops , either diocesan , or parochiall , then the apostle in sending them to this and that countrey , to this and that church in farre distant countries , should have been an author of non-residence , a thing much controverted in the ‡ councel of trent , and the best learned did maintaine , that residence of bishops was de jure divino . they were no bishops therefore , but euangelists . and thus the scripture it selfe shews plainly , that those foresaid postscripts are meere forgeries , and counterfeit stuffe ; though our prelates are glad of any shred to patch up their pyde motley coat withall . but they alledge againe for themselves , that titus was left in creet to ordaine bishops in every city . ergo , ordination of ministers belongs properly and solely to bishops . for answere : is this a good argument : titus ordained ministers in creet : ergo ordination of ministers pertaines to the office of every diocesan bishop ? but they must bring better proofe , that titus was a diocesan bishop : otherwise , i deny their argument . secondly , suppose , that titus did alone ordaine : yet this being a case of necessity , and in the infancy of the church , is it therfore to be made a generall rule ? thirdly , if they were diocesan bishops , whom titus ordained in every city in creta , then titus was an arch-bishop at least , and no small one neither , for there being an hundred cities in creet , called therefore e katómpolis , the hundred-city-ile . but for arch-bishops our arch-prelate confesseth they are not iure divino . or els , for titus to ordaine such bishops , as the prelate meaneth he could according to ancient canons of councels , have had 2 or 3 other bishops joyned with him . but if they had been bishops , whom he is sayd to ordaine , the word should rather have been teleiosai , or so to consecrate , then katastesai , to ordaine : because a diocesan bishop is not ordained , but consecrated , as they call it ; so as such a bishop is not an order , or calling , as before is shewed . but to shut up this : titus was no bishop , and therfore our prelates argument from titus his ordaining of ministers , is too weake a foundation , to build their high towring hierarchie upon . againe , they alledge the power that timothy and titus had to censure delinquents : ergo prelates courts are iure divino . this argument is like the former , and concluds nothing for them . nor had timothy and titus their courts and consistories , their apparitors , and pursuivants , their dumb priests to sit in court to excommunicate , and the like . nor were their censures like to those of our prelates ; as before we have shewed about excommunication , either for the matter , or manner , or end . but titus had a commission tà leíponta , epidiorthosai , to set in order the things that are wanting . what then ? ergo it is an office of prelates to set the church in order , by adding such ceremenies or canons , as are wanting . as the prelate saith in his said booke , that he had * taken all that paines for an orderly settlement in the church . but besides the reasons aforesaid , that titus was no diocesan bishop , for our prelates to make their pattern by : they must consider , that the full latitude of the sense of epidiorthosa● ( which our english turnes , to set in order , ) is , to set those things in order , or in integrum restituere , to restore and reduce them to their former estate , wherein at the first they were ordered . now titus had received his rule from the apostle for whatsoever he was to set in order , which rule comprehended such things as were wanting . the apostle left it not to titus to doe what he would , but o'● ego soi dietaxamen , as i had appointed thee . thus nothing will frame well , the scripture will not speak one good word for our prelates . but they take their wings , and flie to the revelation , where the bishops are called angels , as rev. 1. 20. and 2. 1 , &c. the angel of the church of ephesus ( say they ) was the bishop , to wit , the diocesan bishop . but first they must prove that ephesus had a diocesan bishop . before they can conclude he was that angel . for every angel is not a diocesan bishop . for then all ministers being called angels , because gods messengers , should be diocesan bishops , which our prelates cry out against : but if they be false ministers , or counterfeit bishops , though they be angels , yet they are of those angels of darknesse , which transforme themselves into angels of light , as the apostle speakes , and which we mentioned before . but hath ephesus now gotten a dioces●n bishop ? what 's then become of all those bishops of eph●sus , whom the apostle called together , 〈◊〉 . 20. 17. 28 ? of which we spake before . how come they now all to be moulded up into one angel , one diocesan bishop ? but our prelates must bring us better proofe from scripture , then so , for their diocesan bishop , unlesse they will have him some angel dropt from the clowds . and ( saith the apostle ) if an angel from heaven preach otherwise , then what the scripture teacheth , let him be accursed . but they imagine this angel is the diocesan lord bishop , because he stands single , and alone , to the angel of the church of ephesus , not to the angels , as many . but doe the● no● know , that it is familiar with the scripture to use the singular number for the plural ? doth not every one of the ten commandements run thus , thou shalt not , &c. when every mothers sonne is meant ? and why not so here ? nay it is so here : for though he write as to one , v. 1. yet v. 7. he concludes the epistle thus , he that hath an eare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the churches . and such is the style and manner of every one of those 7. epistles to the seven churches : so as under one is meant every one , yea all the churches . now will our prelates hence conclude , that because an angel herd is named , and that which is written particularly to one , concerneth all the churches : that therefore this angel was the diocesan bishop ? surely then , he must be an arch-bishop , as comprehending all the churches . and so also must every one of the other angels of the churches : which would make a confusion . but if the prelates were not selfe-blinded , they might discerne the reason , why the holy-ghost puts an angel for many . for thus it holds proportion with the vision shewed to iohn , chap. 1. 12. 20. this vision of the seven starres , and seven candlesticks , and seven angels , and seven churches , is called a mystery . and a mystery is a secret , which comprehends more , then is expressed . and so here , when one angel is named , we are to understand all the angels of that church , to whom , in the name of one , the epistle is written : nor ●onely to all the angels , but to the churches , under the name of one angel . so as in one are comprehended many , for it is a mystery : yet one is mentioned ( chap. 2. 1. ) because ( i say ) it holds proportion with the vision . againe , if by the angel here , they would have to be understood a diocesan bishop , then they must prove , that this diocesan hath a lawfull calling , as sent of god . otherwise he is no angel , that is , no messenger , no angel sent of god . or if they say , this angel was sent of god , let them prove him to be a diocesan bishop . and thus they are brought into a circle , and cannot find the way out . but they alledge againe , that one here notes unity , which cannot be without a diocesan bishop . and therefore a diocesan bishop was set up for that end , to be a head of unity , for the conservation of order and peace , in schismatis remedium , for a remedy of schisme . insomuch as our arch-prelate ( as is before noted ) holds a necessity of one ordine primus , for the unity and peace of his catholicke church . now for answere briefly ( this being partly touched before ) true it is , that one here is a mysticall note of unity , so as in the angel of the church of ephesus , is comprehended the whole church of ephesus , both ministers and people . but one here doth not signifie one diocesan bishop . neither is one diocesan bishop in a diocese , nor one metropolitan in a province or kingdome , nor one ordine primus in the whole catholicke church , of necessity to preserve unity in the church . 't is true indeed , that the prelates new catholicke-church , which is prelaticall , may need such a head as one ordine primus , to preserve it in unity and peace : this being also very usefull for the inlarging of the tower of babel , for which the prelate hath so laboured for peace in the church of england under the headship of his primacy : so as had he none to oppose or contradict his wicked practises , for the setting up of popery , but all did quietly submit and conforme to his canon , his babylon would goe up apace , and prosper : even as * when the old world was all of one language , the tower of babel went up a maine , till god confounded their worke in the division of tongues : but the true catholicke church of iesus christ hath one bishop of there soules , which is christ , who is that ordine primus , that ‡ unites the whole body , every joynt , and every member , that is , not onely every particular beleever , but every particular christian congregation is knit to the whole , in and under that one head and so this body groweth , and this building goeth up , notwithstanding all the mouths of contradiction , and of malicious sandballets , that seek to hinder it . whereas it is not so with the building of babel . for one small breath of the mouth of god in his word , breathed by one poore minister , is able to blast the building ; and therefore the builders cry out against such fellows , as troublers of the state , and movers of sedition . and they cannot be in quiet , nor their building goe up , untill such make-bates be silenced , or made our of the way . and therefore they labour with the prince ( when themselves want power and law ) to d●e with such as constantine did with athanasius . athanasius was the onely man , that refused to hold communion with a sort of arian bishops ; which caused a great gappe in that unity and peace in the church , which constantine so much desired . well , what 's the remedy ? he thereupon was easily moved to send athanasius away into banishment , and then he thought all would be quiet and in peace . but by the way , truth must be looked unto in the first place : otherwise what peace ? for that a false peace , and the moeher of farther discord , for the which truth is lost . and even our prelate himselfe in his said booke doth often harpe upon these two strings together , truth and peace : a good harmony , were they rightly meant , and that his truth were not made of a wolfes gut , which will never agree with a string made of a sheeps gut , as he pretends his peace to be . but this by the way . and whereas they alledge the prelacie to be a remedy of schisme ( heare ô heavens , and hearken ô earth ) is not the prelacy the grand schismaticke ? i mean , not onely in being the most busie and usuall make-bate in all civil states , dividing prince and people , but in setting up a new and false catholicke church , altogether seperate from , and holding no communion with , yea excluding all reformed churches not prelaticall , as no members of the catholicke ( as indeed they be not of the false catholicke ) all prelacie drawing to one head of the papacy , and that by a necessity of one ordine primus ; as before is noted . but to draw to a conclusion . the last allegation which i note they make , is , that s. marke was bishop of alexandria . ergo episcopall iurisdiction , is an apostolicall tradition , and so jure divino . and for this they alledge the testimony of ierome where he saith , at alexandria from marke the evangelist , the presbyters alwayes chusing one from among them , and placing him in a more eminent degree , called him bishop . whereupon the prelate thus inferres . so even according to s. jerome , bishops had a very ancient and honourable discent in the church from st. marke the euangelist : and this ( saith ierome , ) was a tradition apostolicke . so the prelate . but first for ierome , we noted his words before of such bishops , saying , they were set up by humane presumption , and not by divine institution , and consequently not by apostolike tradition . for apostolicke tradition is farre from ●um●ne presumption ; so as it is humane presumption to make that apostolicke tradition . and for s. marke , * ecclesiasticall story tells us , that marke was the first , that preached the gospell ( which also he writ ) at alexandria . but the story saith not , that marke was bishop of alexandria . and the prelate must marke , that he was an euangelist ( as also iereme saith ) for he wrote the gospel . and the history saith , he was ‡ a follower of peter the apostle . which if true , it makes it more probable , that it was that babylon in egypt , whence peter wrote his epistle , where he saith , the church that is at babylon saluteth you , and so doth marcus my son : then that peter was then at rome , which the papists ( to make peter to have been at rome ) are content should be that babylon , from whence he writ . and if they will needs have it so , let them have it , with the whore of babylon to boot . but this by the way . but be it , that marke was at alexandria , he was there onely as an euangelist , and to doe the office of an euangelist , of which we have spoken before : bishop he was not , as the prelates would have him ; for that we have already proved to be in their sense condemned both by christ , and by his apostles , and therfore is neither an institution of christ , nor a tradition apostolicke . and therefore what ever the presbyters at alexandria began to practise after marke the euangelist , in chusing and exalting one over them , whom they called a bishop , whence our prelates derive their ancieut and honourable descent : sure we are , they can never prove , that ever either any apostle delivered this to marke , or marke from the apostles to the presbyters , to make it a tradition apostolicke . yea this is a sure and infallible rule in divinity , that whatever the apostles expresly set down in their sacred writing , they never delivered the contrary by word of mouth . as the apostle writes to the corinthians , saying ‡ as god is true , our word towards you , was not yea and any . now ( as we have sufficiently proved before ) the apostles , as christ their masters forbad them ) forbid prelacy to others , they exercised it not themselves , they disclaimed dominion over the saith of christians , they brand it for antichristian : therfore prelaticall iurisdiction is no apostolick tradition : and so no w●y of divine institution . and thus the truth and title agreeing together , i end , as i began , lord bishops , are none of the lords bishops . finis . good covncel for the present state of england . i call that counsel onely good , which god himselfe giveth in his word : and such is this counsel , which is here given , as being taken from the mouth of god speaking in his word . 't is a dangerous thing , and impious too , for men to neglect gods councel , and follow their own . this is a signe of a people given up of god : as the lord saith , * my poople would not hearken to my voyce , and israel would none of me : so i gave them up unto their own hea●●s lust , and they walked in their own counsels . and what 's the issue of such counsels ? david tells us , and that with an imprecasion , ‡ destroy thou them , ô god , let them fall by their own councels . and this is meant of such councels especially , as are taken not onely without the lord , but against the lord . of which david also saith , ‡ why doe the heathen rage , and the people imagine a vaine thing ? the kings of the earth set themselves , and the rulers take councel together against the lord , and against his christ : saying , let us breake their bonds a sunder , and cast away their cords from us . and what followeth ? he that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh , the lord shall have them in derision . then shall he speake unto them in his wrath , and vex them in his sore displeasure . for god hath set his king , even the lord iesus christ , upon his holy hill of sion . this king hath all power in heaven and in earth given into his hand . and he hath , as a golden scepter sweetly to governe and protect his own people , so an iron rod to break in pieces his enemies , wherupon the kingly prophet concludes thus , be wise now therefore ô ye kings , be instructed ye iudges of the eearth : serve the lord in feare and trembling : kisse the son , least he be angry , and ye perish from the way , when his wrath is kindled but a little . and what doth more kindle gods wrath against a state , or nation , then to slight and scorn his councels , and with those giants of old to consult , and confederate , and even make warre against the lord and his christ ? and now , ô england , thou a●t making a great preparation for warre . but of whom hast thou taken councel ? of the lord ? from his mouth ? hast thou consulted his oracle , his word ? if not , what ever other councel thou takest , or followest , it is but such , whereof david thus speakes , * the lord bringeth the councel of the heathen to nought , be maketh the devises of the people of none effect , and casteth out the counsels of princes . the councel of the lord standeth for ever , the thoughts of his heart to all generations . and ‡ there is no king saved by the multitude of an host , a mighty man is not delivered by much strength . an horse is a vaine thing for safety , neither shall be deliver any by his great strength . solomon saith , by wise councel thou shalt make thy warre . and no councel can be wise , which is not taken of god , and much lesse , what is taken of enemies against god . of whom then dost thou take councel for thy warre● heare , ô england , examine thy selfe . i know the councel of thy heart ( as solomon saith is as ‡ deep waters , into the bottome wherof a vulgar eye cannot elsily pierce . but yet a man of understanding will draw it out . but if thou wil● not discover who is thy counsellour , certainly thy intended actions will bewray and publish to the world . and therefore in the second place , consider the cause of thy warre , that it be just . i do not meane made seemingly just by false colours , and pretences , but that it be really and truly just before god an men , otherwise , thou hast two grand causes of feare , that the issue shall not be prosperous ; to wit , not takiug councel first of god for thy warre : secondly , not undertaking it upon a just cause or quarrell . but ( to come a little nearer home to the point ) is the cause such , as it will beare any consultation , or communion with god . so as thou mayst with a good heart and conscience seek unto god , to maintaine thy cause ? and for what ever cause thou indendest thy warre , or against whom , surely the cause being publicke , and so concerning the whole land , such a seeking of god is required , as is solemne , publicke , and universall . and we are sure , that as yet , ô england , thou hast not sought god , for the good speed of this thy great and warlike preparation and then , what good issue canst thou expect for ? but thou wilt say , how shall i seeke counsel and helpe of god ? for this , i will propound but one example . the whole tribe of benjamin stood up in maintenance of a most wicked and prodigious fact , as that towards the levites wife . he sent her being dead in 12 pieces to all the tribes of israel : who abhorring such a fact , first sent to their brethren the benjamites to punish the malefactors . they refused . whereupon all the tribes assembled . and first they aske counsel of the lord which of the tribes , shall goe up first against benjamin . he answers , iuda● . and though the cause was just , and god councelled them , yet they were expulsed with the losse of 22 thousand men . they consult god the second time ; and that with weeping before the lord untill even : the lord answers them , goe up , yet this time also they were beaten and lost 18 thousand men . strange ? well they inquire of the lord the third time , but in a better manner then before : for all the people of israel assemble to the house of god , weeping and fasting the whole day untill even , and offered burnt offerings , and peace offerings before the lord ; and then asking the lord , shall i yet againe goe to battaile against benjamin , or shall i cease . the lord answers them the third time , goe up , for to morrow i will deliver them into thy hand . whence it is to be noted , that till this third time , that they make their peace with god by burnt-offerings , and peace-offerings , god doth not give them an answere of peace , and prosperous successe . hence then , ô england ; take thy patterne of seeking god , and asking counsel of him . first , doe not first resolve with thy selfe to fight , and then goe aske of god , not , whether thou shalt fight , or no , but onely , who shall goe up first . for then thou mayst speed , as they did . secondly , thinke it not sufficient to powre forth teares of worldly sorrow for thy discomfiture , and therupon resolve to renew the battaile , for which also , though they had an answere of god for it , yet it was without any promise of good successe . but thirdly , a generall fast must be proclaimed over the land , and a solemne day must be kept in offering up the burnt offerings of an humble and contrite heart , and peace offerings of reconciliation with god through faith in christ , joyned with a thorow reformation of thy notorious sins and transgressions , wherewith the whole land is burthened and defiled . then , then ( i say ) and not before ( alwayes provided the cause of warre be known to be just , as that of the israelites was against the benjamites their brethren ) mayst thou with a good conscience and sure confidence in god make thy warre . but what sins are those , which thou must reforme ? in brief , thou must ( ô england ) call in those wicked and ungodly bookes , orders , edicts , declarations , whereby the doctrines of grace have been suppressed , the sanctification of the sabbath cryed down , ministers persecuted , and put out of their places , much innocent blood hath been shed , especially of those 3 banished close prisoners ; and to summe up all in one head-sinne , to cast out those , who are the maine instruments and movers of all these and other outrages in the land , to wit , the prelates , who ( as the limbs of antichrist , and so christs adversaries ) doe of late especially challenge their lordly jurisdiction from christ alone , * which notwithstanding he hath expresly forbidden as heathenish , and tyrennicall : and which his ‡ apostles branded for antichristian , and the mystery of iniquity . so as till these usurpers of christs throne , be cast out , with all their baggage and trumpery of their cermonies and will-worship , be sure , ô england , thou canst not look to prosper in any thy undertakings , be they never so just : for in maintaining thy prelates , thou maintainest open warre against christ , and his kingdome , and ( hadst thou eyes to see it ) against thine own kingdome too , and the peace and prosperity thereof . but it will be alledged that thy reverend prelats hate a publick fast , as being puritanicall , and consequently any such reformation , as aforesaid , as being all puritanicall : that their order is most christian , and consonant to civil government , and most agreeable with the monarchy ; and the like . and therefore , that thou art bound to defend them , yea though it be by making open warre against all those , that doe withstand their hiearchy . i● this be thy resolution , ô england , then know this for a certainty that thou canst not long stand : seeing thy so maintaining of that antichristian tyranny is to wage open warre against iesus christ , the onely king of his church . and therfore if this be the cause and end of thy warlike preparations , be sure thou shalt not prosper in why way how art thou so blind , as not to se , how thy prosperity must of necessity be thy ruine . for as christ saith , * a kingdome divided against it selfe cannot stand . and so if the iland which consists of two kingdomes under one king be divided against it selfe , and the one kingdome destroy the other , is it not as with the body when the right hand cuts off the left ? and shalt not thou , ô england , be hereby exposed to thy false friends , and deadly enemies without , who could not wish a better opportunity for the effecting of their long wished desire , then to see this goodly iland to imbrue her hands in her own bowels and blood ? and therefore , if thou hast any such designe ô england , who could , who would counsel and instigate thee unto it , but the spirit of iezebel of rome , possessing thy ●relotes , who as those ‡ false prophets , bid thee to goe up against ram●th gilead , and prosper . but it wil be pretended , they are rebells whom thou wilt warre against . wherein rebells ? for casting our christs enemies , those antichristian usurpers the prelates ? indeed thus thou didst deale with those 3 above said , as seditious persons , because they convinced the prelates of their usurped title of iurisdiction from christ , wherein they did not in the least point transgresse , or yet so much as trench upon any of thy laws , but defended them against the prelates . and if in so doing any shal be accounted of thee to be rebells , certainly they which doe it not , are neither good christians , nor good subjects . but if indeed thou wilt warre against any such , as rebells , let the case first be tryed in a faire and judiciall way , a better then which cannot be , then the present parliament . and because the prelates are parties , let them be excluded out of the court , till the matter be deci●ed . for no reason , that parties should sit as judges , as the prelates did in the censuring of those former three , though they excepted against them in open court . and if indeed by such a faire tryall any shal be found judicially to be rebells against their king , then make warre against them , and spare not , and i could wish to be the foremost in the fight . but if they onely stand to defend their ancient rights and liberties and those good laws of the land , which as the ligatures doe bind , unite , and fasten the head and body , the king and his subjects together : and which both prince and people are bound by mutuall covenant , and sacred oath to maintaine , let the parliament determine , whether that be rebellion , or no . which , till it be determined , let me crave thy patience , ô england , in a few words ; and hearken to the counsel , that i shall give thee in gods own name and words . and because the present parliament is the representative body of the whole state of the land , let me first addresse my speech to it , now assembled in both the houses . now where gods word saith , * by wise counsel thou shalt make thy warre : he immediately addeth , and in a multitude of councellers there is safety . and you , most noble senate , are a multitude of councellers , whose wisdome and councel is requisite at this time for the making of warre , or not , and much more , for the making of warre against your brethren , and in the very bowells of the land . which warre if it be for the prelates hierarchy , let me say , as he did , ‡ if baal be a god , let him plead for himselfe . for otherwise● the making of such a warre cannot be for safety : and therfore i hope a multitude of such counsellers will never give their consent , much lesse their counsel for such a warre . yea because as the wise heathen statesman and orator said , iniquissima pax justissimo bello anteponenda est : even an unequall peace is to be preferred before a just warre : how much more is a most just and christian peace to be preferred before a most unjust and antichrrstian warre ; such as is undertaken for the maintenance of the hierarhy , which is meerly antichristian . and miserable are those warriers , that fight for the beasts kingdome , and for the dragon against the lambe , iesus christ . and therefore to prevent this , hearken to christs words , blessed are the peace-makers : for they shal be called the children of god . and if any be charged of rebellion , if it be found so by you , let the civil sword of justice be drawn , and not the bloody sword of warre , by which the innocent may as soone suffer , as the nocent . and for the better making of way for peace : let the make-bates be removed , those ackans of israel , the troublers and incendiaries of all estates both civil and christian . and who are those but the prelates ? solomon saith , ‡ take away the wicked from before the king , and his throne shal ●e established in righteousnesse . this he compares there ( v. 4. ) to the drosse purged away from the silver ; which is not done , but by the fire . so this seperation of these wicked from the king cannot be , but by a strong and a holy zeale . and till this seperation be the kings throne cannot be established in righteousnesse . and as ( pro. 26. 20. ) where no wood is , there the fire goeth out : so where there is no tale-bearer , the strife ceasseth . and surely if these sycophants● and eare-wiggs were removed , we should neither heare of warre between prince and people , nor feare any invasion of forraign power . but the prelates ( will some say ) are by the laws of the land ●●thorised , and so incorporated into the body of the state : so as ●tis no easie matter to make this separation . 't is true indeed , that an old inbred malignant hun our , or incorporated wenne ( as iuniu● calls the popedome , and hierarchie ) is not easily removed from the body . but to you●comfort● most noble physitians ) the wenne hath of its own accord star●ed out of his place , so as it is but closing it up , that it returne not . for of late the prelates have by their very claim of holding their iurisdiction from christ , fallen off from , and disclaimed their dependance upon either kings prerogative , or law . and how severely have they in their courts of late censured those , that have withstood this their usurped title , as dr. bastwicke , mr. burton , mr. pryn. yea and but the other day , and within the very smell of the approaching parliament , was not a learned reader in the law in the temple , now a member of the parliament , inhibited and suspended from his reading , because he undertook to prove , that prelaticall iurisdiction was not iure divino , by divine authority ? so as now they having withdrawn themselves , and flown off from under the protection of royall prerogative , and law , and having no one evidence in scripture for this their title , which they are able to produce : they lye naked and exposed to this present parliament , quite to casheere and abandon them , and send them with all their pompe , pride , tyranny , and antichristian titles to rome , from whence , with the great antichrist , they had their first rise and originall . therfore in gods name cast them out , as notorious innovators , and enemies of all laws of god and man ; for as that * ● anomos , that lawlesse one , they wil be tyed to none , but tramble upon all . how have they trampled on the sanctification of the sabbath , and the morrality of the 4th commandement , polluting it with their foule pawes ? how have they dared the courts of civil justice , that no prohibitions can be obtained for the most innocent causes , to fetch them off the hooks of their high commission ? how have they trampled upon gods word , and all the doctrines of grace , utterly prohibiting them to be preached , without which doctrines there can be no true preaching ? how doe they trample upon all godly ministers and people , hunting them out of every hole , with their beagles , so as what a kind of convocation is now in beeing , and what can●ns they will make , if they be suffered judge you , especially when they have such a lawlesse pope over them , as now they have . out with them therfore , out of hand . but some will say , they are grown potent in court , and they have a strong faction and party , so as they are become a noli me tangere : and no sooner shall the parliament begin to meddle with them , but they will procure a hand to knock them off and breake up all . is it so ? will they do thus ? it is not unlikely , because they have been such expert practisioners in such kind of fea●es . for all the world shal be set in a flame and combustion , rather then one sparke shall cindge their coat . and if so , what then ? surely then , woe to thee , ô england , never look for parliament more , but prepare thy necke for the prelates iron yoake . woe to thee , ô scotland , i●●case thy prelates return by a forcible reentry , which shal be my earnest prayer , they may never doe . nay i hope , for all their power and pride , their kigdom is near at an end in this hand . for christ hath stirred up all the good peoples hearts against them , and their tyranny . and now , most noble senate , christ requires , your helping hand , and unanimous votes to cast them out . which to effect , first let a league be renewed between christ and this kingdome , by humiliation , by reformation , by purgation of the land from all romish altars , images , and other superstitions in churches , and from all manner of humane inventions and ceremonies whatsoever to bind the conscience of any man in the service and worship of our god . then secondly ( the prelates being casheered ) stand closse to the king , and let him know and feele the boundlesse affections of his people , in their free and liberall contributions , for the necessary maintenance of the state of the kingdome . for nothing can seperate prince and peoples affections , but prelates . but for conclusion abruptly , if their malice and power prevaile so farre , as to cause an untimely and unhappy beeaking up of this parliament , as formerly they have done , which hath been and is the onely cause of all the calamities of the land , which now is drawi●g on to utter ruine and confusion , if not at this time through gods mercy , by the meanes of this present parliament prevented : now or never take heart and courage unanimously to doe your utmost for the preserving both of your king and countrey . and therfore before you be dissolved , if you cannot attaine to the establishing of so many acts , yet at least let these particular protests● be left recorded for perpetuall memory , and a testimony to all the world , to angels and men , of your zeale for god , of your loyalty to your king , and of your love to your countrey . first , protest against the hierarchy , as an antichristian tyranny over the soules , bodies , and estates of all the kings subjects , and therefore ought to be rooted out , and not suffered in any christian church , or common weale . secondly , and consequently , protest against all altars , images , and such like popish idolatrous reliques , utterly unlawfull to be erected in any true christian church . thirdly , protest against all humane rites and ceremonies whatsoever imposed upon mens consciences in the worship of god , as being all of them antichristian , bringing into bondage mens soules , which christ hath redeemed with his precious blood , who is the onely lord of the conscience , and the onely law-giver to his church for all matters of faith , and of the worship of god . fourthly , protest against all such generall taxes layd upon the subjects , as whereby both their ancient liberties , and the fundamentall laws of the kingdome are overthrowne , and so vindicate the honour both of the king , and of this noble kingdome , that it may not be recorded to posterity for a state of tyranny and slavery . fiftly , and consequently , protest against all those wicked iudges , which have in such wise declared their opinions for intollerable taxes expresly contrary to the laws and liberties of the kingdome , as thereby they have given occasion for the betraying of all , and the bringing of the whole land under perpetuall slavery . sixtly , protest against that prelaticall declaration set forth in the kings name before the 39 articles , wherein those articles of the dostrines of grace , are made voyd , and so all preaching of them suppressed . seventhly , protest against that booke for sports on the lords dayes , as whereby both the fourth commandement , and the fifth are most desperately overthrown : as also against all those bookes that have been set forth for the maintaining of such profanation , as whereby god is greatly dishonoured , and his wrath provoked even to the spewing out of such a nation out of his mouth . eightly , protest against all that prelaticall tyranny in oppressing the preaching of gods word on the lords dayes in the after-noone , and other dayes in the week , and their antichristian persecuting and putting out of all godly and painfull ministers , such as will not conform to their lawlesse ordinances . ninthly , protest against that most terrible and odious shedding of the innocont blood of those 3 forementioned , now perpetuall exiles and closse prisoners , even their very wives most lawlesly detained from them , with a●● their other severe punishments , one of them being a minister , who in discharge of his duty first preached in his own church , and then published his sermons in print against the prelates notorious practises and popish innovations , for which he underwent punishments so great , so many , as no age● no christian state can parallell ; so as their blood doth incessantly cry against this whole land , as guilty thereof ( though shed onely by the prelates instigation as aforesaid ) untill it be purged . tenthly , protest against that accursed booke , relation of a conference , &c. published in print , and dedicated to the king , by the now prelate of canterbury , wherein he belyes , and so blasphemes god , christ , the holy ghost , the holy scriptures , the church of england , in saying it is one and the same with that of rome , of the same faith and religion with that whore of babylon , and many such like impious assertions , the whole booke professedly tending to reconcile england and rome , and so to bring the whole land backe againe to popery . eleventhly , if this great and warlike preparation be by the prelates diabolicall instigation ( as by no other it can be , except by the pope and his iesuiter , and his nuncio's negotiation have also a hand in it ) to goe against the scots , and if the cause shal be found to be no other , but that they have abandoned , and remaunded to rome all their prelates , as the grand enemies of christ , and his kingdome , and of the peaceable and prosperous estate of the realme , and consequently of the kings crown and dignity ; and that they stand for the maintenance of their just laws and liberties , the continuance whereof is the kings honour , and the establishment of his throne : if ( i say ) no other cause can justly be alledged , and yet they shal be invaded , as rebells : protest against all ayd and assistance of such an invasion , as being against the law of god , of nature , and of nations , and as being a warre directly against jesus christ , in the maintenance of antichrist , and his antichristian hierarchy ; and so such , as must needs recoyle , and that in divine fury upon england it selfe , which having burned her neighbours house , exposeth her owne to the flames . yea for england to invade scotland for no other cause in truth , then before mentioned , namely , for their maintaining of the true faith and religion of christ , and their just lawes and liberties , which all true christians , and civil states ought to lay down their very lives for ; ( as the light of nature taught the very heathen , pugnare pro aris ac focis ; and that grecian could say , a'iresomai teleutan mallon , ' è a'neleutheros sun : i choose rather to dye , a free-man , then to live a slave . and the monarchicall estate , governed by good laws , was ever preferred , and opposed to tyranny ) were to renounce and give up her own ancient liberties , and to betray , and persecute , and destroy the true faith and religion of christ , and so set up and professe the infidelity and idolatry of antichrist , and so with him and his cursed crue , to goe into perdition . the primitive christians under julian the apostata , served him in the warres against his enemies : but when he commanded them to goe against christians , who refused to worship , or offer incense to his idols , they cast down their weapons , acknowledging the emperour of heaven . and when saul * commanded his servants to fall upon the lords priests , none of them would doe it . and i read of a secretary to an empresse , who being commanded by her to draw an edict againg the christians , he still found delayes : but at length she growing instant upon him for it , so as he could no longer delay it , he tooke off his military girdle ( the ensigne of his service ) and cast it at her feet , and so discharged himselfe from her court . thus , if you make , and leave these christian , zealous , and just protestations among the recods of parliament , in case it shal be by the malice and inchantments of the prelates unhappily dissolved , before you can produce them into a full act , and establish them for a law : though otherwise ye cannot effect a reall reformation of all the mischiefes and maladies , which the prelates in speciall have filled the land withall : yet forasmuch as you have thus publickly , both for your own persons , and as the body representative of the whole state of the land , solemnly protested against all these things : there is no question to be made , but that god in his mercy and favour will accept of your will for the deed it selfe , and will still preserve both you and your posterity , and the whole land from destruction , and will find out some other way for the rooting out of the hierarchy ; according to those prophesies in the revelation , the full filling of which cannot be farre off . now the lord iesus christ guide and govern the kings heart to the love of god , and of his truth , and let him clearely see how miseraby he hath been abused by those notorious hypocrites , his flattering and sycophantising prelates , and so take off and divide his noble heart from them , that being reconciled to god in reforming the manifold and horrible abuses , which the prelates , to the dishonour of god , and of the king , have been the authors and instruments of , and being united to his loving and loyall people , as the head to the body , in this body representative , the parliament : he may long raigne over this land , and all his other kingdomes in much peace and prosperity . and the same lord iesus christ so unite the hearts of this parliament unto god , and to the king , and among themselves , and so guide them by the wisdome of his spirit and grace , that they may sit , and consult , and conclude such righteous acts and decrees , as may be for the honour of god , and of the king , for the advancement of christs kingdome , and the establishment of the kings throne upon the pillars of good government with justice and mercy● in punishing the wicked , and relieving the afflicted and oppressed innocents , as david in that psalme penned for his sonne salomon , a type of christ , prayed saying , * give the king thy judgemens , ô god , and thy righteousnesse unto the kings son . he shall judge thy people with righteousnesse , and thy poore with judgement . he shall judge the poore of the people , he shall have the children of the needy , and shall breake in pieces the oppressors . even as the heathen also said of the duty of kings , which was , parcere subjectis , et debellare superbos : to spare his subjects , and the proud beat down . and as they said of iulius caesar , caesar dando subl●vando , ignoscend● , gloriam adeptus est : caesar by giving , relieving , and pardoning , got himselfe a glorious name . and lastly , the same lord iesus christ , power his spirit of grace and supplication upon all the people of the land , that being sensible both of their own sins , and of the nationall sins of the land , as also of the heavy yoake of anticrhist , and the burthens of egypt , wherewith those taskemasters , the prelates , have pressed them down , and broken their backs , and made their lives bitter unto them , they may truly repent and reforme their lives , and cry alowd to the lord , as his people in egypt did against their taskmasters , and pray incessantly for the good successe of this parliament , that it may be as a moses sent of god in the ‡ doubling of their bricks , to deliver them , from the spirituall egyptian bondage of the prelates : and dayly to pray for the king their soveraigne , and for his happy and truly religious raigne over them , that they may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honesty . amen even so come lord iesus and helpe thy poore england , and thy poore people therein . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10190e-350 * 2 thes. 2. 4. histor. concilii trident. ‡ conference pag. 176 , 177. confe . pag. 200. confer. pag. * confer pag. 183. notes for div a10190e-2190 * mark 9. 32. luke 9. 45. * mark . 9. 33 , 34. * luk. 19. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. math. 25. 16 , 17 , 18 , &c. ‡ psal. 16. 11. ‡ luk. 6. 24 , 25 , 26. * luk. 46 , 7. § phil. 3. 18 , 19. † lam . 3. 15. * confer. pag. 176. * 2 cor. 11. 13. ‡ 2 thess. 2. 3. * rev. 13. 14. ‡ ver. 12. * 1 pet. 5. ‡ 2 cor. 1. 24. ‡ dan. 6. 7. § dan. 3. * euergétal , horat. ‡ mat. 23. 8. 9 , 10. ‡ bernard . de consider. ad eugen. 4. lib. 4. c. 2. phil. 2. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 1. * ver. 5. notes for div a10190e-7430 * sect. 16. ‡ confer. pag. ●57 . * pag. 157. ‡ pag. 220. 226. ‡ pag. 200. ● tim. 3● 2. tit. 1 , 7. * pag. 210 , 21. * lbid. . ‡ gal. 4. 29. * confe . epist. dedicatory , & pag. 376. * ioh. 19. ● notes for div a10190e-11540 * pag 15. * heb. 12. 15. ‡ mat. 15. 13. ‡ rom. ●●● . § 2 thess. 2. † 1 iohn 2. * ovid . meta. ‡ dan. 2. * m●t. 15. 9. * 1 cor. 5. 3 , 4 , 5. notes for div a10190e-14400 * confer , pag. 175 , 176. ‡ pag. 183. ‡ heb. 5. 4 , 5. § confer. pag. 177. † pag. 198 , 199. * ler. 23. 30 , 31 , 32. ‡ 1 pet. 5. ‡ hist. concil. t●id . * confer. pag. 370. ‡ revel. 17. 15. vid espencaeum in tim. ‡ gen. 10. 8 , 9. * hist. concil. trid. notes for div a10190e-17100 * eph. 4. 11. * 1 tim. 3. 1. ‡ 1. pet. 5. 2. ‡ vides omnem ecclesiasticum zelum fervere , sola pro dignitate tuenda . ber. 1 tim. 3. ● . ‡ confer. pag. 176. ‡ 1 pet. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. * chap. 2. ‡ confer pag. 298. * confer. pag. 204. ‡ socrat. hist. eccle. lib. 1. c , 2. * ● pet. 5. 1. ‡ ● luk. 16. * luk 21. 12. mat. 24. 9. * iob. 16. 2. ‡ heb. 10. 27. ‡ 2 tim. 4. 8. notes for div a10190e-23400 * 1 cor. 9. 1. ‡ iohn 16. 13. ‡ act. 8. 26. & 16. 6. § mat. 28. 19. 20. † act. 13. 2● ‡ phil. 2. 25. * revel. 1. 20. ‡ an. 26. 1● . col. 1. 23. * mat. 28. 20. objection . answer . ‡ gal 3. 2. act. 10. 44. § gal. 4. 19● * aristot. d● ortu . & in teritu . lib. 2. * rom. 8. 14● ‡ ioh. 15. 7. § iob. 16. 13. † ioh , 14. 26. * isa. 8. 20. * cap. 3. ‡ see the prelates relation . sect. 16. throughout . § esa. 8. 20. ‡ ioh. 6. 53. ‡ 1 cor. 11. 23 * relation of the conf. p. 136. ‡ as in dr. coosins booke of private devotions , or canonicall , houres . * esa. 56. 10 , 11 , 12. ‡ act. 8. * verse 16 , 17. ‡ verse 8. ‡ v. 18. § v. 19. † v. 20. ‡ v. 14. * v. 22. * v. 8. ‡ v. 18. § v. 10. † v. 21. ‡ v. 2● . * con. pag. 261. ‡ confer pag 226. 227. § epist. dedi● pag. 19. 20. * 1 cor. 2. 9. 10. ‡ rev. 13. 8. 2 thes. 2. 10. § mat. 24. 5. * math● * hist. concil. trid. lib. 1. ‡ in platina , of the lives of the popes . § mat. 19. 24. * psal. 82. * see the apologie . his epistle to the iudges . his sermons . ‡ gen. 3. 15. * tit. 1. 9. * pag. 378. ‡ pag. 31. * pag. 80. & 194. ‡ lighius . hosius . de expresso dei verbo . ‡ 1 cor. 3. 10. 17. & 6. 19. 2 cor. 6. 16. * mat. 24. 5. mark 13. 6. luk. 21. 8. * tit. 2. 16. ‡ psal. 45. notes for div a10190e-38120 * 2 tim. 4. 5. ‡ hist. concil. * epist. dedi . pag. 20. 2 cor. 11. 13. 14. gal. 1. * gen. 11. ‡ ephes. ● . 15 , 16. socrat. hist. eccl. lib. 1. c. 35. confer pa. 176. * euseb. hist. eccl. lib. 2. c. 15 ‡ ibid , c. 14. ‡ ibid , c. 14. notes for div a10190e-43200 * psal. 81. 1● . 12. ‡ psal. 5. 10. ‡ psal. 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. * ● psal. 33. 10 , 11. ‡ v. 16 , 17. ‡ pro. 20. 5. * mat. 20. 25. mark . 10. 42. luk. 22. 25. ‡ 2 thess. 2. 4. 7. & 3 loh . 9 , 10. * mat. 12. 25. ‡ 1 king. 22. * pro. 24. 6. ‡ iudg. 6. 31. ‡ iudg. 6. 31. * 2 thess. 2● * 1 sam. 22. * psal. 72. ‡ cum duplicantur lateres , tunc venit moses . 〈◊〉 2● 2. the principles of the cyprianic age with regard to episcopal power and jurisdiction asserted and recommended from the genuine writings of st. cyprian himself and his contemporaries : by which it is made evident that the vindicator of the kirk of scotland is obligated by his own concession to acknowledge that he and his associates are schismaticks : in a letter to a friend / by j.s. sage, john, 1652-1711. 1695 approx. 280 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 50 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59468 wing s289 estc r16579 13620371 ocm 13620371 100833 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59468) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100833) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 801:5) the principles of the cyprianic age with regard to episcopal power and jurisdiction asserted and recommended from the genuine writings of st. cyprian himself and his contemporaries : by which it is made evident that the vindicator of the kirk of scotland is obligated by his own concession to acknowledge that he and his associates are schismaticks : in a letter to a friend / by j.s. sage, john, 1652-1711. [4], 94, [1] p. printed for walter kettilby ..., london : 1695. written by john sage. cf. dnb. advertisement on p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng cyprian, -saint, bishop of carthage. rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. -defence of the vindication of the church of scotland. church of scotland -history. episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2002-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-02 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the principles of the cyprianic age , with regard to episcopal power and iurisdiction : asserted and recommended from the genuine writings of st. cyprian himself , and his contemporaries . by which it is made evident , that the vindicator of the kirk of scotland is obliged by his own concessions to acknowledge , that he and his associates are schismaticks . in a letter to a friend . by i. s. london , printed for walter kettilby at the bishop's head in st. paul's church-yard . mdcxcv . sanctissimae matri ecclesiae scoticanae , sub pondere pressae , sed & adhuc malis non cedenti , fidem catholicam , unitatem apostolicam , pietatem primaevam fortiter propugnanti : adversus blasphemias , calumnias , sacrilegia , & ruinas , invicto ( quia verè christiano ) animo strenuè decertanti : cultu , fide , & justitiâ , in deum , regem , & proximos conspicuae : haereses omnes , tam antiquas quam novas , armis evangelicis , & perpetuâ ecclesiae traditione profliganti : undique lachrymis suffusae , victrice tamen cruce triumphanti ; ( tam archiepiscopis , episeopis , presbyteris , & diaconis , quam universo fidelium coetui , veris suis pastoribus vinculo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primigeniae , adhaerescenti ) solâ spe coelestis praemii , inter clades miseras & maximas , suffultae ; hanc dissertationem epistolarem ( raptim & sermone vernaculo conscriptam ) de episcoporum aevi cyprianici eminentiâ & praerogativis , eâ quâ par est animi modestiâ & reverentiâ , clientelae & censurae ergò d. d. d. the principles of the cyprianic age , &c. sir , i acknowledge you have performed your promise . the author of the defence of the vindication of the church of scotland , in answer to an apology of ( he should have said for ) the clergy of scotland , has indeed said so as you affirmed : and i ask your pardon for putting you to the trouble of sending me his book and pointing to sect. 39. page 34. where he has said so . but now , after all , what thô he has said so ? and said so , so boldly ? do you think his bare saying so is enough to determine our question ? don't mistake it . that which made me so backward to believe he had said so , was not any dreadful apprehension i had of either his reason or authority ; but a perswasion that none of his party would have been so rash , as to have put their being or not being schismaticks upon such a desperate issue . and that you may not apprehend my perswasion was unreasonable , i shall first take to task what he hath said ; and then , perchance , add something concerning our main argument . his words are these . arg. 5. cyprian's notion of schism is , when one separateth from his own bishop . this the presbyterians do : ergo. a. all the strength of this argument lieth in the sound of words . a bishop , in cyprian's time , was not a diocesan , with sole power of jurisdiction and ordination . if he prove that , we shall give cyprian and him leave to call us schismaticks . a bishop , then , was the pastor of a flock , or the moderator of a presbytery . if he can prove , that we separate from our pastors , or from the presbytery , with their moderator , under whose inspection we ought to be , let him call us what he will : but we disown the bishops in scotland from being our bishops ; we can neither own their episcopal authority , nor any pastoral relation that they have to us . thus he . now , sir , if one had a mind to catch at words , what a field might he have here ? for instance ; suppose the word diocess was not in use in st. cyprian's time , as applied to a particular bishop's district ; doth it follow , that the thing now signified by it , was not then to be found ? again ; what could move him to insinuate , that we assign the sole power of iurisdiction and ordination to our diocesan bishop ? when did our bishops claim that sole power ? when was it ascribed to them by the constitution ? when did any of our bishops attempt to exercise it ? when did a scotish bishop offer , e. g. to ordain or depose a presbyter , without the concurrence of other presbyters ? when was such a sole power deem'd necessary for raising a bishop to all the due elevations of the episcopal authority ? how easie is it to distinguish between a sole and a chief power ? between a power superiour to all other powers , and a power exclusive of all other powers ? between a power , without , or against which , no other powers can act ; thô they may , in conjunction with it , or subordination to it : and a power , destroying all other powers , or disabling them from acting ? once more , how loose and ambiguous is that part of his definition of a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , in which he calls him , the pastor of a flock ? may not a bishop , and his diocess , be called a pastor and a flock , in as great propriety of speech , as a presbyterian minister and his parish ? sure i am , st. cyprian and his contemporaries thought so , as you may learn hereafter . how easie were it , i say , for one to insist on such escapes , if he had a mind for it ? but i love not jangle ; and i must avoid prolixity : and therefore considering the state of the controversie between our author and the apologist , and supposing he intended ( however he expressed it ) to speak home to the apologist's argument ; the force and purpose of his answer , as i take it , must be this . that an argument drawn from such as were called bishops in st. cyprian's time , to such as are now so called in scotland , is not good . that a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was nothing like one of our modern scotish bishops ; i. e. a church governour superiour to , and having a prelatick power over , all other church-governours within such a district as we commonly call a diocess . that a bishop then was no more than a single presbyter , or pastor of a single flock , ( such a flock as could conveniently meet together in one assembly , for the publick offices of religion ; such a flock as the people of one single parish are , in the modern presbyterian notion of a parish , ) acting in parity with other single pastors of other single flocks or parishes . or , at most , that he was but the moderator of a presbytery , taking both terms in the modern current presbyterian sense ; i. e. as moderator signfies one , who , as such , is no church governour , nor hath any iurisdiction over his brethren : one , whose power is meerly ordinative , not decisive ; to be the mouth of the meeting , not to be their will or commanding faculty : to keep order in the manner and managing of what cometh before them ; not to determine what is debated amongst them . and as presbytery signifies such a number of teaching and ruling presbyters living and having their cures within such a district ; meeting together upon occasion , and acting in parity in the administration of the government , and discipline of the church . that therefore our scotish presbyterians cannot be called schismaticks in st. cyprian's notion of schism , unless it can be proved , that they separate from their pastor , or teaching presbyter , who has such a parish assigned to him for his charge : or , ( not from the moderator of the presbytery , who is not ; but ) from the presbytery ( which is the principle of unity ) with their moderator . this , i say , i take to be the purpose of our author's answer to the apologist's argument ; on the force whereof he ventures his parties being , or not being , schismatick● . if i have mistaken his meaning , i protest i have not done it wilfully . i am pretty sure , i have not , in the definition of a moderator ; for i have transcribed it , word for word , from one whom i take to be a dear friend of his , intirely of the same principles and sentiments with him ; and whose definitions , i am apt to think , he will not readily reject . i mean , the author of the vindication of the church of scotland , in answer to the ten questions a . and doth not our author himself , in this same 39th section , ( part whereof i am now considering , ) affirm , that fifty years before the first council of nice , ( i. e. some 17 or 18 years after st. cyprian's martyrdom , ) the hierarchy was not in the church ? and that however some of the names might have been , yet the church-power and dominion , signified by them , was not then in being ? plainly importing , that the church then was governed by pastors acting in parity , after the presbyterian model . in short , what our author hath said , when duly considered , will be found to be no answer at all to the apologist's argument , if it is not to be understood in the sense i have represented . taking it for granted , therefore , that i have hit his meaning , i hope you will not deny , that , if i shall prove that a bishop , in cyprian's time , was more than a pastor of a flock , or the moderator of a presbytery , in the presbyterian sense of the terms : if i shall prove , that a bishop then had really that which cannot be denied to have been true , genuine episcopal or prelaiick power : if i can prove , that he acted in a real superiority over , not in parity with other church-governours , even pastors : if i shall prove these things , i say , i hope you 'l grant , our author is fairly bound by his word to acknowledge , that he and his brethren presbyterians are schismaticks . let us try it then : and now , sir , before i come to my main proofs , consider if it may not be deemed a shrewd presumption against our author in this matter , that generally the great champions for presbytery , such as cham●er , blondel , salmasius , the provincial assembly of london , &c. do ingenuously acknowledge , that , long before st. cyprian's time , episcopacy was in the church ; even spanhemius himself grants , that , in the third century , bishops had a manifest preheminence above presbyters and deaco●s , and a right of presiding , convocati●g , ordaining b , &c. by the way : i have cited this writer particularly , because our author not only builds much on his authority c , but honours him with the great character of being that diligent searcher into antiqui●y . how deservedly , let others judge ; for my part , i cannot think he has been so very diligent a searcher : for in that same very section , in which he acknowledges the episcopal preheminence in the third century , he says expresly , that , in that age , there were no door-keepers , acoly●ths , nor exorc●ss d . and yet i not only find express mention of exorcism in the venerable council of cartbage , in which st. cyprian was praeses e ; but both cyprian and firmilian expresly mention exarcists f . and as for acolyths , how often do we find them mentioned in cyprian's epistles ? e. g. we have narious an ac●lyth , ep. 7. eavorinus , ep. 34. nicephorus , ep. 45. saturnus , and felicianus , ep. 59. lucanus , maximus , and amantius , ep. 77. and doth not corneius bishop of rome , in his famous epistle to fabius bishop of antioch , recorded by eusebius g , positively affirm , that there were then in the church of rome 42 acolyths , and 52 exorcists , lectors , and door-keepers ? but this , as i said , only by the way . that which i am concerned about at present , is , that when these great patrons of presbytery , these truly learned men , whom i named , have all so frankly yielded , that there was real prelacy in the church in , and before , st. cyprian's time ; yet our author should affirm , so boldly , that there was no such thing : that there was no hierarchy in the church then , nor for many years after . has our author been a more diligent searcher into antiquity , than those great antiquaries were , that he was thus able to contradict their discoveries ? i am not apt to believe it . however , as i said , let this pass only for a presumption against him . i proceed to other arguments . and , 1. i observe , that , in st. cyprian's time , every church all the world over , at least , every church , constituted and organized , according to the principles which then prevailed , had a bishop , presbyters , and deacons , by whom she was ruled . thus , for example , we find express mention of the bishop , presbyters , and deacons , of the church of adrymetum h ; for cyprian tells corneius , that when he and liberalis came to that city , polycarpus the bishop was absent , and the presbyters and deacons were ignorant of what had been resolved on by the body of the african bishops , about writing to the church of rome , till the controversie between cornelius and novatianus should be more fully understood . thus cyprian was bishop of carthage , and at the same time there were , in that city , 8 presbyters at sewest : for we read of three , rogatianus , britius , and numidicus , who adhered to him i . and five who took part with felicissimus against him , when that deacon made his schism k . i hope i need not be at pains to prove , that there were deacons then in that famous church . thus cornelius , in the afore-mentioned epistle to fabius , tells him , that while himself was bishop of rome , there were in that city no fewer than 46 pre●byters , and 7 deacons , &c. a most flourishing clergy , as st. cyprian calls it l . whoso pleases , may see the like account of the church of alexandria , in the same times , in eusebius m , indeed , if we may believe st. cyprian , there was no church then without a bishop : for from this supposition , as an uncontroverted matter of fact , he reasons against novatianus n . his argument is , that there is but one church , and one episcopacy , all the world over ; and that catholick and orthodox bishops were regularly planted in every province and city , and therefore novatianus could not but be a schismatick , who , contrary to divine institution , and the fundamental laws of unity , laboured to super-induce false bishops into these cities , where true and orthodox bishops were already planted . and he reasons again upon the same supposition , in the beginning of his 63d epistle directed to caecilius , concerning the cup in the eucharist o . from this supposition , i say , as from an uncontested matter of fact , he reasons , in both cases , which is a demonstration , not only of the credibility of his testimony , but that the matter of fact was then so notorious , as to be undeniable . he reason'd from it , as from an acknowledged postulate . 2. i observe , that the presbyters , who , in these times , were contra-distinguished from the bishop and deacons , were priests , in the language which was then current ; pastors , in the present presbyterian dialect , i. e. not ruling elders , but such as laboured in the word and sacraments . they were such as were honoured with the divine priesth●od ; such as were constituted in the clerical ministery ; such as whose work it was to attend the altar and the sacrifices , and offer up the publick pray●rs , &c. as we find in the instance of geminius faustinus p . such as god , in his merciful providence , was pleased to raise to the glorious station of the priesthood ; as in the case of numidicus q . such as in the time of persecution went to the prisons , and gave the holy eucharist to the confessors r . such as at carthage ( as st. cyprian complains to cornelius ) presumed to curtail the pennances of the lapsers , and gave them the holy sacrament while their idolatry was so very recent , that , as it were , their hands and mouths were still a smoaking with the warm nidors of the sacrifices that had been offered upon the devils altars s . such as , contrary to all rule and order , absolved the lapsers , and gave them the communion , without the bishops licence t . such as were joyned with the bishop in the sacerdotal honour u . in a word , they were such presbyters as st. cyprian describes to stephen bishop of rome ; such as sometimes raised altar against altar , and ( out of the communion with the church ) offered false and sacrilegious sacrifices : such as were to be deposed when they did so ; such as , thô they should return to the communion of the church , were only to be admited to lay-communion , and not to be allowed , thereafter , to act as men in holy orders ; seeing it became the priests and ministers of god , those who attend the altar and sacrifices , to be men of integrity , and blameless v . such presbyters they were , i say , who were then , contra-distinguished from the bishop : for , as for your lay-elders , your ruling , contra-distinct from teaching , presbyters , now so much in vogue ; there is as profound a silence of them in st. cyprian's works and time , as there is of the solemn league and covenant , or the sanquhar declaration : and yet , considering how much he has left upon record about the governours , the government , and the discipline of the church , if there had been such presbyters , then , it is next to a miracle that he should not , so much as once , have mentioned them . 3. i observe , that the bishops power , his authority , his pastoral relation , ( call it as you will , ) extended to all the christians within his district . e. g. cornelius was immediately and directly superiour to all the christians in rome , and they were his subjects . so it was also with fabius , and the christians of antioch ; dionysius , and the christians of alexandria ; cyprian , and the christians of carthage , &c. the bishops prelation , whatever it was , related not solely to the clergy , or solely to the laity , but to both , equally and formally . how fully might this point be proved , if it were needful ? indeed , st. cyprian defines a church to be a people united to their priest , and a flock adhering to their pastor . and that by the terms priest and pasto● , he meant the bishop , is plain from what immediately follows ; for he tells florentius pupianus there , that from that common and received notion of a church , he ought to have learned , that the bishop is in the church , and the church in the bishop ; and that whoso is not with the bishop , is not in the church vv . and in that same epistle , chastising the same florentius for calling his title to his bishoprick in question , and speaking bitter things against him , he reasons thus : what swelling of pride ? what arrogance of spirit ? what haughtiness is this ? that thou shouldest arraign bishops before thy tribunal ? and unless we be purged by thee , and absolved by thy sentence , lo ! these six years , the brotherhood has had no bishop ; the people no ruler ; the flock no pastor ; the church no governour ; christ no prelate ; and god no priest x ? in short , he that bore the high character of bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was called the ruler of the church by way of eminence y . the church was compared to a ship , and the bishop was the master z . he was the father , and all the christians within his district were his children a . he was the governour b , the rector c , the captain d , the head e , the iudge f , of all within his diocess . he was the chief pastor ; and thô presbyters ; were also sometimes called pastors , yet it was but seldom ; and , at best , they were but such in subordination , indeed , the presbyters of the church of rome , during the vacancy between fabianus his death and cornelius his promotion , look'd only on themselves as vice-pastors , saying , that , in such a juncture , they kept the flock in stead of the pastor , the bishop g . i could give you even a surfeit of evidence , i say , for the truth of this proposition , if it were needful . whoso reads st. cyprian's epistles , may find it in almost every page . and i shall have occasion hereafter to insist on many arguments in the probation of other things , which may further clear this also . indeed , there is no more in all this , than ignatius said frequently , near 150 years before st. cyprian h . and now , sir , thô the monuments of the cyprianic age could afford us no more than these three things which i have proved from them , they would be of sufficient force to overthrow our author's definition of a bishop in st. cyprian's time , as to both parts of it ; and demonstrate to every thinking man's conviction , that he was neither the pastor of the fl●ck , nor the moderator of a presbytery , in our author's sense of the terms . 1. not the pastor of a flock , i. e. a single presbyter , having the charge of a single parish , after the presbyterian model : for , a bishop , in those times , had many such presbyters under him . cyprian himself : ( whatever he had more ) had no sewer than eight under him in the city of carthage , besides the adjacent villages . cornelius was over forty six in the city of rome . i know not how many dionysius was over at alexandria , or polycarpus at 〈◊〉 but it is certain , they were in the pl●ral number . so it was all the christian world over , as i have proved . a bishop then , in st. cyprian's time , was a pastor indeed , but it was of a diocess ; i. e : all the christians within such a district were his flock ; and he had a direct , formal , and immediate pastoral relation to them all , thô at the same time , within the same district , there were many inferior pastors who were subordinate and subject to him . 2. he was as little a meer moderator of a presbytery , in our author's sense of the terms . a presbyterian moderator , 〈◊〉 such , is no church governour at all : a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , as such , was chief pastor , iudge , head , master , rector , governour , of all the christians within his district . a presbyterian mod●rator , as such , has no direct , immediate , formal relation to the people , but only to the presbytery . he is the mouth , and keeps order in the manner and managing of the affairs of the presbytery , not of the church , or rather churches , within the bounds of that presbytery . but a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was quite another thing : his prelacy , whatever it was , related to the laity , as well as to the clergy . st. cyprian's , e. g. to as many christians as required the subordinate labours of , at least , eight presbyters : cornelius's to as many as required the subordinate labours of forty six : to a body of christians , in which , besides forty six presbyters , seven deacons , seven sub-deacons , forty two acolyths , fifty two exorcists , lectors and door-keepers , there were more than fifteen hundred widows and poor people who subsisted by charity : and , besides all these , a mighty and innumerable laity , as himself words it i . these things , i say , might be sufficient in all reason to confute our author's notion . but then , this is not all , for let us consider , ii. how a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was promoted to his chair , to that sublime top of the priesthood ( as he calls it ) k . and we shall easily collect another demonstration against our author's notion . for , by the principles of those times , it was plains , i. that there could be no lawful nor allowable promotion of one to a bishoprick which had been possessed before , unless there was a clear , canonical , and unquestionable vacancy . it was a received maxim then , that there could be but one bishop at once in a church . when a see was once canonically filled , whosoever else pretended to be bishop of that see , was not a second bishop , but none at all , in st. cyprian's judgment l . nay , he was so far from reckoning of him as another bishop , that he deemed him not a christian m . innumerable are his testimonies to this purpose n . but i shall transcribe only one from ep. 69. because he fully reasons the case in it . there was a controversie between cornelius and novatianus , whether was bishop of rome . now , consider how st. cyprian decides it . the church is one ( says he ) ; and this one chuch cannot be both within and without : if , therefore , the true church is with novatianus , she was not with cornelius . but if she was with cornelius , who succeeded to bishop fabianus by lawful ordination , and whom god honoured with martyrdom , as well as with the episcopal dignity , novatianus is not in the church ; nor can he be acknowledged as a bishop , who , contemning the evangelical and apostolical tradition , and succeeding to none , hath sprung from himself , he can by no means either have or hold a church , who is not ordained in the church ; for the church cannot be without herself , nor divided against herself , &c. and a little after , our lord recommending to us the unity which is of divine institution , saith , i and my father are one ; and again , obliging the church to keep this unity , he saith , there shall be one flock , and one pastor : but if the flock is one , how can he be reputed to be of the flock , who is not numbred with the flock ? or how can be he deem'd a pastor , who ( while the true pastor lives and rules the flock by a succedaneous ordination ) succeeds to none , but begins from himself ? such an one is an alien , is profane , is an enemy to christian peace and unity . he dwells not in the house of god , i. e. in the church of god : none can dwell there but the sons of concord and unanimity o . neither was this principle peculiar to st. cyprian : cornelius , in his so often mentioned epistle to fabius , insists on it also , and in a manner ridicules novatianus , if not for his ignorance of it , at least for entertaining the vain conceit , that it was in his power to counter-act it p . and when maximus , urbanus , sidonius , macarius , &c. deserted novatianus , and returned to cornelius his communion , they made a solemn confession , that , upon the score of that same common maxim , they ought to have look'd upon novatianus as a false and schismatical bishop . we know , say they , that cornelius was chosen bishop of the most holy catholick church by the omnipotent god , and our lord iesus christ. we co●fess our error ; we were imposed upon ; we were circumvented by perfidy and ensnaring sophistry — for we are not ignorant , that there is one god ; one christ our lord , whom we have confessed ; one holy-ghost ; and that there ought to be but one bishop in a catholick church q . indeed , two bishops at once , of one church or city , were then thought as great an absurdity as two fathers of one child , or two husbands of one wife , or two heads of one body , or whatever else you can call monstrous in either nature or morality . 2. there was no canonical vacancy ; no place for a new bishop , but where the one bishop , whose the chair had been , was dead , or had ceded , or was canonically deposed by the rest of the members of the episcopal college . vacancy by death hath no difficulties . i don't remember to have observed any instances of cession in st. cyprian's time ; ( thô there were some before , and many after ; ) unless it was in the case of basilides , who , after he had forfeited his title to that sacred dignity by being guilty of the dreadful crimes of idolatry and blasphemy , is said to have laid it down , and to have confessed , that he should be favourably dealt by , if thereafter he should be admitted to the communion of laicks r . we have instances of deposition in the same basilides and martialis s , in marcianus t , privatus lambesitanus u , evaristus v , fortunatianus vv , and perhaps some more . however , these three , i say , were the only causes in which there could be a lawful vacancy . 3. when a see was thus canonically vacant , it was filled after this manner : the bishops of the province , in which the vacancy was , met , choosed and ordained one in the presence of the people whom he was to govern. this st. cyprian , with other 36 bishops , tells us , was of divine institution , and apostolical observation ; and that it was the common form , not only in africa , but almost in every province all the world over x . i know , 't is controverted whether a bishop , in those times , was chosen by the people , or only in the presence of the people ? but my present purpose doth not engage me in that controversie . 4. but election was not enough : thô the person elected was already a presbyter , and in priestly order ; yet when he was to be promoted to a bishoprick , he was to receive a new imposition of hands , a new ordination . his former orders were not sufficient for that supreme office. thus , e. g. st. cyprian was first a presbyter , and then ordained bishop of carthage , if we may believe his deacon pontius , eu●ebius , and st. ierome y . thus our holy martyr tells us , that cornelius had made his advances , gradually , through all the inferior stations , and so , no doubt , had been a presbyter , before he was a bishop z . and yet we find , when he was promoted to the see of rome , he was ordained by 16 bis●●ps a . thus we find also , in the promotion of sabinus to the bishoprick from which basilides had fallen , that he was ordained by the imposition of the hands of the bishops who were then present at his election b . thus fortunatus , achimnius , optatus , privationus , donatulus , and f●ix , 6 bishops , ordained a bishop at capsis c . thus heraclus was first a presbyter under demetrius , in the church of alexandria , and then succeeded to him in the episcopal chair d . dionysius was first a presbyter under heraclas , and then succeeded to him e . and maximus , who had been a presbyter under him , succeeded , to dionysius f . and before all these , some 70 years before st. cyprian's time , irenaeus was first a presbyter under photinus , and afterwards his successor in the bishoprick of lions g . nor is it to be doubted , that each of these was raised to the episcopal dignity by a new ordinatio● . the first of the canons , commonly called apostolical , which requires , that a bishop be ordained by two or three bishops , was , doubtless , all along observed h . nay , this necessity of a new ordination for raising one to the episcopal power , was so notorious and received then , that the schismaticks themselves believed it indispensible . and therefore novatianus , thô formerly a presbyter , ( as cornelius tells expresly in that so often cited epistle to fabius , ) when he rival'd it with cornelius for the chair of rome , that he might have the shew , at least , of a canonical ordination , he got three simple inconsiderate bishops to come to the city , upon pretence of consulting with other bishops about setling the commotions of the church : and having them once in his clutches , he shut them up under lock and key , till they were put in a scandalous disorder , and then forced them to give him the episcopal mission , by an imaginary and vain imposition of hands , as cornelius words it i . thus also , when fortunatus , one of the five presbyters who joyned with the schismatical felicissumus against st. cyprian , t●●ned bold to set up as an anti-bishop at carthage ; he was ordained by five false bishops k . and now , sir , by this accoun● , i think we have our author's definition of a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , fairly routed a second time : for , how could the maxim of but one bishop , at once , in a church hold , if that bishop was nothing but a single presbyter ? the church of rome was but one church ; so was the church of carthage : and yet , in each of these churches , there were many single presbyters . again , if a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was no more than a single presbyter , in the presbyterian sense , what needed so much work about him ? why , e. g. convene all the presbyters of a province , such as africa or numidia was , for the election and ordination of a single presbyter in carthage , where there were presbyters more than enough to have performed all the business ? what needed the church of rome to make such work about supplying such a vacancy as was there , before cornelius was promoted ? why a convention of sixteen neighbouring bishops to give him holy orders ? might not the forty six , who lived in rome , have served the turn ? might not these forty six , i say , have filled fabianus his room with far greater ease and expedition ? if they made such work , and had such difficulties , ( as we find they had about a bishop , ) in setling one single brother presbyter , when , according to our author's principles , they had the full power of doing it , what had become of them , if thirty , nay twenty , nay ten of the forty six , had all died in one year ? sure , they had never got so many vacancies filled . and then , were not cornelius and novatianus presbyters of rome , before the former was the tr●e , and the latter the false bishop of that city ? if so , what need of a new election , and a new ordination for making them presbyters of a church , of which they were presbyters already ? had it not been pretty pleasant , in such a grave , serious , persecuted state of the church , to have seen two eminent men , already presbyters of rome , making so much work about being made presbyters of rome ? and all the clergy and christians of rome , nay sooner or later , of all the christian world , engaged in the quarrel ? what had this been other than the very mystery of ridiculousness ? but this is not all . the premisses will as little allow him to have been a presbyterian moderator : for , to what purpose so much ado about the establishment of a meer moderator of a presbytery ? why , so much stress laid upon only one moderator in a city ? why no canonical vacancy of his moderatorial chair , unless in the case of death , cession , or forfeiture ? sure , if they had then understood all the exigencies and analogies of parity , they would not have been so much in love with a constant moderator ; no , they would have judged him highly inconvenient , and by all means to be shunned : if he had been imposed on the meeting , it had been an encroachment on their intrinsick power ; and so , absolutely unlawful , and prelacy : and thò chosen by themselves , fatal ; as having a violent tendency to lordly prelacy : and therefore they could never have yielded to have one with a good conscience l . again , how often did the presbytery of rome meet , in the interval between fabianus his death , and cornelius his promotion ? how many excellent epistles did they write to the neighbouring bishops and churches , and these , about the most weighty and important matters during that vacancy ? they wrote that which is the eighth in number , amongst st. cyprian's epistles to the carthaginian clergy , and , at the same time , one to st. cyprian , then in his retirement , which is lost , they wrote that notable epistle , which is the thirtieth in number , in which they not only mention other of their epistles which they had wrote to st. cyprian , and which are not now extant ; but also epistles , one or more , which they had sent to sicily . they wrote also that considerable epistle , which is in number the thirty sixth . it is not to be doubted that they wrote many more . how many meetings and consultations had they , during these sixteen months , about the affairs of the church , and particularly , the case of the lapsi , which was then so much agitated ? is it probable , that they wanted a moderator ; a mouth of their meeting ; one to keep order in the manner and managing of the affairs were brought before them all that time , and in all those meetings ? how could they , without one , handle matters with order and decency ? and what was there to hinder them from having one , if they had a mind for him ? might they not have chosen one as safely as they met ? might they not have chosen one at every meeting , according to the principles of parity ? farther : what need of so much parade about the election of a moderator of a presbytery , as was then about the election of a bishop ? why the people chose him , according to the principles of those , who think that st. cyprian was for popular elections ? what was the people's interest ? how was it their concern , who was moderator of the presbytery ? what was his influence , de jure , at least , in the government of the church , more than the influence of any other member of the presbytery ? nay , is it not confessed , that , as moderator , he was no church-governour at all ? that he had no iurisdiction over his brethren ? that his power was only ordinative , not decisive ? to be the mouth of the meeting , not to be their will , or commanding faculty ? to keep order in the manner and managing of what came before them , not to determine what was debated amongst them ? why then were the people so much concern'd about him ? what benefits , or what harm , could redound to them by ones being moderator of the presbytery , whatever he was ? besides , as i have shewed before , as moderator of the presbytery , he had relation only to the presbytery : at least , he had none directly , immediately , and formally to the people . what pretence , then , could the people have to interest themselves in his election ? nay , say , ( as i am apt to think it ought to be said , i am sure the contrary cannot be made appear from st. cyprian , ) that he was not chosen by the people , but only in their presence ; and the same argument will take place , as is obvious to any body . farther yet . what need of convocating so many from the neighbourhood for managing the election of a moderator , e. g. for the presbytery of rome ? if a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was nothing but a presbyterian moderator , then the bishops convocated for managing the election of a moderator , were moderators too : and so , by consequence , sixteen moderators of other presbyteries met at rome to constitute a moderator for the roman presbytery . and might not the presbytery of rome have chosen their own moderator without the trouble or the inspection of so many moderators of other presbyteries ? once more . what necessity , nay , what congruity , of a new imposition of hands , of a new ordination , a new mission for constituting one a moderator of a presbytery ? and this too , to be performed by none but moderators of other presbyteries ? thus , e. g. it behoved six moderators to meet at capsis , to ordain a moderator for the presbytery of capsis ; and sixteen at rome , to ordain a moderator for the presbytery of rome : and , after he was ordained , it behoved novatianus to be at so much pains to get together three moderators , to ordain himself an anti-moderator . who can think on these things without smiling ? but perhaps you may think , i have insisted on this argument more than enough ; and therefore i shall leave it , and proceed to other considerations . to go on , then . a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , thus elected , ordained , and possessed of his chair , did bear a double relation , one to the particular church over which he was set , and another to the church ▪ catholick , an integrant part whereof , the particular church , was , of which he was bishop . the consideration of each of these relations will furnish us with fresh arguments against our author's hypothesis . i shall begin with the relation he bore to his own particular church . and , first : the first thing i observe about him , in that regard , shall be , that he was the principle of unity to her. whosoever adhered to him , and lived in his communion , was in the church a catholick christian. whosoever separated from him , was out of the church , and a schismatick . he was the head of all the christians living within his district ; and they were one body , one society , one church , by depending upon him , by being subject to him , by keeping to his communion . he was the sun , and they were the beams ; he was the root , and they were the branches ; he was the fountain , and they were the streams ; as st. cyprian explains the matter a . this is a point of great consequence , especially considering that it is the foundation of the apologist's argument , our author's answer to which i am examining : and therefore , give me leave to handle it somewhat fully . and i proceed by these steps . i. there was nothing st. cyprian and the catholick bishops , his contemporaries , valued more , reckoned of higher importance , or laid greater stress upon , than the unity of the church : and there was no sin they represented at more heinous , or more criminal , than the sin of schism . in their reckoning , unity was the great badge of christianity ; god heard the prayers that were put up in unity b , but not those that were performed in schism . christian peace , brotherly concord , and the unity of people in the true faith and worship of god , was accounted of greater value by them , than all other imaginable sacrifices c . nothing afforded greater pleasure to the angels in heaven , than harmony amongst christians on earth d . it were easie to collect a thousand such testimonies concerning the excellency of unity . but as for schism , and schismaticks , how may it make men's hearts to tremble , when they hear what hard names , and what horrid notions , these primitive worthies gave them , and had of them ? schism , to them , was the devil's device for subverting the faith , corrupting the truth , and cutting unity e . christ instituted the church , and the devil heresie f , or schism ; for both , then , went commonly under one name . schism was reckoned a greater crime than idolatry it self : and st. cyprian proves it by several arguments g . firmilian affirms it also h . so doth dionysius of alexandria , in his notable epistle to novatianus . he tells him , he ought to have suffered the greatest miseries , rather than divide the church of god : that martyrdom , for the preservation of unity , was as glorious , as martyrdom for not sacrificing to idols : nay , more , because he who suffers rather than he will sacrifice , suffers only for saving his own soul ; but he that suffers for unity , suffers for the whole church i . schismaticks had not the spirit k ; were forsaken of the spirit l ; held not the faith m , had neither father , son , nor holy-ghost n . they were renegadoes o ; apostates p ; malignants q ; parricides r ; anti-christs s ; false christs t ; christ's enemies u ; blasphemers v ; the devil's priests vv ; retainers to corah x ; retainers to iudas y ; villainous and perfidious z ; aliens , profane , enemies a ; were without hope b ; had no right to the promises c ; could not be saved d ; were infidels e ; worse than heathens f ; self-condemned g ; were no more christians than the devil h ; could but belong to christ i ; could not go to heaven k ; the hottest part of hell their portion l ; their society , the synagogue of satan m ; their conventicles , dens of thieves n ; they were destroyers of souls o ; their preaching was poysonous p ; their baptism pestiferous q , and profane r ; their sacrifices abominable s ; they could not be martyrs t ; their company was to be avoided u : whoso befriended them , were persecutors of the truth v ; were betrayers of christ's spouse to adulterers vv ; were betrayers of unity x ; were involved in the some guilt with them y . in short , schismaticks , by being such , were , ipso facto , persecutors of the church z , enemies of mercy a , infatuated salt b , and cursed of god c . such , i say , were the notions the holy fathers , in those early times of the church , had of schismaticks ; and such were the names they gave them . and certainly whoso seriously considers how much schism is condemned in holy writ ; what an enemy it is to the peace , the power , and the propagation of christianity ; and how much it stands in opposition to the holy , humble , peaceable , patient , meek , and charitable spirit of the gospel : whoso considers , that our blessed savious's great errand into the world , was to unite all his disciples here into one body , and one communion , that they might eternally be blessed in the full enjoyment of one communion with the father , son , and holy-ghost , in heaven hereafter : whoso , i say , considers these things , cannot but confess , that schism and schismaticks deserve all these hard names , and answer all these terrible notions . now 2. that , for the preservation of unity , and the preventing of schism , in every particular church , all were bound by the principles of st. cyprian's age to live in the bishops communion ; and to own and look upon him as the principle of unity to that church of which he was head and ruler , might be made appear from a vast train of testimonies . but i shall content myself with a few . thus , for example , when some of the lapsed presumed to write to st. cyprian , and design themselves , without a bishop , by the name of a church ; how did the holy man resent it ? consider how he begins his answer to them . our lord , ( says he ) whose precepts we ought to honour and obey , instituting the honour of a bishop , and the contexture of a church , saith thus to peter in the gospel ; i say unto thee , thou art peter , and upon this rock will i build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it : and i will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven , &c. from thence by the vicissitudes of times and successions , the ordination of bishops , and the frame of the church , are transmitted so , as that the church is built upon the bishops , and all her affairs are ordered by them as the chief rulers : and therefore , seeing this is god's appointment , i cannot but admire the bold temerity of some , who , writing to me , call themselves a church ; when a church is only to be found in the bishop , the clergy , and the faithful christians . god forbid , that a number of lapsed should be called a church , &c. consider how he reasons . by divine institution , there cannot be a church without a bishop : the church is founded on the bishop : the bishop , as chief ruler , orders all the affairs of the church : therefore , those lapsed ought not to have called themselves a church , seeing they had no bishop , no principle of unity d . we have another notable reasoning , as well as testimony of his , in his 43d epistle , written to his people of carthage upon the breaking out of felicissimus his schism . god is one , ( says he ) and christ is one , and the church is one , and the chair is one , be our lord 's own voice , founded on st. peter . another altar cannot be reared , another priesthood cannot be erected , besides the one altar , and the one priesthood . whoso gathereth elsewhere , scattereth . whatever human fury institutes , against god's appointment , is adulterous , is impious , is sacrilegious . and a little after : o brethren ! let no man make you wander from the ways of the lord : o christians ! let no man rend you from the gospel of christ : let no man tear the sons of the church from the church : let them perish alone , who will needs perish : let them abide alone out of the church , who have departed from the church : let them , alone , not be with the bishops , who have rebelled against the bishops e , &c. and , as i observed before , in his epistle to florentinus pupianus , he defines a church to be a people united to their priest , and a flock adhering to their pastor , &c. and from thence tells pupianus , that he ought to consider , that the bishop is in the church , and the church in the bishop : so that if any are not with the bishop , they are not in the church f . and how concernedly doth he reason the case in his book of the unity of the church ? can he seem to himself , says he , to be with christ , who is against christ's priests ? who separates himself from the society of christ's clergy and people ? that man bears arms against the church : he fights against god's ordinance : he is an enemy of the altar : a rebel against christ's sacrifice . he is perfidious , and not faithful ; sacrilegious , and not religious . he is an undutiful servant , and impious son , an hostile brother , who can contemn god's bishops , and forsake his priests , and dares to set up another altar , and offer up unlawful prayers g , &c. indeed , in that same book he calls the bishop , the glue that cements christians into the solid unity of the church h . and hence it is , 3. that st. cyprian , every where , makes the contempt of the one bishop , or undutifulness to him , the origine of schisms and heresies . thus , epist. 3. he makes this observation upon the undutifulness of a certain deacon to rogatianus , his bishop ; that such are the first efforts of hereticks , and the out-breaking and presumptions of ill●advised schismaticks : they follow their own fancies , and , in the pride of their hearts , contemn their superiours . so men separate from the church : so they erect profane altars without the church : so they rebel against christian peace , and divine order and unity i . and , ep. 59. he tells cornelius , that heresies and schisms spring from this only fountain , that god's priest ( the bishop ) is not obeyed ; and men don't consider , that , at the same time , there ought to be only one bishop , only one iudge , as christ's vicar , in a church k . and ep. 66. to florentius pupianus , that from hence heresies and schisms have hitherto sprung , and do daily spring ; that the bishop , who is one , and is set over the church , is contemned by the proud presumption of some : and he that is honoured of god , is dishonoured by men l . and a little after , he tells him , ( alluding clearly to the monarchical power of bishops ) that bees have a king ; and beasts have a captain ; and robbers , with all humility , obey their commander : and from thence he concludes , how unreasonable it must be for christians not to pay suitable regards to their bishops m . and in another place , then is the bond of our lord's peace broken ; then is brotherly charity violated ; then is the truth adulterated , and unity divided ; then men leap out into heresies and schisms : when ? when the priests are controlled ; when the bishops are envied ; when one grudges that himself was not rather preferred ; or disdains to bear with a superiour n . indeed , 4. by the principles of those times , the bishop was so much the principle of unity to the church which he governed ; the whole society had such a dependance on him , was so vircuaily in him , and represented by him ; that what he did , as bishop , was reputed the deed of the whole church which he ruled . if he was oxthodox and catholick , so was the body united to him reckoned to be . if heretical or schismatical , it went under the same denomination . if he denied the faith , whoso adhered to him , after that , were reputed to have denied it . if he confessed the faith , the whole church was reckoned to have confessed it in him thus , we find , when martialis and basilides , two spanish bishops , committed idolatry , and so forfeited their bishopricks , and yet some of their people inclined to continue in their communion ; st. cyprian , with other 36 bishops , tells those people , that it behoved them not to flatter themselves , by thinking , that they could continue to communicate with polluted bishops , and withal , themselves continue pure and unpolluted : for all that communicated with them , would be partakers of their guilt : and therefore , ( as they go on , ) a people obeying and fearing god ought to separate from criminal bishops , and be careful not to mix with them in their sacrilegious sacrifices o . and again , in that same synodical epistle , they say , that it was a neglecting of divine discipline , and an unaccountable rashness to communicate with martialis and basilides : for whosoever joyne● with them in their unlawful communions , were polluted by the contagion of their guilt : and whosoever were partakers with them in the crime , would not be separated from them in the punishment p . indeed , this is the great purpose of that 67th epistle ; as also of the 68th concerning marcianus , who , by communicating with novatianus , had rendred his own communion infectious and abominable q . on the other hand , when cornelius bishop of rome confessed the faith before the heathen persecutors , st. cyprian says , the whole roman church confessed r . and when cyprian himself , having confessed , received the sentence of death ; being then at utica , he wrote to his presbyters , deacons , and people , at carthage , telling them how earnest he was to suffer at carthage ; because , as he reasons , it was most congruous and becoming , that a bishop should confess christ , in that city , in which he ruled christ's church ; that , by confessing in their presence , they might be all ennobled : for whatever , says he , in the moment of confession , the confessing bishop speaks , god assisting him , he speaks with the mouth of all. and he goes on , telling them , how the honour of their glorious church of carthage should be mutilated , ( as he words it . ) if he should suffer at utica ; especially , considering how earnest and frequent he had been in his prayers and wishes , that he might , both for himself and them , confess in their presence at carthage s . and upon the same principle it was , that he so frequently call'd his people , his bowels , his body , the members of his body : and that he affirm'd , that their griefs were his griefs ; their wounds , his wounds ; their distresses , his distresses t , &c. upon the same principle it was also , that pontius his deacon , having accounted how our holy martyr was executed , in presence of the people , falls out into this rapture : o blessed people of the church of carthage , that suffered together with such a bishop , with their eyes and senses , and , which is more , with open voice , and was crowned with him ! for thô all could not suffer in real effect , according to their common wishes , nor really be partakers of that glory ; yet whosoever were sincerely willing to suffer , in the sight of christ who was looking on , and in the hearing of their bishop , did , in a manner , send an embassy to heaven , by one who was a competent witness of their wishes u . 5. neither was this of the bishop's being the principle of unity to the church which he govern'd a novel notion , newly minted in the cyprianic age : for , besides that episcopacy was generally believed , then , to be of divine institution ; besides , that st. cyprian still argues upon the supposition of a divine institution , as particularly , in the same very case of the bishops being the principle of unity , as may be seen in his reasoning against the lapsed , which i have already cited from ep. 33. and might be more fully made appear , if it were needful . besides these things , i say , we have the same thing frequently insisted on by the holy ignatius , who was contemporary with the apostles , in his genuine epistles . thus , for instance , in his epistle to the church of smyrna , he tells them , that that is only a firm and solid communion which is under the bishop , or allowed by him ; and , that the multitude ought still to be with the bishop v . plainly importing this much at least , that there can be no true christian communion , unless it be in the unity of the church ; and there can be no communion in the unity of the church , in opposition to the bishop . and , in his epistle to the philadelphians , these who belong to god , and iesus christ , are with the bishops ; and these are god's that they may live by iesus christ , who , forsaking their sins , come into the unity of the church vv . and again , in that same epistle , god doth not dwell where there is division and wrath : god only pardons those , who , repenting , joyn in the unity of god , and in society with the bishops x . and he has also that same very notion , of the bishops being so much the principle of unity , that , as it were , the whole church is represented in him . thus he tells the ephesians , that he received their whole body , in their bishop onesimus y . and in his epistle to the trallians , he tells them , that in polybius their bishop , who came to him at smyrna , he beheld their whole society z . 6. indeed , this principle , of the bishop's being the center of unity to his church , was most reasonable and accountable in it self . every particular church is an organiz'd political body ; and there can be no unity in an organical body , whether natural or political , without a principle of unity , on which all the members must hang , and from which , being separated , they must cease to be members : and who so fit for being this principle fo unity to a church , as he who was pastor , ruler , governour , captain , head , iudge , christ's vicar , &c. in relation to that church ? this was the true foundation of that other maxim which i insisted on before , viz. that there could be but one bishop , at once , in a church ? why so ? why ? because it was monstrous for one body to have two head , for one society to have two principles of unity . if what i have said does not satisfie you , ( thô , in all conscience , it ought , it being scarcely possible to prove any thing of this nature more demonstratively , ) then be pleased only to consider the necessary connexion that is betwixt this principle , and that which i am next to prove ; and that is , secondly , that by the principles of those times , a bishop , cononically promoted , was supreme in his church ; immediately subject to iesus christ ; independent on any , unaccountable to any earthly ecclesiastical superiour . there was no universal bishop , then , under iesus christ , who might be the supreme visible head of the catholick visi●le church . there was , indeed , an universal bishoprick ; but it was not holden by any one single person . there was an unus episcopatus ; one episcopacy , one episcopal office , one bishoprick ; but it was divided into many parts ; and every bishop had his sh●re of it assigned him , to rule and govern with the plenitude of the episcopal authority a . there was one church all the world over , divided into many members ; and there was one episcopacy d●ffused in proportion to that one church , by the harmonious numer●sity of many bishops b . or , if you would have it in other words , the one catholick church was divided into many precincts , districts , or diocesses ; call them as you will : each of those district● had its singular bishop ; and that bishop , within that district , had the supreme power . he was subordinate to none but the great bishop of souls , iesus christ , the only universal bishop of the universal church . he was independent on , and stood collateral with all other bishops . there 's nothing more fully , or more plainly , or more frequently insisted on by st. cyprian , than this great principle . i shall only give you a short view of it from him and his contemporaries . and , i. he lays the foundation of it in the parity which our lord instituted amongst his apostles . christ , says he , gave equal power to all his apostles when he said , as my father hath sent me , even so i send you , receive ye the holy-ghost c , &c. and again , the rest of the apostles were the same that st. peter was , endued with an equality of power and honour d . now st. cyprian , on all occasions , makes bishops successors to the apostles , as perchance i may prove fully hereafter . thus , i say , he founds the equality of bishops , and , by consequence , every bishop's supremacy within his own diocess . and agreeably , he reasons most frequently . i shall only give you a few instances . 2. then , in that excellent epistle to antonianus , discoursing concerning the case of the lapsed , and shewing how , upon former occasions , different bishops had taken different measures about restoring penitents to the peace of the church , he concludes with this general rule , that every bishop , so long as he maintains the bond of concord , and preserves catholick unity , has power to order the affairs of his own church , as he shall be accountable to god e . plainly importing , that no bishop can give laws to another , or call him to an account for his management . to the same purpose is the conclusion of his epistle to iubaianus , about the baptism of hereticks and schismaticks . these things , most dear brother , says he , i have written to you , as i was able , neither prescribing to , nor imposing on any man , seeing every bishop hath full power to do as he judges most fitting f , &c. the same way he concludes his epistle to magnus , concerning that same case of baptism performed by hereticks g . to the same purpose is the whole strain of his epistle to florentius pupianus h . and what can be more clear , or full , than his excellent discourse at the opening of the council of carthage , anno 256 ? more than eighty bishops met , to determine concerning that same matter of baptism administred by hereticks or schismaticks . st. cyprian was praeses ; and having briefly represented to them the occasion of their meeting , he spoke to them thus : it remains now , that each of us speak his sense freely , judging no man , refusing our communion to no man , thô he should dissent from us : for none of us costitutes himself bishop of bishops , nor forces his collegues upon a necessity of obeying by a tyrannical terror ; seeing every bishop is intirely master of his own resolutions , and can no more he judged by others , than he can judge others : but we all expect the judgment of our lord iesus christ , who alone hath power of making us governours of his church , and calling us to an account for our administrations i . 3. neither did the principle hold only in respect of this or the other bishop ; but all without exception , even the bishop of rome , stood upon a level ▪ and for this , we have as pregnant proof as possibly can be desired : for when the schismatical party at carthage set up fortunatus as an anti-bishop , and thereupon sent some of their partisans to rome toi inform cornelius of their proceedings , and justifie them to him ; cyprian wrote to him also , and thus reasoned the case with him . to what purpose was it for them to go to rome to tell you , that they had set up a false bishop against the bishops ? either they continue in their wickedness , and are pleased with what they have done ; or they are penitent , land willing to return to the churches unity : if the latter , they know whither they may return : for seeing it is determined by us all , and withal , 't is just and reasonable in it self , that every one's cause should be examined where the crime was committed ; and seeing there is a portion of flock ( the catholick church ) assigned to every bishop to be governed by him , as he shall be accountable to god , our subjects ought not to run about from bishop to bishop , nor break the harmonious concord which is amonst bishops by their subtle and fallacious temerity ▪ but every man's cause ought there to be discussed , where he may have accusers and witnesses of his crime k , &c. in which reasoning , we have these things plain : 1. that , by st. cyprian's principles , evey bishop was judge of his own subjects ; of all the christians who lived within his district . 2. that no bishop , no not the bishop of rome , was superior to another bishop ; nor could receive appeals from his sentences . and , 3. that this independency of bishops , this unaccountableness of one bishop to another , as to his superiour , was founded on every bishop's having his portion of the flock assigned to him , to be ruled and governed by him , as he should answer to god ; i. e. upon his visible supremacy in his own church ; his being immediately subordinate to god only . to the same purpose he writes to stephen bishop of rome also : for having told him his mind freely concerning those who should return from a state of schism , to the unity of the church ; how they ought to be treated , and how recceived , &c. he concludes thus : we know that some are tenacious , and unwilling to alter what they have once determined , and that they will needs retain some methods peculiar to themselves ; but still with the safety of peace , and concord with their collegues : in which case , we offer violence , we proscribe laws to no man , seeing every bishop has full liberty in the administration of the affairs of his church , as he will answwer to god l . and how do both st. cyprian and firmilian resent stephen's extravagance , in threatning to refuse his communion to those who had not the same sentiments with himself about the baptism of hereticks ? let any man read st. cyprian's epistle to pompeius , and firmilian's to st. cyprian m , and he may have enough to this purpsoe . would you have yet more ? then take a most memorable acknowledgment from the presbyters and deacons of rome . st. cyprian had written to them , while the bishop's chair was vacant , and given them an account of his resolutions about the lapsed ; those who had sacrificed to the heathen idols in time of persecution . now , consider how they begin their answer to him . altho , say they , a mind that 's without checks of conscience , that 's supported by the vigour of evangelical discipline , and bears witness to it self , that it has squared its actions by the divine commandments , useth to content it self with god , as its only iudge ; and neither seeks other men's approbations , nor fears their accusations ; yet they are worthy of doubled praises , who , while they know their conscience is subject to god only as its iudge , do yet desire that their administrations should have their brethrens comprobations n . so clearly acknowledging st. cyprian's ( and by consequence , every bishop's ) supremacy within his own district ; and his independency , or non-subordination , to any other bishop ; that even rigaltius himself , in his annotations on st. cyprian , thô a papist , confesses it . and no wonder ; for , 4. by the principles of those times , every bishop was christ's vicar within his own district o ; had a primacy in his own church p ; managed the ballance of her government q ; was , by his being bishop , elevated to the sublime top of the priesthood r ; had the episcopal authority in its vigour s ; the prelatick power in its plenitude t ; a sublime and divine power of governing the church u . and none could be called bishop of bishops v . every bishop was head of his own church vv ; and she was built upon him in her politick capacity x . he , and he only , was her visible iudge y ; and he did not stand subordinate to any visible superiour . in short , the constitution of every particular church , in those times , was a well-tempered monarchy : the bishop was the monarch , and the presbytery was in senate ; all the christians within his district depended on him for government and discipline , and he depended on no man : so that i may fairly conclude this point with that famous testimony of st. ierom's in his epistle to evagrius : wherever a bishop is , whether at rome or eugubium , constantinople or rhegium , alexandria or tani , he is of the same merit , and the same priesthood . neither the power of riches , nor the humility of poverty , maketh a bishop higher or lower ; but they are all successors of the apostles z . 't is true indeed , st. ierom lived after the cyprianic age : but , i suppose , our author will pretend to own his authority as soon as any father 's in the point of church-government . let me represent to you only one principle more , which prevailed in the days of st. cyprian : and that is , thirdly , that whatever the high-priest , among the jews , was to the other priests and levites , &c. the christian bishop was the same to the presbyters and deacons , &c. and the same honour and obedience was due to him . this was a principle which st. cyprian frequently insisted on , and reasoned from . thus in his third epistle , directed to rogatianu , he tells him , that he had divine law and warrant for punishing his rebellious and undutiful deacon . and then cites that text , deut. 17. 12. and the man that will do presumptuously , and will not hearken unto the priest , or unto the iudge , even that man shall die : and all the people shall bear and fear , and do no more presumptuously . and confirms it farther , by shewing how god punished gorah , datham , and abiram , for rebelling against aaro● , numb . 16. 1. and when the israelites , weary of samuel's government , asked a king to judge them , the lord said to samuel , hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee ; for they have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me that i should not reign over them : 1. sam. 8. 7. therefore , he gave them saul for a punishment , &c. and when st. paul was challenged for reviling god's high priest , he excused himself , saying , he wist not that he was the high priest : had he known him to have been so , he would not have treated him so , for it is written , thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of they people : act. 23. 4 , 5. and. ( as he goes further on ) our lord iesus christ , our god , king , and iudge , to the very hour of his passion paid suitable honour to the priests , thô they neither feared god , nor acknowledged christ : for when he had cleansed the l●per , he bade him go shew himself to the priest , and offer his gift : matth. 8. 4. and at the very instant of his passion , when he was beaten , as if he had answered irreverently to the high priest , he uttered no reproachful thing against the person of the priest , but rather defended his own innocence , saying , if i have spoken evil , bear witness of the evil ; but if well , why smitest thou me ? john 18. 22 , 23. all which things were done humbly and patiently lby him , that we might have a patern of patience and humility proposed to us ; for he taught us to give all dutiful honour to true priests , by behaving so towards false priests a . thus st. cyprian reason'd , and these were his arguments for obliging all men , clergy as well as laity , to honour and obey their bishops . to the same purpose he wrote in his fourth epistle to pomponius , concerning some virgins and deacons that lived scandalously . let them not think they can be saved , says he , if they will not obey the bishops , seeing god says in deuteronomy , and then he cites deut. 17. 12 b . he insists on the same arguments in his 59th epistle directed to cornelius , when he is giving him an account of the rebellion , and schismatical practices of fortunatus and felicissimus , the one a presbyter , and the other a deacon c . he insists on them over again , in his 66th epistle to florentius papianus d . he insists largely on the argument drawn from the punishment inflicted on corah and his complices for rebelling against aaron ; and makes it the same very sin in schismaticks , who separate from their lawful bishop , in his 69th epistle directed to magnus e ; and in his 73d epistle , directed to iubaianus f . and firmilian also , st. cyprian's contemporary , insists on the same argument g . indeed , the names , priest , priesthood , altar , sacrifice , &c. so much used those times , are a pregnant argument of the notions christians had then , of the christian hierarchy's being copied from the iewish . neither was it a notion newly started up in st. cyprian's time , for we find it in express terms in that notable epistle written to the corinthians by st. clement bishop of rome , who was not only contemporary with the apostles , but is by name mentioned by st. paul , as one of his fellow-labourers , whose names are in the book of life , philip. 4. 3. for he perswading those corinthians to lay aside all animosities and schismatical dispositions , and to pursue and maintain unity and peace , above all things ; proposes to them as a proper expedient for this , that every man should keep his order and station ; and then enumerates the several subordinations under the old testament , which sufficiently proves , that the hierarchy was still preserved in the new. his method of reasoning , and the design he had in hand to compose the schisms that arose amongst the corinthians , make this evident beyond all contradiction , that a bishop in the christian church was no less than the high priest among the iews , else he had not argued from the precedents of the temple to perswade them to unity in the church . the high priest ( saith he ) has his proper office , and the priests have their proper place or station ; and the levites are tied to their proper ministeries ; and the layman is bound to his laick performances h . having thus demonstrated , that these were three current and received principles in st. cyprian's time , viz. that a bishop was the principle of unity to his church , to all the christians within his district ; that he was supreme in his church , and had no earthly ecclesiastical superiour ; and , that he was the same amongst christians , which the high priest was amongst the iews : let me try a little , if our author's definition of a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , can consist with them . i am afraid , it can consist with none of them singly , much less with all these together . i. not with the first ; for , if a bishop , then , was the principle of unity to a church , in which there were many presbyters ; as cyprian , e. g. was to the church of carthage , and cornelius to the church of rome , and fabius to the church of antioch , and dionysius to the church of alexandria , &c. if thus it was , i say , then , to be sure , a bishop was another thing than a meer single presbyter of a single parish in the presbyterian sense : for , if a single presbyter could have been the principle of unity to a church in which there were , e. g. 46 single presbyters , he must have been it as a single presbyter , or as something else : not as a single presbyter , for then there should have been as many principles of unity in a church , as there were single presbyters ; for instance , there should have been 46 principles of unity in the church of rome : which , besides that 't is plainly contradictory to the notion of one bishop , at once , in a church ; what is it else , than to make a church such a monster as may have 46 heads ? than by so multiplying the principles of unity , to leave no unity at all ? than , in stead of one principle of unity to an organized body , to set up 46 principles of division ? indeed , what is it else than the very extract of nonsense , and cream of contradiction ? a single presbyter then , if he could have been the principle of unity to such a church , mut have been it , as something else than a meer single presbyter . but what could that something else have been ? a presbyterian moderator ? not so neither ; for by what propriety of speech can a moderator of a presbytery , as such , be called the principle of unity to a church ? how can he be called the principle of unity to a church , who , as such , is neither pastor , head , nor governour of a church ? who , as such , has no direct , immediate , or formal relation to a church ? who , as such , is only the chair-man , the master-speaker , not of the church , but of the presbytery ? nay , who may be such , and yet no christian ? for however inexpedient or indecent it may be , that an heathen should , on occasion , be the moderator , i. e. the master-speaker of a presbytery ; yet it implies no repugnancy to any principle of christianity . but however this is , 't is certain , that , according to the presbyterian principles , ( not the moderator , but ) the presbytery is the principle of unity to the church , or rather churches , within the bounds of that presbytery . and , to do our author justice , he seems to have been sensible of this , as a i observed already : and therefore , he said not , if he ( the apologist ) can prove , that we separate from our pastors , or from the moderator of the presbytery ; but , from our pastors , or from the presbytery with their moderator . neither , 2. can our author's definition consist with the second principle , viz. that every bishop was supreme in his church , independent , and not subordinate , to any ecclesiastical superiour on earth . to have such a supremacy , such an independency , such an unaccountableness , is notoriously inconsistent with the idea of either a single presbyter , or a presbyterian moderator . how can it be consistent with the idea of a single presbyter acting in parity with his brethren presbyters , that of 46 , for example , one should have a primacy , a supremacy , a plenitude of power , the sublime and divine power of governing the church , an unaccountable and eminent power , as st. ierom himself calls it i . and all the rest should be accountable , and subordinate to him ? what is this but reconciling contradictions ? besides , the independency of single presbyters is notoriously inconsistent with the presbyterian scheme . 't is independency , not presbytery . and as for the presbyterian moderator , in what sense can he be called supreme , or independent , or unaccountable ? in what sense can he be said to be raised to the sublime top of the priesthood ? or to have an exors potestas , an unaccountable power ? or to be accountable to god only ? or to have the sublime and divine power of governing the church ? is he , as such , raised to the sublime top of the preisthood , who , as such , may be no priest at all ? for why may not a ruling elder be a moderator ? how can he be said to have 〈◊〉 unaccountable power , who can be voted out of his chair with the same breath with which he was voted into it ? how can he be said to be accountable to god only , who is accountable to the presbytery ? how can he be said to have the sublime and divine power of governing the church , who , as such , is no church governour ? has he a supreme power in a society , who , as such , has no imaginable iurisdiction over any one member of that society ? 3. but what shall i say to the consistency of our author's definition with the third principle i named ? even no more than that i have proved it to have been one of st. cyprian's , and one that was generally received in his time ; and that i can refer it to our author himself to determine , whether the high priest of the iews bore no higher character than that of a single presbyter , or a presbyterian moderator ? and so i proceed to another head of arguments , which shall be , fourthly , to give you , in a more particular detail , some of the branches of the episcopal prerogative in st. cyprian's time . and i think i shall do enough for my purpose , if i shall prove these three things : i. that there were several considerable acts of power relating to the government and discipline of the church , which belonged solely to the bishop's several powers lodged in his person , which he could manage by himself , and without the concurrence of any other church-governour . ii. that in every thing relating to the government and discipline of the church , he had a negative over all the other church-governours within his district . and , iii. that all the other clergy-men within his district , presbyters as well as others , were subject to his authority , and obnoxious to his discipline and jurisdiction . i. i say , there were several considerable acts of power relating to the government and discipline of the church , which belonged solely to the bishop ; several powers lodged in his person , which he could manage by himself , and without the concurrence of any other church-governour . take these for a sample . and , first , he had the sole power of confirmation ; of imposing hands on christians , for the reception of the holy-ghost , after baptism . for this , we have st. cyprian's most express testimony in his epistle to iubaianus , where he tells , it was the custom to offer such as were baptized to the bishops , that , by their prayers , and the laying on of their hands , they might receive the holy-ghost , and be consummated by the sign of our lord , i. e. by the sign of the cross , as i take it : and he expresly founds this practice on the paterm of st. pater and st. iohn , mentiond acts 8. 14. &c. k firmilian is as express in his epistle to cyprian , saying in plain lanugage , that the bishops , who govern the church , possess the power of baptism , confirmation , and ordination l . 't is true , he calls them majores natu , elder : but that he meant bishops , as distinguished from presbyters , cannot be called into question by any man , who reads the whole epistle , and considers his stile all along ; and withal , considers what a peculiar interest , by the principles of these times , the bishop had in these three acts he names . but whatever groundless altercations there may be about his testimony , as there can be none about st. cprian's , so neither can there by any shadow of pretext for any about cornelius's , who , in his epistle to fabius , ( so often mentioned before , ) makes it an argument of novatianus his incapacity of being a bishop ; that thô he was baptized , yet he was not confirmed by the bishop m . secondly , he had the sole power of ordination , and that of whatsoever clergy-men within his district . ordinations could not be performed without him ; but he could perform them regularly , without the concurrence of any other church-officer . this has been so frequently and so fully proved by learned men , that i need not insist much on it . forbearing therefore to adduce the testimonies of such as lived after st. cyprian's time , such as ambrose , ierom , chrysostom , &c. i shall confine my self to st. cyprian , and his contemporaries . toi begin with st. cyprian . 't is true , so humble and condescending he was , that when he was made bishop , he resolved with himself to do nothing by himself , concerning the publick affairs of the church , without consulting not only his clergy , but his people n . i call this his own free and voluntary condescention : it wa a thing he was not bound to do by any divine prescript , or any apostolical tradition , or any ecclesiastical constitution . his very words import so much , which you may see on the margin . and yet , for all that , we find him not only in extraordinary junctures , ordaining without asking the consent of his clergy or people ; but still insisting on it as the right of all bishops , and particularly his own , to promote and ordain clergy-men , of whatsoever rank , by himself , and without any concurrence . thus , in his 38th epistle , having ordained aurelius a lector , he acquaints his presbyters and deacons with it , from the place of his retirement : now consider how he begins his letter . in all clerical ordinations , most dear brethren , says he , i used to consult you beforehand , and to examine the manners and merits of every one with common advice o . and then he proceeds to tell them , how , that notwithstanding that was his ordinary method , a rule he had observed for the most part ; yet , for good reasons he had not observed it in that instance . in which testimony , we have these things evident : 1. that his power was the same , as to all ordinations , whether of presbyters or others : for he speaks of them all indefinitely ; in clericis ordinationibus . 2. that he used only to ask the counsel and advice of his clergy , about the manners and merits of the person he was to ordain , but not their concurrence in the act of ordination ; not one word of that : on the contrary , that they used not to concurr , fairly imported in the very instance of aurelius . 3. that it was intirely of his own easiness and condescension , that he consulted them in the matter : he used to do it , but needed not have done it : he did it not in that very same case . which is a demonstration of the truth of what i said before , viz. that his resolutio● , which he had made when he entred to his bishoprick , was from his own choice , and absolutely free and voluntary . we have another remarkable testimony to the same purpose in his 41st epistle , where he tells , that , because of his absence from carthage , he had given a deputation to ●aldnius and herculanus , two bishops ; and to r●gatian●s and numidicus , two of his presbyters , to examine the ages , qualifications , and m●its , of some in carthage , that he , whose province it was to promote men to ecclesiastical offices , might be well informed about them , and promote none but such as were meek , humble , and worthy p this , i say , is a most remarkable testimony for our present purpose ; for he not only speaks indefinitely of all ranks or orders , without making exceptions ; but he speaks of himself in the singular number , as having the power of promoting them ; and he founds that power , and appropriates it to himself , upon his having the care of the church and her government committed to him . we have a third testimony as pregnant as any of the former , in his 72d epistle written to stephen bishop of rome . for , representing to him what the resolution of the african bishops were concerning such presbyters and deacons as should return from a state of schism , to the communion of the church , he discourses thus . by common consent and a●thority , dear brother , we tell you further , that if any presbyters or deacons , who have either been ordained before in the catholick church , and have afterwards turned perfsidious and rebellious against the church ; or , have been promoted by a profane ordination , in a state of schism , by false bishops and anti-christs , against our lord's institution — that such , if they shall return , shall only be admitted to lay-communion , &c. q by which testimony , you may clearly see , 1. that all ordinations of presbyters , as well as deacons , were performed by bishops ; by true bisho●● in the catholick church ; and by false bishops in a state of schism . 2. that to ordain presbyters and deacons , was so much , and so acknowledged by , the bishop's work , and peculiar to him , that , herein , even schismaticks themselves oberved the common rule . they found their ordinations were indispensibly to be performed by bishops , that they might not be obnoxious to the charge of invalidity . so clear and full is st. cyprian on this head : and not only he , but firmilian , as i have cited him already . nay , further yet , our martyr's practice was always suitable and correspondent to these principles . he not only ordained aurelius a lector , as i have shewed , without either the consent or concurrence of his clergy ; but also saturus a lector , and optatus a sub-deacon , epst. 29. and celerinus a lector , ep. 39. in which we have also a most considerable evidence of the bishops power in ordinations , in st. cyprian's discourse concerning aurelius and celerinus : for there he tells his presbyters , deacons , and all his people , and tell them in an authoritative stile , in the stile , by which superiours used to signifie their will and pleasure to their subjects , with a be it known to you ; he tells them , i say , that tho he had only ordained these two , lectors , for the time , because they were but young ; yet he had designed them for the presbyterate , and to sit with him , as soon as their years would allow of it r . and what can be more pat to this purpose , than that uncontrolable account we have of novatianus his promotion to the presbyterate , which we have in that so often mentioned epistle written by cornelius to fabius of a●tioch ? there he tells , how novatianus was ordained a presbyter , meerly by the favour of the then bishop of rome . that all the clergy , and many of the people , opposed it , as being unlawful , considering that he had been baptized while on the bed of sickness . and that , after much work , the bishop prevailed , and ordained him , promising that he would not make a precedent of it . i refer you to the testimony which i have transcribed faithfully on the margin . consider it , and tell me if any thing can be more clear , than that the bishop , then , had the sole power of ordination s . neither do we read in all st. cyprian's works , or in any monuments of those times , of any concurrence of presbyters with bishops , in any ordinations , and far less , that ever presbyters ordain'd without a bishop . 't is true , we read in st. cyprian's 52d epistle , that novatus made felicissimus a deacon : and i read , that several learned men understand it so , as if he had ordained him t . and blo●del particularly , because novatus was nothing but a presbyter , con●ludes , that this was a notable instance of the power of presbyters in ordinations . but when one reads the whole passage , as st. cyprian hath it , and ponders all things duly , he cannot but think it strange , that ever that fancy should have been entertained : for all that st. cyprian says , amounts to no more than this , that novatus turn'd a schismatick in the time of persecution , and thereby became another p●rsecution to the church ; and that having thus given himself up to the spirit of schism , he , by his faction and ambition , got felicissimus made a deacon , without either st. cyprian ' s knowledge or allowance u . st cyprian's words , i say , do not import , that novatus ordain'd felicissimus : they import no more , than that novatus his ambition and faction prevailed to get felicissimus ordain'd a deacon , thô himself did not ordain him . ( 't is probable he was ordained by some neighbouring bishop , st. cyprian being then in his secession . ) and 't is as evident as any thing can be made , from what immediately follows , that st. cyprian designed them for no more . for he goes on , and tells , in that same breath , that novatus having done so and so at carthage , went next to rome , and attempted just the like things there ; only with this difference , that as rome , by it●s greatness , had the pre●edency of carthage , so he attempted greater wickedness , at rome than at carthage : for he ( says cyprian ) who had made a deacon at carthage against the church , made a bishop at rome , meaning novatianus v . now 't is certain that not novatus , but three bishops , ordained novatianus ; and , by consequence , that st. cyprian never meant that novatus ordain'd felicissi●us . this is irre●ragable . but then , suppose the worst ; suppose novatus had really ordained felicissimus , what stress is to be laid on the example of a schismatick ? especially when what he did was done schismatically ? antonianus asked of st. cyprian , what was novatianus his heresie ? and cyprian answered , it was no matter what he taught , seeing he taught in schism vv and may we not say with the same reason , that it matters not what novatus did , seeing what he did was done in schism ? one thing indeed we learn from this matter , and that is another argument of the bishop's peculiar interest in the matter of ordination ; for st. cyprian most plainly imputes it to schism , that , without his allowance , novatus should have presumed to have got felicissimus ordained a deacon . one word more : the bishops being thus possessed of the sole power of ordination in st. cyprian's time , and his practising suitably , was exactly agreeable to the second of the canons commonly called of the apostles ; which is , let a presbyter be ordained by one bishop , as likewise a deacon and the rest of the clergy x . a canon , without doubt , universally received then , as beveregius has fully proved ; and a canon highly agreeable with the then current principles , which i have insisted on already , viz. that a bishop was the principle of unity , and supreme ecclesiastical magistrate within his district . for what can be more suitable to , or rather , more necessary by all the fundamental rules of society , than that it should belong to the supreme power , wherever it is lodged , to promote and give commissions to all inferiour officers ? 't is one of the rights of majesty , and one as intrinsick and unal●enable , or incommunicable , as any . 't is true , a good many years after st. cyprian's time , it was appointed by the 〈◊〉 , that presbyters should concurr with the bishop in the ordination of presbyters : but then , i say , it was many years after st. cyprian's time ; and it was for new emergent reasons ; that ordinations might be performed more deliberately , or with the greater solemnity , or so ; but 't is evident , that nothing of the substantial validity of the orders were to depend upon it . and so much , at present , for the bishop's power of ordination . but this is not all . for , thirdly , he had full power , without asking the consent or concurrence of either clergy or people , to settle presbyters within his district . of this , we have a most remarkable instance of st. cyprian's planting namidicus a presbyter of the city of carthage : our martyr wrote to his presbyters , deacons , and people , to receive him as such , ( probably he had been ordained before , ) and there was no more of it : it was instantly done y . as we learn from the very next epistle z , where we find the same namidicus , as a presbyter of carthage , receiving a commission for a deputation to oversee such and such things in st. cyprian's absence . so negligent , shall i say ? or so ignorant was st. cyprian of christ's testament , at least of his leaving , in it , to his people , by way of legacy , a right , a grant , a priviledge , of cho●sing their own ministers ! what a stranger has he been to all the analogies and principles of presbyterian government ! but i proceed . fourthly , in st. cyprian's time , the bishop had the disposal of all the revenues of the church . all the churches incomes , then , were oblations , and charitable contributions . the civil magistrate was heathen , and treated her commonly with persecutions , never with encouragements . now , the bishop , i say , had the full power of disposing of these contributions and oblations . in the first place , he had his own quantitas propria , his proper portion ; and t was , no doubt , a considerable one. 't is commonly reckoned to have been the third . the other two belonged to the clergy and the poor ; but so , as to be dispensed by the bishop . that he had his own portion , and that a liberal one , is evident from his 7th epistle ; for there he tells how , before he retired , he gave the trust of it to rogatianus , one of his presbyters , ordering that if there were any necessitous strangers at carthage , they should have maintenance out of it . a . and it is observable , that when st. cyprian gives an account of fortunatianus , who had been bishop of assurae , but had forfeited by sacrificing in time of persecu●ion , and yet was earnest for all that to retain his bishoprick ; he says expresly , that it was upon the account of the perquisites , and not from any love to religion b . and it is not to be doubted , that the same reason moved basilides to be so much concerned for the recovery of his bishoprick , after he had forfeited it also c indeed , the bishop's proper portion was setled on him by the 40th of the apostolic canons . and that he had the disposal of the rest , particularly that which belonged to the clergy , is as plain . for , in his 41st epistle , he makes it an aggravation of felicissimus's guilt , that , contrary to the duty which he owed to his bishop , he should have made such a clutter , about the division of the contributions . and on the other hand he praises the dutifulness of others , who would not follow f●licissimus his bad example , but continued in the unity of the church , and were satisfied to take their shares , as the bishop should please to dispense them d . and it is a most remarkable instance of this his power , which we have in the aforementioned case of aurelius and celerinus ; for thô he promoted them only to the degree of lectors , yet he entituled them to the maintenance of presbyters . e . and as for that part that belonged to the poor , his power in the distribution of it is so evident from his fifth and forty first epistles , that i need not insist upon it . indeed , this power was expresly asserted to them by the thirty eighth and forty fi●st of the apostolick canons f . and we find bishops in possession of it long before st. cyprian's time ; as is evident from iustin martyr's second apology , not far from the end . not now to mention that it seems fairly to be founded on express scripture g . indeed , fifthly , he seems to have had a power of imposing charitable contributions on all the christians within his district , for the relief of distressed strangers , whether captives , prisoners , or condemn'd to the mines or galleys , &c. of this power , we have famous instances in his 62d and 78th epistles . you may consult them at your leasure . and long before st. cyprian's time , soter bishop of rome , as the venerable dionysius bishop of corinth , ( cited for it by eusebius , ) tells us , managed this power to excellent purpose , as his predecessors , from the apostles times had done before him . take his own words , for he was a very ancient father , having flourished about an hundred years before st. cyprian . they are in an epistle of his to the church of rome , in which he thus bespeaks them . this has been your custom from the beginning , ( i. e. ever since the church of rome was planted , ) to do manifold good offices to the brethren , and send supplies to most churches in most cities , for sweetning their poverty , and refreshing those that are condemned to the mines . you , romans , observe the custom of the romans handed down to you by your fathers ; which custom , your blessed bishop soter has not only observed , but improved , &c. h what can be more clear than it is from these words , that soter , as bishop of rome , had the chief management of the charitable contributions , imposing them , and disposing of them for the relief of the afflicted christians of whatsoever church ? and now that i have gone higher than st. cyprian's time , ( thô it was not necessary for my main argument ; and to make use of it , might swell this letter to too great a bulk ; ) let me mention another power , which tertu●lian ( who lived before st. cyprian also ) in plain terms appropriates to the bish●p . a considerable power , a power that is a considerable argument of the episcopal sovereignty . and it is , sixthly , the power of indicting solemn fasts , as occasion required , to all the christians within his district . you have his words , plain and home , upon the margin i sev●nthly , a bishop in st. cyprian's time , ( for now i return to it , ) as such , had the sole power of convocating his presbyters and deacons ; all those of his clergy and people , who either sat with him , or standing gave their suffrages , as they were ask'd , about any thing relating to the church . all learned men ( even spanhemius himself , our author 's diligent searcher into antiquity , ) confesses this . indeed , this was a point on which the unity of the church did so much depend , that it could not but be a necessary branch of his prerogative , who was the principle of unity to , and was intrusted with , the supreme government of the church . and , agreeably , we find cornelius accounting about it in an epistle to cyprian . for there he tells , how the presbyter and confessors , who had sided with novatianus , turning sensible of their error , came ( not streight to himself , for it seems they had not the confidence to do that , or rather , they would not have been allowed that freedom so suddenly ; but ) to his presbyters , acknowledging their offences , and humbly supplicating that they might be pardoned , and their escapes forgotten : how , when all this was narrated to him , he was pleased to convocate the presbytery : how maximus , urbanus , sidonius , and macarius , being allowed to appear , made their acknowledgments and humble addresses ; and then , how after they were received in the presbytery , the whole matter was communicated to the people ; and they again renewed their acknowledgments before the people , confessing as i shewed before , viz. that they were convinced , that cornelius was chosen by the omnipotent god , and our lord iesus christ to be bishop of the most holy catholick church ; and that they were not ignorant , that , as there was but one god , one christ our saviour , and one holy-●host ; so there ought to be only one bishop in a catholick church k . here , i say , was a noble instance of a bishop's power in convocating his presbyters at pleasure , and managing the affairs of the church like a chief governour . the whole epistle is well worth perusing . but i shall only desire you to take notice of one thing by the way , it is , that cornalius sought not the people's consent for their reception ; no , he first received them again into the communion of the church , and then acquainted the people with it . i observe this , because it is another demonstration , that what st. cyprian determined from the beginning of his episcopacy , was meerly the effect of his own choice , and arbitrary condescension , viz. to do nothing without his peoples consent : this , i say , was not a thing he was bound to do by the rules of his episcopacy , for then cornelius had been as much bound as he . after these persons were so solemnly reconciled to the church , they themselves , by a letter , gave an account of it to st. cyprian ; an account , i say , which might bring more light to the whole matter , if it needed any . we are certain , say they , most dear brother , that you will rejoyce with us , when you know , that all mistakes are forgotten , and we are reconciled to cornelius our bishop , and to all the clergy ; to the great contentment and good liking of the whole church l . but you may say , did not the roman presbytery conveen , during the vac●●cy , after the death of fabianus ? and did not the presbytery of carthage meet frequently , during the time of st. cyprian's secession ? how then can it be said , that the bishop had the sole power of convocating presbyters ? i answer , 't is true , it was so in both cases : but how ? to begin with the latter ; there was no meeting of the clergy at carthage , during st. cyprian's secession , without his authority : and therefore we find , when he retired , he left a delegated power with his presbyters and deacons , or an allowance , call it as you will , to meet and manage the affairs of the church , as occasion should require ; but still , so as that they could do nothing of moment without first consulting him ; and nothing , but what was of ordinary incidence , is regulated by the canons . this we learn from many of his epistles : thus , in his fifth epistle directed to his presbyters and deacons , because he could not be present himself , he required them faithfully and religiously to discharge both his office and their own m . which not only imports , that they had distinct offices from his , but also , in express terms , settles a delegation on them . he bespeaks them after the same manner in his 12th epistle n . and more authoritatively yet , ep. 14. where he not only exhorts , but commands them to perform the office of vicars to him o . but then , how warmly he re●ented it , when some of them ventured beyond the limits of the allowance he had given them ; when they began to encroach on his prerogatives ; when they presumed to meddle in matters for which they had no allowance , and which were not in the common road , nor regulated by the canons , you shall hear to purpose by and by . and from what i have already said , the other case , that of the presbytery's meeting in the time of a vacancy , may be easily cleared also ; for thô they might meet , yet all they could do , was to provide all they could for the peace and safety of the church , by determining in ruled cases ; just as may be done by inferiour magistrates in all other corporations , or societies , in the time of an inter-reign ; but they could make no new rules : and there were several other things they could not do ; as i shall also shew fully within a little . in the mean time , having mentioned how st. cyprian , in his absence , gave a delegation to his clergy , and constituted them his vicars ; let me give you one example of it , which may well deserve to pass for another instance of acts that were peculiar to himself : and that is , eighthly , his delegating , not his presbyters in common , but two of them only , viz. rogatianus and n●midicus , with two bishops , caldonius and herculanus , not only to consider the state of the poor , and of the clergy at carthage ; but to pronounce his sentence of excommunication against felicissimus and augendus , and all that should joyn themselves to that faction and conspiracy p . which delegation was accordingly accepted of , and the sentence put in execution , as we learn by the return , which these four delegates , together with another bishop called victor , made to our holy martyr q . i might have easily collected more instances of powers and faculties which were peculiar to a bishop in st. cyprian's time , and which could not be pretended to by presbyters : but these may be sufficient for a sample , especially considering that more , perhaps , may be discovered in the prosecution of the next thing i promised to make appear , which was , ii. that in every thing relating to the government and discipline of the church , the bishop had a negative over all the other church-governours within his district . he had the supreme power of the keys . no man could be admitted into the church ; no man could be thrust out of the church ; none excommunicated could be admitted to penance , nor absolved nor restored to the communion of the church ; no ecclesiastical law could be made , nor rescinded , nor dispensed with , without him . in short , all ecclesiastical discipline depends upon the sacraments , and neither sacrament could be administrated without his allowance . if this point , well proved , does not evince , that a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was a real prelate , and stood in a real superiority above all other church officers , i must despair of ever proving any thing . and i must despair of ever proving any thing , if i prove not this point . 1. to begin with baptism , the sacrament by which persons are admitted into the church : that no man could be baptized without the bishop's consent , has as much evidence as can be well required for any matter of fact. for , first , st. cyprian could not have expressed any thing more fully , or more plainly , than he has done this . to omit that testimony which he gives in his exhortation to mar●yrdom , where he says , bishops , by our lord's allowance , give the first baptism to believers r . let us turn over to ep. 73. in which he insists directly to this purpose . the question was , whether baptism performed by hereticks , or schismaticks , was valid ? st. cyprian affirmed it was not . his conclusion was such , as required some other argument to support it , than his own authority . it was therefore needful , that he should attempt to prove it ; and that from received and acknowledged principles . now consider his argument , i shall give it in his own words as near as i can translate them . 't is manifest , says he , where , and by whom , the remission of sins can be given , which is given in baptism . for , our lord gave , first , to peter ( on whom he built his church , thereby instituting and demonstrating the original of unity , ) that power , that whatsoever he should loose on earth , should be loosed in heaven : and then , after his resurrection , he gave it to all his apostles , when he said , as my father hath sent me , &c. ( joh. 20. v. 21 , 22 , 23. ) whence we learn , that none can baptize authoritatively , and give remission of sins , but the bishops , and those who are founded in the evangelical law , and our lord's institution : and , that nothing can be bound or loosed out of the church , seeing there 's none , there , who has the power of binding or loosing . further ; dearest brother , we want not divine warrant for it , when we say , that god hath disposed all things by a certain law , and a proper ordinance ; and that none can usurp any thing against the bishops , all being subject to them : for corah , dathan , and abiram , attempted to assume to themselves a priviledge of sacrificing against moses and aaron the priest , and they were punished for it , because it was unla●ful s . thus st. cyprian argued ; and the force of his argument lies visibly in this , that baptism performed by hereticks or schismaticks cannot be valid , because not performed by the bishop , nor with his allowance . now whatever comes of his inference , sure , it had been ridiculous in him to have so reasoned , if his antecedent had not been a received principle . neither was st. cyprian singular in this , for firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia is as plain , saying , ( as i have cited him before ) that the bishops , who govern the church , possess the power of baptism , confirmation , and ordination . and fortunatus bishop of thuraboris , another of st. cyprian's contemporaries , in his suffrage at the council of carthage , is as plain as either cyprian or firmilian . iesus christ , says he , our lord and god , the son of god the father and creator , built his church upon a rock , and not upon heresie , and gave the power of baptizing to bishops , and not to hereticks , &c. t indeed , before st. cyprian's time , we have tertullian , who spent most of his days in the second century , and who , in his book about baptism , against quintilla , to the question , who may baptize ? answers positively , the high-priest , who is the bishop , hath the power of baptizing ; and after him , or in subordination to him , presbyters and deacons , but not without the bishop's authority u . and before him , we have the apostolical ignatius , who spent almost all his days in the first century , and who says in express terms , that it is not lawful to baptize without the bishop v . 2. a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , had as much power about the holy eucharist : no presbyter within his district could administer it without his leave , or against his interdict . st. cyprian's testimonies to this purpose are innumerable . let me give you only one or two , for instance ; thus in his 16th epistle written to his presbyters and deacons , he resents it highly , that some of his presbyters should have dared to admit the lapsed to the sacrament without his allowance . such , says he , deny me the honour of which by divine right i am possessed , &c. indeed , the 15th , 16th , and 17th epistles , are to this purpose vv . and in his 59th epistle , having cited mal. 2. v. 1 , 2. he reasons thus against all such presbyters as presumed to celebrate the eucharist without the bishop's allowance . is glory given to god , when his majesty and discipline is so contemned , that , when he says , he is angry and full of wrath against such as sacrifice to idols , and when he threatens them with everlasting pains and punishments , sacrilegious persons should presume to say , think not on the wrath of god : fear not the divine iudgments : knock not at the church of christ : that they should cut off repentance , and the confession of sins ; and presbyters contemning and trampling on their bishops , should preach peace with deceiving words , and give the communion , &c. x and , 't is a passage very remarkable to this purpose , which we read in an epistle of dionysi●s of alexandria to fabius of antioch , ( both st. cyprian's contemporaries ) in which he tells , how one serapion , an aged man , after a long per●everance in the christian faith , had first fallen from it in time of persecution , and then into a deadly sickness : how , after he had been dumb and senseless for some days , recovering some use of his tongue , he called quickly for one of the presbyters of alexandria , ( for he lived in that city ) that he might be absolved , and have the sacrament , being perswaded he should not die till he should be reconciled to the church : and how the presbyter being sick also , sent the sacrament to him : but by what right or authority ? by dionysius the bishop . for , says he , i had command that any lapsed , if in danger of death , especially if he was an humble supplicant for it , should be absolved , that he might go out of this world full of good hopes , &c. y he being bishop of that city , had given a command for it , otherwise it could not have been done . and all this was nothing more than ignatius had told the world long before , viz. that that is only to be deemed a firm and valid eucharist , which is celebrated by the bishop , or by his authority . let me only add one testimony more from st. cyprian concerning both sacraments ; but such an one as ought not to be neglected . it is in his 69th epistle written to magnus . the great purpose he pursues in it , is to represent the atrocious guilt of schism , and the forlorn condition of schismaticks ; that they cannot have valid sacraments , and that all their acts are nullities , &c. amongst many arguments to this effect , he insists on that famous one ; corah , dathan , and abiram , were of that same religion that moses and aaron were of , and served the same god whom moses and aaron served : but because they transgressed the limits of their own stations , and usurp'd a power of sacrificing to themselves , in opposition to aaron the priest , who was only legally invested with the priesthood by god's vouchsafement and appointment : they were forthwith punished in a miraculous manner ; neither could their sacrifices be valid or profitable , being offered unlawfully and irreligiously , and against the divine ordinance . — and yet these men had made no schism : they had not departed from the tabernacle , nor raised another altar , &c. which now the schismaticks do , ( meaning the novatians , ) who dividing the church , and rebelling against christ's peace and unity , are bold to constitute an [ episcopal ] chair , and assume to themselves a primacy , an episcopal authority , and a power of baptizing and offering , that is , celebrating the holy eucharist . what can be more plain than 't is here , that no sacraments could be administred but in dependance on the bishop a ? indeed , 3. considering that , as i have fully proved , a bishop was , then , the principle of unity to the church ; that he was chief governour of the church ; and that , by consequence , the supreme power of the keys could not but belong to him : considering that the church was a visible society ; that he was the visible head of that visible society ; and , by consequence , that it belonged to him as such , to take care that society might suffer no detriment : considering these things , i say , it was highly reasonable , that he should have the chief power of dispensing the sacraments : such a power , as that neither might be dispensed without him . what can be more detrimental to a society , especially such a society as a christian church , than admitting unworthy persons to the priviledges of it ? or allowing them to continue in it ? or restoring them to their membership in the society , after they have been justly thrust from it , without considering whether they have given any evidences of a serious reformation ? and who so proper to judge of these matters , as the chief governour of the society ? and now , having thus made it evident , that a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , had a negative over all other church-officers within his district , in the grand concern of dispensing both sacraments ; and that neither could be administred without him , or against his authority , i might fairly supersede the trouble of making either a minute or a laborious demonstration of his sovereign interest in the acts of excommunication , or injoyning penances , or reconciling penitents , or making , or rescinding , or dispensing with ecclesiastical laws or canons ; in a word , in every thing relating to the government or discipline of the church . all these acts depend upon the sacraments . his negative therefore , about the dispensation of the sacraments , had been in vain , and to no purpose , if he had not had a negative likewise about all these acts. besides , you will not readily say , i think , that he could have had a greater trust by having a negative , in any other matter than in the dispensing of the sacraments . having that , therefore , he might well be intrusted with a negative in all other things , either of equal ( if any such can be imagined ) or lesser importance on which , the order , the subsistence , the unity , the peace , the purity , the prosperity , or whatsoever interest of the church could any way depend . yet that i may give you all possible satisfaction , i shall proceed a little further , and give you , by way of historical deduction , such an account of powers lodged , e. g. in st. cyprian's person , as you may fairly judge thereby , concerning the preheminences of bishops in his time. the most current account we have about him , is , that he was not converted to christianity , at least , not baptized , till the year 246. that he was ordain'd a presbyter , anno 247 ; and bishop of carthage , anno 248. chronologists do generally agree in this last step of his preferment . now , as we learn both from himself , and from pontius his deacon , some of the carthaginian clergy were mighty enemies to his promotion a . belike , they took it ill , that he , so lately converted to the faith , so lately made a presbyter , should have been preferred to themselves . however it was , certain it is , as i said , that they appeared against him with all their might and main . but the people were so generally and so zealously for him , to have him their bishop , that these his enemies were overpowered . made bishop he was ; and he was a person so well qualified , so eminent in every virtue , and withal so strict and cautious in his life and government , after he was made bishop , that it was not easie for the mutineers to wreck their malice on him : but this was so far from softening them , and bringing them to a better temper , that , on the contrary , it imbittered them the more , and made them the more watchful of all opportunities to breed him troubles , and disturb his government . at last , they catch'd hold of one , and that a very dangerous one , in the time of the decian persecution . this persecution beginning towards the end of the year 249 , and lasting for a full year ; coming on the church , after a lo●g peace , with a surprizing violence , had very sad effects . vast numbers turned apostates , renouncing the holy faith , and sacrificing to the heathen idols : and cyprian himself , commanded by god , had retired from carthage till there should be some relentment of the fury of the persecution . here , i say , his subtle enemies found their so long wished opportunity : for , the lapsed , so soon as the hazard was over , resumed their christian profession , and turned mighty forward , if not furious , to be restored to the communion of the church . ' thô they knew full well , that they were bound by the canons to have continued , for a long time , in the state of penitents ; yet they thought their numbers , and perhaps their qualities , might overpower the canons , and claim indulgences and dispensations . with them struck in those clergy-men , who had still retained the old grudges against st. cyprian's promotion , encouraging their presumptions . they knew , he was a man of principles , and had a mighty zeal for the real interests of christianity ; and , by consequence , that he would stand resolutely by the canons of the church , and be clear , that the lapsed should perfect their terms of penance : they saw the eagerness of the lapsed to be sooner reconciled , than the canons allowed : they resolved therefore to fall in with them , thinking that thereby they should effectually put a thorn in his foot ; they should enflame the lapsed , and their relations , perchance , the great body of the people against him . but this was not all . it was not enough for them themselves to encourage the lapsed in their petulancies : the bishops prelation over presbyters was then so notorious , that , as malicious as they were , they had not impudence enough to set up theirs in opposition to his authority , and reconcile the lapsed to the church , meerly upon the score of their own credit , against his will and orders ; and therefore , they fell upon another project . if it was possible for any other to stand up against the bishops authority , it was that of the martyrs and confessors . these , for their faith and patience ; their fervent zeal , and fragrant graces ; their glorious courage , and good example ; that they might persevere themselves , and others might be encouraged to follow their patern ; were held in mighty reputation . they were reputed as dearer to god , and in a closer communion with him , and nearer approximation to him , than christians of the common size : and their intercessions had been in use of being much regarded in former persecutions . these , therefore , as the only persons whose credit could be feasibly put in the ballance with the bishops authority , the holy man's supplanters instigated to espouse the quarrel of the lapsed ; to become their patrons , for having themselves absolved against the bishop's resolutions . and truly , some of them were so far wrought upon , as to turn zealous for it : and , armed with their authority , these discontented presbyters adventured to absolve and lapsed , and receive them to the sacrament , without the bishop's allowance . now consider what followed , and speak your conscience , and tell me , if st. cyprian was not more than either single presbyter , or presbyterian moderator . thô he was one of the mildest and most humble men that ever lived ; yet , so soon as this was told him , where he was , in his retirement , he was not a little alarm'd : the practice was surprizing , and the presumption , new , as well as bold : the like had never been done before in any christian church : and such preposterous methods clearly tended to shake all the foundations of order and good discipline : and therefore he thought it high time for him , if he could , to give the check to such irregular and unexampled methods . in short , he drew his pen , and wrote three notable epistles ; one to the martyrs and confessors ; another to his clergy ; and a third to his peopl● : insisting , in each of them , upon the novelty and unwarrantableness of the course was taken ; the dishonours and indignities were done himself by it ; and the great mischiefs and fatal consequences might , nay would , unavoidably follow upon it , if it were not forborn . more particularly , in that to the martyrs and confessors , he told them , that his episcopal care , and the fear of god , compelled him to admonish them , that , as they had devoutly and couragiously kept the faith , so they ought , suitably , to be observant of christ's holy laws and discipline : that , as it became all christ's soldiers to obey their general 's commands ; so it was their duty , in a special manner , to be examples to others : that he had thought , the presbyters and deacons , who were with them , might have taught them so much : but that now , to his extream grief , he understood , they had been so far from doing that ; that , on the contrary , some of them , especially some presbyters , neither minding the fear of god , nor the honour of their bishop , had industriously misled them . he complain'd mightily of the presumption of such presbyters , that against all law and reason , they should have dared to reconcile the lapsed without his consent . that herein they were more criminal than the lapsers themselves : that it was somewhat excusable in the lapsed to be earnest for an absolution ; considering the uncomfortable state they were in , so long as they were denied the communion of the church : but it was the duty of office-bearers in the church to do nothing rashly , lest , in stead of pastors , they should prove worriers of the flock , &c. and then he told these martyrs and confessors , how far their priviledges reached : all they could do , was , by way of humble supplication , to petition the bishop for a relaxation of the rules of discipline : but they had neither power to command him , nor grant indulgences without him b . indeed , this he told them frequently , and that they went beyond their line if they ventured any further c . in that to his presbyters and deacons , he wrote in a yet more resenting strain . he told them , he had long kept his patience , and held his peace ; but their immoderate presumption and temerity would suffer him no longer to be silent . for what a dreadful prospect , says he , must we have of the divine veng●●nce , when some presbyters , neither mindful of the gospel , nor their own stations , nor regarding the future iudgments of god , nor the bishop , who , for the time , is set over them ; dare attempt what was never attempted before , under any of my predecessors , namely , so to affront and contem●● their bishop , as to assume all to themselves ? and then he proceeds to tell them , how he could overlook and bear with the indignity done to his episcopal authority , if there were no more in it : but the course they followed was so wicked ; they were so injurious to the lapsed whom they presumed to reconcile so uncaononically ; their pride and popularity were so apparent in their method ; it was such a crime , so to expose the martyrs to envy , and set them at variance with their bishop , &c. that he could ●tifle it no longer . in short , all over the epistle he wrote like a bishop , and concluded it with a peremptory threatning of a present suspension from the exercise of their office , and then an infliction of further censures when he should return from his retirement , if they should persevere in such a lawless course d . in that to his people , he proceeded on the ●ame principles ; condemned these presbyters , who had acted so disorderly , not reserving to the bishop the honour of his chair and priesthood : told them , that those presbyters ought to have taught the people otherwise ; laid to their charge the affectation of popularity ; and required such of the people as had not fallen , to take pains upon the lapsed ; to try to bring them to a better temper ; to perswade them to hearken to his counsel , and wait his return , &c. e here were three epistles written , i think , in plain prelatick stile ; sure , neither in the stile of single presbyter , nor presbyterian moderator : especially if we consider the very next , written to his presbyters and deacons upon the same principles , still . he had written to them several times before from the place of his retirement , but had received no answer from them . now consider how he resents this , and , resenting it , asserts his own episcopal authority ; his own sovereign power in ecclesiastick matters : for thus he begins ; i wonder , dear brethren , that you have returned no answers to the many letters i have sent you ; especially considering , that now , in my retirement , you ought to inform me of every thing that happens ; that so i may , advisedly and deliberately , give orders concerning the affairs of the church f . let any man lay these four letters together , and weigh them impartially , and then let him judge if st. cyprian wrote in the stile of parity , if he claim'd not a sovereign power , a negative , to himself , over all the christians , presbyters as well as others , living within his district . but did not cyprian shew too much zeal in this cause ? possibly , he attempted to stretch his power a little too far ; as afterwards many did : he was a holy and meek man , but such may be a little too high. so i read , indeed , in a late book g . but it seems , the author has found himself very sore put to it when he said so : for how can one not be fore put to it , when he cannot escape but by seeking for refuge in a reconciliation between pride and patience , superciliousness and self-denial , huffyness and humility , carnal height and christian holiness ? but to let this pass , had that author any solid ground for saying so ? or rather , had it been possible for him to have said so , had he had but an ordinary acquaintance with st. cyprian , or his epistles ? charge pride on the humble cyprian ! cyprian , who was so very humble , that from the conscience of his own nothingness , he has still been looked upon as a patern of humility ! cyprian , whose humility would not allow him almost to speak in the stile of authority , even to female laicks h ! cyprian , who was perswaded , that god would hear none but the humble and quiet i ! cyprian , who believed , that none could be a christian , and withal , be proud and haughty k ! who insisted on his own humility in that very epistle , for which that author charges him with pride l ! who , if in any thing , gloried most in his humble and bashful modesty m ! who , when accused of pride , could appeal not only to all christians , but even to the heathen infidels , as witnesses of his innocence n ! cyprian , who had this great testimony from some of his contemporaries , that he was the greatest preacher , the most eloquent orator , the wisest in counsel , the simplest in patience , the most charitable in alms , the holiest in abstinence , the humblest in obligingness , and the most innocent in every good action o ! and from others , that he had a candid and a blessed breast ! &c. p in a word , cyprian , whose humility was such , that , if we may believe his deacon pontius , he fled and lurk'd when they were going to make him a bishop q ! such , that when st. augustine , many years after , was pressed with his authority , he came off with this , the authority of cyprian doth not fright me , because the humility of cyprian encourages me r ! such a person was cyprian ; and yet to proud was he , forsooth , for doing his duty ; for asserting his episcopal authority , when most undutifully trampled on by his presuming presbyters . what i have said , methinks , might be enough in all conscience , for defeating for ever that uncharitable , shall i say , or ignorant suggestion , that it was pride , perhaps , that prompted cyprian to write so magisterially to the carthaginian presbyters ; yet , because a farther discussion of it may contribute not a little for clearing up the bishop's negative , in st. cyprian's time , i shall not grudge to give it you . st. cyprian had three sorts of people to deal with in that controversie , which bred him so much trouble . he had the lapsed themselves ; the martyrs and confessors ; and these presbyters and deacons , who had encroached so much on his episcopal authority . i am apt to think , the author himself , with whom i have now to do , will not be shy to grant , that st. cyprian , without incurring the reputation of either proud or presumptuous , might have chided the lapsed , as we find he did : they had cowardly renounced their christianity , to save their lives and fortunes ; and the canons subjected them to a strict and a long penance for it : and i think , without the imputation of either height or humour , one in st. cyprian's station might have put them in mind of the respect they owed to the canons of the church , and the governours of it . indeed , all the lapsed were not engaged in the disorderly course . there were some of them who were sensible of their duty , and subjected themselves to their bishop , resolving to wait his time , and intirely to depend upon him for their absolution , as we learn from his 33d epistle . his difficulty was greater with the martyrs and confessors , who appeared as patrons to the prejudicating lapsed ; but neither need i insist on that , nor how he conquered them in point of right and argument : for , this author told dr. stilling fleet , he was wholly out of the way in medling with that matter , seeing none ever imagined that every martyr had church power . thô i must tell you , sir , that whoso reads st. cyprian's works , and particularly observes the state and management of this whole controversie about the lapsed , cannot but be convinced , that the reputation and authority of martyrs and confessors , made a far greater figure in it , than the reputation or authority of presbyters . to come therefore to that which is the main point with this author , let us try , if st. cyprian stretch'd his power too far in his treatment of the presbyters , who appeared against him in this controversie . consider the following steps , and then judge . i. consider that st. cyprian doth not fall a buffing or hectoring , or running them down by noise or clamour . no , he reasons the case with them , and reasons all along from known and received principles . he tells them plainly indeed . that in presuming as they had done , they had forgotten both the gospel , and their own station : that he was their superiour : that they did not pay him the honour that was due to his chair and character : that the like had never been attempted before by presbyters , under any of his predecessor-bishops : that it was a factious , selfish temper , and too great love of popularity that prompted them to measures so in no wise presidented : that he knew the secret of the matter , and that it was the old grudge against his being preferred to the bishoprick that byass'd them to their insolencies : that is belonged to him as having the chief power of the keys , as being bishop , i. e. as having the visible sovereignty in church matters , to straiten or slacken the sinews of discipline ; to prolong or shorten the courses of penance ; to grant absolutions , and reconcile penitents , &c. that such presumptions were encroachments upon the very foundations of the church , to the subversion whereof , their pretending to any power , in opposition to the bishops , tended : in short , that such practices were against christ's institution , and the analogies of government , and all the laws of order , peace and unity : and they deserved the sharpest censures for them . these , i say , are a sample of the arguments st. cyprian insisted on against those presbyters ; and most of them were founded on matter of fact : and now , suppose st. cyprian had had considerable doses of pride , yet if you will but allow him , withall , to have had some grains of common sense or honesty , can you so much as imagine he could have used such arguments , if they had wanted foundation ? would he not have been ashamed to have used them , if he , and not his presbyters , had been guilty of the usurpations he was condemning ? but what needs more ? have i not fully proved already , that a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was the principle of unity to all the christians , presbyters as well as others , within his district ? and that he was a sovereign and peerless governour of the church which he ruled . and were not all his reas●nings founded on these principles ? but this is not all ; for , 2. consider that they were not all the presbyters of carthage , who were engaged in the quarrel . no : r●gatianus , britius , numidicus , and , perhaps , many more , whose names are not trasmited to us , would never joyn with those of the faction ; but still continued in their duty to st. cyprian . and can we think , they would not have joyned with their brethren for the maintenance of their own rights and priviledges , if cyprian had been the usurper ? if he had been claiming a sovereign power , without any pretence of right to it ? if he had been driving at a prelacy , when the government of the church belonged to presbyters acting in parity ? we learn from st. cyprian ▪ himself , that , in those times , it was a mighty wickedness for men to part tamely with their rights and powers in divine matters . s and can we think , that rogatianus , b●itius , and numidicus , were ignorant of this ? or , supposing that should have had small weight with them , is power such a gustless thing , that men will easily part with it without any reason ? but to go on . 3. even those very presbyters and deacons of the faction came once to something like a dutiful submission in the matter . they lower'd their sails , and began to wave apologies , and knit excuses for what they had done . they endeavoured to put a fair face upon the foul steps they had made : they wrote to cyprian , that they had done what they could to bridle the heats of the lapsed , and oblige them to continue in their penances , till his return from his retirement ; but that they were so ungovernable and stiff , and urged a present absolution so eagerly and irresistibly , that they were forced , in a manner , to comply with their humours : but now seeing they found , that he , their bishop , was so much displeased with what they had done , they asked a form from him , i. e. his will and pleasure in the matter . t and now , let any man consider , whether st. cyprian or these presbyters had been in the wrong before ? whether he or they had acted beyond their lines ? but i have more to tell you : for , 4. these presbyters , who had thus transgressed the bounds of their station , were generally condemn'd for it , by their brethren presbyters , all the world over : at least , we have a most remarkable instance in the presbyters of rom● . take it thus . st. cyprian being a wise and watchful , as well as an holy and humble prelate ; one , who had still before his eyes th● conservation of the order , the peace , and the unity of the church catholick ; and perceiving that the controversie concerning the restitution of the lapsed , might be of bad influence on those great interests , if not prudently determined ; thought fit to acquaint his brethren of the episcopal colledge with it , and ask their sentiments about it : and because there was no bishop then at rome , he wrote to the presbyters and deacons , the roman presbytery . the epistle is the 20th in number . in which he deduced the whole matter to them , and told them particularly , how he had exerted his episcopal authority , in its vigour , against such of his presbyters as , without his leave , had boldly and presumptuously absolved the lapsed , and given them the sacrament . u now consider their return to him : you have it in the 30th epistle . they begin with the acknowledgment of his supream and unaccountable power within his own district , which i observed before v : they impute it to his modesty and caution , ( not to his pride and fetulancy , ) that he had been pleased to communicate his measures to them : they approve the course he had taken with the lapsed : they compare him to the master of a ship , sitting at the helm , who , if he steers not right , and keeps not a steddy course , especially in a storm , endangers the ship , and runs her upon rocks or shelves : and i think , the master of a ship doth not act in parity with the rest of the mariners . and further , they compare those who , at that time , endeavoured to interrupt the course of his discipline , presbyters as well as others , to the tumbling waves , striving to shake the master from the helm , and expose all to the hazards of shipwrack . in plain terms , they condemn the course of reconciling the lapsed , so undutifully and rebelliously . as for themselves , they tell him , ( and pray take notice of it , ) that , wanting a bishop , they could define nothing in the matter : they tell him , i say , that since the death of fabianus of most noble memory , through the difficulties of the times , and the encumbrances of their affairs , they had not got a bishop constituted ; who only could define in these matters , and determine in the case of the lapsed with authority and counsel vv but withal , they tell him , that , for their parts , they were extreamly well pleased with the course he had taken ; namely , that he had resolved to do nothing rashly , to take no sudden resolutions in a matter of such consequence ; but to wait till god should grant him opportunity of treating about it with others , and determining with common advice in such a ticklish case x : where observe by the way , that they do not found the wisdom of this his resolution on any thing like the incompetency of his power , for having determined by himself concerning the lapsed , within his own district : no , the reason they give for it , supposes his power to have been fully adequate and competent for that effect ; and , that if he had given the final stroke , no body could have quarrel'd it : for they insist only on the rules of prudence , which , if i mistake not , are quite , different from the rules of power . they tell him , it might prove invidious and burdensom for one bishop to determine by himself , in a case in which all bishops were concerned ; and that it was providently done of him to d●●ire the confent of his colleagues , that his decrees might be approved and confirmed ; that they might not be made void through the want of the brotherly ratification . these are the reasons , i say , for which they justifie his caution ; and these reasons suppose he had power to have done otherwise thô not so wisely , nor so warily . and then they tell him over again , that they had met frequently , and canvassed the matter seriously ; they had tossed it , not only amongst themselves , but with sev●ral bishops , far and near , as they had occasion to be in the city ; and that still the conclusion was , that they should attempt no innovations till a bishop should be settled : all they had resolved was , that th●se of the lapsed , whose health might allow , should continue in the state of the penitents , till god should grant them a bishop y neither was this a meer complement to our holy martyr : indeed , in all this , they gave him a true account of their real sentiments and principles , as we learn from another epistle of theirs , wherein they had neither occasion nor temptation to complement bishops . the epistle is that which is the eigh●h , amongst st. cyprian's . an epistle written by them to the presbyters and deacons of carthage ; to persons of their own rank and quality : by consequence , an epistle , in which , had they understood it , had the principles of those times allowed it , they might have spoken their minds very freely concerning the power of presbyters . never had presbyters , i am sure , more freedom , or better opportunity , to have asserted their own power , and vindicated parity , and condem'd prelatical usurpations , in an epistle , than they had on that occasion ; for fabianus bishop of rome was dead , and cyprian bishop of carthage was retired ; and so it was written by presbyters who had no bishop , to presbyters in the absence of their bishop : and yet , in that epistle , they were so far from having any such notions , that they said expresly , that both themselves who wanted one , and those of carthage who wanted the presence of one , were only seemingly the governours of those respective churches ; and only kept the flocks , in stead of the respective pastors , the bishops z . and ●urther , telling what pains they had been at to keep people from apostatizing in the day of trial , they account how they treated those who had fallen , particularly , that they did separate them from the flock indeed , but so , as not to be wanting in their duty and assistance to them : they did what was proper for their station : they exhorted them to continue patiently in their penances , as being the most plausible method for obtaining indulgences from him who could give them a that is , without controversie , from the bishop when he should be settled . for so i read in an epistle , written at that same time by celerin●s a roman , to lucianus a carthaginian , and the 2ist in number among st. cyprian's , that when the cause of numeria and candida , two female lapsers , was brought before the presbytery of rome , the presbytery commanded them to continue as they were , i. e. in the state of penitents , till a bishop should be inthroned b and now , let any man judge , whether , according to the principles and sentiments of the presbyters of rome , st. cyprian or his presuming presbyters had taken too much upon them at carthage . but neither is this all yet ; for , ● . these carthaginian presbyters were also condemned by the roman martyrs and confessors , who , th● they were in prison , had learned the state of the controversie , from the accounts st. cyprian had sent to rome , two of them , moyses and maximus , being also presbyters . these martyrs and confessors wrote also to st. cyprian , and to the same purpose the roman clergy had done : their epistle is the 3ist in number : in which , they not only beg with a peculiar earnestness , that he , being so glorious a bishop , would pray for them ; they not only lay a singular stress upon his prayers beyond the prayers of others , by reason of the opinion they had of his holy virtues , which , i am apt to think , such men as they would not probably have done , had they believed him to have been a proud aspiring pr●late , that is , indeed , a limb of antichrist , as this author would ●ain give him out to have been : but also they heartily congratulate his discharging , so laudibly , his episcopal office ; and that even in his retirement , he had made it so much his care to acquit himself , that he had halted in no part of his duty ; and particularly , that he had suitably censured and r●buked , not only the lapsed , who , little regarding the greatness of their guilt , had , in his absence , extorted the churches peace from his presbyters ; but even these presbyters for their profane facility , in giving that which was holy to dogs , and casting pearls before swine , without any regard to the gospel . in short , they approve his whole proceeding , as having done nothing unsuitable to his character , nothing unbecoming either an holy or an humble bishop c . further yet . 6. these same carthaginian presbyters resuming their former boldness , and topping it over again with their bishop , were excommunicated by him , and his sentence was approved and ratified by all catholick bish●ps in all catholick churches all the world over , as shall be shewn you fully by and by . and then , 7. and lasty , that in all this matter st. cyprian did nothing either proudly or presumptuously , is evident from this , that in his time , and long before his time , even from the apostles times , it was not lawful for presbyters to attempt any thing relating to the church without the bishop . 〈◊〉 presbyters and deacons attempt nothing without the bishop's allowance ; for 't is he to whom the lord's people are committed , and 't is he that must account for their souls d , is the 39th of the canons called apostolical . and no doubt it was in force in st. cyprian's time . and this was no greater power than was assigned him by the apostolical ignatius , i cannot tell how many times . take these testimonies for a sample . let no man do any thing that belongs to the church without the bishop e . he that h●noureth the bishop , is honoured of god ; but he that doth any thing in opposition to the bishop , serveth the devil f . if any man pretend to be wiser than the bishop , ( i. e. will have things done against the bishop's will , ) he is corrupted g . let us be careful not to resist the bishop , as we would be subject to god h . the spirit hath spoken , do ye nothing without the bishop hh . 't is necessary that you continue to do nothing without the bishop i . and now , let any of common sense determine , whether there was ground , or shadow of ground , for insinuating that st. cyprian shewed too much zeal in this cause , or attempted to stretch his power a little too far , ( indeed , it had not been a little , but very much , nay monstrously too far , had those of parity been then the current principles , ) or was a little too high in this matter ? but if there was no ground to say so , if it was contrary to all the then current principles , and to the common sentiments of all catholick christians , nay , even to the convictions of all honest , orderly , dutiful , and conscientious presbyters , who then lived , to say so : if thus it was , i say , and 't is hard to prove any matter of fact more evidently than i have proved that it was thus ; then , i think , it follows by good consequence , not only that this author was a little in the wrong to st. cyprian , when he said so ; but also , that , in st. cyprian's time , a bishop had fairly a negative over his presbyters , which was the thing to be demonstrated . and so i proceed to the next thing proposed , namely , iii. that all the other church-governours within his district , presbyters as well as others , were , in st. cyprian's time , subject to the bishop's authority , and obnoxious to his discipline ; i do'nt think you very sharp sighted , if you have not seen this already . yet that i may give you all reasonable satisfaction , i shall insist a little further on it . and , i. this might appear sufficiently from this one consideration , ( th● no more could be produced for it , ) that , still in the stile and language of those times , the bishop was called the praepositus , the ruler , the governour , the superiour , of all the christians within his district , clergy as well as laity : and they , without distinction or exception , were called his people , his flock , his subjects , &c. this may be seen almost in every one of his epistles . thus , ep. 3. he says , that deacons ought to remember that our lord chose his apostles , that is , bishops and governours : but the apostles chose deacons to be the bishop's and the churches ministers : and therefore a deacon ought with all humility to give satisfaction to the bishop , his superiour k and ep. 9. he praises the roman clergy for having the memory of fabianus , who had been their superiour , in so great honour l . and ep. 13. writing to rogatianus his presbyter , and the rest of the confessors , and praising god for their faith and patience , he says , that , as all christians were bound to rejoyce when christ's flock was illuminated by the examples of confessors ; so he hims●lf , in a special manner , as being the bishop , seeing the churches glory was the ruler's glory m . and in that famous passage which i have cited already from ep. 16. he complains of it as an unexampled petulancy , that presbyters should so contemn the bishop , their s●periour n . and in another place , we bishops , who have the chief power in the church o . and ep. 62. i , who , by the divine mercy , govern the church , have sent to you [ januarius , maximus , proculus , ] &c. 100000 sesterc●s , as the charitable contribution of my clergy and people . p and ep. 66. hence spring heresies and schisms , &c. that the bishop who is one , and is set over the church , is contemned , &c. q such was the dialect of those times , i say , and thus bishops were called rulers , governours , superiours , &c. and that in regard of all within their districts , making no discrimination betwixt clergy-men and laicks ; and not only so , but more particularly , 2. it was as comon in that dialect , to call the clergy the bishop's clergy . thus for example , ep. 14. it was my wish , that i might have saluted all my cl●●gy safe and sound , &c. r my presbyters and deacons ought to have taught you , &c. s because i cannot send letters but by clergy-men , and i know that many of mine are absent . t numidicus was preserved alive by god , that he might joyn him my clergy — u urbanus and sidonius came to my presbyters — v if any of my presbyters or deacons shall turn precipitant — vv i have sent you copies of the letters which i wrote to my clergy and people concerning felicissimus and his presbytery — x and , as i observed before , when maxim●s a presbyter , and urbanus , &c. returned from the novatian schism to cornelius's communion , we are reconciled ( say they to cyprian ) to cornelius our bishop , and to all the clergy . y such was the language of those times . now , i say , by what propriety of speech could a bishop have been called praepositus , superiour to his clergy ? could they have been called his clergy ? could he have been said to have been their bishop ? their ruler ? their governour ? by what rule of either grammar or rhetorick , logick or politick , could he have been said to have been set over them , or they to have been his subjects or inferiours , if he had no power nor iurisdiction over them ? if they were not subjected to his authority , nor obnoxious to his discipline ? but let all this pass for meer prolusion if you will. i am not pinch'd for want of arguments . for , 3. the three great principles which i proved so fully before , viz. that a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , was the principle of unity to the church which he govern'd ; that he had a supreme power in it ; and that by the principles which then prevailed , he was the same in the christian church , which the high priest was in the iewish ; and the last thing i proved also , viz. that he had a negative over his presbyters ; each of these is demonstration for the present conclusion , and you need not artificial ; natural logick is enough to let you see the consequences . indeed , 4. we find cyprian all along both reasoning and practising to this purpose . thus , he told bishop rogatianus , ep. 3. that the case was plain between him and his deacon : h● might punish him , forthwith , by his episcopal power , and his c●thedral authority : z he might make him sensible of his episcop● honour : a he might exert the power of his honour against him either by deposing , or by excommunicating him : b nay , he migh● excommunicate all such as should rebel against him : c for all these censures , his sovereign authority was competent . d thus he praises pomponius , another bishop , for excommunicating another scandalous deacon , ep. 4. p. 9. and did not he himself suspend philumenus and fortunatus , two subdeacons , and favorinus an acolyth , from their livings ? as we learn from his 34th epistle . but you may say , these instances extend no further than to deacons , or more inferiour clergy-men ; but , what is this to presbyters ? why ? sir , indeed , the instances are pat and home ; and you must acknowledge so much , if you consider , that , by the principles of those times , there was no disparity between prebyters and inferiour orders in this respect : but the bishop's power extended equally to all ; just as a king can censure his chancellor , as well as a sub-collector of his customs ; a justice-general , as well as a justice of peace : nothing clearer from the above-mentioned principles . but that i may leave you no imaginable scruple , i shall even account to you about prebyters also . 5. then , i have told you already , how some of the carthaginian presbyters conspired against st. cyprian , and used their utmost arts to hinder his pre●erment to the bishoprick . now , if we may believe either himself , or pontius in his life , whatever it was they did on that occasion , he might have punish'd them for it ; punish'd them not only with deposition , but with excommunication , had he pleased . take first his own account in ep. 43. there he tells his people , that through the malignity and perfidiousness of some of his presbyters , he durst not adventure to return to carthage so soon as he would : and he describes those presbyters thus ; that being mindful of their conspiracy , and retaining their old grudges against his promotion , they reinforced their ancient machinations , and renewed their attempts for undermining him , by siding with feliciss●mus in his schism : and then he proceeds thus ; i neither willed nor wished their punishment for their opposition to my promotion ; yea , i pardon'd them , and kept my peace : and yet , now , they have suffered condign punishment : thô i did not excommunicate them then , their own guilty consciences have done it now : they have excommunicated themselves , &c. e take it next from pontius his deacon , thô i am unwilling , says he , yet i must speak it out : some resisted his promotion , but how gently , how patiently , how generously , how mercifully , did he forgive them ? did he not thereafter admit them to his most intimate friendship and familiarity , to the astonishment of many ? indeed , he therein shewed a miracle of clemency f . lay these two accounts together , and then tell me , if these presbyters were not obnoxious to his discipline ? if his power over them might not have extended to their very excommunication , for their old tricks against him , had he been willing to have put it in execution ? but this is not all . for , have i not accounted already , how , when they first engaged in the controversie concerning the lapsed , he threaten'd them , that if they should continue to absolve and reconcile any more of them without his allowance , he would suspend them from their office , and inflict severer censures on them when he should return to carthage ? and have i not justified him in this , and made it manifest to a demonstration , that herein he did not stretch his power too far ? that he took not too much on him ? further yet . when they resumed their impudence , and , after a little interruption , would needs be absolving the lapsed , thô he was then in his retirement , and by consequence , had few or none of his clergy to consult with ; yet he gave out this plain and peremptory order , that if any of his presbyters or deacons ●●ould prove ●o lawless , or precipitant , as to communicate with the lapsed before his determination in the matter , and , by consequence , without his leave , that they should be forthwith suspended from the communion , and should be more fully ●ried and censured when he should return . g and then , lastly , when they proceeded so far as to commence the schism with felicissimus ; mark it well , he not only gave a delegation to caldonius and herculanus , two bishops ; and rogatianus and numidicus , two of his own presbyters , to judge and excommunicate fe●icissim●s and his partisans , as i have shewed already ; but he likewise excommunicated the five presbyters who joyned with him , and all who should adhere to them . h and he gave an account of his proceedings to all catholick bishops , particularly to cornelius bishop of rome ; i and his sentence was not only ratified by cornelius and felicissimus , and all his party refused his communion , but they met with the same treatment ; st. cyprian's sentence was approved , and confirmed by all catholick churches all the world over k . i might easily have proved this more fully , but , i think , i have said enough . and now , sir , lay these three things together , viz. that there were several considerable acts of church power peculiar to a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , and which those in the order of single presbyters could not meddle with : that a bishop , as such , had a negative over all the presbyters within his district : and , that they were all subordinate to him , and obnoxious to his dis●ipline : and then i can refer it to your self to determine , whether a bishop , then , was not quite another thing than either single presbyter , or presbyterian moderator . thus , i think , i have sufficiently defeated our author's definition of a bishop , in st. cyprian's time , by giving a fair and just account of him ▪ as he stood related to his own particular church which he govern'd . i come now to consider him as he stood related to the church catholick . and here also i am very much mistaken , if i shall not find matter enough for another demonstration against him . i shall endeavour to dispatch this point with all possible brevity . i. then , by the principles of the cyprianic age , all bishops were collegues , and made up one college . st. cyprian calls them so , and speaks of the episcopal or sacerdotal college so frequently , ( no fewer than 6 or 7 times in one epistle , and 4 or 5 times in another l ) that i need not adduce testimonies . indeed , being all men of the same character , the same order , the same dignity ; being all of them equally supreme , and first in their own churches ; and all standing collateral to one another ; they were most properly called collegues , and their society , a college , if we may rely on a. gellius his skill in the latin tongue , or rather messala's cited by him m . and it is observable to this purpose , that st. cyprian no where calls presbyters his collegues . he calls none so , but bishops . and the notion of the episcopal college had such an impression on him , it was so common and received in those times , that speaking even of schismatical bishops , who run one course , he calls them a college a●so , 〈◊〉 quite different from the true college of catholick and orthodox bishops n . now , 2. as the one bishop was the principle of unity to a particular church , so this college of bishops was the principle of unity to the catholick church : and iesus christ was the principle of unity to the college of bishops . i hope , not being a romanist , you will not require that i should prove the highest step of this gradation . all that remains then , is to explain how the college of bishops , by the principles of those times , was the principle of unity to the church catholick ; or , the one great aggregated body , consisting of all the particular churches all the world over , whereof , their particular bishops were the particular principles of unity . neither needs this be a laborious task . for all that 's necessary for it , is , to shew how they were so united into one college , as to make them capable of being justly denominated one principle of unity . now , they were thus united by the great and fundamental laws of one faith , and one communion . that the one holy catholick faith is essential in the constitution of the one holy catholick church , is , even to this day , a received principle , i think , amongst all sober christians . but then , i say , that the christians , in st. cyprian's time , reckoned of the laws of one communion as every whit as forcible and indispensible to the being of one church , as the laws of one faith. it was a prime , a fundamental article of their faith , that there was but one church ; and they could not understand how there could be but one church , if there was more than one communion . by their principles and reasonings , a multiplication of communions made , unavoidably , a multiplication of churches : and by consequence , seeing there could be but one true catholick church , there could be likewise but one true catholick communion . all other churches or communions were false , i. e. not at all christian churches or communions . these principles , and suitable reasonings from them , are so frequently and so fully insisted on in st. cyprian's writings , that to transcribe his testimonies to this purpose , were almost to transcribe his works . now from these principles , it follows clearly , 3. that the grand concern of the episcopal college was , to preserve and maintain this one communion : to guard against all such doctrines as destroyed , or tended to destroy , the the one holy catholick faith ; and all schisms and schismati●al methods which destroyed , or tended to destroy , the unity of the one church . these being the great and fundamental interests of the one church ; and they being her supreme governours , they could not but be chiefly bound by the most fundamental laws of their office to be conscientious conservators of these great and fundamental interests . and indeed , so they believed themselves to be , as will evidently appear from the following considerations . and , i. they look'd upon themselves as bound indispensibly to maintain the peace , the unity , the concord , the unanimity , the honour , ( they are all st. cyprian's words ) of the college it self . every error , every defect , every thing disjoy●ted , or out of tune in it , tended naturally to endanger the great interests , for the conservation and procuration of which it was instituted . for this end , 2. because every man , by being promoted to the episcopal dignity , was , eo ipso , a principle of unity to a particular church , and so a member of the episcopal college ; all possible care was taken , that a fit person should be promoted , and that the promotion should be unquestionable . therefore , he was not to be promoted , as i have proved , but where there was an unquestionable ▪ vacancy . therefore , he was not to be promoted , if there was any thing uncanonical or challengeable in his baptism , or his confirmation , or his pr●motion to any former order , as i have ●hewn also in the case of novationus . therefore he was solemnly elected in the presence of the people , that either his crimes might be detected , or his merits published ; because the people was best acquainted with every man's life and conversation . o therefore he was to be solemnly ordained in the presence of the people also . p and that by two or three bishops at fewest ; ( thô an ordination perform'd by one bishop was truly valid : ) commonly there were more ; all the bishops of the province . 3. being thus canonically promoted , his first ▪ work ▪ was to send his communicatory letters to all other bishops , to give them thereby an account of his canonical promotion , his orthodoxy in the faith , his fraternal disposition , &c. thus , cornelius was no sooner ordained bishop of rome , than he instantly dispatched his communicatory letters to st. cyprian q and no doubt , as the custom was , to all other bishops ; at least , to all metropolitans , by them to be communicated to the bishops within their provinces : i say , to metropolitans , for nothing can be clearer than that there were metropolitans in st. cyprian's time . he was undoubtedly one himself r and agrippi●●s , his predecessor bishop of carthage , was one long before him . spanhemius himself , our author's diligem searcher into antiquity , acknowledges it s . but to return from this digression . novatianus also , thô illegally and schismatically ordained , found it necessary to send his communicatory letters to st. cyptian ; as if he had been ordain'd canonically , and in the unity of the church t . so also fortunatus , when made a schismatical bishop at carthage , sent his communicatory letters to cornelius bishop of rome u . indeed , this was never omitted . 4. if there was no competition , no controversie in the ca●e ; the matter was at an end . the promoted bishop's communicatory letters were sufficient , and he was forthwith faithfully joyned with all his collegues , as st. cyprian words it v . but if there was any competitor , any debate , then the rest of the college , before they received him as a collegue , made further enquiries . sometimes they sent some from the neighbourhood to examine the matter : sometimes the ordainers were obliged to account for the person ordained , and the whole procedure of the ordination : sometimes both methods were practised . we have a famous instance of both methods in one case ; the case of cornelius and novationus . cornelius , as i have said , upon his promotion wrote to st. cyprian : so did novatianus . here was a competition . cyprian therefore , with his african collegues , sent caldonius and fortunatus , two bishops , to rome , that upon the place it self , where they might have the surest information , they might enqu●re into the merits of the cause , and try the competition w . and on the other hand , the sixteen bishops , who ordain'd cornelius , wrote to st. cyprian , and the rest of the bishops of africa , and satisfied them upon the whole qvestion , demonstrating cornelius's title , and condemning novatianus x such care was taken , that none should be admitted unworthily or uncanonically into the episcopal college . but then , 5. there was equal care taken to purge him out of the college again , if he turned either heretical or schismatical : if he kept not close to the laws of one faith , and one communion . if he swerv'd from these , he was forthwith refused the communion of the whole college . therefore , ( says st. cyprian to stephen bishop of rome , in the case of marcianus bishop of arles , who had joyned with novatianus , ) the corporation of priests , ( the episcopal college ) is copious , being cemented by the glue of mutual concord , and the bond of unity , that if any of the college shall turn heretick , or attempt to divide or waste the flock of christ , the rest may interpose , and , as profitable and merciful shepherds , collect our lord's sheep , and restore them to the flock y . and this they were bound to do by the fundamental laws of one church , and one communion ; for , as our martyr subjoyns , thô they were many pastors , yet they all fed but one flock . z . and therefore all the bishops in the world were bound to give the desolate christians of churches , whereof the bishops had turned heretical or schismatical , the comfort of their aid and assistance a 't is true , no bishop was superiour to another bishop in point of power or iurisdiction , but all stood collateral , as i have proved , and so no bishop as superiour to another , in a streight lin● , could pass sentence on him , as they might have done to presbyters . yet all being united into one college , which college was the principle of unity to the church catholick , it was necessary , as well as natural , that that college should be impower'd to take care of its own preservation , and by consequence , they could do the equivalent of a formal and authoritative deposition ; they could refuse the heretical or schismatical bishop their communion , and thereby exclude him from the episcopal college : and they could oblige all the christians within his district to abandon his communion , and choose another bishop , as they valued the invaluable priviledges of the one church , and the one communion . but then , 6. so long as a bishop , worthily , and legally promoted , kept the faith and the unity of the church , he was treated , he was encouraged , he was consulted , he was corresponded with ; in a word , every way used as became the head of a particular church , and a fellow-member of the college . all the rest of the members were bound , by the fundamental laws of the college , to ratifie all his canonical , nay , equitable acts of priesthood , government , and discipline . whosoever was baptized by himself , or by his clergy , with his allowance was to be owned as a baptized christian , a true denison of the church , and to have the priviledges of such all the world over . every bishop of the christian church , living at how great a distance soever , was bound to communicate his dutiful subjects , duly attested by him ; and to excommunicate his excommunicates . thus , for instance , cornelius bishop of rome rejected felicissimus , and all his retainers ; and fortunatus , and all his ; and would not grant them his communion , because excommunicated by st. cyprian . b and cyprian rejected novatianus and all his party , because not in communion with cornelius . c in short , by the laws of the college , he that was injurious , undutiful , or disobedient to his bishop , was such to all the bishops on earth : he that set up an altar against his bishop's altar , set up his altar against all the altars of the whole college : if a bishop deposed or excommunicated any of his presbyters or deacons , it was not lawful for any other bishop to receive him , nor to absolve him : he was still to be reserved for that , to his own bishop , so long as he lived . he that was reconciled to his bishop , ( whether he was of the clergy or laity , ) and restored by him to the peace of the church , was thereby restored to the peace of all other churches , and by consequence , of the church catholick . and of this we have a remarkable instance in st. cyprian's time . therapius bishop of bulla , in the proconsular province of africa , absolved victor , who had been a presbyter , but had fallen , in time of persecution , prematurely and uncanonically : and yet , by a synod of sixty six bishops , whereof cyprian was one , the absolution was ratified , and victor was allowed their communion ; as we learn from their synodical epistle . d . so eminent and considerable was a bishop then , as he stood related to the catholick church . let me only add one thing more in pursuance of his dignity , as to this relation ; and that is , 7. that so long as bishop continued a sound member of the college , all informatory , consultatory , recommendatory , communicatory , congratulatory , apologetick , testimonial ; in a word , all letters concerning the peace , the unity , the government , the discipline of the church ; or the concord , the correspondence , the harmony , the honour , the hazards , or any other considerable interest of the college , were directed to him , or received from him , as having the supreme power of the church which he gov●rn'd . all the great concerns of both the catholick church , and the episcopal college , were , in th●se times , transacted by letters . there was no possibility of general councils then : all that could be done , was either to meet in provincial synods , upon great emergencies ; or , if that could not be neither , to transact matters , and bring them to a general determination , by particular letters from bishop to bishop . provincial synods were ordinarily kept twice a year ; and by them , in the ordinary course , all matters of moment were determined ; and so by the reciprocation of synodical letters , matters came sometimes to such a general agreement and determination , as , in the result , was fully equivalent to the definition of a general council . we have several instances of such transactions by provincial synods . thus in the grand case of the lapsed , in the time of the decian persecusion , the matter was so managed by provincial synods in africa , rome , alexandria , anti●ch , &c. that at last , as st. cyprian tells us , it was brought to this general conclusion , that the lapsed should complete their terms of penance , and should not be restored to the peace of the church before the time appointed by the canons , unless it was in the case of deadly sickness . e thus , without doubt , also that considerable canon mentioned by st. cyprian in the synodical epistle , which is the 67th in number , amongst his epistles , viz. that the lapsed , however they might be restor'd to the communion of the church , should never be received into holy orders . f and that other canon mentioned by him also , that no clergy-man should be tutor to minors . g thus also , long before st. cyprian , the great controversie concerning the observation of easter , was managed in many synods , as eusebius tells us . h and a few years after his martyrdom , the case of paulus samosatenus . i these instances are only for a sample . when provincial synods could not be kept , or emergent matters of consequence could not be conveniently determin'd in them , then recourse was had to the only remaining method , viz. particular letters from bishop to bishop . and to make this method both sure and effectual , all possible pains was taken . it was necessary that each bishop should sign his letter , and send it , not by every common carrier , but by a clergy-man . k in short , they had such marks , that it was not easie , if possible , to counterfeit them . and the bishop who received it was bound by the laws of the college to transmit it , for his share , to the rest of the members . and so it went through , and the whole college was acquainted with the accident , the case , the controversie , whatever it was that had emerged , we have many instances and evidences of this method and diligence in st. cyprian's writings . thus , e. g. when caldonius writes to cyprian concerning some lapsed within his district , cyprian returns him an answer , telling him , he had written his mind to that purpose already , and so sends him copies of five epistles concerning the case , requiring him to transmit them to as many bishops as he could ; adding this as the reason , that one course , one resolution , might be kept by all the college . i and so we find , that the letters written by him about that controversie were trasmitted from hand to hand , till they were dispersed all the world over m thus , i say , sometimes the greatest affairs of the church were managed : and , 't is plain , this method ▪ was every was equivalent , if not preferable , to a general council : so that the christian church might have still subsisted , and its unity been provided for , and preserved in all ages , without such councils , as it was , effectually , during the first three centuries . now , that which i am principally concern'd for in all this matter , is , that all these circular letters , of whatsoever nature , relating either , to the great interests of the catholick church , or of the episcopal college , were regularly directed only to the bishops , as being the heads , and principles of unity to their respective churches , as well as written and sent by those of the same order . and we have a notable account of this in st. cyprian's 48th epistle directed to cornelius ; for there we learn , that the presbyters and deacons of the church of adrumetum , having received cornelius's communicatory letters , directed to polycarpus their bishop ; and , seeing their bishop was absent , finding it necessary that they should return an answer , in his name , as having his presumed allowance for it , they wrote to cornelius in the common form , acknowledging him as bishop of rome , and subjoyning polycarpus his name to the letter : a clear evidence , that where there was a bishop , it behoved all the letters that concerned the publick state of the church to be subscribed by him , no other name but his could give them force , and make them current . well! but there was one thing amiss : st. cyprian , and the rest of the african bishops having intelligence of the competition that was at rome between cornelius and novatianus , and being unwilling to do any thing rashly , had determined to continue to write only to the roman presbyters and deacons , as before , during the vacancy ; till cornelius his title should be fully cleared to them . this the clergy of adrum●tum were ignorant of when they wrote the above-mentioned letter . and being afterwards told it by cyprian and liberalis , they directed their next letter not for cornelius , but for the roman presbyters and deacons . hereat cornelius was not a little stumbled , and , according to the then current principles , interpreting it to be a disowning of him as bishop of rome , he wrote a letter of complaint to cyprian about it , who was then metropolitan of that province . in answer to which , our holy martyr wrote a full apology to him , shewing him what was true matter of fact : upon what reasons the bishops of africa had taken the aforesaid resolution : how it was in consequence of that resolution , that the clergy of adrumetum had changed their direction : and how , by the whole method , no●●●ng was less intended than to disown him as bishop of rome , or invalidate his title . and was there not here as clear an evidence , that regularly , and in the current form , all letters were directed to the bishop ? shall i give you another history to clear this matter further ? when maximus and nicostratus retaining to novatianus , and so separating from cornelius , did thereby cut themselves off from the communion of the church ; cyprian wrote to them , as well he might , considering that his design was to reconcile them to their true bishop cornelius . but how did he write ? why ? so , as that his letter should not be delivered till cornelius should see it , and judge whether it was proper to deliver it n such a special regard was then paid to the bishop of a church , as being supreme in it , and the principle of unity to it . if all this doth not satisfie you , then listen a little further , and resist this evidence if ye can : because , by the fundamental principles of one faith , and one communion , every heretical and schismatical bishop was , ipso facto , out of the church ; and all who retain'd or adhered to him , whether bishops , clergy , or laicks , did run the same risque with him : therefore , so soon as any bishop turned heretick or schismatick , the catholick bishops of the province , especially the metropolitans , formed lists of all the true , orthodox , and catholick bishops , within their respective provinces , and sent them to other metropolitans : and so they were transmitted all the world over . that their communicatory letters , and theirs only ▪ might be received , and their communion , and theirs only , might be allowed ; and that all heretical or schismatical , or retainers to heretical or schismatical bishops , might be rejected , and their communion refused . and for this we have two notable testimonies from st. cyprian , the one is in his 59th epistle directed to cornelius , where he tells him , that upon fortunatus his starting out of the church , and pretending to be bishop of carthage , he had sent him the names of all the bishops in africa , who govern'd their churches in soundness and integrity , and that it was done by common advice : but to what purpose ? that you and all my collegues may readily know to whom you may send , and from whom you may receive communicatory lett●s . o the other testimony is in ep. 68. where cyprian having given his senti●ents fully concerning marcianus ; that he had forfeited his dignity ; and that it was necessary , that another should be substituted in his room , & c. requires stephen bishop of rome to give himself , and the rest of the bishops of africa , a distinct account of the person that should be surrogated in marcianus his place , that we may know , says he , to whom we may direct our brethren , and write our letters . p i have only given you a taste of the methods and expedients which were put in practice in those times , for preserving the unity , the one communion of the one catholick church ; and how nicely and accurately it was provided for , by the incorporation of all bishops into ou● college ; of all particular principles of unity of particular churches , into one aggregated principle of unity , proportioned to the extent of all those churches in their aggregation : and by the mutual support of all bishops one towards another . it had been easie to have collected more particulars , as well as to have insisted more largely on these i have collected : but from the small collection i have made , i think i have laid foundation enough for another demonstration against our author's notion of a bishop in st. cyprian's time . for , how could either single presbyter , or presbyterian moderator , taking the terms in the presbyterian sense , have born such a part , in relation to the unity of the catholick church , and the preservation of one communion ? besides , that the college of bishops , in those times , is still considered and insisted on , as consisting of church governours notoriously distinguished from presbyters : besides , that in all st. cyprian's writings , or in any monument of those times , you shall never , so much as once , find a bishop calling a presbyter his collegue : besides , that we have not the least vestige of any such stated , ordinary current office , in any record of those times , as that of a meer presbyterian moderator : besides these things , i say , how had it been consistent with the principles or analogies , the scheme or plot of presbyterian parity , to have committed to any single presbyter , moderator , or other , the bearing of such a part , as that he , and he alone , of god knows how many , should have been constituted a member of a college , which college , and which alone , had the supreme power of preserving the faith , and the unity , and managing all the affairs of the church catholick ? as that all his admissions into the church ; his exclusions from the church ; his extrusions out of the church ; his suspensions , his abstentions , his excommunications , his injunctions of penances , his absolutions , his ordinations , his degradations , his depositio●● ; in a word , all his acts of government and discipline , within his own district , and his alone , should have had authority , and been deemed valid , and merited a ratification all the world over ? as that whosoever , presbyter or other , within such a district , in which there might have been many decads of presbyters , was disobedient to him , or top't it with him , or rebelled against him , should have been reputed disobedient to , and rebellious against , the whole college of the supreme governours of the church catholick ? as that raising an altar against his altar , and his only , should have been deem'd raising an altar against all catholick christian altars ? as that from him , and from him only , in the regular course , all communicatory , informatory , con●olatory ; in short , all letters concerning the publick affairs of the catholick church , or the sacred college that ruled the catholick church , should have been r●ceived ? as that to him , and to him alone , all such letters have been directed ? as that by the circulation and reciprocation of letters betwixt him and his collegues , and their general agreement upon any thing , by that circulation and r●ciprocation , laws should have been given to the whole catholick church , canons , as binding and obligatory as the supreme ecclesiastical power on earth could make them ? how could one raised to such a post , i say , have been no other than a single presbyter , or a presbyterian moderator ? doth not his very bearing such a part , his having such a trust , his being cloath'd with such an eminence , argue him demonstratively to have been something other , something greater , something higher and more honourable than either ? thus i have considered a bishop in st. cyprian's time , as he stood related to his own particular , and to the church catholick ; and , in both respects , have discovered a vast discrepance betwixt him , as he was really , and our author's notion or definition of him . let me only add one consideration more ; and that is , what character he bore , what figure he made , in the eye of those who were without ; of the heathen world , especially the roman emperours and magistrates . and here i need not be at much pains ; the thing is obvious : the christian bishops , as being the chief rulers , the supreme governours , the heads of their respective churches , were the chief butts of all the heathen rage and malice . take these few of many evidences . after st. cyprian had retired from carthage , in the time of the decian persecution , he wrote to his presbyters and deacons , and told them how earnest he was to return to the city , but prudence would not let him . when he considered the publick peace of the church , and how much he , as bishop , was concerned to provide for it , and for the quiet and safety of the brethren , he found it necessary for him , thô with mighty grief , to forbear returning for a time , lest his presence should provoke the rage and fury of the gentiles . so he wrote , i say , in his 7th epistle . q and in the 12th , directed also to his presbyters and deacons , i wish , says he , that my station and character , would allow me to be present with you . r in his 20th epistle directed for the roman presbyters and deacons , he apologizes for his retirement after this manner . in compliance with our lord's commands , ( pointing , no doubt , at matth. 10. 23. ) so soon as the persecution began , and the rabble , with mighty clamour , pursued me , i retired for a time , not so much to save my self , as for the publick quiet of the church ; and that the tumult which was already kindled , might not be the more inflam'd by my obstinate presence . s and to the same purpose , he apologizes to his own people for his so long absence , ep. 43. thô he had been long away , yet he durst not return , because of the threats and snares of these perfidious men , ( felicissimus , and his fellow-schismaticks , ) lest , says he , upon my coming , there should be a greater uproar , and , while as a bishop ought , in all things , to provide for peace and tranquillity , i should seem to have added fewel to the sedition , and to have imbittered the persecution . t here , i think , is clear demonstration of the episcopal eminence in the eye of the heathen persecutors : it was a grief , a burden , a torment , a very crucifixion to st. cyprian's soul , to be separated from his flock , as himself words it . u but he was bound by the laws of his epsicopal providence , by all means , to study the peace , the quiet , the tranquillity of the church , and his locus and gradus , his station and dignity , were so conspicuous and eminent , that his presence would have provoked the gentiles , and increased the persecution , and therefore he durst not return . and yet this is not all . consider if what follows is not yet clearer . in his 14th epistle written to his presbyters and deacons , he tells them , that tho he had strong and pressing reasons to hasten his return , yet he found it more expedient and useful for the publick peace to continue longer in his lurking places ; and tertullus , one whom they knew , and could not but value , had seriously advised him to be calm and cautious , and not to commit himself rashly to the publick view , especially of that place where he had been so often lain in wait , and made search for ; and therefore he exhorts and commands them , ( his presbyters and deacons , ) that they , whose presence was n●ither so invidious , nor by far so dangerous , might perform the part of vicars to him . v here , i think , we have a full evidence of a fair discrimination was made betwixt him and his presbyters by the heathen persecutors . and not only so ; but. he tells cornelius bishop of rome , ep. 59. that he was proscribed in the days of the decian persecution , and that by name , as bishop of the christians in carthage , and that he was destin'd for the lions , & c w and again , ep. 66. he tells florentius pupianus , that his proscription ran in this form : if any man holds or possesses any of the goods of caecilius cyprianus bishop of the christians , &c. and thereby makes an argument , that it was unaccountable in florentius not to own him as a bishop . x and pontiu● his deacon tells us , that , when he at last commenced martyr in t●e valerian persecution , in the very sentence that was given out against him , he was called sectae signifer , the ring-leader , the head , the chiftain of the sect of the christians in carthage . y would you have yet more ? then , take it , not about st. cyprian's person , for i think we have enough of him already , but in st. cyprian's words : you have them ep. 55. there he tells antonianus , that the emperous dec●us ( from a sense , no doubt , that , as heads of their respective churches , they were , under god , the great supporters and promoters of our most holy faith , ) had such a spite , such a pique , at the christian bishops , that for example , he could have heard with greater patience and composure , 〈◊〉 another ●mulous prince should have rival'd it with him for the roman empire , than that a bishop should have been settled in the city of rome . z and doth not eusebius tell us , that the emperour maximinus , in that persecution of which he was the author , some 22 or 23 years before st. cyprian's martyrdom , ordered , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief governours of the christian churches , should only be put to death , as being the authors of the propagation of the gospel ? a so eminent , in those times , was the episcopal character ; such a sense had the very heathens of their being bishops indeed ; so much , as bishops , were they obnoxious to the fury and malice of persecutors ; and so much reason had st. cyprian to say , that it mattered not , whence ( whether from heathens without , or schismaticks within , if they may be called any way within , ) terrors or perils threatned a bishop , seeing , as such , he was still obnoxious to terrors or perils . b meaning , that , in those times , bishops , as bishops , were still exposed to the first burnt of all persecutions . as , on the other hand , when the human galien●s , who succeeded to valerianus , stop'd the persecution which his predecessor had begun , he began his imperial r●script , thus , the emperour publius lic●nius galie●●s , &c. to dionysius , pinnas , demetrius , and the rest of the bishops , &c. and so went on , telling them , how he had ordered his edict of grace and clemency to be published all the world over ; allowing them to rely upon it , as full security against all molestation for the future . c thus , i say , that heathen emperour stopping the current of a fierce persecution , and designing favour and security to christians , directed his letters to the christian bishops , as the persons who were heads of the christian churches , and in all persecutions had wont to be exposed to the greatest hazards . thus , sir , i have examined our author's definition of a bishop in st. cyprian's time ; and , if i mistake not , have demonstrated by many solid arguments , that he was neither single presbyter , nor presbyterian moderator , in the presbyterian sense of the terms ; but a true prelate in the strictest propriety of speech . consider my arguments thoroughly , and weigh them only in the ballance of iustice , without prejudice , and without partiality , and try whether each of them singly , and much more , all together do not conclude irrefragably against him . and if they shall be found to be concludent , i leave it next to you to determine , whether our author is not both fairly and formally bound by his word to confess himself a schismatick . when i first put pen to paper , i had in my project to have proceeded further , and made it appear as evidently , as what i have now dispatched , that the episcopal preheminence which was so notoriously and unquestionably prelatical in st. cyprian's time , was no novel usurpation , no late invention , not at all the production of the cyprianic age , nor any age later than the apostles : that st. cyprian , and all his contemporaries , firmly believed it to be of divine institution ; that they had not entertained it , having so little temporal encouragement , nay , so great and many temporal discouragements to entertain it , if they had not so believed : that they had great reason for this their belief ; as fairly founded on our saviour's own ordinance ; and fully handed down to them in the constant practice of the universal church from the first plantation of christian churches : that it pass'd amongst them as a common principle , that bishops , as i have represented them , bishops , as they were then , that is , clearly contradistinct from presbyters and superiour to them , bishops as the heads of , and principles of unity to , their respective churches , were the rightful , true , and genuine successors of the apostles , in the supreme visible ecclesiastical power of governing the churches , whereof they were bishops . these things , i say , i had once in my prospect ; but this letter has swell'd to such a bulk already , as , perhaps , may fright you from reading it : and you may command me to prosecute what is lest undone , when you will : and what i have written , as i said , seems to me sufficient , in point of argument , for bringing your author to a sense of his state , as well as a candid confession of it , when 't is thus plainly represented to him : and therefore i conclude with my best christian wishes to you and him , and all men. march 28. 1695. finish . advertisement . there is now in the press , and will be published by michaelmas next , [ an enquiry into the new opinions ( chiefly ) propagated by the presbyterians in scotland . by a. m. d. d. ] notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59468-e630 a ad quest. 1. sect. 5. b episcoporum manifesta ubique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 se● jure praesidendi , convocandi , ordinandi &c. epit. isag. ad hist , eccles. nov. test. saec. 3. sect. 6. pag. mi●i , 117. c sect. 32. p. 28. d sed nec hujus aevi ordines minores , quales ostiariorum , copiatarum , acolythorum , exorcistarum . p. 119. e suffrag . 1 , 8 , 31 , 37. f ep. 23. p. 49. ep. 69. p. 187. ep. 75. p. 223. g hist. ecd. lib. 6. cap. 43. h presbyteri & diaconi in adrum●tina consistentes , polycarpo co-●piscopo nostro absente , ignorabant quid nobis in commune placuissit , &c. ep. 49. p. 91. i ep. 43. k ep. 59. l ep. 59. p. 139. m h. e. lib. 7. cap. 11. n cum sit , a christo , una ecclesia , per totum mundum , in multa membra divisa , item episcopatus unus episcoporum multorum concordi numerositate diff●sus ; ille , post dei traditionem , post connexam & ubique conjunctam catholicae eccl●siae unitatu●m , humanam conetur ecclesiam facere , & per plurimas civitates , noves apo●tolos suos mittat , ut quaedam r●c●ntia institutionis suae fundam●nta constituat ; cumque jampridem per omnes provincias & per urbes singulas , ordinati s●nt episcopi , in aetate ; antiqui , in ●ide integri , in pr●ssura probati , in persecutione proscripti , ille super eos 〈◊〉 : alios pseudo-episcopos aud●at . ep. 55. p. 112. o quanquam sciam , frater charissime , episcopos plurimos ecclestis dominicis in toto mundo divina dignatione praep●sitos , &c. ep. 63. ab init . p divino sacerdotio honorati , & in claricis ministeriis constituti non nist altari & sa●rificii● de fervir● , & precibus atque orationibus vacare debeant . ep. 1. p. 1. q ut eum clero nostro dominus adjungeret , & desolatam per lapsum quorundam , presbyterii nostri copiâ gloriosis sacerdotibus adornar●t . ep. 40. p. 79. r ep. 5. p. 11. s ep. 59. p. 134. & de lapsis , p. 128. t ep. 15 , 16 , 17. sus● , u ep. 61. p. 144 v 〈◊〉 plane & ad 〈◊〉 , frater cariss●me , 〈◊〉 & autho●itate communi , ●t etiam s● qui presbyteri — contr● altare unum atque divi●um , sacrifici● , foris , falsa & sacril●g● offerre conati sin● , cos quoque ●ac conditione suscipi , cum revertunt●● , at communicent laici — nec debere cos r●vertentes , e● , apud nos , ordinationis & honoris arma retinere , quibus contra nos rebellaverunt : oport●t enim sacerdotes — qui altari & sacrificiis deserviunt , int●gros atque immaculat●s ess● , &c. ep. 72. p. 197. vv christo sunt ecclesia , plebs sac●rdoti adunata , & pastori suo grex adhaerens . unde scire d●bes episcopum in ecclesi●m esse , & ecclesia in episcopo , & si qui cum episcopo non sint , in ecclesia non esse . ep. 66. p. 168. x quis namqu● hic est superbiae tumor ? quae arrogantia animi ? quae mentis inflatio ? ad cognitionem suam , praep●sitos & sacerdotes vocare ? ac nis● apud te purgati fucrimus & sententia tua absoluti , ecce jam , sex annis , nec fraternitas habuit episcopum , nec pl●bs praepositum , nec grex pastorem , nec ecclesia gubernator●m , nec christus antistitem , nec deus sacerdotem ? ibid. p. 167. y praepositus , passim . z christi adversarius , & ecclesiae ejus immicus . ad hoc ecclesiae praep●situm sua infestatione prosequitur , ut gubernat●r● sublato , atrocius atque violentius circa ecclesiae naufragia grassetur . ep. 59. p. 130. vide etiam ep. 30. p. 56. a ep. 41. p. 79. b gubernator , passim , c rector . ep. 59. p. 133. d dux . ep. 60. p. 141. e caput . ep. 45. p. 86. f iudex . ep. 59. p. 129. g et cum incumbat n●bis qui videmur praepositi esse , & vice pastoris custodire gregem , &c. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. ad smyrn . edit . lon● . 1680. p. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( episcopo , nempe , presbyteris & diaconis , ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad trall . p. 48. & passon . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud eusib. h. e. lib. 6. cap. 43. k sacerdotii sublime fastigium . ep. 55. p. 103. l et cum post primum secundus esse non possit , quisquis post unum , qui solus esse debeat , factus est , non 〈◊〉 ille secundus , sed nullus est . ep. 55. p. 104. m quisquis ille est & qualiscunque est , christianus non est . ep. 55. p. 112. fuse . n ep. 44. p. 86. ep. 45. p. 86. ep. 46. p. 89. ep. 59. p. 130. ep. 61. p. 144. ep. 68. p. 177. ep. 69. p. 184. un. eccl. p. 110. o ecclesia enim una est , quae una & intus esse & foris , non potest . si e●xim apud novatianum est , apud cornelium non suit . si vera apud cornelium suit , qui fabiano episcopo , legitima ordinatione successit , & qu●m , praete● sacerdotii honorem , martyrio quoque dominus glorificavit , novatianus in ecclesia non est , nec episcopus computari potest , qui , evangelica & apostolica traditione contempta , nemini succedens , a seip●o ortus est : habere namque aut tenere ecclesiam nullo modo potest qui ordinatus in ecclesia non est : foris enim non esse ecclesiam , nec scindi adversum se , &c. et paulo post , idcirco dominus insinuans nobis unitatem de divina auctorstate veni●ntem , ponit & dicit . ego & pater unum sumus : ad quam unitatem redigens ecclesiam suam , denuo dicit , et erit unus grex , & unus pastor : si autem grex unus est , quomodo potest gregi annumerari qui in numero gregis non ●st ? aut pastor quomodo haberi potest qui ( manente vero pastore , & in ecclesia d●i ordinatione succidanea praesidente ) nomini succedens , & a seipso incipi●ns , alienus sit & profaxus , dominicae pacis at divine unitatis inimicus ; non habitans in do●● dei , i. e. in ecclesia dei , in qua non nist concordes & unanimes habitant ? ep. 69. p. 181 , 182. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eus ▪ b. h. e. lib. 6. cap. 43. q nos cornelium episcopum sancti●●i●ae catholice ecclesiae eleclum a deo omn●potente , & christo domino nostro sci●us . nos error●m nostsrum 〈◊〉 ; nos imposturam pass● sumus ; circumventi sumus perfidia & loquacitate captiosa : non enim ignoramus unum d●um 〈◊〉 ; unum christ●●●●sse dominum , quem confess● sumus ; 〈◊〉 spiritum sanctum ; unum epi●●opum in catholica eccl●sia esse d●bere . ep. 49. p. 93. r ep. 67. s ibid. t ep. 68. u ep. 36. v ep. 50 , & 52. vv ep. 65. x propter quo●diligenter de traditiove divina & apostolica observatione s●r●andum & tenendum est , quod apud nos quoque & fere per provincias un●versas tenetur , ut ad ordinationes rite celebrandas , ad ●am plebem cut praepositus ordinatur , episcopi ●jusdem provinciae proximi quique conveniant , & episcopus deligatur , plebe praesente , &c : ep. 67. p. 172. praecter illud quod in hac eadem epistola , de sabino , legere est , h●jus ritus , tanquam jam tum triti , in succ●ssore , narcisso hierosolymitani . , substituendo exemplum luculentum habes apud euseb. l. 6. c. 10. y pontius in vita cypr. euseb. chron. hieron . c●tal . z per omnia ecclesiastica offici● promotus — ad sacerdotii sublime fastigium cunctis gradibus ascendit . ep. 55. p. 103. a ep. 55. p. 112. b ep. 67. p. 172. c ep. 56. p. 115. d euseb. h. e. lib. 6. c. 19 , 20. e ibid. f lib. 7. c. 11 , 22 , 28. g euseb. h. e. l. 5. c. 4 , 5. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . canon . apost . 1. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e●seb . l. 6. c. 43. k ep. 59. p. 113. l vide , true representation of presb. gov. prop. 15. a unit. eccl. p. 108. b unit. eccl. p. 112. c sacrificium deo majus est pax nostra , & fraterna concordia , & de unitate patris & spiritus sancti plebs adunata . cyp. de orat. dom. p. 149. d firmil . ep. inter cyprianicas 75. p. 217. e cyp. un. eccl. p. 105. f conc carth. suff. 60. g un. eccl. p. 117. h firmil . ep. inter● cypr. 75. p. 227. i euseb. h. e. l. 6. c. 45. k cyp. ep. 69. p. 185. l ibid. ep. 59. p. 138. m un. eccl. p. 108 , 109. n conc. carth. suff. 10. o cyp. ep. 51. p. 95. p ep. 55. p. 103. q ibid. p. 105. r ep. 57. p. 117. s conc. carth suff. 1 , 11 , 64 , 87. ep. 69. p. 180. t conc. carth. suff. 5. u ib. suff. 7 , & 21. v suff. 1 , 31. vv suff. 1. x un. eccl. p. 116. y cyp. de orat. dom. p. 150. z un. eccl. p. 116. a ibid. p. 109. b cyp. ep. 69. p. 182. c un. eccl. p. 109. d cyp. ep. 4. p. 9. e conc. carth. suff. 1. f suff. 37. g ep 59. p. 140. h un. eccl. p. 114. con. carth. suff. 24. ep. 55. p. 112. i un. eccl. p. 114. k ibid. l ep. 69. p. 18● . m con. carth. suff. 60. n ep. 73. p. 207. o ep. 72. p. 197. p un. eccl. p. 111. con. carth. suff. 29. ep. 43. p. 83. q un. eccl. p. 112. r ep. 69. p. 180. s un. eccl. p. 113. t p. 114 , 117. in ep. passim . u un. eccl. p. 115. ep. 59. p. 140. v con. carth. suff. 38. vv ibid. suff. 49 , 58 , 61. x ep. 73. p. 203. y ep. 69. p. 184. z ep. 43. p. 82 , 85. a ep. 60. p. 142. b con. carth. suff. 7. c ibid. suff. 1. d dominus noster , cujus praecepta metuere & observare deb●mus , episcopi honorem , & ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in evangelio , loquitur & dicit petro ; ego dico tibi , quia tu es petrus , & super istam petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam , & portae inferorum non vincent eam ; et tibi dabo claves regni caelorum , &c. — inde per temporum & successionum vices . episcoporum ordinatio , & ecclesi● ratio decurrit , ut ecclesia super episcopos constituatur : et omnes actus ecclesiae p●r eosdem praepositos gubernetur . cum hoc itaque divina lege fund imeutum sit , miror quosdam audaci ●emeritate sic mihi scribere voluisse , ut ecclesiae ●omine literas facerent : quando ecclesia in ep●scopo & clero , & in omn●bu● stantibus sit constituta : absit enim , ne domini misericordia & potestas ejus invidiam patiatur , ut ecclesia esse dicatur lapsorum numerus . ep. 33. p. 66. e deus unus est , & christus unus , & una ecclesia , & cathedra una super petrum domini voce fundata . aliud altare constitui , aut sacerdotium novum fieri , praeter unum altare , & unum sacerdotium , non potest . quisquis alibi collegerit , spargit . adulterum est , impium est , sacrilegum est , quod●unque humano furore instituitur , ut dispositio divina violetur — nemo vos , fratres , errare a domini viis faciat : nemo vos christianos ab evangelio christi rapiat : nemo filios ecclesiae de ecclesia tollat : pereant sibi soli , qui perire voluerunt . extra ecclesiam soli remaneant , qui de ecclesia recesserunt . soli cum episcopis non sint , qui contra episcopos rebellarunt . ep. 43. p. 83 , 84. f vide supra , pag. 8. g an ess sibi cum christo videtur , qui adversus sacerdotes christi facit ? qui s●● cleri ejus & plebis societate sec●rnit ? arma ille contra ecclesiam portat . contra dei dispositionem pugnat . hostis altaris ; adversus sacrificium christi rebellis ; pro fide , perfidus ; pro religione , sacrilegus ; inobsequens servus ; filius impius ; frater inimicus ; contemptis episcopis & dei sacerdot●bus derelictis . constituere audet aliud altare , precem alteram , illicitis vocibus facere , &c. de unit. eccl. p. 116. h deus unus est , & christus unus , & una ecclesia ejus , & fldes una , & plebs in solidam corporis unitatem , concordiae glutino copulata . ibid. p. 119. i haec sunt enim initia haereticorum , & ortus atque conatus schismaticorum male cogitantium , ut sibi placeant , & praepositum superbo tumore contemnant . sic de ecclesia receditur ; sic altare profanum , foris , collocatur ; sic contra pac●m christi , & ordinationem atque unitat●m dei rebellatur . ep. 3. p. 6. k neque enim aliunde haereses obortae sunt , aut nata sunt schismata quam inde , quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur : nec unus in ecclesia , ad tempus sacerdos , & ad t●mpus iudex , vice christi cogitatur . ep. 59. p. 129. l inde enim schismata & haereses obortae sunt & oriuntur , dum episcopus qui unus est , & ecclesiae praeest . superba quorundam praesumptione contemnitur ; & homo dignitate dei honoratus , indignus ab hominibus judicatur . ep. 66. p. 167. m apes habent regem , & ducem pecudes , & fidem servant latrones ; mancipi obsequio pleno humilitatis ob●emperant . quanto simpliciores & meliores vobis sunt brutae pecudes , & muta animalia , & cru●nti licet ac furentes inter gladios , a●que inter arma praedones ? praepositus illic agnoscitur & cru●nt licet ac furentes inter gladios , a●que inter arma praedones ? praepositus illic agnosciture & timetur , quem non s●ntentia divina constituit , sed in qu●m factio perdita , & noc●ns caterva consentit . ibid. n hinc dominicae pacis vinculum rumpitur ; hinc charitatis fraterna violatur ; hinc adulteratur veritas ; unitas scinditur ; ad haereses & schismata prosilitur : dum obtrectatur sac●rdotibus ; dum episcopis invidetur ; cum quis aut quaeritur non s● potius ordinatum , aut dedignatur alterum ferre praepositum . de zelo & livore , p. 223. o ne● sibi plebs blandiatur , quasi immunis esse a contagio delict● possit , ●um sacerdo●e peccatore communicans , & ad injustum & illicitum praepositi sui episcopat um , consensum suum commoda●s ; qu●●do per o●ee prophetm ( hos. 9. 4. ) comminetur & dicat cens●ra divina — docens scil. & ostende●s , omnes omnino ad peccatum constringi , qui fuerint profani & injusti s●cerdotis sacrificio contaminati — propter quod plebs obsequens praceptis dominicis , & deum met●ens a 〈◊〉 praeposit● se debet , nec se ●d sacrilegi sacerdotis sacrificia miscere . ep. 67. p. 171. p quare et●● aliq●i de collegis nostris — deificam disciplinam negligend●m putant , & cum basilide & martiale ●emere communicant — tamen , qui malis & peccatoribus — 〈◊〉 communione 〈◊〉 , nocenti●● lactibus 〈◊〉 ; & 〈◊〉 junguntur in culp● , sic nec in p●na separantur . ibid. p. 175. q ep. 68. r virtus ill●c episcopi praec●de●tis , public● comprobata ●st ; ad●natio sequen●is fraternitatis oste●s● nitatis ostensa est ; dum apud vos , unus animus & 〈◊〉 vox est , eccl●sia omnis romana confessa est . ep. 61. p. 141. s eo quod congruat episcopum in ea civitate in qua ecclesiae dominicae prae●st , illic dominum confiteri , & plebem universam , praepositi praes●ntis confessione clarificari . qu●dcunque enim sub illo conf● ssionis momento , co●f●ssor episcopus l●quitur , aspirante d●o , ore omninm loquitur , caeterum mutabilitur honor ecclesiae nostrae tam gloriosae , s● ego episcopus alterius ecclesiae praepositus , acceptâ , apud uticam , super confession● 〈◊〉 , exinde martyr ad dominum proficiscar ; quandoquidem ego & pro me & pro vobis apud vos confiteri , & exinde ad dominum proficisci , orationibus continuis d●precer , &c. ep. 81. p. 238 , 239. t vide ep. 17. p. 39. & de lapsis , p. 122 , 123. fuse . u o beatum ecclesiae populum , qui episcopo suo tali , & oculis pariter & sensibus , & quod amplius est , publicata voce compassus est , & sicut ipso tractante s●mper audierat , deo jud ●e coronatus est ▪ quamvis enim non potuerit evenire , quod optabant vota communia , ut consortio pacis gloriae simul pl●bs tota pat●retur ; quicunque sub christi spectantis oculis , & sub auribus sac●rdotis ex animo pa●i voluit , p●r idoneum voti sui testem , legationis quodam modo literas ad deum misit . pontius in vita cyp. p. 10. v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 edit . lond. 1680. p. 6. vv 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 40. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 43. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 17. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 47. a ep●scopatus unus est , cujus a singul●s in solidum pars tenetur . cyp. de un. eccl. p. 108. b et cum sit a christo una ecclesia , per to●u● mundum in multa membra 〈◊〉 ; item , episcopa●us unus episcoporum multorum concordi numerositate diffusus , &c. ep. 55. p. 112. c et quamvi● apostolis omnibus parem potestatem tribuat & dicat , &c. un. eccl. p. 107. d hoc ●rant utique caet●ri apostoli quod fuit petrus ; pari consortio praediti & honoris & potestatis . ibid. e man●nte concordiae vinculo , & p●rseverante catholicae ecclesiae individuo sacramento , actum suum disponit & dirigit unusquisque episcopus , rationem prop●siti sui domino redditurus . ep. 55. p. 110. f haec tibi breviter , pro nostra mediocritate , rescripsimus , frater carissime , nemini praescribentes aut praejudicantes quo minus unusquisque episcoporum , quod putant , faciat , hab●ns arbitrii sui liberam potestatem . ep. 73. p. 210. g ep. 62. p. 188. h ep. 66. i superest ut de hac ipsa re , singuli , quid sentiamu , proferamus ; neminem judicantes , aut a jure communionis , aliquem , si diversum senserit , ameventes . neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se episcoporum constituit , aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit ; quando habeat omnis episcopus , pro licentia libertatis & potestatis suae , arbitrium proprium ; tamque ab alio judicari non possit , quam nec ipse poterit judicare : sed expectemus universi judicium domini nostri iesus christi , qui unus & solus habet potestatem & praeponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gubernatione & de act● 〈◊〉 nostro judicandi . opp. cyp. tom. 1. p. 229. k quae autem causa veniendi & pseudo-episcopum contra episcopos factumnuntiandi ? aut ●●im placet illis quod fecerunt & in s●to scelere perseverant ; aut si displicet & recedunt , sciunt quo revertant●r . nam cum st●tutum sit omnibus nobis , & aequum sit pariter ac justum , at uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur , ubi est crimen admissum , & portio gregis singulis pastoribus sit adscripta , quam regat u●usquisque & gubernet , rationem sui actus domino redditurus , oportet utique eos quibus praesumus , no● circumcurfare , nec episcoporum concordiam cohaerentem sua subdola & fallaci temeritate collidere , sed agere illic causam saum ubi & accusatores habere , & testes sui criminis possint . ep. 59. p. 36. l caeterum scimus quosdam quod semel imbiberint , nolle deponere ; nec propositum suum facile mutate ; sed salvo , inter collegas , pacis ac concordiae vinculo , quaedam propria , quae apud se semel sint usurpata retinere . qua in re , nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus ; cum habeat , in ecclesiae administratione , voluntatis liberum , unusquisque praepositus , rationem sui actus domino redditurus . ep. 72. p. 198. m vide ep. 74 , & 75. n quanquam bene sibi conscius animus ; & evangelicae disciplinae vigore subnixus ; & verus sibi , in decretis caelestibus , testis effectus , soleat , solo deo judice , esse contentus ; nec alterius aut laudes petere , aut accusationes pertimescere ; tam●n geminata sunt laude condigni , qui , cum conscientiam sciant deo soli deb●re se judici , actus tamen suos desiderant etiam ab ipsis suis fratribus comprobari , &c. ep. inter cyprianicas 30. p. 56. o — iudex vice christi cogitatur . ep. 59. p. 129. p cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum ass●mere , &c. ep. 69. p. 184. q gubernandae ecclesiae libram tenentes — ep. 68. p. 177. r sacerdotii sublime fastigium , 55. p. 103. s cum pro episcopatus vigore , & cathedrae authoritate , haberes potestatem ; &c. ep. 3. p. 5. — si it● res est , — actum est de episcopatus vigore . ep. 59. p. 126. t in solidum . un. eccl. p. 108. u — actum est de ecclesiae gubernam●ae sublimi ac divina potestate . cyp. ad cornel. ep. 59. p. 126. v neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se episcoporum constituit . cyp. in conc. carth. p. 129. nam nec petrus quem primum dominus elegit , & super quem aedificavit ecclesiam suam , cum secum paulus de circumcisione post modum disc●ptaret , vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter , aut arroganter assumpsit , ut diceret se primatum tenere — ep. 71. p. 194 , 195. vv vide supra . x passim . y vide supra . z ubicunque fuerit episcopus , sive romae , sive eugubii , sive constantinopoli , sive rhegii , sive alexandriae , sive tanis , ejusdem meriti est , & ejusdem sacerdotii , potetia divitiarum & paupertatis humilitas , vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem episcopum non facit . caeterum omnes apostolorum successores sunt . hieron . ad evagrium . a ep. 3. p. 5. b ep. 4. p. 9. c ep. 59. p. 128. d ep. 66. p. 166. e ep. 69. p. 183. f ep. 73. p. 201. g ep. 75. p. 225. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. epist. ad cor . p. mihi , 53. i ex●rs quaedam & ab omnibus emi●●●●● potestas . k — et. iccirco quia legitimum & ecclesiasticum baptisma consecuti fuerant ( quos philippus tinxerat ) baptizari cos ultra non oportebat ; sed tantummodo quod deerat id a petro & joanne factum est ; ut oratione pro iis habita , & manu imposita , invocaretur & infundaretur super eos spiritus sanctus : quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur , ut qui in ecclesia baptizan ur , praepositis ecclesiae offerantur , & per nostram orationem ac manus impositionem , spiritum sanctum consequantur , & signaculo dominico consummentur . ep. 73. p. 202. l omnis potestas & gratia in ecclesia est , ubi praesident majores natu , qui & baptizandi & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem . ep. 75. p. 221. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. apud euseb. h. e. lib. 6. cap. 43. n — solus rescribere nihil potui , quand● a primordio episcopatus m●i , statuerim nihil sine consilio v●siro , & sine consensu plebis , mea privatim sententia gerere . ep. 14. p. 33. o in ordinationibus clericis solemus vos ante consulere , & mores ac merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare . ep. 38 p. 74. p — cumque 〈◊〉 vos pro 〈◊〉 vicaris miserim , — ut aetates c●rum , & conditiones , & merit a discerneret●s ; ut jam ego cui cura incumbit , omnes ●ptime nossem , & dignos atque humiles & mites , ad ecclesiasticae administrationis ●fficia promoverem , ep. 41. p. 79. q addimus plane & conjungimus , fracer c●rissime , ●onsensu & auctoritate communi , ut etiam si qui presbyteri ●ut diaconi ; qui vel in ecclesia catholica prius ordinati fu●int , & postmod●m perfidi & r●bell●s coontra ecclesiam ●teterins ; vel apud hereticos a pseudo-episcopis & anti-christ●s contra christi disposition●m , profan● ordinatione promoti sint , & contra altare unum atque divinum , sacrificia foris falsa ac sa●ilega ●fferre conati sint ; cos quoque l●●c conditione suscipi , cum revertuntur , ut communic●nt laici , &c. ep. 72. p. 197. r caeterum presbytcrii henorem designasse nos illis jam sciatis — s●●●uris nobiscum , provectis & corr●boratis annis suis. ep. 39. p. 78. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eus●b . hi●t . eccl l. 6. c. 43. t vide annal. cyp. ad ann. 250. sect. 21. u id●m est novatus qui quosdam istic ex fratribus ab episcopo segregavit , qui in ipsa persecutione ad evertendas fratrum ●eu●es , alia quaedam persecutio nostris ●uit . ipse est qui felicissi●um satelli●●●● suum , dia●●nu● , nec permittente me , nec scient● , sua factione & ambitione constituit . ep. 52. p. 97. v et cum su● tempestate romam quoque navigans ad evertendam ecclesiam ; similia illic & paria molitus est , a clero porti●nem pl●bis avellens , fraternitatis bene sibi cohaerent is & se invicem diligentis concordiam scindens , plane , quoniam pro magnitudine sua debeat carthaginem roma praeced●re , illic major●● & gra●ior● commisit : qui istic adversus ecclesiam , diaconum secerat , illic episcopum fecit , &c. ep. 52. p. 97. vv qu●d vero ad n●vatiani personam pertinet : f. c. de quo desiderasti tibi seribi , quam haeresin introd●xisset , scias nos prim● in l●co , nce curiosos ●sse debere quid ille doceat , cum f●ris doceat . ep. 55. p. 112. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 y ep. 40. z ep. 41 , & 43. a sed & per●●grinis , si qui indigentes fuerint , suggeratis , de quantitate mea propria , quam apud rogatianum compresbyterum nostrum dimisi — ep. 7. p. 14. b stipes & oblationes & lucra desiderant , quibu● prius insatiabiles in●ubabant , & coenis atque ●pulis etiam nunc inhiant , quarum crapulam ●●per sup●rstite indics cruditate r●ctabant ; nunc manif●stissime comprobantes , 〈◊〉 ●●te se religioni , sed ventri potius , & quaestai , profan●● cupiditate serviss● . ep. 65. p. 163. c vide ep 67. p. 173. d cumque post haec ●mnia , nec loci mei honore motus — in quo quid●m gratulor pluri●●●s fratres ab hac audacia r●cessisse , & vobis acqu●escere maluiss● , ●t cum ecclesia matre reman●rent , & stipendia ●jus , episcopo dispensante perciperent . ep. 41. p 80. e caeterum presbyteri● honorem designasse nos illis jam sciatis ut & sportu●is iisd m cum presbyteris hon●r●ntur , & divisiones mensur●as equatis quantitatibus particu●ur . ep. 38. p. 78. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g vid● clariss . dodwel . differt . cyp. 1. sect. 9. h eus●b . h. e. i. 4. c. 23. i bene autem & quod episcopi universae plebi j●junia mandare ●ssolent : non dice de industria stipium conferend 〈◊〉 at vestra captura est , s●d interdum ex aliqua solicitudinis eccle●iasticae causa . te●t de jejun . cap. p 3. k — omni igitur actu ad m e perlato , placuit contrahi pr●sbyt●rium — his it● 〈◊〉 in pr●sbyteri●m venerant — summis precibus desiderantes ut ea quae ante fu●rant gesta in oblivion●m cederent — quod erat c●ns qu●ns , ●mnis his actus populo fuer at insinu●ndus , ut & ipsos vid●rent , in eccl●sia constitutos — magn●s frat●rnitatis concursus factus est . — una ●r at v●x 〈◊〉 grati●s 〈◊〉 ●gentium — et ut ips●rum propria verba design● , nos inqui●nt cornelium episcop●● sanctissimae ecclesiae , &c. ep. 49. p. 92 , 93. l certi famus , frater carissime , t● quoque nobiscum pari v●to conga●dere , nos habito c●nfili● , utilitati●us ecclesiae & paci magis cons●●l●●tes , ●mnibus rebus pratermissis , & j●dicio dei reservatis , cum corneli● episcopo nostro parit●r & cum universo cl●ro pac●n fecisse cum gaudio 〈◊〉 universae ecclesiae , pr●na etiam omnium caritate . ep. 53. p. 98. m et quoniam mihi inter●sse nunc non permittit loci conditio , peto vos pro fide & religione vestra , fungamini illic & vestris partibus & mcis. ep. 5. p. 10. n atque utinam loci & gradus mei conditio permitteret ut ipse nunc praesons esse possem — sed officium meum vestr● diligentia representet . ep. 12. p. 27. o hort●r & mando — vice mea fungamini . ep 14 p. 31. p cum ego vos pro me vicarios miserim . — felicissimus — accipiat senteatiam quam prior d●xit , ut abstentum se a nobis sciat : — sed & augendus s●nt●ntiam ferat — et quisquis se conspirationi & factioni ejus adjunxerit , sciat se in ecclesia nobiscum non esse communicaturum . ep. 41. p. 79. q caldonius cum herculano & victore collegis ( i. e. episcopis ) item cum rogatiano & numidico presbyteris , cypriano salutem . abstinuimus communicatione felicissimum & augendum , &c. ep. 42. p. 81. r nos tantum qui d●mino permittente primum baptisma credentibus damus . p. 168. s manif●stum est , aut ubi & per quos remissa peccatorum da●i potest , quae in baptismo scilicet dat●r ; nam petro primum dominus , ●●per quem ●dificavit ecclesiam , & unde unitatis originem instituit & ostendit , potestatem ●●tem dedit ut id solveritur in caelis quod ille solvisset in terris . et post r●surrectionem quoque ●d apostolos loquitur , dicens , sicut misit me pater , &c. — unde intelligimus non ni●i in ecclesia praepositis , & in evangelica lege ac dominica ordinatione fundatis , licere baptizare , & remissum peccat●rum dare : foris autem nec lig●ri aliquid posse nec solvi , ubi non sit q●i aut ligari possit , aut solvere . nec hoc f. c. sine scripturae divine auctoritate proponimus , ut dicamus certa lege cuncta esse disposita nec posse quenquam contra episcopos & sacerd●tes usurp●re sibi aliquid , quod non sit sui juris & potestatis ; nam & chore , & dathan & abyron , contra moysen & aaron sacerdotem sacrifi●andi sibi licentiam usurpare conati sunt : n●c 〈◊〉 quod illicite ausi sunt , impune s●cerunt . ep. 73. p. 201. t iesus christus dominus noster & deus , dei patris & creatoris filius , super petram aedificavit ecclesiam suam , non super haeresin ; & potestatem baptizandi episcopis dedit , non haereticis : quare qui extra ecclesiam sunt , & contra christum stantes , oves ●jus & gregem spargunt , baptizari non possunt . conc. carth. suff. 17. u dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos qui est episcopus ; dehinc presbyter● & diaconi , won tamen sine episcopi auctoritate . cap. 17. v 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ad smyrn . p. 6. vv hi sublat● honore qu●m n●bis beati martyres — servant , contempt●● domini lege — quam iidem martyres — tenendam manda●t — ante reditum nostrum commumunicent cum lapsis , & offerant , & eucharistiam trad●nt . ep. 16. p. 38. x honor ergo datur deo , quando sic dei maj●stas & censura contemnitur ut cum se ille indignari & irasci sacrificantibus dicat , & ne ira cogitetur dei ; ne timeatur judicium domini ; ne puls●tur ad ecclesiam christi : sed sublata paenitentia , nec ulla e● homologesi criminis facta , despectis episcopis atque calcatis , pax a presbyteris verbis fallacibus praedicetur & communicatio a non communicantibus offeratur . ep. 59. p. 135. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euseb. h. e. lib. 6. c●p . 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ign. ad smyrn p. 6. a nam &c core , & dathan , & abyron , cum sacerdote aaron & moyse , eundem deum noverant , pari leg● & religio●● viventes , ●um & verum deum qui 〈◊〉 atque invoc●ndus fuer●s , inv●●abant . taman qu●● loci sui ministerium transgressi contra aaron sacerdotem , qui sacerdotlum legitim●m dignatione dei atque ordinatione percep●rat , sacrificandi sibi licentiam vindicar●nt , divinitus percussi — nec 〈◊〉 rata ess● & proficere sacrificia , irreligiose & illicite contra jus divinae dispositionis oblata . — et tamen illi schisma non fecerant ; n●c for as egressi — quod nunc hi ecclesiam scindentes , & contra pa●em & unitatem christi rebelles , cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum assumere , & baptizandi atque offerendi licentiam vindi●are conantur . ep. 69. p. 184. a vi●e ●p . 43. & vit . 〈◊〉 po●●ea 〈◊〉 . b sollicitudo loci nostri , & timor domini compellit , fortissimi & ●eatissimi martyres , admonere vos literis ●ostris , ut a quibus tam devote & fortiter servatur fides domino , ab iisdem lex quoque & disciplina domini reservetur . nam cum omnes milites christi custodire oporteat praecepta imperatoris sui , tum vos magis praeceptis ejus obtemperare plus convenit , qui exemplum caeteris facti estis & virtutis & tim●ris dei. et credideram quidem presbyteros & diaconos qui illic praesentes sunt , monere vos & instruere plenissime circa evangelii legem , sicut in praeteritum s●mper sub antecessoribus nosiris factum est — sed ●unc cum maximo a●●imi dolore cognosco , non tantum illic vo●is non suggeri divina praecept●● , sed adhuc potius impediri , ut ea — a quibusdam presbyteris r●solvantur , qui nec timorem dei , nec episcopi honorem cogitantes — contra evangelii legem — ante actam paenitentiam , ante exomologesin gravissimi atque extremi delicti factam , ante manum ab episcopo & clero in paenitentiam impositam , offerre pro illis , & eucharistiam dare , i. e. sanctum domini corpus profanare audeant . — et lapsis quidem potest in hoc venia concedi : quis enim no●● mortuus vivificari properet ? quis non ad salutem suam venire festinet ? sed praeposit●●rum est praecept●●m tenere , & vel properantes , vel ignorantes instrucre , ne qui ovium pastores esse debe●●● . lanii fiant . — petitiones & desideria vestra episcopo servent , &c. ep. 15. p. 33 , 34. c vide de lapsis , p. 129 , 131 , 138. ep. 16. p. 37. ep. 17. p. 39. ep. 36. p. 70. d di● patientiam m●am tenui . f. c. quasi verccundum silentium n●strum pr●ficeret ad quiet●m . s●d cum qu●r●ndam immeder●ta & abrupta praesumptio , temeritate sua , & honorem martyrum , & confessorum pudorem , & pl●bi● 〈◊〉 tranqui●●ia●em turbare conetur , tacere ultra non oportet . — quid enim non periculum metuere deb●●us de offensa domini ; quando aliqui de presbyteris , nec evangelii , n●c loci sui memores ; sed n●que futurum dom●ni judicium , neque n●nc sibi praepositum episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam ●mnin● sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contumeli● & c●ntemptu praepositi totum sibi vindicnt ? cont●●umeliam episcopatus nostri dissimulare & ferre possem , sicut dissimulavi semper & pertuli , sed dissimulandi nunc l●cus non est , quand● decipia●ur fratcrnitas nostra , a quibusdam vestrum ; qui du● si●e rati●ne restituendae salutis plausibil●s esse cupiunt , magis lapsis obsunt — exponunt deinde invidiae beatos martyres , & glorios●s s●rvos dei cum dei sacerdot● committunt . — interim temerarii & incauti & tumid● quidam inter vos , qui hominem non cogitent , vel deum timeant ; scientes quoniam si ●ltra in iisdi● pers●veraverint , utar ea admonitione , qua me uti dominus jubet , ut interim prohibeantu● offerre ; acturi & apud nos & apud conf●ssores ipsos , & apud plebem universam , causam suam , cum , d●m●na permittence , in 〈◊〉 matris ecclesiae colligi caeperimus . ep. 16. p. 36 , 37 , 38. imo l●ge totam epist. e audio tamen quosdam de presbyteris ne● evangelii memores — nec episcopo honorem sacerdotii sui & cathedrae r●servantes , jans cum lapsis communicare caepisse — vos quid●m nostri presbyteri & diaconi 〈…〉 as sibi oves fov●rent . — eg● plebis nostrae & quietem 〈◊〉 pariter & tim●rem , qui in satisfactione dei & deprecatione vigilar●nt , nisi illos quidem de presbyteris gratificantes dec●pissent . vel vos itaque ' singulos regite , & consilio ac m●deratione v●stra , & secundum divina praec●pta lapsorum anim●s temperate , &c. ep. 17. p. 39. f miror v●s , f. c. ad multas epistolas meas qua● ad vos frequenter , misi , nunqua●t mihi rescripsisse , cum fraternitatis n●strae vel utilitas vel necessitas sic utique guber●●tur , s●● vobis instructi , rerum gerendarum consilium limare po●●mus . ep. 18. p. 40. g rational defence of non-conformity , p. 179. h ad has l●quimur , has ad hortamur ●ffectione potius quam potestate : non quod extremi & minimi & humilitatis nostrae admodum conscii , aliquid adcensuram licentiae vindicemus , &c. de hab. virg. p. 94. i si nos dominus humiles & quietos — conspexerit , tutos ab inimici infestationibus exhibebit . ep. 11. p. 26. k et quisquam per ipsum ( christum ) nunc , atque in ipso vivens ext●llere se audet & superbire ? ep. 13. p. 30. l vide superius citata , ex ep. 16. m nec nos putes , f. c. nostra & human●● conscribere , at ultronea voluntate hoc nobis audacter assumere , cum mediocritatem nostram semper humili & verecunda m●deratione ten●amus . ep. 63. p. 148. n humilitatem meam & fratres omnes , & gentiles quoque optime norunt & diligunt . ep. 66. p. 166. o et enim omnibus in tractatu major , in sermone facundior , in consilio sapientior , in patientia simplicior , in operibus largior , in abstinentia sanctio● , in obsequio humilior , & in actu bon● innocentior . ep. 77. p. 234. p pectus illud tuum candidum ac beatum — ep. 78. p. 235. — de animi 〈◊〉 — ep. 79. p. 236. q pontius in vi● a cyp. p. 3. r non me terret auctoritas cypriani , quiae reficit humilitas cypriani . august . l. 2. de baptism● . s quam periculosum sit ●ut●m in divinis rebus ut quis cedat jure 〈◊〉 & po●estate , &c. ep. 73. p. 209. t l●gi literas vestras , f. c. quibus scripsist is salubre consilium vestrum non deesse fratribus nostris , ut temeraria festi●atione deposita● , religios●m patientiam deo praebeant , ut cum in unum per ejus mis●ricordiam venerimus , de omnibus speciebus secundu●m ecclesiasticam disciplinam tractare possimus . — quoniam tamen significastis quosdam immoderatos ●sse & communicationem accipiendam festinanter urgere ; et. desiderastis in hac re formam ● me vabis dari , &c. ep. 19. p. 41. u item presbyteris & diaconibus non defui● sacerdotii vigor , ut quidam d●sciplinae minus m●mores , & t●meraria festinatione praecipites qui tam lapsis communicare jam caeperant compri●mer●●tur . ep. 20. p. 43. v page vv quanqua● nobi● diff●r●ndae h●jus rei necess●tas major incumbat , quibus , post excessum nobilissimae memoriae viri fabiani , nendum est episcopus propter re●●●n & te●porum difficultates constitutus , qui ●mnia ist●● mod●r●tur , & eorum qui lapsi sunt possi● cum auctoritate & consilio habere rationem . ep. 30. p. 59. x q●anquam nobis in tam ingenti negotio place at quod & tu ipse tractasti , prius ecclesiae pa●●m sustinendum , deinde , sic collatione cons●lior●m cum episcopis , presbyteris , diaconis , confessor●bus p●●riter ac st●ntibus lai●is facta , laps●ram tractar● rationem . perquam ●nim nobis & invidiosum & on●rosum vid●●●r , non per mult●s examinare , quod per ●ultos comm●ssum videatur fuisse ; & 〈◊〉 sententiam dicere cum tam grande crimen per mul●os diffusum not●tur exisse ; quoniam nec●firmum d●cr●●●um pot●●● esse●quod non plurimorum v●debitur habuisse consensum . ibid. y cujus temperam●nti moderamen nos hic tenere quaerentes , diu , & quide● m●lti , & quidem cum quibusdam episc●pi● 〈◊〉 nobis & appropinquantibus & quos ex aliis provinciis longe p●sit is persecutionis i●tius ardor ej●●●rat , antc constitu●ionem episcopi nih●l i●●ovandum put avimus , sed l●psorum curam medi●criter temperandam esse credidimus , ut , in●erim , dum episcopus dari a deo nobis sustinetur , in suspenso ●orum qui moras possunt dilationis sustin●r● , caus●● t●neatur . ibid. p. 60. z et cum incumbit nobis qui videmur praep●siti esse , & vice pastoris custod●re gregem . ep. 8. p. 16. a sed ipsos cohortati s●●us & hortamur ager● p●●nitentiam 〈◊〉 qu●m●do indulgentiam p●terunt recipere ab ●o qui potest praestare . ibid. p. 17. b quarum jam ●ausa audita , praeceperunt 〈◊〉 praep●siti tantisper sic esse , donec episcopus constituatur . ep. 2● p. 46. c pete ergo cypriane carissim● ut nos gr●tia su● dominus — armet & illustret — cui ●nim magis haec ut pro nobis p●tat , mandare debemus , quam tam glorioso episcopo ? — ecce aliud gaudium nostrum quod in officio episcopatus tui , licet interim , a fratribus pro temporis conditione distractus es , tamen non defu●sti — animadvertimus enim te congruente censura & eos digne ●bj●rgass● , qui immemores ●elictorum su●rum , pac●m a presbyteris , p●r absentiam tuam , f●stinata & praecipiti cupiditate extorsissent , & illos qui ●ine respectu evangelii , sanctum dom●ni ganibus , & margari●●● por●is , profan● facilitate donassent . ep. 31. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . can. ap. 39. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignat. epist. p. 6. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 7. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 13. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 20. hh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 43. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 47 k meminisse autem diaconi debent , quoniam apostolos , i. e. episcop●s & praepositos dominus elegit : diaconos autem post ascensum domini in caelos apostoli sibi constituerunt episcopatus 〈◊〉 & ecclesiae ministros — et ideo op●rtet diaconum de quo scribis ag●re ●udaciae suae paenit●ntiam & honorem sac●rdotis agnoscere , & episcopo praeposito su● pl●na humilitate satisfacere . ep. 3. p. 6. l in quo vobis quoque plurimum gratulor quod ●jus m●moriam tam celebri & illustri testimonio pros●quamini , ut per vos innotescat nobis quod & vobis ess●t ●●rca praepositi memoriam gloriosum , & nobis qu●que fidei a● virtutis praeberet exemplum . ep. 9. p. 19. m nam cum gaudere in hoc omnes fratres opor●et , tum in gaudio communi major est episcopi portio : eccle●iae enim gloria , praepositi gloria ●st . ep. 13. n vide supra , 〈◊〉 o quam unitatem firmiter ten●re & vindicare d●bemus , maxime episcopi qui in ecclesia praesidemus . de unit. eccl. p. 108. p misimus aut●m ●sest●rtium c●nt●m millia nummum , quae istic in ecclesia cui domini indulgentia praesumus , cleri & plebis apud nos consistentis collatione collecta sunt . ep. 62. p. 147. q inde enim schismata & haereses obortae sunt & oriuntur , d●●m episcopus qui unus est & ecclesiae praeest , superba quorundam praesumptione cont●mnitar — ep. 66. p. 167. r optaveram quidem f. c. ut universum clerum nostrum integrum & incolumem meis literis salu●arem . ep. 14. p. 31. s vos quidem n●stri presbyteri & diaconi , monere debuerant — ep. 17. p. 39. t et quoniam oportuit me per cler●cos scribere , sci● autem nostros plurimos abesse — ep. 29. p. 55. u ut ●um cler● nostro dominus adjunger●t , & desolatam per lapsum quorundam presbyterii nostri copiam gloriosis sacordotibus adornaret . ep. 40. p. 79. v urbanus & sidonius confessores ad presbyters nostros venerunt . ep. 49. p. 92. vv interea●●●●si quis imm●deratus & praeceps , ●ive de nostris presbyteris vel diaconis — ep. 34. p. 68. x ad te , exempl●● literarum — miseram , quae de ●odem felicissimo & de presbyterio 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 istic nostrum — scripseram . ep. 45. p. 8● . y — cum cornelio episc●p● nostro pariter & cum universo cler● pacem fecisse — ep. 53. p. 98. z et tu quid●m ●●●orifice circa nos , & pro soli●a tua humili●at● facisti , ut malles de co conqueri cum pro episcopatus vigore & cathedrae auctorita●● haberes potestatem , qua posses de illo statim vindicari . ep. 3. p. 5. a oportet diaconum , agere audaciae suae paenitentiam , & honorem sucerdotis agnoscere — b qu●d si ultr● te contumeliis suis exacerbav●rit & pr●vocaveri● , fungeris ciroa cum 〈◊〉 state honoris 〈◊〉 ut ●um vel deponas vel abstineas . c et si qui alii tales extiterint , & contra sacerdotem dei fecerint , vel coercere poteris , v●l abstinere . d — sacerdotali licentia — ibid. p. 6 , 7. e hoc enim quorundam presbyterorum malignitas & perfidia perfecit , ne ad vos ante diem paschae venire licuisset : dum conjurationis suae memores , & antiqua illa contra episcopatum meum — ven●na retin●ntes , instaurant veterem contra nos impugnationem suam , & sacrilegas machinationes insidiis solitis denuo revocant . et quidem de dei providentia nobis hoc nec volentibus , nec optantibus , imo & ignoscentibus , & tacentibus , p●●nas quas meruerant rependerunt , ut a nobis non ●jecti , ultro se ej●cerent ; ipsi in se , pro conscientia sua , s●ntentiam darent ; — conjurati & scelesti de ecclesia sponte se pell●rent . ep. 43. p. 81 , 82. f invitus dico , s●d dicam necesse est : quidam illi restiterunt , etiam ut vinceret . quibus tamen quanta l●nitate , quam patienter , quam b●nevolenter indulsit , quam clementer ignovit , amicissimos cos postmodum & inter nec●ssarios computans , mirantibus multis ? cui enim possit non esse miraculo , tam memoriosae mentis oblivio ? p●nt . in vita cyp. p. 3 , 4. g int●rea si quis immoderatus 〈◊〉 praeceps sive de nostris presbyteris v●l diaconibus , ●ive de p●regrinis , ausus fuerit ante sententiam nostram communicare cum lapsis , a communicatione nostra acceatur ; apud omines 〈◊〉 n●s c●us●m 〈…〉 permittente domino , conve●●●●●nus . ep. 34. p. 68. h si quis autem paenitentiam agere , & d●o satisfacere detrectans , ad felicissimi & satellitum ejus partes concesserit , & se haereticae factioni c●●junx●rit ; sciat se postea ad ecclestam redire & 〈◊〉 episcopis & plebe christi c●mmunicare non posse . ep. 43. p. 85. i vide ep. 45. p. 98. k legi literas tuas , f. c. — quibus significasti , felicissimum host●m christi — abstentum & non tantum me● , sed plurimor●m co-episcoporum sententia condemnat●m 〈…〉 illic ●sse rejectum , &c. ep. 59. p. 126. l ep. 55 , & 68 m lib. 13. c. 14. n privatus lambesitanus — fortunatum sibi pseudo-episcopum dignum collegio suo fe●it . ep. 59. p. 132. o — ut plebe pr●●sente vel detegantur malorum crimina vel bonorum merita praedicentur — episcopus deligatur plebe praesente quae singulorum vit●m plenissime 〈◊〉 vit , &c. ep. 67. p. 172. p ibid. q ep. 45. p. 87. r de cypri●no metropolitano , vide ep. 43. p. 82. ep. 44. p. 85. ep. 45. p. 87. ep. 48. p. 91. ep. 55. p. 110. ep. 56. p. 116. vide etiam conc. carthag , de agrippino , ep. 71. p. 196. ep. 73. p. 199. s metropolitanor●m , seu episcoporum in urbe matrice , vel prima sede , sua fuerunt , hac ●tate , supra reliquos ejusdem provinciae jura . spanhem . epit. i say . ad h. e. n. t. saec. 3. sect. 6. p. 117. t ep. 44. p. 83. u ep. 59. p. 135. v collegis omnibus fidelit●r junctu . ep. 59. p. 130. w ep. 45. x et factus est episcopus a plurimis collegis nostris qui tun● in urbe roma aderant , qui ad n●s lit●ras h●m●rificas & laudabiles , & testimonio su● praedicationis illustres , de ejus ordinatione miserunt , ep. 55. p. 104. y iccirco enim , f. c. copiosum corpu● est saccrdotum concordiae mutuae glutino , atque unitatis vinculo copulatum , ut si quis ex collegio nostro baer●sin facere , & gregem christi lacerare & vastare t●ntavr●t , subveniant caet●ri , & quasi pastores utiles & m●sericord●s , oves dominic●s in gregem colligant . ep. 68. p. 178. z nam etsi pastores multi sumus , unum tam●n gr●g●m pascimus . ibid. a — s●latium nostrae ●pitul●tionis — ibid. p. 177. b ep. 59. p. 126. c ep. 44 d — librato apud nos , diu , consilio , satis fuit objurgare therapium collegam nostrum , quod tem●re h●c fecerit — pacem t●men quomodocunqu● a sacerdote dei s●mel d●tam , non p●tavimus aufere●dam , ac per hoc victori communicatione● sibi concessam usurpare permisimus . ep. 64. p. 158. e ep 55. p. 102 , 103. f ep. 67. p. 174. g ep. i. p. i. h vide euseb. h. e. l. 5. a c. 23. ad c. 28. i euseb. l. 7. c. 30. k et quoniam oportuit me per clericos scribere — ep. 29. p. 55. i librum tibi cum epistolis numero quinque mist — quae epist●l● jam plurimis collegis nostris missae placu●runt , & rescripserunt se quoque nobiscum in ●●dem consili● secundum catholicam fidem stare ; quod ipsum et●am-tu ad coll●gas nostros , quos p●tueris transmitte ; ut apud omnes unus actus , & una consentio secundum domini praecepta t●neatur . ep. 25. p. 50. m ep. 55. p. 102. n ep. 47. o — et miserim tibi proxime nomina episcoporum istic constitutorum qui integri & sani in ecclesia catholica fratribus praesunt . quod utique ideo de omnium nostrorum c●nf●lio placuit scribere ; ●t ●rroris diluendi — c●mpendium fieret , & sciru ●u & college n●strl , quibus scribere , & literas mutuo a quibus vos accipere op●rteret . ep. 59. p. 132. p significa plane nobis quis in locum marciani arelate fuerit substitutus , ut sciam●s 〈◊〉 quem fratres nostros dirigere , & cui scribere debeamus . ep. 68. p. 179. q oportet n●s t●men pac● c●mmuni consu●re , & in●erdum deesse vobis , ne praesentia nostri invidiam et violentiam gentilium provocet . ep. 7. p. 14. r atque utinam loci & gradus mei cond●●●o permitt●r●t , ut ipse praesens esse possem , ep. 12. p. 27. s nam sic●t domini mandata instruunt , ort● statim turbationis impetu primo , cum me cl●more violento frequenter popul●s flagitasset , non tam mean salutem quam quietem fratrum p●blicam cogi●ans , interim s●cessi ne per inverecundam praesentiam nostram , seditio quae caeperat , plus pr●vocaretur . ep. 20. p. 42. t acc●ssi●●uic tabescenti animo nostro dolor major , qu●d in tanta sollicitud●ne , ac necessitat● , excurrere ad vos ipse non possum ; dum per minas & per insidias perfid●rum cavemus , ●e . advenientibus nobis tumultus illic major oriatur ; & cum paci & tranquillitati episcopus providere in omnibus debeat , ipse materiam seditioni dedisse , & persecutionem exacerbasse videatur . ep. 43. p. 83. u ep. 43. p. 83. v — a. tertullo — qui etiam ●uj●s c●●silii auctor suit , ut cautus & m●leratus ●x●ster●m , ne me in conspectum publicum , & maxime ejus loci ubi toties flagitat●● & quasitus fuissem , temere commiiterem . fretns ergo dilectione & religion● vestra , quam satis novi , his literis & hor●●r & mondo ut vos quor●m minime illic invidiosa , & non ●deo ▪ periculosa praesentia est , vigemea 〈◊〉 , &c. ep. 14. p. 31. w — in tempestate pros●riptus , applicito & adjuncto episcopatus sui nomine , tot●es ad leonem petitus , &c. ep. 59. p. 130. x si quis tenet vel possidet de bouis caecil● i cypriani episcopi christianorum : ut ●●iam qui non credebant deo episcopum constitu●nti , vel diabol● crede●●nt episcopum pr●scribenti . ep. 66. p. 166. y vide pont. in vita cyp. p. 9 , 10. z cum mult● patientius atque tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se aemulum principem , quam constitui romae dei sacerdotem . ep. 55. p. 104. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euseb. h. e. l. 6. c. 24. b nec interest unde episcopo aut terror aut periculum veniat , qui terroribus & periculis vivit obnoxius . ep. 59. p. 126. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. euseb , l. 7. c. 13. confessions and proofes of protestant divines of reformed churches that episcopacy is in respect of the office according to the word of god, and in respect of the use the best : together with a brief treatise touching the originall of bishops and metropolitans. morton, thomas, 1564-1659. 1662 approx. 231 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51419 wing m2836 estc r40650 19499012 ocm 19499012 108873 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51419) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108873) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1675:6) confessions and proofes of protestant divines of reformed churches that episcopacy is in respect of the office according to the word of god, and in respect of the use the best : together with a brief treatise touching the originall of bishops and metropolitans. morton, thomas, 1564-1659. ussher, james, 1581-1656. originall of bishops and metropolitans. w. c. apostolicall institution of episcopacy. [6], 82 p. s.n.], [london : 1662. attributed to thomas morton by wing and nuc pre-1956 imprints. place of imprint suggested by wing. pages 35 and 73 misnumbered as 53 and 63 respectively. reproduction of original in the british library. with: the originall of bishops and metropolitans / briefly laid down by james, arch-bishop of armagh -the apostolicall institution of episcopacy / deduced out of the premises, by w.c. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via 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church of england -bishops. episcopacy. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-02 rachel losh sampled and proofread 2005-02 rachel losh text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion confessions and proofes of protestant divines of reformed churches , that episcopacy is in respect of the office according to the word of god , and in respect of the use the best . together with a brief treatise touching the originall of bishops and metropolitans . printed in the year , 1662. to the pious and religious reader , grace and peace in christ jesus . the matter subject of this treatise being yet in suspense , and to be determin'd de future , viz. what ecclesiasticall government is to be judged to be , according to the word of god , in respect of the office it self , and also the best in respect of its use : after that , upon more and more deliberation , i had perfected my conlusion , the saying of augustine came into my mind , he that concealeth a truth , and he that teacheth a falshood are both guilty : the first because he will not profit ; the other because he intendeth to hurt and delude : which i apprehend as a double caution , both of not publishing any utopian ecclesiasticall form of government of mine own forging , as also , of not stifling , by my silence , a form truly apostolicall . which resolution , notwithstanding , i did not adventure to take , before that i was fortified in my perswasion by a general consent of protestant divines of reformed churches , and among others , in some principal points appealing to the divines of the church of geneva ; nor yet do we so much insist upon their confessions as upon their proofs , especially being grounded upon two infallible foundations . the first , the general verdict of antiquity , as well doctrinall as historicall : though we should not name that general council of calcedon consisting of 630 fathers , which by one canon decreed it to be a sacriledge to presse down a bishop into the degree of a presbyter . the same council that did also ordain another canon , which was then the very break-neck of romish popedome . 2. the authenticall texts of scripture so far as thereby to demonstrate christ his own approbation of episcopal prelacy after his ascension in the churches of asia : in one whereof without all contradiction was one polycarpus bishop and martyr . as for the churches , whereof we are to speak , the tractate hath been undertaken in behalf of protestant churches , which practice at this day the same prelacy under these two divers names of episcopacy and superintendency , as much exceeding the number of those which are destitute of bishops , yet so , as justly condemning the romish hierarchy ( rather tyranny ) poysoned with most grosse idolatry ; and not so onely , but so far opposite to the episcopacy which we defend , that it is a false usurpation , that all bishops be originally deduced from the pope , and dependant upon him . other churches destitute of bishops we differ from , yet not so ( far be it from us ) as not to account them essential churches of christ , but to whom as formerly , we do desirously give the right hand of brotherly fellowship ; to joyn against the common and grand adversary in the romish babylon . concerinng other points circumstantial we have provided , that our method be with coherence , our styl plain and even , our allegations direct and punctual , our authors justly approveable , our taxations toothless , and our inferencies brief , pertinent and consectary . as for you ( good christian reader ) his hope is , that he shall not need the use of the apostles expostulation , saying , am i your enemy because i tell you the truth ? and his prayer to god shall be to protect and blesse you , to the glory of his saving grace in christ jesus , that he also will distribute to this our lacerated church , some portion of that his peerlesse legacy left unto his apostles , when he said , my peace i leave with you , by vertue whereof , we may with one heart and mind faithfully worship god in spirit and in truth . the contents of every thesis . i. thesis . that our english episcopacy hath been justified b the confession of the most learned protestants of remot churches , in speciall by the church of geneva . pag. 1 ii. thesis . that there was never any visible constituted church in all christendome since the appostles time for 1500. years and more , which held episcopacy in it self to be unlawful . 5 iii. thesis ▪ that episcopall prelacy is acknowledged by protestant divines of remote churches to be according to the word of god , and their consent therein unto primitive antiquity . 7 iv. thesis . that episcopall government in the church is , in respect of the necessary use thereof , the best , by the consent of protestant divines of other reformed churches . 9 v. thesis . that the most protestant churches do professe and practise a prelacy over presbyters . 13 vi. thesis . that the former reasons of confessions of protestant divines , concerning the necessity of episcopall prelacy , for preservation of concord and preventing of schisme , is correspondent to the judgement of antiquity . 14 vii . thesis . that bishops primitively were not only the chiefest champions for the christian faith , but also the greatest adversaries to romish popedome , as have also our english. 16 viii . thesis . that to be of aposticall institution argueth in it a divine right by the confession of excellent divines of the reformed churches . 18 ix . thesis . that no ancient father absolutely denyed the aposticall originall of episcopacy , no not the objected hieròme , who will shew himself a manifest patron thereof . 19 x. thesis . that clement an apostolicall disciple , to whose arbitrement both our opposites and we offer to yeild our selves , doth patronize episcopacy , as being apostolicall . 21 xi . thesis . that other primitive fathers before hierome did unanimously testifie an apostolical right of episcopacy . 24 xii . thesis . that the apostolicall antiquity of episcopacy is confessedly proved out of ignatius . 26 xiii . thesis . that antiquity hath given us rules of resolution for the knowledge of any apostolicall practice , which may serve in the case of episcopacy . 27 xiv . thesis . that protestant divines of other reformed churches have held it most equall to be directed by the judgments of ancients for a proof of a practice apostolicall . 28 xv. thesis . that mr. beza himself is challengable to yield unto an apostolicall right of episcopacy from his own former confession . 30 xvi . thesis that the testimonies of nazianzen and augustine are unworthily objected to the contrary . 30 xvii . thesis . that timothy and titus both had a prelacy over presbyters notwithstanding the objection of the community of names of bishops and presbyters is sufficiently confessed by protestant divines of remote churches . 32 xviii . thesis . that timothy and titus have had a prelacy as bishops over presbyters in the apostles times , notwithstanding the objection , that they were called evangelists according to consent of protestants of reformed churches . 34 xix . thesis . that antiquity taught an episcopacy both in timothy and titus . 36 xx. thesis . that our opposites first exposition which interpreteth the angell to meane the whole church and congregation is notably extravagant . 38 xxi . thesis . that our opposites second exposition of the word angell , to signifie onely the order and colledge of presbyters , is erroneous , notwithstanding the arguments of our opposites to the contrary . 39 the answer to the first argument . 39 to the second . 39 to the third . 41 to the fourth . 42 to the last . 43 xxii . thesis . that our opposites third exposition of the word angell , to signifie one only pastour in the church of ephesus , is extremely new and naught 44 xxiii . thesis . that by the word angell of ephesus , to signifie a singular and individuall pastour having a prelacy over presbyters , is proved by a large consent of protestant divines without exception judicious and ingenuous . 45 xxiv . thesis . that antiquity held not the word angell ( whereof we treat ) to be taken collectively for a multitude of pastours . 48 xxv . thesis . that the word angell in other places of the revelation is commonly , if not alwayes individually taken . 48 xxvi . thesis . that by angell is meant individually one bishop , is demonstrated by historicall learning without contradiction . 50 xxvii . thesis . that christ himself shewed his approbation of prelacy , which the foresaid angels had in their severall churches . 52 the judgment of protestant divines , of remote churches , as well such as were the first reformers of religion , as others after them in behalf of episcopal degree in the church . this they perform , both by their direct and ingenious confessions , and after by sound and solid proofs , so far as to shew episcopal prelacy to be according to gods word , as also to acknowledge the same for use to be the best kinde of ecclesiastical government . we are , in the first place , to try their plain confessions concerning the said prelacy , as well in special , for our english , as touching episcopacy in generall , in what orthodox church soever , and afterwards to adjoyn the proofs . 1. thesis . that our english episcopacy hath been justified by the confession of the most learned protestants of remote curches , in special by the church of geneva . our episcopall prelacy we are sure was profess'd , and practis'd by bishops . 1. in the dayes of king edward the 6. who as they were the principal authors of the reformation of our protestant religion , so did some of them seal the truth of their profession with their bloud , and have therefore been with others thus extoll'd by that golden mouth of the french church a master moulin saying , that they were for zeal nothing inferiour to the most excellent servants of god , that germany or france ever had ; which ( saith he ) none will deny is so , if not wilfully stupid and blinded in day-light . yea , and touching those then archbishops and bishops b beza for the church of geneva . it happened in our memory , that she ( speaking of our english church ) hath had men of that calling , not onely constant martyrs of god , but also excellent pastours and doctors . 2. in the dayes of queen elizabeth , calvin the most illustrious star of the church of geneva , doubted not to instile archbishop cranmer c a most accomplish'd prelate ( saith he ) who hath the cure , not onley of england , but also of the whole christian world , which he did to the dignifying of the government of our english church ; and no marvel , seing that he durst professe to yeild , in behalf , even of popish bishops , upon condition , that renouncing the dependance upon the pope , and acknowledgment of christ as their onely head , with profession of his truth d . then shall we professe all them ( saith he ) who shall not reverently and willingly submit to their government , to be worthy of whatsoever anathema or curse . so he , even in his tractate of reformation of the church , at what time also beza after his congratulating the restitution of our protestant religion in england , earnestly desired the whole clergy under the government of grindal then bishop of london , to e submit unto him , holding him worthy of much punishment who should despise his authority . yea , and so well did he approve of the then government by archbishops and bishops , as to wish it might be perpetual unto them . † sadell likewise , who is sufficiently commended by his excellent writings in defence of the protestant religion , did joyn together with beza in an apology to vindicate themselves from a sinister report , as if they had detracted from the right of government by arch-bishops and bishops , avouching the same aspersion to have been a most impious slander . and f bishop jeuell , how was he honoured by peter martyr , calling him a most renowned prelate ; and by sibbrandus * lubbartus , entitling him the ornament , not onely of england , but also of the whole world ? g hierom zanchee , one in the opinion of our opposites ( we doubt not ) worthily renowned , in his letters to queen elizabeth , he exhorteth her majesty with an imprimis , and especially to extend her care , power and authority , to have godly bishops , skilfull in holy scriptures , of which sort ( saith he ) by the blessing of god you have already very many : and to cherish and hear them . h also in his epistle to arch-bishop grindall , upon occasion of his remove to canterbury , he expresseth his joy for that accesse of dignity , as a testimony of gods love towards him , and a means whereby he might more and more promote gods true religion . our opposites ought not to be offended with us , although we offer unto them next an author , somewhat distastfull unto them at the first hearing , namely i d. saravia , because as he is a religious divine● and as un-episcopall as any other , so also is he as orthodox , every-where , as they know , inveighing against the romish hierarchie ; he confesseth himself to wonder at the wisdome of the reformers of religion in england , so as not any where deviating from the antient church of christ ; and concludeth with this epiphonema , saying , i hold it a part of her happiness that she hath retained with her the order of bishops . 3. in the raigne of king james , that famous k isaack casaubon , whom we reckon as the fourth witnesse from the church of geneva , had that estimation of our english episcopall government , as to confesse , that no church doth come nearer the form of the primitive church , then it doth : so farre that even they who envyed her happinesse , are notwithstanding constrained to extoll it . he proceeds furthermore to blazon the worthinesse of it . if ( saith he ) the essentiall part of the church be enquired into , and what either necessarily belongeth unto the doctrine of salvation , or else to the decency of the church , then ( praysed and magnified be god ) no church upon earth can be found , which more professeth the faith , and resembleth the form of the ancient catholique church , then it doth . so he . but to return to our french witnesse again : worthy * master moulin , in an answer to a papist , who upbraided him with the discipline of england , doth avouch the dignity thereof , telling him furthermore , that their agreement is such , that england ( saith he ) hath been a refuge to our persecuted churches , and correspondently the excellentest servants of god in our churches , as peter martyr , calvin , beza , and zanchee , have often written letters full of respect and amity to the prelates of england . so he . lastly , now under our gracious soveraigne king charles in the time of arch-bishop abbot , whose daily experience did testifie the reciprocall correspondence between him , and with other bishops and all reformed churches beyond the sea. at what time likewise cyrill , late greek patriarch of constatinople , did so farre honour both him and our english church , as to professe his accordance therewith , more specially then with any other . and if our bishops of later date had not been respected , then surely would not the divines about breme in germany have sent their controversies had among themselves , onely unto certain bishops in england ( as they did ) to have them moderated by their judgements , not to speak of their dedications of some of their books unto bishops . these last relations nothing , but the importunity of these times , could have extorted from us . thus much of particular respects had in speciall to our english episcopall government , by singular approved divines of the reformed protestant churches . in the next place , as the thread of our method leadeth us , we are to examine what they will say touching the unlawfulnesse , or lawfulness thereof in generall . ii. thesis . that there was never any visibly constituted church in all christendome since the apostles time for 1500. years and more , which held episcopacy in it self to be unlawfull . we are not ignorant that even at this time , all episcopacy , and prelacy of any one above presbyterie , is cryed down by some as unlawfull in it self , notwithstanding our opposites cannot but know what , besides epiphanius , saint angustine recorded of one aerius , to wit , that he , because he could not obtain to be made a bishop , did therefore teach that there ought to be no difference between a presbyter and a bishop . so he : and for that cause they listed him among the erroneous authors of that age , but ( he being excepted ) never any visible church of christ before him , we adde , nor yet any thus protested after him , nor before these dayes of contradiction defended his opinion . now whether the humour of desire to rule others , and the unwillingnesse to be subject unto others , may not equally transport some ecclesiasticks to oppose against episcopacy , they can best judge whom it most concernes . we know ( beside infinite others , who have acknowledged the lawfulnesse of episcopacy ) some protestant divines of remote churches , who have fully condemn'd the opinion of aerius . three may suffice for three hundred if they be learned and judicious authors , and not interested in that which is now called episcopall policy . a master moulin commeth on roundly : i have since my infancy ( saith he ) abhorr'd the opinion of aërius . b tylenus also a divine of the french church as pertinently and plainly . none ever before aërius endeavoured the extirpation of episcopacy , nor yet after him any , but some of geneva . what some he might meane we know not , but whom he might not meane we have already shewn , as calvin , beza , sadle , and causabon , who have given their ample suffrages for our english episcopacy , but only speak against the romish hierarchie : and now , for the generality of it , c beza is again at hand , saying , if there be any , as i think ( saith he ) there is not , who altogether reject the episcopall order , god forbid that any of sound brains should ever assent to their furies : and besides , protesteth his acknowledged observance , and all reverence to all bishops reformed . hitherto against the objected unlawfulnesse of episcopacy in the church of christ. but this will not satisfie some men , except furthermore the lawfulness thereof may appear in that degree which is called in respect of its right , according to the word of god. it belongeth unto us to shew this by the confession of divines of remote protestant churches , which we are ready to performe , and more too . iii. thesis . that episcopal prelacy is acknowledged by protestant divines of remote churches to be according to the word of god , and their consent therein unto primitive antiquity . lvther may well be allowed for the fore-man amongst the reformers of the protestant religion , who proveth the prelacy of episcopacy above simple presbyters ( for so he saith ) by divine right ; and this he doth in his tract●te called his reselution , grounding his judgment upon scripture , whereof hereafter . accordingly bucer , against the pope as anti-christ : b we see ( saith he ) by their perpetual observation of churches , and from the apostles themselves , that it seemed good to the holy ghost that some singular one should be appointed among the presbyters to govern in so sacred an order , who hath for the same cause , the appellation of bishop in scripture . scultetus the divine , professour at heidelberg , professing episcopal degree to be of divine right , and professeth to prove it to be such by efficacious reasons , who in the sequell of his discourse will be as good as his word ; with whom agreeth that admirable schollar c isaac casaubon , the ornament of geneva , who held the same to be grounded upon the testimonies of scriptures . these may serve for the present till we come to a larger consent . all these , and other the former confessions of protestant divines , are the proper idiom and language of primitive antiquity , teaching thus . episcopacy is by the ordination of christ. so d ignatius : and again , e reverence your bishop as christ and the apostles have commanded you . or thus , to be a divine power , the resistancè whereof is against god himself : so cyprian . and thus , god placed bishops over his family : so f origen . and thus , the apostles were made bishops by christ , who ordained others ( meaning bishops ) in other places , by whom the church should be govern'd : g so augustine . or thus , h bishops constituted over presbyters , as the word of god teacheh : so epiphanius . and thus , i none can be ignorant that bishops were instituted by christ when he made his apostles , by whom others should be made bishops , whom we succeed , and ( speaking of bishops ) of whom christ said , he that despiseth you despiseth me : so again augustine . before we end this point we shall desire our opposites to bethink themselves what they think may signifie the suffrages of the fathers of the synod of calcedon , for antiquity , one of the first four generall , and in this generality universally receiv'd throughout christendom , for amplitude consisting of six hundred and thirty bishops , and for aversenesse against the pope of rome , that which undermin'd the very foundation of romish popedom , which is a pretence of having been established by the divine authority of christ the universall bishop of the church , and equalling another patriarch with him , and shewing that all the primacy which the pope of rome had , was but from humane authority . this k councell concerning episcopacy ordain'd , that to depose a bishop down to the degree of a presbyter , is sacriledge . this so great a harmony , between the former protestant divines , and those eminent fathers , how shall it not sound delightfull unto every docible and unpreoccupated hearer ? these confessions notwithstanding , we have not discharg'd our assumption , untill we produce their proofes , which is to be perform'd according to our former promise , after that we shall manifest the like confessions of protestant divines and accordance to antiquity , in acknowledging episcopacy to be the best forme of government in respect of the use thereof . iv. thesis . that episcopall government in the church , is , in respect of the necessary use thereof , the best by the consent of protestant divines of other reformed churches . some peradventure will conceive , that three at the least being required in the degree of comparison , to make up a best : therefore our three must be taken either for episcopacy , which is a prelacy of one above more ; or presbytery , which is an equality of moe among themselves ; or that which is called an independency , of one in each parish without relation to any other . which mis-begotten brat was never heard of in ancient times , or approv'd of any latter church of christ since ; and indeed is but the erecting of a pope in every parish , whereof something * hereafter . it will be sufficient that we understand a best in the full latitude with comparison of whatsoever other . our protestant witnesses we ranke into two classes ; first is the church of the lutherans , who were the first reformers of our protestant religion . a if our reader will be pleased but to cast his eye upon the marginalls , he may find out these following observables , viz. that luther will be known , when he complained of bishops , to have meant over tyrannous ( p●pish ) bishops , and them , ( as he saith ) who are unworthy of the holy name of bishop ; next , that all protestant churches of germany in their generall confessions , had ( as they say ) often protested their earnest desire to conserve the discipline of degrees in the church by the authority of bishops , whereby to remove dissentions and schismes from the church , then that b melancthon , by the perswasion of luther , was as much bent for episcopall government as any , when he burst out into this expression ; i would to god it lay in me to restore the government of bishops , for i see what a church we shall have , the ecclesiasticall policy being dissolv'd , i foresee it will be far more intolerable then ever it was . there is added to this the acknowledgment of bucer ; holding it necessary , that the clergy have those ( speaking of bishops ) to whom the authority of the church is committed : his reason , least that refractory and dissolute persons should be in the church . prince hanolt , after he became a sincerely profess'd protestant and faithfull preacher of the gospel , speaking of bishops , that would be faithfull in governing the church : c how willingly , and with what gladnesse of heart , would we ( saith he ) reverence , obey , and yeeld them their ordination and jurisdiction , the which we and luther have very often protested , both by word and writing . we now passe unto the other classes of protestant divines , of reformed churches , beginning with calvin himself , who hath a double intuition concerning presbyteriall government . one as it may be considered is in an independency ; so that every one have a right of excommunication in himself : d this he calleth , unprofitable , odious , and such as easily turneth into tyranny , and contrary to that which the apostles taught . next beholding them in a joynt parity , he relateth the reason of the first beginning of episcopacy , and saith truely , e that by the parity and equality among presbyters , ( as it useth to be ) schismes and dissentions might arise among them . this parenthesis [ as it useth to be ] which he inserteth , certainly hath in it a sting , which pierceth into the bowells of the cause . successour to calvin was beza , who thus far succeedeth him also in his opinion , as f to confesse ( as he saith ) from experience , this of the presbyterian government , that it being not sufficient to repress vices , choice was made of one to governe the rest , as was observed anciently ( saith he ) from the evang. mark in the famous church of alexandria : again , speaking of the institution of episcopacy , whatsoever it was , he will be known to abhore and reprehend it , as erected by pride : but why ? for none can deny ( saith he ) but that there was great use of it whilst that goodly and godly bishops were chief over others . we may well presume ( as was said ) that the other part of the misquoted sentence of zanchie is extant in some impression of his works , wherein he did so symbolize with the forecited sentence of calvin , g testifying before god ( for these are the words ) that he holdeth them schismaticks , who shall determine , that in the restauration of churches there ought to be no bishops , having authority over presbyters , where freely they may be had . he proceedeth furthermore , i think with calvin saith he , them to be worthy of whatsoever anathema , who will not be subject to their government , which submitteth it self to christ ; so he . furthermore concerning the testimonies , as i may so say , of ecclesiasticall government , h zanchie confessed episcopacy to have been ordained for the best end , to wit , the edification of the elect. the sentence of calvin hath been formerly alleadged ; unto these we adde the saying of the proloquutour in the synod of dort , who is rendred unto us , by them that heard him , to have wished , that the church with them were so happy as our english , by having an episcopall government among them . this case was so evident to a late advocat for presbyters , salmasius by name , that although he relucteth justly against an irregular prelacy , yet doth he freely and ingenuously grant , that i the preferring of one bishop in every church , was instituted with best reasons . would any see more ? then he is to observe the protestation made by the german divines in the augustane confession , protesting their desire for the conservation of episcopacy ; whereof it is testified by a k theologicall professour , that other protestants were ready to subscribe to the augustane confession , ( per omnia ) excepting only the article of the eucharist , because it was not clearly explain'd : among these protestants he names calvin , beza , vermilius , marlorat and zanchius , which probably could not have been altogether true , if they had been adversaries to the foresaid protestation . before we can conclude , we return to geneva to be satisfied in a main question ; which is , whether the forme of government in geneva ought to be perscribed as a patterne to other reformed churches to be regulated thereby : and when we consult with l beza about this very point , he telleth us , that this opinion was imparted to their church , but in the name of the whole church of geneva rejecteth it as a most false and impudent exprobration . after this comparison made by weight and ponderation , we seek to try what may be done by computation and numbring . v. thesis . that the most protestant cburches do professe and practise a prelacy over presbyters . many now look upon our english bishops as birds upon owles , yet not peradventure so , as they for strangenesse or for reverence ; but with left eyes in an opinion of singularity and onelinesse , as a thing not acknowledged in other remote and reformed churches of protestants ; not considering what hath been published to the world long-ago , that the word superintendent is of the same signification with the word bishop : both from the same greek , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . yet some protestant churches practising a prelacy , vail it over with the word superintendency : if we would know what , a zanchie will speak out and to the purpose , in telling us that episcopi ( whom we call bishops ) and superintendents , are words of the same sense and signification : and therefore where there is an agreement in the thing signified , there ought not to be any altercation and strife about words . but what will he say to the practice ? he distinguisheth protestant churches in this respect into three differences , some whereof practise a superiority of one above the clergy under the proper name of bishops ; another sort the same , but under the name of superintendents and general superintendents , whom we call arch-bishops . lastly , he discloseth a third kinde , ( a circumstance very remarkeable ) who although they avoid the titles of bishops or superintendents , yet use they to be such primarii , as to say , eminent in prelacy , as in whom ( for so he saith ) the whole authority consisteth . now therefore our question must be , whether the church exercising prelacy , or the other that onely practise equality , exceed in number . the number of churches , which had prelates under the name of bishops , and the other of superintendents ( being in signification the same ) seemed to greg. de valentia , the jesuite , so many , that he thought all protestant churches to have bishops . an excellent servant of god doctor duraeus , and a zealous hunter after the best game , which is , the general peace of protestant churches among themselves , hath set down a catalogue of the churches reform'd on both parties , and reckoneth ( if he be not mistaken ) seven bishops in the kingdom of swede : in denmark bishops , in other lutheran churches superintendents , and in all imperial cities among the protestants , besides divers other reform'd churches the like ; which we suppose will rather keep their conformity with england , then tast new wine with others , seing that , as the text saith , * the old is better : and whether the episcopal form be not the onely and apostolical , cometh now to be discussed by inquiring into antiquity . vi. thesis . that the former reasons of confessions of protestant divines , concerning the necessity of episcopal prelacy , for preservation of concord and preventing of schisme , is correspondent to the judgment of antiquity . it would be worth our knowledge to understand , that the former confessions of protestant divines are , in effect , but the ecchoings unto the sentences of ancient fathers . among whom , hierome could tell us , a that the original of episcopacy ( which is the placing of one presbyter in a degree above others ) was decreed throughout the whole world , for taking away schisme : which use thereof was held so necessary in the dayes of antiquity , that the said hierome spared not to affirm , b that the safety of the church dependeth upon the dignity of a bishop , to whom , except some eminent authority be given , there will be as many schismes as there are priests in the church . so he , and before him tertullian thus , c the bishop is for the honour of the church , which being in safety , our peace will be also safe . but how d chrysostome and gregory nyssen do illustrate , both affirming the same necessity of a bishop in the church , as is a precentor in a quire , a governour in a campe , and a pilot in a ship. by which episcopal order ( saith e basil ) the church is reduced as one soul into communion and concord : yea and before all these ; f cyprian bishop and martyr , complained of such insolencies of presbyters against their bishops , as being causes of heresies and schismes against a divine power of government . so he ; these , will some say , are but their sayings , and shall we therefore think that their sayings were not the symbolls and expressions of their meaning ; but we presume better of them that are ingenuous , and the rather for their further satisfaction which may be had in the next thesis . vii . thesis . that bishops primitively were not only the chiefest champions for the christian faith , but also the greatest adversaries to romish popedome , as have also our english. before we can begin the proof of this thesis , we are confronted by our opposites against primitive fathers in strange termes , bishops by advancing the authority of episcopacy did thereby ( say they ) but plead their own cause , and made a stirrop for the romish antichrist to mount into his pontificall saddle . so they . which contumely against the reverend antiquity , we are loath to call by its proper name ; being therefore not to reprove others , but to prove what we have in hand , which is that some of the ancient bishops lived in the torrid zone of fiery persecution , and others in a temperate . of the first sort we have it confessed , that the persecuting emperours did , above all others , make their inquisition and exercises of their furies most especially upon bishops ; we have it upon record in cyprian , but much more in other ecclesiasticall histories , wherein , as is confessed by a master brightman , although dioclesian in his edict , did especially command the destruction of all that had taken sacred orders , yet in a further b speciality the massacring of bishops ; he relateth that one hundred and sixty of them were martyred in two places ; yea , and in the church of rome it self is also reckoned the number of 160. bishops , who were martyrs of christ in those primitive times . to fancy that these afflicted and persecuted members of christ for their degree sake , could pride it in their episcopall office , would be held to be but a dream , they will rather think , that if they should prelate it , ( as marriners use to frolike it ) rather in a calme of tranquility ; but for this also we shall easily subcribe to the judgement of master beza , who when he was thus posed , whether he should impute the note of pride unto these primitive servants of god , ( whose names have alwayes been celebrious in the church of christ ( to wit ) basil , nysen , nazianzen , athanasius , chrysostome , ambrose , and augustine , who are known to have afterwards had episcopall government in their several churches ) answereth , saying , c i never heard any speak , or read any write otherwise then honourably of those men , as was meete . so he , of his time ; he could not prophesie of the future . it were good , that these who use this new and broad language had considered , * that bishops were then almost the only ones , who , as occasion fell out , either pulled the romish pope out of his saddle when he was mounted , or else pluckt away his stirrop , that in those times he could not get up . for whereas popedome , being a double usurpation , one of plenitude of authority , † universall over bishops ; and the other of an infallibility of judgement in determining all controversies of faith , it hath been evidently and copiously proved , that the amplitude of his diocesse was limited by three hundred bishops in the generall councell of nice . his pretended right of universall authority was contradicted an . 553. by six hundred bishops in the councell of calcedon , where we find it accounted to be but of humane authority against his pretended universall challenge of appeale to rome , it was twice contradicted by bishops in two councells in africk ; and as for his pretended infallibility in judgement , the 165 bishops in the councell of constantinople condemned the decree of pope vigilius ; aud in the sixth and seventh councells , consisting in all of 603. bishops , was pope honorius condemned for an heretique . we may not omit the mention of singular persons bishops , who have had their solemne oppositions against the popes of their times , cyprian , athanasius , basil , cyrill of alexandria , hilary of arles and augustine , with many others . but what talke we of bishops in other sees ? seeing we have in the see of rome it self one , who did prejudice the pretended and usurped dignity and authority of all his successours in condemning the pretence of the highest title and prerogative which the pope doth challenge , which is to be called the vniversall bishop of christs church , by judging it to be proud , prophane , and blasphemous , and the bishop we mean was pope gregory the first , whom mr. brightman hath adorned with this encomium , * the flying angell mentioned , apoc. 8. 13. whose lustre , saith he , god would use for the church . as for our church of england since the reformation , it hath been conformable to the primitive . surely greater faithfulness could not be shown then in the seal of martyrdom , nor more opposition to popedom , then to cut off all dependence upon it by the neck ever since , nor this more by any then in bishops , as our ecclesiastical monuments have recorded ; not to mention the writings publique in confutation of all popish errours and heresies , onely let it be lawfull for us to point at the last synod and convocation was vehement against popery , as ( for this is spoken by him that was absent from it ) any one may read . after these confessions of protestant divines , we are to ascend higher to our proofs , for evincing the same to be according to the word of god , as apostolical ; first from antiquity , and after from the word of god it self . our first proof , that episcopacy is according to the word of god , by manifesting it to have been of apostolical institution by necessary reasons . viii . thesis . that to be of apostolical institution , argueth in it a divine right , by the confession of excellent divines of the reformed churches . from the church of geneva , we have before us mr. beza to deliver his own words . a surely if episcopacy had proceeded from the apostles , i would not doubt to ascribe unto it a divine ordinance . so he . this is plain ; secondly , from the churches within the palatinate , scultetus by name , argueth accordingly . b the apostles placed bishops above presbyters , and therefore is episcopacy of divine institution . a third , properly call'd salmasius , out of the university and church of leiden in the low-countries , one of great fame , and a profess'd friend unto our opposites ; and notwithstanding confesseth , saying , c if the institution of episcopacy ( saith he ) be from the apostles , then it is of divine right . so they . certainly , because what power was ordained by the apostles proceeded from the spirit of god : like as was their decree against strangled and blood , their holy-kisse , their agapae , and the like in their first institution . and although these were abrogated in time , yet the necessity of perpetuating episcopacy , standeth upon two grounds ; one , is the first reason of institution thereof , which was , for avoiding schisme ; the other was , the universal continuance thereof from age to age , upon experience of the same reason : which , as we have heard , hath been held most reasonable to almost all protestant divines of remote churches . now therefore , that which we are to make good is onely our assumption ; to wit , that episcopacy was of apostolical institution , then which nothing almost can be more evinceable , if testimonies from antiquity , evidences out of scriptures , and upon both these , the confessions of protestant divines of the reformed churches may be held satisfactory , our first endeavours concerning antiquity for this performance , must be to remove objections which our opposites cast in our way . the onely peremptorily objected ancients are these two , hierome and clement , both whom we are now to salute . ix . thesis . that no ancient father absolutely denied the apostolical original of episcopacy , no not the objected hierome who will shew himself a manifest patron thereof . the objected sentence of a hierome , saying , concerning episcopal prelacy , that it is rather by the custom of the church , then by the lords disposal , is confessed by the theological protestant professour in the university of heidelberg to be understood b by the decree of the lords disposal ; the immediate ordinance of christ , in his dayes upon earth , and affirming the custom , happily to have meant the apostolical custom , after they began the forming and framing of the churches . however , for this one place objected against us , we have many most evident testimonies out of hierome himself , to prove the first institution of episcopacy to have been indeed apostolical . first is from the original occasion , whereunto he alludeth , even the contention in the church of corinth , when c some held of paul , some of appollo , some of cephas , whereof it is confessed by the foreceited palatinate doctour , d that the words of the apostle will not suffer me ( saith he ) to doubt but that alteration was made in the dayes of the apostles , and his confirmation is as doubtlesse ; namely , because no man can produce any other original of the questioned schisme and contention . this is a chief point , and therefore we desire to hear what e videlius the divine professour in geneva , will say unto it . he handleth the matter accurately , which is to be reserv'd to its proper place . in summe , out of ignatius the disciple of the apostles he sheweth the difference of bishop and presbyter begun timely in the church , even presently after the contention to the corinthians , whereof it is say'd , some held of paul , and some of apollo , and some of cephas . secondly , hierome granteth in general , yet distinctly of bishops , f that they are the successors of the apostles . thirdly , yea he sheweth who were successours in the very dayes of the apostles , reckoning among others , * timothy , titus , polycarpus and euodius . fourthly , he relateth who were first bishops of all others after them , to wit , g james of jerusalem , and marke of alexandria . fifthly , h he alleadgeth the analogy between aaron and his sonnes in respect of the levites with bishops and presbyters , from ( as he saith ) apostolicall tradition . sixthly , the i episcopall part of excommunication against vigilantius he calleth his apostolicall iron rodde . so hierome . it were incredible if that all these apostolicall relations concerning episcopacy , should not amount unto so much as to make up an apostolicall institution thereof . the second objected father , is clement , whereof their successe will be no better , if not much worse . x. thesis . that clement an apostolicall disciple , to whose arbitrement both our opposites and we offer to yeeld our selves , doth patronize episcopacy , as being apostolicall . we are earnestly called upon to hearken unto clement , talking of a prophecy of a future contention which should happen about the name of bishop . next , that there is no peece of antiquity of more esteem , then the epistle of clement unto the corinthians . then ; that this was brought to light by a learned gentleman mr. patrick young : and lastly for the matter it self , that there is a common and promiscuous use of the word presbyter and bishop . we shall answer punctually to every one , viz. the prophecy maketh for us , the epistle much more , the publisher also as much as can be desired , and that objection of the indifferency of the words of bishop and presbyter is scarce worthy the mention . we begin with the prophecy ▪ the prophecy was only , that there should be in time to come , a contention about the word bishop . if we should ask our opposites , when this contention was first known in times of old , they would be loth to tell us , knowing right well , that it was first raised by one aerius , of whom epiphanius and austin have * told us , that he broke out into schisme , and * because he could not obtain to be made a bishop , did therefore spurne against episcopacy , teaching , saith st. austin , that there ought to be no difference between bishops and presbyters ; therefore thus they may see the prophecy fulfilled , both when , and in whom , if they like it . but if any shall boast , that it is fulfilled now by their present opposalls against episcopacy , after that it hath had approbation with a continuall use universally in the churches of god : then have we nothing else to reply , but what the spirit of god , from the pen of the holy apostle , putteth in our mouth ; if any be contentious ( saith he ) we have no such custome , nor the churches of god , whereby the wilfully contentious maketh himself an adversary to the churches of god , and consequently no way acceptable to god himself . the second point which we are to discerne , is that , which they call identity of names of bishops and presbyters : they should have called it community of names , especially knowing that there is no more identity in the words presbyters and bishops , then there is between the letters of p. and b. but this was a lapse : therefore to our matter in hand . we answer , that meer names and words make but verball consequences , to which we oppose a reall and logicall consequence à paribus , thus : for of the very apostles of christ one instiled himself co-presbyter , another himself presbyter , a third himself deacon , who are all common names with others that were not apostles ; and notwithstanding , the apostles themselves in respect of their offices and functions were governours over presbyters : which sheweth that the enterchangeablenesse of names cannot conclude an indifferency of degree . but this ●rambe will be sodden once again , when we shall be occasioned to give further satisfaction . as for the present , it may well be said , what shall we need words , when we see acts and deeds , namely concerning this clement ? not only that he maintained the distinct degrees of episcopacy , but that also he was distinctly above presbyters , a bishop himself . yet should not our opposites pose us in that , where a vedelius a professour of geneva gave them ( if they have read him ) some satisfaction ; shewing , that as soon as clemens remained the sole adjutour of the apostles after linus and cletus , the name of bishop was given unto him , and not attributed to any presbyter , or presbyters in the church of rome . so he . is not this to the point ; the distinguishing of times doth solve many doubts . it is meet now at length we hear clemens himself speak . clement immediately after his relation of the aforesaid prophecy , addeth , saying concerning the apostles , b for this cause , they having a perfect foreknowledge , constituted the aforesaid , and left a description of officers and ministers in their course , who after that they themselves should fall asleep , other godly men might succeed and execute their function . so clement . whence it is evidently collected , that bishops were the successours of the apostles , because a role and catalogue of bishops is frequently had in ecclesiasticall stories , lineally deduced from the apostles , as the most of the learned protestants of the reformed churches have ever confessed . but if our opposites cannot prove the like catalogue of presbyters of a primitive and right line of descent , then are they wholy to yeeld the cause , and that even by the judgment of clement , which is now ready to be furthermore confessed by the exact learning of the publisher of clement . this gentleman , our opposites call learned , we owe him an higher title , even one exquisitely learned ; he commenting upon the same epistle of clement , now objected against episcopacy , teacheth that the right word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agreeth with the word census in tertullian by whom it appeareth , that it was a custome in apostolicall churches to make a role ( for this word he held not unfit ) of the order of bishops to bring them unto their first originall , even as , saith tertullian , polycarpus , was from john the apostle in the church of smyrna , and clemens , in the church of rome , from peter , speaking even of this our clemens , and addeth of others ; and others ( saith he ) whom the apostles constituted bishops , from whom others might deduce their traductions and offsprings ; what is , if this be not , an inexpugnable convincement of our opposites to prove episcopacy to be of an apostolical ordination ? yet is not this all . clement is further represented unto us by the same learned publisher , as one register'd and enroll'd by antiquity as bishop of rome , in the catalogue of the same bishops lineally descended from the apostles , whether in the first , second or third rank , it matters not ; and the doubt , such as it is , is solved in the margent by our foresaid geneva professour : and for witnesses hereunto are cited optatus , hierome , ruffinus , eucherius and photius , set down expressely in the same book , which our opposites have objected against us ; which if you would not see , or seing not regard , all we shall say is , we are sorry for it : yet after this our retorsion of their objected authors upon themselves , we shall endeavour to give them further satisfaction from our selected and expresse suffrages of antiquity for the truth of apostolicall succession of episcopacy . xi . thesis . that other primitive fathers before hierome did unanimously testifie an apostolical right of episcopacy . nothing can be more manifest for the first three a ireneus b tertullian , and c origen , to which we add d augustine , do all professe themselves ready to deduce the succession of bishops in the principal sees from the dayes of the apostles . next they instance in some apostolicall church , as namely from ja. the b op . of hierns . & mark in alexandria what say our opposites to this ? a principal one e ( salmasius by name ) calleth this alleadgment of james a bishop false and foolish : his reason was , because james was an apostle , and therefore not to keep residence in one see. first , be it known , that whatsoever this james was , all antiquity rendereth him unto us a bishop of hierusalem , ( viz. ) f eusebius , g epiphanius , hierom , h egesippus , i chrysostom , and k ambrose , the l synod of trullo : how then shall it become us but of yesterdayes birth , thus to pull reverend antiquity by the beard , and give them the fool ? yet we may not restrain rational men from reasoning , and therefore we answer , that were it that ia. had been an apostle , yet other protestant divines of the reformed churches were no fools , as dr. m scultetus , n zuinglius , and mr. o moulin each one can answer ; that notwithstanding the proper functions of the apostles , in visiting of countries after countries for conversion of people , and founding of churches ; yet whether enfeebled by age , or upon extraordinary occasions , they might fix themselves to one province . but yet are we not costrained to this answer ; but furthermore tell our opposites that , ( which hath been p judiciously proved at large ) that this was not iames that apostle , but iames the brother of our lord , and onely an apostolical disciple , which may satisfie our opposites , untill we come to speak of their objected timothy and titus , called evangelists ; as for mark , if in the line of succession of bishops of alexandria , he only be taken exclusively , yet must the ordinance of that see be necessarily held apostolicall . xii . thesis . that the apostolicall antiquity of episcopacy is confessedly proved out of ignatius . vedelius that learned divinity professor in the academy of geneva , in his most elaborate work of exercitations upon the epistles of ignatius for vindicating his doctrine from the false glosses of bellarmine , baronius and other romish writers , is copious in manifesting the direct judgement of ignatius in many notable points . concerning ignatius himself he rendereth him unto us a disciple of the apostles , a bishop of antioch , an holy man , aud a faithfull minister of christ. 2. concerning the cause against bellarmine , and others who will have bishops the first under the pope of rome , as the apostles were under christ , this he confuteth out of ignatius , who taught that presbyters should be subject to bishops , and bishops to christ. 3. against papists who proclaime the pope to be bishop of bishops : he confesseth ignatius holding the bishop in every church to be the next under christ , and chief therein . 4. the distinction between bishops and presbyters , was in the dayes of the apostles : and lastly professeth for himself and others , that if they had a bishop , such as was polycarpus ( a disciple also of the apostles ) they as ignatius required of the smyrnaeans , would willingly , yea , necessarily obey him . so he . in this maxime we behold two disciples of the apostles , ignatius and polycarpus ; both bishops distinctly from presbyters and governours : and this in the apostles times . as well therefore may our opposites deny themselves to have depended naturally from their own parents , as bishops , originally from the apostles . we are to pursue this yet a little further . xiii . thesis . that antiquity hath given us rules of resolution for the knowledge of any apostolicall practice , which may serve in the case of episcopacy . the rule given by antiquity , was alwayes held catholique throughout all christian churches of ancient times . st. austins rule may be our first direction thus , a whatsoever the vniversall church holdeth , and was not instituted by councels , but alwayes kept , that must most rightly be judged to have been from apostolicall authority : so he : which for our purpose is as much as dr. scultetus most judiciously and ingenuously confess'd , that if no interim can be shewn between the apostles times , and the dayes immediately succeeding , when there was no episcopall government over presbyters in the church , then must the same have proceeded immediately from the apostles . we hold this most reasonable , even as if the question were , what the practice is of the country adjoyning unto us : our next bordering neighbours to it , would be the most competent witnesses of their manners , such have been hitherto our proofes even from such ancients , as either had seen the apostles , or else from such as had been conversant with the immediate disciples of the apostles . our opposites not able to instance in the practice of any one primitive church to the contrary , onely object a community of names of presbyters and bishops , which shadow will vanish , as soon as we shall give light by proofes of the apostolicall o●●gi●all of episcopacy in diverse theses following by expression , confession and authorities . xiv . thesis . that protestant divines of other reform'd churches , have held it most equall to be directed by the judgements of ancients for proof of a practice apostolical . we plead no other equity in this cause , a then what calvin held necessary against anabaptisticall revelations , arguing negatively in this manner , these lyes ( saith he ) are easily confuted , because many were then living who had been conversant with the disciples of the apostles . so he concerning doctrines . how much more convincent must this argument be when our question shall be of the practice of the church in the dayes of the apostles ? even as is daily done by all christian churches , for p●oof of the practice of baptizing of infants , against the same anabaptisticall faction ; yea , why not also for the like originall practice of episcopacy , even by the confession of protestant divines of excellent judgement : b beza must not be neglected , telling us , that he ought not to neglect the ordinance of a higher degree of a bishop above a presbyter , because this was an ancient custome in the famous church of alexandria . so he . this is well , but he hath not quite told out his tale , which he doth elsewhere out of the words of c hierome , saying namely , that in alexandria , from mark the evangelist , one was elected by the presbytery , and placed in a higher degree , whom they named bishop , which was done for a remedy against schisme . be it then that touching this series and order of succession , as it was said of saint mark the apostle , be it taken inclusively , or exclusively ; it necessarily implyeth , that the original of episcopacy was in the dayes of the same apostles . master moulin giveth us a lowder accent , saying , that d he was never so hard faced as to censure these bishops : ignatius , polycarpe , augustine , chrysostome , and other great lights of the church , to have usurped an unlawfull function in the church of christ ; so he : alleadging among his ancients polycarpe and ignatius ; the first of which , as all the learned know , lived in the dayes of the apostles , and as antiquity it self teacheth , and consent of protestant divines of remote churches will afterwards grant , to have been in the dayes of saint john the evangelist , the bishop of smyrna . the other , viz. ignatius , was also acquainted with those , who had been the disciples of christ. besides , we have heard e scultetus resolving , that iames ( not the apostle ) the brother of our lord , was bishop of hierusalem , from the plentifull testimonies of antiquity it self . we will conclude with this our proof from the same antiquity ; but what ? even that which f bucer finds resolved upon ( as he saith ) before hierom , let us take his own words . divine fathers more ancient then hierom. cyprian , ireneus , eusebius , and other ecclesiastical historians shew , that in the apostles times there was one elected and ordained , who should have episcopal function and superiority over presbyters ; so he , instancing in iames , of whom we have spoken who was bishop of hierusalem . xv. thesis . that master beza himself is challengable to yeild unto apostolical right of episcopacy , from his own former confession . master beza hath already * confessed concerning the famous church of alexandria , that from mark the evangelist , one was chosen to be placed in a degree above presbyters , called bishop , is according to the testimony of hierom. the story hereof hath been of late published by master selden , the ornament of our nation , excellently conversant in ancient & exotick learning , out of the relation of eutych●us , that mark the ev. placed anianus patriarch or bishop over presbyters in the church of alexandria . in which book also , there is set down the full catalogue of 18. bishops successively unto dionysius , that possessed the same see , which proveth as plainly an episcopal and personal succession , by an apostolical constitution from anianus to alexandria in a lineal succession , as was the filiall and natural descent from adam to thara , which makes up eighteen generations . what need then many words ? the most theses which have been premised , and almost all afterwards to be propounded , do declare the same by joynt accordance of protestant divines of reformed churches , and suffrages of antiquity . we hasten to our last proof ; but are arrested in our way by our opposites , to answer two objected testimonies of antiquity . xvi . thesis . that the testimonies of nazianzen and augustine are unworthily objected to the contrary . vve are urged to reckon these two excellent bishops , although in true construction they have answered for themselves . nazianzen ( say our opposites ) mustering up the evils that had hapned unto him , reckoneth ejection out of his episcopacy , holding it a part of wisdome to avoid it , wishing that there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 place of president-ship , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or tyrannicall prerogative in the church , but that they might be known only by vertue . we have alleadged nazianzen according to the genuine sense ; so they : but so as usually in an heterogeneall sense to inferre a necessary abnegation of episcopacy . they who seek iugenuously the genuine sense of sentences in authors must be janus-like faced , looking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 backward and foreward , both which properties have been wanting to our opposites ; first because before the words objected they lay before their eyes this saying of nazianzen ; there was a time when episcopacy was had in great admiration , and desired of wise and prudent men ; and the second , as not considering that was then spoken only comparatively against the tyrannicall government of bishops , which by all protestant bishops hath been condemned in the popish hierarchie ; besides , that this was but the breath of vexatious passion upon occasion of one maximus , whom nazianzen calleth a cynicke and doggish philosopher , because , whereas he himself had the generall esteem in the church of christ to be , by way of excellence , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the divine , notwithstanding he was vehemently persecuted by the same unworthy prelate , and by his circumvention disturb'd out of his bishopricke ; and therefore sensible of that iudignity , did utter the language of his hearts grief . but why did not our opposites tell us , that after this storme there fell a calme , when the same godly bishop was with generall applause received to his bishoprick again ; but especially we may complaine that they have by their silence smothered nazianzens judgement concerning the cause it self , which is the right of episcopacy , and which he esteemed the most perfect kind of government ; so he . and is not this as much as to have held it the best ? which he further declareth in his funerall orations which he had of three famous bishops , basil , athanasius , and cyprian . augustine writing to hierome b saith , that custom hath obtained , that episcopacy should be higher then presbytery , according to the honour and dignity of the words . therefore ( saith walo ) the distinction of episcopacy and presbytery was first constituted by the church . so he ; whose disciples our other opposites have learned this lesson , saying , c if augustine had known the majority of bishops above presbyters , to have been of divine or apostolicall institution , he might have said so much ; nay he would have said as much . and we answer , if any of our opposits had reguarded to search the judgement of augustine , they would not have said thus much , because it is evident that augustine did say as much as they require , he should have said , as hath been shewn ; saying of himself and other bishops , thus ; we succeed the apostles in the same power , and that christ instituted bishops when he ordained his apostles : that we * repeate not his condemning aërius ( as epiphanius did ) for denying episcopacy to have been an institution apostolicall ; and now whether our reader think it more reasonable , to yeeld to the supposition of what augustine would have done , or the manifestation what he did , we permit to his judgement . this obstacle thus removed , we fall now upon the last proof . our last proof , that episcopacy is of apostolicall right & according to the word of god , even from the word of god it self . to this purpose , two places of scripture are especially to be alleadged : the epistles of paul to timothy and titus , and the epistles of st. john in the revelation to the seven churches in asia , which are to be discussed according to our foremer method , by the consonant testimonies of ancient fathers ; and consent of protestant divines of generall esteem and approbation . xii . thesis . that timothy and titus both had a prelacy over presbyters , notwithstanding the objection of the community of names of bishops and presbyters , is sufficiently confessed by protestant divines of remote churches . there can none be held a more sufficient witnes with our opposites , then he who hath professedly pleaded this cause in their behalfe , & notwithstanding freely , & deerly granteth : that a timothy and titus were indeed governours over their provinces and places , where the apostle had appointed them , and that they had over the presbyters a kind of apostolical anthority , which he in his own judgement calleth extraordinary , and we take him at his own words ; in granting that it was some way an authoritative prelacy , and for the distinction of extraordinary , it will by and by receive an ordinary , but a true answer : yet we do not so much presse his confession , as we may do his reasons thereof , deducted from the texts themselves , concerning their prelaticall power of ordering matters that were amisse . tit. 1. 5. of receiving accusation against presbyters , 1 tim. 5. 19. and the like . but our other opposites will needs pose us , requiring us to answer their first objection , videl . † that the bishops , whose pedegree was derived from the apostles , were no other then presbyters ; then this is proved , say they , by two instances ; the first is , the identity of their names , which ( quoth they ) is a proof of no small consequence , we answer , yea , rather of none at all : else was master beza but of small judgement , when speaking of the apostolicall age , be confessed , b that the presbytery had then a president over them , yea , when the community of names . so he ; of presbyters and bp● . remained among them ; accordingly as c dr reynolds hath said that the presbytery had then one , who was president over them , when as yet the names of bishop and presbyter were the same ; who furthermore concerning the time of distinguishing the name of bishop and presbyter , whither sooner or later , here or there , he saith . the name of bishop was afterwards appropriated by the usuall language of the fathers of the church , to him that had the presidentship over the elders . so he ; hereby granting that the presidentship by bishops was of force before the title and name was appropriated and allotted unto them . if our opposites had acquainted themselves with these learned authors , they would have spared their pains in oppugning episcopacy . how much more if they had consulted with gods own oracle in his word , wherein we find ( which formerly we pointed at ) that saint peter intituled himself a co-presbyter . 1. pet. 5. & 1. saint iohn himself a presbyter . 1. john 1. and saint paul himself thrice ( he could then stoop no lower ) a deacon . col. 1. 23. & 25. 2 cor. 3. & 6. yet notwithstanding all these inferiour appellations they held still the authority of their apostelship ; we end this point in hope that our opposites will take out this lesson , which calvin learnt from the divine text in the epistle of titus ; what 's that ? even our full conclusion in this cause . d we learn from hence , that there was not then an equality ( saith he ) among the ministers of the church ; but that one was with authority placed over others . their second convincing objection would be discuss'd xviii . thesis . that timothy and titus have had a prelacy , as bishops over the presbyters in the apostles times : notwithstanding the objection that they were called evangelists , according to consent of protestants of reform'd churches . in the next place we are to examine the second , and only other objection , which our opposites enforce in this case , to wit , † that timothy and titus , with all other such disciples of the apostles , the assistants and immediate successors , did take care of the churchs , not as properly bishops , but as evangelists , who had no setled residence in any of the churches : so they , but are encountred with other protestant divines of remote churches in good number . for a luther among his other resolutions inserted this : that episcopacy was of divine right , grounding his judgement upon the text , specifying titus his government in creete , as being consonant to the judgement of augustine . 2. their learned b scultetus sheweth , that at this time , they were not exercis'd in assisting the apostoles for collecting of churches at evangelists , but for governing of them that had been collected , as the generall praecepts given by the apostles ( saith he ) do prove thereby to become the examples & types for the successours to follow : and thereupon he concludeth them to have been the same , who otherwise were called evangeliste for preaching the gospel , although by their superintendency bishops . to the same purpose c master moulin will have it known , that whatsoever timothy and titus had , whether as bishop or evangelist , it was such as had a continual succession in the church , which is as others confesse , as james had in jerusalem , and marke in alexandria , which was episcopall . titus ( saith d tossahus ) after his peregrinations with paul , was appointed bishop of creet , and before these e zuinglius confess'd , that tim. at that very time , when paul advis'd him to pursue the work of an evangelist . 2 tim. 4. was then bishop in some place or other , by all consequence . f dr. gerhard a late famous theological author is copious in this argument : who in the same sheweth that the word evangelist , given to timothy when paul wrote unto him , was taken in a generall acceptation , and not as properly belonging to him , as he had been an assistant , even as luther ( saith he ) understood it . besides he sheweth out of scripture exactly the severall stations , which timothy had with saint paul in exercising his office , before that time that he was placed bishop in ephesus . we forbeare the full allegation of the like authours cited by others , that we may hearken to our english doctour reynolds , nothing inferiour to any of the rest even in the opinion of our opposites themselves , telling us of that very time when paul assembled the ministry at miletum , act. 20. 28. g one was chosen as chief in the church of ephesus to g●●d it , the same whom afterwards the fathers of the primitive church called bishop . so he . and for confirmation hereof , sheweth that which must indeed be impregnable , to wit , a lineall succession of 27. bishops ( as hath been proved ) from timothy in the church of ephesus : and for surplus age to all this we answer , to the objected reasons propounded for timothy's non-residence in ephesus , by that qualification , which h calvin hath done in like cases , namely , that pastours are not so strictly tied to their glebe or charge , as that they may not help other churches upon necessary occasions . as for the objected terme of evangelists , we moreover answer from scripture , where we find philip preaching the word of god in samaria . act. 8. 5. called an evangelist , act. 21. 8. and yet was one of the seven , meaning deacons , act. 6. 5. our quaere is , why timothy might not as well be called an evangelist for preaching the word , being a bishop , as philip was , for the same cause , named in evangelist , being a deacon . we think all this should be satisfactory , although no more were said : but more we have . xix . thesis . that antiquity taught an episcopacy both in timothy and titus . our strongest opposite a salmasius could not but confesse concerning antiquity , ( although he spurne against it ) that chrysostome , epiphaneus , theophylact , theodoret , and other greek commentatours have collected out of the words of paul , that titus was verily bishop of cree●e , and that there could not be divers bishops in one city , which is our present defence , and agreeth as well to timothy as to titus . b hierome hath recorded both timothy and titus bishops , the one of ephesus , and the other of creete , to whom c ambrose , d primasius , e gregory the great , do consent : luther also bringeth in augustine into the said chorus . we hasten to our last act. our second ground out of scripture to prove a prelacy over presbyters , to be according to the word of god is , rev. c. 2. 3. in the book of revelation , christ by his angel ( properly so called ) commandeth iohn to write unto the seven churches in asia , vers . 1. telling him mystically of seven golden candlesticks , vers . 13. and of seven starres , vers . 16. and afterwards expoundeth their meanings ; seven starres to signifie seven angels of the seven churches ; and seven candlesticks , to betoken the seven churches , vers . 20. by and by , descending to particulars , he directeth his several epistles to the several seven angels of the seven churches , beginning at the church of ephesus , saying , write to the angel of the church of ephesus , and so of the rest . these are our texts , which we are , in discussing these our differences , to insist upon . the state of the question . we readily grant , that whatsoever matter was written to these angels concerning either themselves or others , were by them to be communicated severally to the churches , and all the faithfull as they were interested therein , according to that epiphonema , severally applied in every epistle thus ; [ he that hath an ●ar to hear , let him hear ] but the onely question is , whether each of these angels of the churches were singular persons , having a prelacy over other pastors and clergy , or no ? our opposites say nay , we yea . the odds is ex diametro . we are therefore according to true method : first , to disprove their negative , and after to evince our affirmation ; but , in the first place , be it known that our opposites in their negatives are distracted into three opinions . one sort , by the word angel , will have understood the whole church collectively , as well laitie as clergy . not so , say the second opinatours , but by angel is collectively meant onely the order or colledge of pastours or presbyters . after these the novelists , it s neither so nor so ; but by angel is meant one individual pastour , without relation to any other , newly called an independent , whereas our tenet is , by angel , to understand one individual ecclesiastical person , having a prelacy above the rest . xx. thesis . that our opposites first exposition , which interpreteth the angel to mean the whole church and congregation , is notably extravagant . although a wal● messalinus , the grand adversary to episcopacy , be very peremptory for this exposition , yet will it altogether appear groundlesse . but first we are to hearken unto his glosse . let is be held a firm and fixt truth , ( saith he ) that by the name of angels are not signified any that had presidency over others , but the whole congregation and churches . so he ; pythagorically upon his own word , as we see : whereunto we may rather answer , let it be held firmly and fixtly , that this glosse upon the text is evidently confuted by the context , which standeth thus , cap. 1. and 20. the angels are called starres , and the churches candlesticks , so that he must turn starres into candlesticks , before that he can make the angel to signifie the whole congregation . beside cap. 2. 1. the command to john is , write to the angel of the church of ephesus , where if by angel must be understood the church , then were it as much as to have been said , write unto the church of the church of ephesus . but we know the spirit of wisdom could not write unwisely . xxi . thesis . that our opposites second exposition of the word angel , to signifie only the order and colledge of presbyters , is erroneous , notwithstanding the arguments of our opposites to the contrary . the answer to their first argument . this indeed is the common exposition of our opposites , whereunto our objectours adhere , upon , as they call them firme arguments , as first ; our first argument , say they is drawn from the epistle to the church of thyatira , where after it was said to the angell [ i have something against thee ] in the singular number , cap. 2. 20. it is after added in the plural , vers . 24. [ but i say to you , and to the rest ] but what of this ? this sheweth ( say they ) the word angell to be collective , to signifie a multitude of pastours . we answer , if so , then was beza but dim-sighted , who paraphras'd upon these words thus [ unto you ] that is ( saith he ) unto the angell as president , and unto collegues , as unto the assembly ( meaning of presbyters ) and to the rest , that is , to the whole flock . so he . where we see that the angell was as individuall and singular , as either thee , or thy : and is it possible our opposites should be ignorant what an apostrophe is ? and that there is no f●gure of speech more familiar and usuall among men , then it is ? as when a lord writing to his chief steward of matters belonging to him and other officers under him , and the whole family : be thou circumspect in managing my affaires , and afterward as well unto him , as others , but see that you and the rest keep at home , as much as may be , because of the danger of the pestilence which now rageth on all sides . answer to the second argument . our second argument ( say they ) is drawn from the phrases even in this very book of revelations , wherein it is usual to express a company under a singular person , as the civil state of rome called a beast with ten heads , which proveth that the angell might be taken collectively . is this all ! master meade ( say they ) one better skil'd in the meaning of the revelation , then our adversary , said , that the word angell is commonly [ if not alwayes ] in the revelation taken collectively . so they . this saying have i diligently sought after , but it fled from me : but yet i shall be content to be satisfied of mr. meade his meaning from his other sayings more obvious unto me , to shew , that he hath not been rightly understood by these objectours . for collectively , properly taken , is a word comprehending a multitude without distinction of persons , as christ in his lamentation said , [ o hierusalem , how oft would i have gathered thy children , but tho● wouldst not ] where the words singular thou , and thy , do here comprehend all the citizens of hierusalem without distinction . had master meade this collective sense ? he sheweth the flat contrary , apoc. 9. 14. [ four angells ] these four ( saith he ) were put for nations , which they were thought to govern. so then , they did represent nations , as notwithstanding to be distinctly their four governours . next upon revel . 14 6. [ i saw another angell flying ] we are to call to mind ( saith he ) that which before was cap. 7. shewed : that the angells of like visions de represent them , of whom they have government wheresoever . and again upon vers . 7. the flying angell is ruler , not onely of men , but also of a more eminent ranke . so he . if that our objectours had ( according to master meade's direction ) but cal'd to minde his own explanations , they might have easily perceived he said no more , then as if we may grant that under the word angell , to whom the epistle is in speciall directed , are implyed all those who are concern'd therein . but how ? not by alteration of his person , but by communion of interest , for which cause master beza accknowledged him the president over others , even as many other protestant divines are ready to do , and that as exactly as either we can desire , or our opposites mislike , when we come to discharge the affirmative point . two answers we wish our opposites to take into their second thoughts ; one , as they have presented him by way of comparison , as better skill'd in the book of the revelation then his adversary : the other , as he is to be singly respected , and in his own worthinesse . to the first we say , that comparison might well have been forborne , which now provoketh us to another comparison , between him and one as dear to our opposites as any other , whom they know to have been as conversant in the book of the revelation altogether , wherein he , notwithstanding , after the second and third chapters , hath been so far from the collective interpretation of the word angell , that he hath not any where , as we can find , set it down as comprehending any multitude , nay in many places he expresseth by name the individual persons themselves , or some individuum vagum signified thereby , some singular notable one . the consideration of master meade his worthinesse and judgement touching episcopacy , would be had the rather , because we have read the translation of his book authoriz'd in this manner , it is ordered by the committee of the commons house in parliament , that the book entituled , the key of the revelation , be printed . so they . which key doth unlock unto us his judgement in behalf of episcopacy , to be so fully according to the word of god , that part . 1. c. 4. v. 67. p. 35. the four and twenty elders ( saith he ) compasse next about the throne , which represent the bishops and prelates of the churches , and do answer both in place and order to the levites and priests in the camps of israel , &c. thus master meade , so commended by our opposites themselves , who if they shall approve his key in this point , it is well , we in imparting thus much unto them have but done our duty . the third argument . our third argument , say they , is taken from the word angel , as it is a common name to all ministers and messengers , and surely if christ had intended to point out any individuall person , he would have used some distinguishing name , as to have called him president , rector , superintendent . so they . as if by this their surely they would assure us it is a truth , if we shall take their own word for it , contrary to the judgement of all the learned , who have every where taught that ever since angelical spirits were revealed to the world , the word angel , spoken in the better part , hath been used to expresse the dignity of their office , and accordingly of the ministers of god whensoever it is applyed unto them : otherwise our opposites , i think , would have gratified us with the allegation of some one author that ever fancied the contrary , whom notwithstanding we shall endeavour to satisfie by a parallel in the word apostles ( signifying messengers ) whereof mr. calvin , a this word ( saith he ) according to its etymon agreeth to any minister of christ , yet was it entituled upon the twelve apostles , because they were the immediate embassadours of christ. so he . and yet we presume that our opposites would not , because of the community thereof , call either every minister of christ sent to preach the gospel , an apostle ; or every cobler sent on a message , an angel. their fourth argument . our fourth argument , say they , standeth thus ; * our saviour saith , that the seven candlesticks are the seven churches , but he saith not likewise that the seven starres are the seven angels , but in mentioning angels , omitteth the word seven , which is not done without a mystery ; to wit , that the angels do not signifie seven individual pastours . so they . whose tenents are two ; first , that the ommission of the word seven argueth a mystery ; secondly , that the mystery signified thereby is this , that the word angel is not individually , but collectively taken . we cannot but deny both , and so will any even with wonderment at the objectours boldnesse in uttering such their conceptions : for first to call that a mystery , which by all grammar learning is in every language most common , by that which the grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is a word not expressed following upon course in the understanding of any rational reader . as for example : if any one of our opposites writing to any of his servants to bring him his two horses , the black horse and the white , omitting in the second place the word horse , which word doth follow in course of common understanding ; yet his man should bring only the black , but not the white , might his excuse have been , it was a mystery ? secondly , were it that a mystery should be imagined therein , yet that denial of the word angel , to be an individual person in the text , contradicteth the context . the context standeth thus , cap. 1. 26. the starres are said to be the seven angels of the churches , & cap. 2. & 3. the same angels being recko●ed , prove accordingly to be seven . in the context we have numerum numerantem , in the text numerum numeratum , that that which maketh up a number , should be said not to refer unto a number , which was before express'd by christ. he that hath a perfect natural hand , is said to have individually every finger , although he reckon them not to be five . their last argument answered . this argument ( say they ) is taken from christs denunoiation against the angel of the church of ephesus , to remove his candlestick out of its place , if he did not repent : where by candlestick is meant the church or congregation ; but if there by angel were signified one individual person , then the congregation and people should be punished for the offence of that one pastour . so they . who would not have thus argued , if they had considered ; that by thus oppugning our exposition , they have as utterly undermin'd and overthrown their own . as for example , their tenent hath been ; that by the word angel is signified the order and colledge of pastours , in the church of ephesus . now then ( to return their own engine upon them ) if the candlestick , signifying the church , should be removed out of its place , except those pastours should repent , then should the people and congregation be punished for the fault of those pastours . therefore all the odds that is between both these consequences , is no more than this , viz. the punishing of people for the fault of the pastour : and for the faults of the pastours , in extremity equally , unequally in both ; whereas they should have labour'd to solve the doubt by some commodious , and congruous interpretation . whether thus , if by candlestick be to understood the people : then by people to conceive such of whom the prophet spake like people like pastour , so that the irrepentant people adhering to the unpenitent pastor , may justly be involv'd in the same punishment . secondly , or thus , by taking the word candlestick to signifie the pastor himself , for the ministers of the gospel are so called , mat. 5. 15 ▪ and that the same word should be diversly taken in the same sentence , cannot be strange to him who is not a stranger to scripture . as where it is said , he that shall save his life , ( viz. mortall ) shall loose his life ; to wit , the eternal : and again , 2. cor. 5. 21. of christ , he that knew no sin , ( properly taken ) was made for us sin , that is , a sacrifice for sin , or else ( not to seek further ) by distinguishing of the word place , as here betokening mans estate and condition with relation to others , in which sense might the church of ephesus , be removed by altering the relation to that one pastor , both by not acknowledging him their bishop , and by withholding maintenance . xxii . thesis . that our opposites third exposition of the word angel , to signifie one onely pastor in the church of ephesus , is extremely new and naught . this mis-begotten brat , namely an exposition , which before these dayes of distraction never saw print , we might think should by and by vanish with its own novelty : how much more for the safety thereof , which we are rather to enquire after , seeming to us to be very transparent . for the reasons , which these our opposites might have read in a mr. brightman , viz. the city of ephesus was more ennobled of all other , by pauls triennial labour therein : next , by the divine epistle written unto the people there , as also by that timothy was ordained their pastor : and besides ; for john's laborious watring thereof for so many years together . so he . but how successefull were these then ? this was told us in the acts of the apostles , concerning the church of ephesus : whereof it is said , so mightily grew the word of god , and prevailed . act. 19. 20. now that after pauls long residence , after timothies pastorship , and after saint johns watering of that church , and so long a time ; and that with so admirable successe , and yet here but one onely pastor among them . is this credible ? what saith the scripture ? the harvest indeed is great , but the labourers are few . but here in the mightily great harvest , the labourers are fewer then few . we ought not to be blamed for medling with such trifles in earnest , but that our study hath been to weed out even the least scruples , now that we are to expedite a matter of highest importance , which is our proof of episcopacy from the word of god : and to that purpose from confutation of the negative part held by our opposites , we passe to the proofes and confirmations of our affirmative . xxiii . thesis . that by the word angel of ephesus , to signifie a singular and individual pastor having a prelacy over presbyters , is proved by a large consent of protestant divines without exception judicious and ingenuous . the divines , which we shall produce shall be those , whom our opposites themselves cannot call partialists in behalf of bishops , whether they be of remote churches , or as it were domestiques in our own country . of the first kind , we alleadge the last chief pastor of the church of geneva a master deodate , who is to be cited out of his book lately authoriz'd to be publish'd , by order of the house of commons this parliament . the text in the revelations is , write to the angel of the church of ephesus : his paraphrase thus . that is , saith he , to the pastor or bishop ; under whose person ought to be understood the whole church . the church to be implyed or understood , and the pastor or bishop , under whose person , which , because person can be but one , according to the etymon of the word angel , persona quasi per se una : or as it is defin'd in philosophy . a person is an individual intellectual nature ; yet so in this place as he being to acquaint all with the contents of this epistle , all were understood to be concern'd in him , as all the other following witnesses will acknowledge . before him in the same church of geneva was theodore b beza , by angel ( saith he ) is meant the president , who was admonish'd and his collegues with him . so he . c bullinger , although he , as others affirm , that the epistle concerneth as well people as pastors , yet doth he consent unto us , that , the epistle was inscribed to one , by whom the pastors and people might be enformed : as punctually and pertinently d marlorat , some things ( saith he ) were to be corrected as well in the people as in the clergy ; yet doth not john address himself unto the people nor yet to the clergy , but to the chief of them , which is the bishop , and that not without good reason . so he . of our chief e gualther held the same opinion with further evidence of these other words . [ unto the angel of the church of smyrna write ] that is , saith he , to the bishop thereof , as histories do manifest . f gaspar sibilius , having compared the divers expositions , confess'd , saying , this , as spoken but of one angel , pleaseth me better . g piscator briefly and consonantly to the angel , that is , to the bishop and to the church : namely bishop expressely , and church consequently , because of matters of concernment to them also . h paraeus doubteth not to make his explanation as generally to be observ'd in these epistles . it is the word of christ ( saith he ) that that , which is meant to the church , should be inscribed to the bishop of the place , or church . i aretius is of no lesse esteem then the former , and as punctuall altogether , by angel interpreting a speciall one minister , and disciple of john ; by whom the writing might be commended to the whole church . k peter martyr used to be reckoned among the first worthies . john ( saith he ) was commanded to write to the angels , who were the bishops of the churches . but what do we multiply remote authors , when one of their doctors may satisfy us both for the generall , and for himself ? l all the most learned interpreters , ( saith dr. scultetus ) by angels expound the bishops of the churches , nor can it be otherwise interpreted without violence to the text. so he . after our so long peregrination in remote churches , it is time to haste home , to try what our own english divines have judged of this matter ; and lest now we be too numerous , we shall single out three , who will be held singular in the estimation of our opposites themselves , m dr. reynolds . although in the church of ephesus , saith he , there were sundry elders and pastors to guid it , yet , among those sundry , was there one chief , whom our saviour calleth the angel of the church . apoc. 2. so he . his words need no paraphrase . n dr. fulke is one of them whom our opposites have cited for their part , who , if he speak directly against them , they may not be offended with us . the epistle to pergamus , saith he , was directed to the bishop thereof . we have reserved master cartwright to the last . that his testimony may be more lasting in the memory of our opposites , as from one who useth to be most gratefull unto them . the letters written to the churches , saith he , were therefore directed to the angel , because he is the meetest man by office , by whom the church may understand the tenor of the letter . so he , and so they . although this cloud of witnesses thus raining down aboundance of testimonies , for proof of an apostolicall originall of episcopacy , o may justly be held so convincent , that nothing but selfenesse in any party can oppose any thing against it , yet shall we furthermore fortify their proofes , desiring that this one thing may be observed , ( to wit ) the reason why all our opposites have strugled against this our exposition , as a break neck to their whole cause ; but wee 'll go on . xxiv . thesis . that antiquity held not the word angel ( whereof we treat ) to be taken collectively for a multitude of pastours . if that our opposites had not said that we cited no ancient fathers for our exposition , we should not have framed this thesis ; only we cannot tell with what appetite they did it : is it that they hold the judgement of fathers satisfactory in this case ? why then have they not alleadged any one syllable out of them for their own collective sense ? but we list not to expostulate , rather hoping the best , we entreat them to spell the words of a ambrose , they are but few , i call bishops angels , as i am taught in the revelation . what ambrose meant by bishops who can doubt ? likewise b augustine the famous bishop of hippo , saith , of one of these angels , that he was set over the church by the divine voice ( meaning the scripture . ) if * scultetus when he said , that all the most learned interpreters , by angels , understood bishops ; if among all , he comprehend the ancients , we have not to seek more witnesses ; however , we need not , because there is but very rare commenting upon the apocalyps among the fathers , much lesse upon these texts . all this notwithstanding we are sure of that what is wanting in their commentaries , they supply in their historicall relations , as will appear by and by , rendring unto us one polycarpus bishop and martyr to have been one of these angells in the church of smyrna . in the interim we will plead reason with our opposites . xxv . thesis . that the word angel in other places of the revelation is commonly if not alwayes individually taken . better reason they cannot expect then is the retorting of their own argument upon them : when they dislike this , the word angell is commonly , if not alwayes taken collectively , ergo , ought it to be so interpreted in the second and third cap. so they ; but altogether amisse , as hath been shewen . it will be our part to prove the contradictory , whereof upon observation in reading commentaries upon the revelation , we are the more confident ; our opposites at their leisure may inquire to other authors ; we for this present shall need but commend a special one unto them who in their opinion may stand for many , because only now at hand . he after these two chapters ( as the marginalls shew ) a through his whole commentaries upon the same book , taketh the word angel so far individually , as to enterpret it of some one person , either expresly by name , or else equivalently by an individuum vagum as thus , some not able one , or the like . in the second place , we do appeale to the texts themselves to give a sufficient taste ; for oftentime the angels are reckoned seven , and after distributed ordinatively into first , second , third , and so till the seventh , as plainly as one can reckon the seven dayes in the week , chap. 15. and 16. afterwards we have recited one angel having the key of the bottomlesse pit , chap. 20. was there need of a collectively understood multitude of angels to keep one key ? the like may be said of a mighty angel for delivering a little booke , chap. 10. 1 , 2. besides the angel whom john is said to have worshiped , chap. 22. will they say this angel also to comprehend a multitude ? then might the angel reply , have you forgot when i said to john , i am thy fellow servant , but five words , and every one an individuall . thirdly , to return to the questioned text , whereas some of the angels are commended for notable vertues , and as much condemned for some notorious vices ; they that think that all the same vices and vertues did as well imply every pastour in all the colleges of the seven churches , may as well conceive , that where the deformities are noted in any corporation , therefore every person in it is equally flat-nosed , crook't-legged , bald-headed , and the like , lastly , the angels and churches being both reckoned distinctly seven times , that there should be a collective number of the order of pastours , without so much as any insinuation of distinguishing them either from angels , or churches ; have they any key to unlock such a mystery ? from this kind of reasoning , we passe unto an evidence of no lesse importance , historicall experience , and practice . xxvi . thesis . that by angel is meant individually one bishop , is demonstrated by historicall learning without contradiction . history is the life of memory , and memoriall of mens lives , if it may be undubitably had , it must necessarily seal up the verity of all that hath been said of an apostolicall institution of episcopacy , whereof we have had evident instances in the episcopall traditions from james in jerusalem , mark in alexandria , peter in antioch and in rome : and now we are to insist upon examples of the descent from john in two of these angelical churches ephesus and smyrna . for the first , it hath been made good unto you out of eusebius , that a polycrates writ himself bishop of ephesus , testifying withall a line of seven bishops of his own kindred , his predecessours : whereunto may be added the declaration made by leontius the archbishop of magnesia in the general b councell of calcedon of the succession of the seven and twenty bishops from timothy in the same church of ephesus ; which timothy , all antiquity with a large consent of most approved protestant divines have testified to have been bishop there ; none will think , but shame it self would have restrained leontius from making such a publique declaration in the hearing of six hundred fathers assembled in this councell , if the matter it self had been liable to any contradiction . the next instance ( as we are perswaded ) may be held satisfactroy and infringeable in it self , in polycarpus bishop of smyrna , in the dayes when saint iohn lived ; our witnesses deserve your hearing , we will begin with the veriest junior of all , saying , c polycarpus who had been disciple to one that heard the lord , and afterward burnt a martyr of christ , was ordained bishop of smyrna by saint iohn . c so hierome . another , polycarpus bishop and martyr , was placed by john bishop of smyrna . so d eusebius . a third before him . by john was polycarpus constituted bishop of smyrna . so e tertullian . and before him a fourth testifieth as one that had seen this polycarpus , that after that he had been instructed by the apostles of christ , with whom he had been conversant , he was made by them bishop of smyrna . so f ireneus . we ascend somewhat higher , to one who write an epistle to the same polycarpus , intituling him the bishop of smyrna ; and in his epistle to the church of smyrna , saluting him as their bishop . g ignatius in these epistles and sayings which vedelius the professour in the church of geneva , and an exact discerner and discoverer of the corruptions crept into his writings , doth hold as genuine and legitimate . can our opposites require a greater confirmation of any historicall point , which they themselves maintain , as more amply testified then this is ? whereto as many of our former protestant divines did subscribe , so is there not one , to our knowledge , from this saint iohn that ever did contradict it . xxvii . thesis . that christ himself shewed his approbation of the prelacy which the foresaid angels had in their severall churches . there was yet never either favourites to episcopacy , nor opposites against it , but have granted , that whatsoever the government was meant in these seven churches , it had the approbation of christ by the tenour of his epistles written unto them . first from the words of the chap. 1. 1. [ the revelation of jesus christ sent by his angel to his servant john ] to acknowledge the epistles to have been dictated by christ himself , conveied by an angel to iohn , and as it followeth in the second and third chapters , distributed by iohn to the severall angels , and communicated to the churches . after this , by the vertue of the same letters , an inquisition is made , ( as it were a visitation kept ) upon every angel of the churches , concerning the discharge of their offices ; wherein two of them are found of weight and commendable , the other five , more or lesse criminally deliquents , yet so , as to manifest a justification of the offices . the approbation of the function is seen , not only ( which reason none can deny ) by christ his commending their diligence , zeal , and faithfullnesse ; but even likewise in his processe of convictions , reprehensions , and denuntiations against their remissenesse , dissolutenesse , and faithfulnesse of others ; but how ? certainly , so that the condemnation of their vices and abuses argued an approbation of their offices and functions , because it was done , not with an absolute intent to remove them at the first , but onely to reforme them , and continue them upon their reformation ; therefore was it said from christ to one , repent , or else , &c. chap. 2. 5. & 16. to another , repent , if not , i will come against thee , and the like ; this we see was no deprivation of the officers at first , much lesse abolition of the offices which were to continue from age to age . the last poynt will be our assumption from all these premisses , which is , that these angels , being so amply , evidently , and with so unanimous consent of the most and best approved protestant . divines , agreeable to historicall practise of apostolicall churches , proved to have been such bishops as had a prelaey over the clergy with christs own approbation , a truth , which the evidence of these scriptures did expresse in part from a beza himself ; his sentence is large , consisting of these briefes ; first , that the episcopacy which seemed to him to be regulate , was to be collected out of this scripture of the apocalyps . secondly , that the same was a presidency , and prefectureship of one presbyter over the rest . thirdly , that it was a prelacy of authority . fourthly , that hierome was of judgement . fifthly , that to hold otherwise , were to doate and play the foel : all which prove the difference of bishop and presbyter both to have been of apostolicall institution , because under iohn in the church of asia ; and to have had the approbation of christ , because of christ his commendation of the faithfull discharge of this function , which fully makes good unto us both our conclusions , that episcopacy for the office and function it self , is according to the word of god , and in respect of use , therefore the best . the originall of bishops and metropolitans , briefly laid down by james , arch-bishop of armagh . the ground of episcopacy is derived partly from the patterne perscribed by god in the old testament : and partly from the imitation thereof brought in by the apostle's and confirmed by christ himself in the time of the new , the government of the church of the old-testament was committed to the priests and levits : unto whom the ministers of the new do now succeed ; in like sort as our lords-day hath done unto their sabbath , that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet , touching the vocation of the gentiles . a i will take of them for priests , and for levits , saith the lord. that the priests were superiour to the levits , no man doubteth : and that there was not a parity , either betwixt the priests or betwixt the levits themselves , is manifest by the word of god ; wherein mention is made of the heads and rulers both of the one , and of the other . 1 chron. xxiv . 6. 31 and ezr. viii . 29. the levits were distributed into the three families of the gershonites , cohathites , and merarites : and over each of them god appointed one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or ruler , num. iii. 24. 30. 35. the priests were divided by david into four and twenty courses ; 1 chron. xxiv . who likewise had their heads ; who in the history of the new-testament are ordinarily called b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or chief of the priests ; and clearly distinguished from that singular one , who was the type of our great high priest , that is passed into the heavens , jesus the son of god. c yea in the xi . of nehemy , we find two named bishops , the one of the priests , the other of the levits that dwelt in jerusalem . the former so expresly tearmed by the greek in the 14. the latter both by the greek and latin interpreter in the * 22 vers . and not without approbation of the scripture it self , which rendreth the d hebrew word of the same originall in the old , by the e greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the new-testament . of levi it was said by moses the man of god f they shall teach jacob thy judgements , and israel thy law ; they shall put incense before thee , and whole brunt sacrifice upon thine altar . because this latter part of their office hath ceased with them , and the leviticall altar ( the truth prefigured thereby being now exhibited ) is quite taken away : may not we therefore conclude out of the former part ( which hath no such typicall relation in it ) that our bishops and presbyters should be ( as the apostle would have them to be ) g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apt to teach ; h able by sound doctrine both to exhort , and to convince the gain-sayers ? nay , and out of the latter part it self ; where god had appointed , that i the priests the levits and all the tribe of levi should eat the offerings of the lord made by fire ; doth not the apostle by just analogy inferre from thence , that for asmuch as k they which waited at the altar , were partaker with the altar ; even so had the lord ordained , that they which preached the gospell , should live of the gospell ? with what shew of reason then can any man imagine , that what was instituted by god in the law , , for meere matter of government and preservation of good order ( without all respect of type or ceremony ; ) should now be rejected in the gospell , as a device of antichrist ? that what was by the lord once l planted a noble vine , wholly a right seed , should now be so turned into the degenerate plant of a strange vine ; that no purging or pruning of it will serve the turne , but it must be cut down root and branch , as m a plant which our heavenly father had never planted ? but nothing being so familiar now a dayes , as to father upon antichrist , whatsoever in church matters we do not find to suite with our own humors : the safest way will be , to consult with christ himself herein , and hear what he delivereth in the cause . these things saith he , that hath the seven starres . revel . iii. 1. he owneth then , we see , these starrs ; whatsoever they be . and , the mystery of them he thus further openeth unto his beloved disciple . the seven starrs which thou sawest in my right hand , are the angels of the seven churches . revel i. 20. from which words a learned man , very much devoted to the now so highly admired discipline , deduceth this conclusion . n how great therefore is the dignity of true pastours , who are both starres , fixed in no other firmament then in the right hand of christ , and angels ? he had considered well , that in the church of eph●sus ( one of the seven here pointed at ) there were many o presbyters , whom the holy ghost had made bishops , or overseers , over all that flook , to feed the church of god , which he had purchased with his own blood . and withall he saw , that by admitting one angel there above the rest ( all , as well p extraordinary prophets , as q ordinary pastours , being in their own severall stations accounted angels or messengers of the lord of hosts ) he should be forced also to acknowledge the eminency of one bishop above the other bishops ( that name being in those dayes r common unto all the presbyters ) and to yeeld withall , that such a one was to be esteemed as a starre fixed in no other firmament , then in the right hand of christ. to salve this therefore ; all the starrs in every church must be presupposed to be of one magnitude , and though those starrs which typified these angels are said to be but seven , yet the angels themselves must be maintained to be farre more in number : and in fine , where our saviour saith , s unto the angel of the church of ephesus write ; it must by no means be admitted , that t any one angel should be meant hereby , but the whole colledge of pastors rather . and all upon pretence of a poor shew of some shallow reasons ; that there was not one angel of ephesus but many , and among them not any principal . which wresting of the plain words of our saviour is so extream violent , that m. beza ( though every way as zealously affected to the advancement of the new discipline , as was the other ) could by no means digest it : but ingenuously acknowledgeth the meaning of our lords direction to have been this . u to the angel , that is , to the president , as whom it behoved specially to be admonished touching those matters ; and by him both the rest of his colleagues , and the whole church likewise . and that there was then a standing president over the rest of the pastors of ephesus , and he the very same ( as learned x doctor rynolds addeth ) with him whom afterward the fathers called bishop : may further be made manifest , not only by the succession of the first bishops of that church , but also by the clear testimony of ignatius : who ( within no greater compasse of time then twelve years afterwards ) distinguisheth the singular and constant president thereof , from the rest of the number of the presbyters , by appropriating the name of bishop unto him . as for the former , we find it openly declared in the general council of chalcedon , by leontius bishop of magnesia ; that y from timothie ( and so from the dayes of the apostles ) there had been a continued succession of seven and twenty bishops ; all of them ordained in ephesus . of which number the angel of the church of ephesus , mentioned in the revelation , must needs be one : whether it were timothie himself , as z some conceive ; or one of his next successours , as others rather do imagine . for that timothie had been some time a * the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which is the appellation that b justin martyr , in his second apology for christians , & c dionysius of corinth not long after him , in his epistle to the church of athens , and d marcellus bishop of ancyra in his letters to julius bishop of rome , do give unto a bishop ) or autistes , or president of the ephesine presbytery , is confessed by beza himself : and that he was ordained the first bishop of the church of the ephesians , we do not only read in the subscription of the second epistle to timothy , and the ecclesiastical history of e eusebius , but also in two ancient treatises concerning the martyrdom of timothy ; the one namelesse in the library of f photius ; the other bearing the name of g polycrates , even of that polycrates , who was not only himself bishop of this church of ephesus , but born also within six or seven and thirty years after s. john wrote the fore-named epistle unto the angel of that church : as it appeareth by the years he was of , when he wrote that epistle unto victor bishop of rome , wherein he maketh mention of h seven kinsmen of his who had been bishops ; he himself being the eight . i come now to the testimony of ignatius : whom i theodoret , and k felix bishop of rome , and l john the chronographer of antioch , report to have been ordained bishop of antioch by s. peter in special , chrysostome ( who was a presbyter of the same church ) by m the apostles in general ; and without all controversie did sit in that see , the very same time wherein that epistle unto the angel of the church of ephesus was commanded to be written . in the isle of patmos had s. john his revelation manifested unto him , n toward the end of the empire of domitian , as ireneus testifieth ; or the fourteenth year of his government , as o eusebius and hierome specifie it . from thence there are but twelve years reckoned unto the tenth of trajan : wherein ignatius , in that last journey which he made for the consummation of his glorious martyrdome at rome , wrote another epistle unto the self-same church of ephesus . in which he maketh mention of their then bishop onesimus : as it appears both by p eusebius citing this out of it , and by the epistle it self yet extant . in this epistle to the ephesians , ignatius having accknowledged that their q numerous multitude was received by him in the person of their bishop onesimus , and r blessed god for granting unto them such a bishop as he was : doth afterwards put them in minde of their s duty in concurring with him , as he sheweth their worthy presbytery did , being t so conjoyn'd ( as he saith ) with their bishop , as the strings are with the harp : and toward the end exhorteth them to u obey both the bishop and the presbytery with an undivided minde . in the same journey wrote ignatius also an epistle unto the church of smyrna , another of the seven , unto whom those letters are directed in s. johns revelation , wherein he also x saluteth their bishop and presbytery : exhorting all the people to y follow their bishop , as christ jesus did his father , and the presbytery , as the apostles : and telling them that z no man ought either to administer the sacraments , or do any thing appertaining to the church , without the consent of the bishop . who this bishop , and what that presbytery was , appeareth by another epistle written a little after from smyrna , by * polycarpus and the presbyters that were with him , unto the philippians . and that the same polycarpus was then also bishop there , when s. john wrote unto the angel of the church of smyrna ; who can better inform us then irenaeus ? who did not only know those worthy men , a who succeeded polycarpus in his see ; but also b was present , when he himself did discourse of his conversation with s. john , and of those things which he heard from those who had seen our lord jesus . polycarpus , c saith he , was not only taught by the apostles and conversed with many of those that had seen christ , but also was by the apostles constituted in asia bishop of the church which is in smyrna : whom we our selves also did see in our younger age , for he continued long : & being very aged , he most gloriously and nobly suffering martyrdome departed this life . now being ordained bishop of smyrna by the apostles ; who had finished their course , and departed out of this life before s. john ( the last surviver of them ) did write his revelation : who but he could there be meant by the angel of the church in smyrna ? in which that he still held his episcopal office unto the time of his martyrdome ( which fell out lxxiv . years afterward ) may sufficiently appear by this testimony , which the brethren of the church of smyrna , who were present at his suffering , gave unto him . d he was the most admirable man in our times , an apostolical and propheticall doctor , and bishop of the catholick church which is in smyrna . whereunto we may add the like of polycrates bishop of ephesus , who lived also in his time and in his neighbourhood , affirming e polycarpus to have been both bishop and martyr in smyrna . so saith he in his synodica epistle directed unto victor bishop of rome , about 27 years after the martyrdome of polycarpus ; he himself being at that time 65 years of age . about the very same time wherein polycrates wrote this epistle unto victor , did tertullian publish his book of prescriptions against hereticks : wherein he avoucheth against them , that f as the church of smyrna had polycarpus placed there by john , and the church of rome clement ordained by peter ; so the rest of the churches also did shew what bishops they had received by the appointment of the apostles , to traduce the apostolical seed unto them . and so before him did irenaeus urge against them g the successions of bishops , unto whom the apostles committed the charge of the church in every place , h for all the hereticks ( saith he ) are much later then those bishops , unto whom the apostles committed the churches . and i we are able to number those who by the apostles were ordained bishops in the churches , and their successours unto our dayes ; who neither taught nor knew any such thing as these men dream of . for proof whereof , he bringeth in the succession of the bishops of rome , from k liuus ( unto whom the blessed apostles committed that episcopacy ) and anacletus ( by others called cletus ) and clement ( who did both see the apostles , and conferred with them ) unto l eleutherius ; who when irenaeus wrote , had the charge of that bishoprick in the twelfth place after the apostles . concerning whom , and the integrity which then continued in each other succession from the apostles dayes , hegesippus , who at the same time published his history of the church , saith thus . m soter succeeded anicetus , and after him was eleutherius . now , in every succession , and in every city , all things so stand , as the law and the prophets and our lord do preach . and more particularly concerning the church of corinth ; n after he had spoken of the epistle written unto them by clement , for the repressing of some factions wherewith they were at that time much troubled ( which gave him occasion to tell them , that o the apostles , of whom he himself was an hearer , had perfect intelligence from our lord jesus christ , of the contention that should arise about the name of episcopacy ) he declareth , that after the appeasing of this tumult , p the church of the corinthians continued in the right way , untill the dayes of primus , whom he did visite in his sayling toward rome . which primus had for his successour that famous dionysius , whose epistle to the church of the athenians hath beene before nominated ; wherein he put them in minde of q the first bishop that had been placed over them , even dionysius the areopagite , r s. pauls own convert , a thing whereof they could at that time have no more cause to doubt , then we should have , if any question were now made of the bishops that were here in king edward the vi. or queen maryes dayes : i might also say , in the middle of the raigne of queen elizabeth her self ; if with s baronius i would produce the areopagites life unto the government of the emperour hadrian . this hegesippus , living next after the first succession of the apostles ( as t eusebius noteth ) and being himself a christian u of the race of the hebrews ; was carefull to record unto posterity the state of the church of ierusalem in the dayes of the apostles , and the alteration that followed after their departure out of this life . where first he sheweth , that x iames the brother of our lord , surnamed the iust , did governe that church together with the apostles : yet so ( as y clement of alexandria , who wrote some twenty years after him , further addeth ) that he had this preferment even before the three prime apostles , peter and the two sons of zebedee ( iames and iohn ) to be chosen the peculiar bishop of ierusalem , the then mother church of the world . after the death of iames the just , z hegesippus declareth that symeon the sonne of clopas or cleophas was constituted bishop , and so continued untill the dayes of the emperour trajan : under whom he suffered a glorious martyrdome ( about the same time that ignatius did ) being then an hundred and twenty years of age ; and by that account borne before the incarnation of our blessed saviour . where , the observation of this prime historian is not to be passed over : that a untill these times the church was called a virgin ; as being not yet corrupted with the overspreading of hereticall doctrine . for howsoever heresies did spring up before , yet they were so kept down by the authority of the apostles and the disciples who had heard our lord himselfe preach ; that the authors and fautors thereof were not able to get any great head , being forced ( by the authority of such opposites ) to lurk in obscurity . but as soone as all that generation was gathered unto their fathers , and none of those were left who had the happinesse to hear the gracious words that proceeded from the lords own mouth : the hereticks , taking that advantage , began to enter into a kind of combination , and with open face publickly to maintain the b oppositions of their science falsly so called ( from whence they assumed unto themselves the name of gnosticks , or men of knowledge ) against the preaching of that truth , which by those who were c eye-witnesses and ministers of the word had been d once delivered unto the saints . e the first beginner of which conspiracy was one thebûthis : who had at the first been bred in one of the seven sects , into which the people of the jewes were in those dayes divided ; but afterwards , because he missed of a bishopricke unto which he had aspired , ( this of jerusalem , as it may seem ; whereunto iustus , after the death of symeon , was preferred before him ) could think of no readyer a way throughly to revenge himself of this disgrace , than by raising up the like distractions among the christians . which as , in the effect , it sheweth the malignity of that ambitious sectary : so doth it , in the occasion , discover withall the great esteem that in those early dayes was had of episcopacy . when hegesippus wrote this ecclesiasticall history ( the ancientest of any , since the acts of the apostles ) eleutherius as we heard before , was bishop of the church of rome : unto whom f lucius king of the britains ( as our bede relateth ) sent an epistle ; desiring that by his means he might be made christian. who presently obtained the effect of his pious request : and the britains kept the faith then received , sound and undefiled in quiet peace , untill the times of dioclesian the emperour . by whose bloudy persecution the faith and discipline of our brittish churches was not yet so quite extinguished ; but that within ten years after ( and eleven before the first generall councell of nice ) three of our bishops were present and subscribed unto the councel of arles : g eborius of york , restitutus of london , and adelfius of colchester ; if that be it , which is called there colonia londinensium . the first root of whose succession we must fetch beyond eleutherius , and as high as s. peter himself : if it be true , that he h constituted churches here , and ordained bishops , presbyters , and deacons in them ; as symeon metaphrastes relateth out of some part of i eusebius ( as it seemeth ) that is not come unto our hands . but , to return unto the angels of the seven churches , mentioned in the revelation of s. iohn : by what hath been said , it is apparent , that seven singular bishops , who were the constant presidents over those churches , are pointed at under that name . for other sure they could not be , if all of them were cast into one mould , and were of the same quality with polycarpus , the then angel of the church in smyrna : who without all question was such , if any credit may be given herein unto those that saw him and were well acquainted with him . and as tertullian in expresse termes affirmeth him to have been placed there by s. iohn himself ( in the testimony before alledged out of his k prescriptions : ) so doth he else-where , from the order of the succeeding bishops , not obscurely intimate , that the rest of that number were to be referred unto the same descent . l we have , saith he , the churches that were bred by john. for although marcion do reject his revelation : yet the order of the bishops reckoned up unto their originall , will stand for john to be their founder . neither doth the ancient writer of the martyrdome of timothy ( mentioned by photius ) mean any other by those seven bishops , whose assistance he saith s. iohn did use , after his return from patmos , in the government of the metropolis of the ephesians . for m being revoked from his exile , saith he , by the sentence of nerva , he betook himself to the metropolis of ephesus ; and being assisted with the presence of seven bishops , he took upon him the government of the metropolis of the ephesians : and continued , preaching the word of piety , untill the empire of trajan . that he remained with the ephesians and the rest of the brethren of asia , untill the dayes of trajan , and that during the time of his abode with them , he published his gospel ; is sufficiently witnessed by n ireneus . that upon his return from the iland , after the death of domitian , he applyed himself to the government of the churches of asia , is confirmed likewise both by o eusebius , and by p hierom : who further addeth , that q at the earnest intreaty of the bishops of asia he wrote there his gospel . and that he himselfe also , being free from his banishment , did ordaine bishops in diverse churches , is clearely testified by clement of alexandria : who lived in the next age after , and delivereth it as a certain truth , which he had received from those who went before him , and could not be farre from the time wherein the thing it self was acted . r when s. john ( saith he ) domitian the tyrant being dead , removed from the iland of patmos unto ephesus , by the intreaty of some he went also unto the neighbouring nations ; in some places constituting bishops , in others founding whole churches . among these neighbouring churches was that of hierapolis : which had papias placed s bishop therein . that this man was t a hearer of s. john , and a companion of polycarpus , is testified by his own schollar u irenaeus : and that he conversed with x the disciples of the apostles , and of christ also ; he himself doth thus declare , in the proëme of the five books which he intituled , a declaration of the words of the lord. y if upon occasion any of the presbyters , which had accompanied the apostles , did come ; i diligently enquired what were the speeches which the apostles used , what andrew or what peter did say , or what philip , or thomas , or james , or john , or matthew , or some other of the disciples of the lord ; and the things that aristion and john the elder , our lords disciples , did speak . the two last of whom he often cited by name in the processe of the work ; relating the passages in this kind which he had heard from them . neither can any man be so simple as to imagine , that in the language of clemens alexandrinus the name of a bishop should import no more then a bare presbyter : if he consider , that not the a difference only betwixt presbyters , bishops and deacons is by him acknowledged ; but further also , that the disposition of their three offices , in his judgement , doth carry with it b an imitation of the angelicall glory . to say nothing of the emperour hadrian : who , hard upon the time of the fore-named papias , writing unto the consul servianus touching the state of things in aegypt , maketh distinct mention in his letter of c the presbyters of the christians , and of those d who call themselves the bishops of christ. and thus having deduced episcopacy from the apostolicall times ; and declared , that the angels of the seven churches were no other , but such as in the next age after the apostles were by the fathers tearmed bishops : we are now further to enquire , why these churches are confined unto the number of seven , in the superscription of that apostolicall epistle prefixed before the book of the revelation . e iohn to the seven churches in asia : grace be unto you and peace . where s. iohn directing his letters unto them thus indefinitly , without any mention of their particular names ; cannot by common intendment be conceived to have understood any other thereby , but such as by some degree of eminency were distinguishable from all the rest of the churches that were in asia , and in some sort also did comprehend all the rest under them . for taking asia here in that stricter sense , wherein the new testament useth it , as denoting the lydian asia alone ( of the circuit whereof i have treated f elsewhere more particularly ) it is not to be imagined , that after so long pains taken by the apostles and their disciples in the husbanding of that part of the lords vineyard , there should be found no more but seven churches therein , especially since s. paul that g wise master-builder professeth , that he had here h a great door and effectuall opened unto him : and s. luke testifieth accordingly , that i all they which dwelt in asia heard the word of the lord iesus , both iews and greeks ; so mightily grew the word of god and prevailed . which extraordinary blessing of god upon his labours , moved the apostle to make his residence k in those parts for the space of three years : wherein he ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears . so that in all reason we are to suppose , that these seven churches ( comprising all the rest within them ) were not bare parochiall ones , or so many particular congregations ; but diocesan churches ( as we use to call them ) if not metropoliticall rather . for that in l laedicea , sardis , smyrna , ephesus and m pergamus , the roman governours held their courts of justice , to which all the cities and towns about , had recourse for the ending of their suites ; is noted by pliny . and besides these ( which were the greatest ) thyatira is also by n ptolomy expresly named a metropolis : as philadelphia also is , in the o greek acts of the councell of constantinople held under menas . which giveth us good ground to conceive , that the seven cities , in which these seven churches had their seat , were all of them metropoliticall , and so had relation unto the rest of the townes and cities of asia , as unto daughters rising under them . this lydian asia was separated from caria by the river maeander : upon the banks whereof magnesia and trallis were seated , to the christians whereof ignatius directed two of his epistles ; wherein he maketh mention of damas bishop of the one church , and polybius bishop ( or p ruler , as eusebius calleth him ) of the other , whom they had sent to visit him at smyrna , adding withall in that to the trallians , his usuall admonitions . q be subject to the bishop , as to the lord : and r to the presbytery , as to the apostles of jesus christ our hope . s he that doth any thing without the bishop and the presbyters and the deacons , such a one is defiled in conscience . t fare ye well in jesus christ ; being subject to the bishop , and likewise to the presbyters . wherein we may note , that with twelve years after mention of the seven churches made in the apocalyps ( for then , as hath been shewed , were these epistles of ignatius written ) other episcopal cities are found in the same lydian asia ; and two such , as in after times are well known to have been u under the government of the metropolitan of ephesus . but whether this subordination were as ancient as the dayes of ignatius ( whose epistles are extant unto these three churches ) and x damas the then bishop of magnefia , with polybius of trallis , were at that time subject to one simus the bishop of ephesus , might well be doubted : but that the same ignatius directeth one of his epistles unto the church y which had presidency in the place of the region of the romans ; and in the body thereof doth attribute unto himself the title of the bishop of syria . whereby , as he intimateth himself to have been not onely the bishop of antiock , but also of the rest of the province of syria , which was under that metropolis : so doth he likewise not obscurely signifie that the bishop of rome had at that time a presidency over the churches that were in the z vrbicarian region , as the imperiall constitutions , or the * roman province , as the acts of the first councell of arles call it . what that vrbicarian region was , i will not now stand to discusse : whether tuscia onely , wherein rome it selfe was situated ( which in the dayes of ignatius was one entire region , but afterwards divided into tuscia suburbicaria and annonaeria ) or the territory wherein the praefectus vrbis did exercise his jurisdiction ( which was confined within the compasse of a hundred miles about the city ) or , with that , those other provinces also whereunto the authority of the vicarius vrbis did extend ; or lastly the circuit within which those 69. bishopricks were contained that a were immediatly subject to the bishop of rome , and frequently called to his synods : the names whereof are found registred in the records of that church . the antiquity of which number , as it may in some sort receive confirmation from the roman synod of seventy bishops held under gelasius : so for the distinction of the bishops which belonged to the city of rome , from those that appertained to italy , we have a farre more ancient testimony from the edict of the emperour aurelian ; who in the controversie that arose betwixt paulus samosatenus and domnus for the house which belonged unto the church of antioch , commanded that it should be delivered to them , b to whom the bishops of italy and rome should by their letters declare that it ought to be given . which distinction , aswell in the forecited c acts of the councell of arles , as in the epistles of the d sardican synod and e athanasius , may likewise be observed : the name of italy being in a more strict sense applyed therein to the seven provinces , which were under the civill jurisdiction of the vicarius or lieutenant of italy , and the ecclesiasticall of the bishop of millaine . and it is well worth the observing , that the fathers of the great councell of nice afterwards confirming this kinde of primacy , in the bishops of alexandria , rome and antioch , and f in the metropolitans of other provinces ; do make their entrance into that canon with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let the ancient customes continue . which as it cleareth the antiquity of the metropoliticall jurisdiction of the bishop of rome , so doth it likewise confirm the opinion of those , who conceive the metropolitan of alexandria to be meant in that passage of the emperour hadrians epistle unto servianus . g even the very patriarch himself , when he commeth into egypt , is by some compelled to adore serapis , and by others to worship christ. as if , upon his returning into egypt , either from his visitation of lybia and pentapolis ( which this same nicene canon sheweth to have of old belonged unto his care ) or from his flight in that present time of persecution ; he should suffer this distraction : the heathen labouring to compell him to the worship of serapis , and his own christian flock on the other side striving to keep him constant in the service of christ. for that either the heathen had will , or the christians power at that time to force the jewish patriarch ( of whom some do understand the place ) to the adoration of christ ; hath no manner of probability in it . that part also of the canon , which ratifieth the ancient rights of metropolitans of all other provinces , may serve to open unto us the meaning of that complaint which , some threescore and ten years before the time of this synod , s. cyprian made against novatianus ; for the confusion which by his schisme he brought upon the churches of god : that h whereas long since in all provinces , and in all cities , bishops had been ordained , in age ancient , sound in faith , tryed in affliction , proscribed in persecution ; yet took he the boldnesse to create other false bishops over their heads . namely , subordinate bishops in every city , and metropolitans in every province . in africke at that time , although there were many civill provinces , yet was there but one ecclesiasticall : whereof cyprian himself was i archbishop ; as the fathers of the trullan synod call him . it pleased , saith he in one of his epistles , k all the bishops constituted either in our province or beyond the sea : intimating thereby , that all the bishops which were on his side the sea did belong unto one province . l for our province , saith he in another place , is spread more largely ; having numidia also , and both the mauritaniaes , annexed unto it . whence that great councell assembled by him for determining the question touching the baptizing of those that had been baptized by hereticks , is said to be gathered m out of the province of africa , numidia , and mauritania . for howsoever in the civill government , the proconsular africa ( wherein carthage was seated ) numidia and both the mauritanies , ( sitifensis and caesariensis ) were accounted three distinct provinces : yet in the ecclesiasticall administration they were joyned together and made but one province , immediately subject to the metropoliticall jurisdiction of the prime see of carthage . some threescore years before this african councell was held by cyprian , those other provinciall synods were assembled by the metropolitans of sundry nations , fot the composing of the paschall controversie , then hotly pursued : and among the rest , that in our neighbour country , out of n the parishes ( for so , in the ancient language of the church , those precincts were named , which now we call dioceses ) of which irenaeus had the superintendency ; whence also he wrote that free epistle unto victor bishop of rome , o in the person of those brethren over whom he was president . at which time ( and before ) the p most famous metropoles of that country , and so the q most eminent churches therein , were lyons and vienna ; in the one whereof irenaeus * was then no lesse renowned a prelat , then cyprian was afterwards in africa . dionysius , the famous bishop of corinth , was elder then they : who among many other epistles , directed one r to the church of gortyna , and all the rest of the churches of crete ; wherein he saluted their bishop philip. whereby it appeareth , that at that time , aswell as in the ages following , s gortyna was the metropolis , and the bishop thereof the metropolitan of all the rest of that whole island . which kinde of superintendency there , eusebius ( the ancientest ecclesiasticall historian now extant ) deriveth from the very times of titus ; whom , out of the histories that were before his time , he relateth to have held t the bishoprick of the churches in crete . with whom the grecians of after times do fully concurre ; as appeareth both by the subscription annexed by them unto the epistle of s. paul u to titus , ordained ( as there they say ) the first bishop of the church of the cretians ; and by the argument prefixed by them before the same , speaking of him to the same effect , that x he was by paul ordained bishop of that great country , and had commission to ordain the bishops that were under him , which they gather out of those words of s. paul unto him . y for this cause left i thee in crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , as i had appointed thee . out of which m. calvin collecteth this doctrine unto us for the generall . we learn out of this place , that there was not then such an equality betwixt the ministers of the church , but that there was some one who was president over the rest both in authority and in counsell . and s chrysostom , for the particular of titus , a had he not been an approved man , he would not have committed that whole iland unto him : he would not have commanded him to supply the things that were defective ; he would not have committed unto him the judgement of so many bishops , if he had not had very great confidence in the man. and bishop jewell z upon him again . having the government of many bishops ; what may we call him but an archbishop ? which is not so much to be wondred at , when we see that the bishops of another iland stick not ( and that without any controll ) to deduce the ordination of their metropolitan from the apostolick times , in the face of the whole generall councell of ephesus . for whereas the patriarch of antioch did claim an interest in the ordaining of the metropolitan of cyprus : the bishops of that iland prescribed to the contrary , that b from the time of the holy apostles it could never be shewed , that the bishop of antioch was ever present at any such ordination , or did ever communicate the grace of ordination to that iland ; and that the former bishops of constantia ( the metropolis of cyprus ) troilus , sabinus , epiphanius , c and all the holy and orthodoxe bishops which were before them , ever since the holy apostles , were constituted by those which were in cyprus , and therefore desired that d as in the beginning from the times of the apostles , and by the constitutions and canons of the most holy and great synod of nice , the synod of the cyprian bishops remained untouched and superiour to privy underminings and open power ; so they might still be continued in the possession of their ancient right . whereupon the councell condemning the attempt of the bishop of antioch , as e an innovation brought in against the ecclesiasticall laws and the canons of the holy fathers ; did not only order , that f the governours of the churches which were in cyprus should keep their own right entire and inviolable , according to the canons of the holy fathers and their ancient custome : but also g for all other dioceses and provinces wheresoever ; that no bishop should intrude himself into any other province , which had not formerly and from the beginning been under him or his predecessours . the beginning of which kind of subordination of many bishops unto one chief , if it were not to be derived from apostolicall right ; yet it is by beza fetched h from the same light of nature and enforcement of necessity , whereby men were at first induced to enter into consociations , subjected one unto another ; and by bucer acknowledged to have i been consentaneous to the law of christ , and to have been done by the right of the body of christ ; and by all men must be confessed to be conformable to the pattern delivered by god unto moses . for having set apart the three families of the levites for his own service , and constituted a chief ( as we have heard ) over every of them : he placed immediately over them all , not aaron the high priest , but eleazar his son , saying , k eleazar , the son of aaron the priest , shall be chief over the chief of the levites ; and have the oversight of them that keep the charge of the sanctuary . in respect of which oversight , as he hath by the septuagint ( warrantably enough by the word of god ) given unto him the name of l a bishop : so the holy ghost having vouchsafed to honour him with the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the president of the presidents of the levites ; none , that without prejudice did take the matter into consideration , would much stick to afford unto him the name of an arch-bishop , at least he would be taught hereby , to retain that reverend opinion of the primitive bishops of the christian church ( who so willingly submitted themselves , not only to the archiepiscopal , but also to a patriarchical government ) which calvin professed he did : that in all this , they were far from having a thought , n to devise another form of church-government , then that which god had prescribed in his word . the writers , which in the next age after the apostles , have here given testimony for episcopacy . in the xiiii . year of domitian , about the xcv . year of our lord ( according to the vulgar account ) s. john wrote his revelation ; and in it , the epistle directed by our saviour to the angel of the church in philadelphia . no longer then twelve years after that time , ignatius ( s. johns schollar ) writeth his letters unto the same church . in the beginning whereof , he giveth this testimony unto their bishop ; that a he knew him to have been promoted , not of himself , nor by men , unto that ministery , pertaining to the publick weal of the church : which is every whit as much , as if he had called him their angel. afterwards he telleth them , that there is but b one bishop , joyned with the presbytery and the deacons : and that he delivered this as the voice of god ; c take heed unto your bishop , and to the presbytery and the deacons , d calling him to witnesse , for whom he was bound ( and for whom he went then unto his last martyrdome ) that he had not this from humane flesh ( or from the mouth of men ) but that the spirit spake it . without the bishop do nothing . so that from s. johns time , we have this continued succession of witnesses , in the age next following , for episcopacy . in the year : cvii . ignatius , bishop of antioch , where first they were called christians . cxxx . hadrian the emperor , touching the bishop● of aegypt . cl. justin martyr , from samaria . clxix . the church of smyrna . clxxv . dionysius , bishop of corinth . clxxx . hegesippus , from judea . irenaeus , bishop of lions , near unto us ▪ cxcv. tertullian , from africk . polycrates , bishop of ephesus . cc. clemens , presbyter of alexandria . the apostolicall institution of episcopacy ; deduced out of the premises , by w. c. if we abstract from episcopall government all accidentals , and consider onely what is essentiall and necessary to it ; we shall find in it no more but this : an appointment of one man of eminent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the churches , within a certain precinct or diocesse ; and furnishing him with authority , not absolute or arbitrary , but regulated and bounded by lawes , and moderated by joyning to him a convenient number of assistants . to the intent that all the churches under him may be provided of good and able pastours : and that both of pastours and people conformity to lawes and performance of their duties may be required , under penalties , not left to discretion , but by law appointed . to this kind of government i am not by any particular interest so devoted , as to think it ought to be maintained , either in opposition to apostolick institution , or to the much desired reformation of mens lives , and restauration of primitive discipline , or to any law or precept of our lord and saviour jesus christ : for that were to maintain a means contrary to the end . for obedience to our saviour is the end for which church government is appointed . but if it may be demonstrated , or made much more probable then the contrary , as i verily think it may : i. that it is not repugnant to the government setled in and for the church by the apostles . ii. that it is as complyable with the reformation of any evill which we desire to reform either in church or state , or the introduction of any good which we desire to introduce , as any other kind of government ; and iii. that there is no law , no record of our saviour against it : then i hope it will not be thought an unreasonable motion , if we humbly desire those that are in authority , especially the high court of parliament , that it may not be sacrificed to clamour , or over-born by violence : and though ( which god forbid ) the greater part of the multitude should cry , crucifie , crucifie , yet our governours would be so full of justice and courage , as not to give it up untill they perfectly understand concerning episcopacy it self , quid mali fecit . i shall speak at this time only of the first of these three points : that episcopacy is not repugnant to the government setled in the church for perpetuity by the apostles . whereof i conceive this which followes as clear a demonstration , as any thing of this nature is capable of . that this government was received universally in the church , either in the apostles time , or presently after , is so evident and unquestionable , that the most learned adversaries of this government do themselves confesse it . petrus molinaeus , in his book de munere postorali , purposely written in defence of the presbyteriall government , acknowledgeth : that presently after the apostles times , or even in their time ( as ecclesiasticall story witnesseth ) it was ordained , that in every city one of the presbytery should be called a bishop , who should have preheminence over his colleagues ; to avoid confusion which oft times ariseth out of equality . and truly this form of government all churches every where received . theodorus beza , in his tract de triplici episcopatus genere , confesseth in effect the same thing . for having distinguished episcopacy into three kinds , divine , humane , and satanicall , and attributing to the second ( which he calls humane , but we maintain and conceive to be apostolicall ) not only a priority of order , but a superiority of power , and authority over other presbyters , bounded yet by lawes and canons provided against tyranny : he clearly professeth , that of this kind of episcopacy is to be understood whatsoever we read concerning the authority of bishops or presidents ( as justin martyr calls them ) in ignatius , and other more ancient writers . certainly from * these two great defenders of the presbytery we should never had this free acknowledgement , so prejudiciall to their own pretence , and so advantageous to their adversaries purpose , had not the evidence of clear and undeniable truth enforced them to it . it will not therefore be necessary to spend any time in confuting that uningenuous assertion of the anonymus authour of the catalogue of testimonies for the equality of bishops and presbyters , who affirmes , that their disparity began long after the apostles times : but we may safely take for granted that which these two learned adversaries have confessed ; and see , whether upon this foundation laid by them , we may not by unanswerable reason raise this superstruction . that seing episcopall government is confessedly so ancient and so catholique , it cannot with reason be denyed to be apostolique . for so great a change , as between presbyteriall government and episcopall , could not possibly have prevailed all the world over , in a little time . had episcopall government been an aberration from , or a corruption of the government left in the churches by the apostles , it had been very strange , that it should have been received in any one church so suddainly , or that it should have prevailed in all for many ages after . variâsse debuerat error ecclesiarum : quod autem apud omnes unum est , non est erratum , sed traditum . had the churches err'd , they would have varied . what therefore is one and the same amongst all , came not sure by errour , but tradition . thus tertullian argues very probably from the consent of the churches of his time , not long after the apostles , and that in matter of opinion much more subject to unobserv'd alteration . but that in the frame and substance of the necessary government of the church , a thing alwayes in use and practice , there should be so suddain a change as presently after the apostles times , and so universall , as received in all the churches , this is clearly impossible . for what universall cause can be assigned or fained of this universall apostasie ? you will not imagine that the apostles , all or any of them , made any decree for this change , when they were living ; or left order for it in any will or testament , when they were dying . this were to grant the question ; to wit , that the apostles , being to leave the government of the churches themselves , and either seeing by experience , or foreseeing by the spirit of god , the distractions and disorders which would arise from a multitude of equalls , substituted episcopall government instead of their own . generall councells to make a law for a generall change , for many ages there was none . there was no christian emperour , no coercive power over the church to enforce it . or if there had been any , we know no force was equall to the courage of the christians of those times . their lives were then at command ( for they had not then learn't to fight for christ ) but their obedience to any thing against his law was not to be commanded ( for they had perfectly learn't to die for him . ) therefore there was no power then to command this change ; or if there had been any , it had been in vain . what device then shall we study , or to what fountaine shall we reduce this strange pretended alteration ? can it enter into our hearts to think , that all the presbyters and other christians then , being the apostles schollers , could be generally ignorant of the will of christ , touching the necessity of a presbyteriall government ? or dare we adventure to think them so strangely wicked all the world over , as against knowledge and conscience to conspire against it ? imagine the spirit of diotrephes had entered into some or a great many of the presbyters , and possessed them with an ambitious desire of a forbidden superiority , was it possible they should attempt and atchieve it once without any opposition or contradiction ? and besides that the contagion of this ambition should spread it self and prevail without stop or controule , nay , without any noyse or notice taken of it , through all the churches in the world ; all the watchmen in the mean time being so fast asleep , and all the dogges so dumb , that not so much as one should open his mouth against it ? but let us suppose ( though it be a horrible untruth ) that the presbyters and people then were not so good christians as the presbyters are now , that they were generally so negligent to retain the government of christs church commanded by christ , which we now are so zealous to restore : yet certainly we must not forget nor deny that they were men as we are . and if we look upon them but as meer naturall men , yet knowing by experience how hard a thing it is even for policy arm'd with power by many attempts and contrivances , and in a long time to gain upon the liberty of any one people , undoubtedly we shall never entertain so wild an imagination , as that among all the christian presbyteries in the world , neither conscience of duty , nor love of liberty , nor aversenesse from pride and usurpation of others over them , should prevail so much as with any one , to oppose this pretended universall invasion of the kingdome of christ and the liberty of christians . when i shall see therefore all the fables in the metamorphosis acted and prove stories ; when i shall see all the democraties and aristocraties in the world lye down and sleep , and awake into monarchies : then will i begin to believe that presbyteriall government , having continued in the church during the apostles times , should presently after , against the apostles doctrine and the will of christ , be whirl'd about like a scene in a masque , and transformed into episcopacy . in the mean time , while these things remain thus incredible , and in humane reason impossible ; i hope i shall have leave to conclude thus . episcopall government is acknowledged to have been universally received in the church , presently after the apostles times . between the apostles times and this presently after , there was not time enough for , nor possibility of , so great an alteration . and therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended . and therefore episcopacy , being confessed to be so ancient and catholique , must be granted also to be apostolique . quod erat demonstrandum . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a51419-e1080 a moulin epist. ad episc. winton . quorum martyrum habemus scripta , & meminimus gesta , ac zelum , nullâ ex parte inferiorem zelo praestantissimorum dei servorum , quos germania , aut gallia tulit : hoc qui negat , oportet ut sit vel improbè vecors , vel gloriae dei invidus , vel cerebrosâ stoliditate caliget in clara luce . b bezae respons . ad sarav . de minist . gradibus , c. 18. p. 303. quod si nunc anglicanae ecclesiae instauratae suorum episcoporum & archiepiscoporum authoritate suffulta praestant , quemadmodum hoc illi nostra● memoriá contigit , ut ejus ordinis homines non tantum insignes dei martyres , sed etiam praestantissimos pastores , ac doctores habuerit . c calvin epist. cranmero , te praesertim ( ornatissime praesul ) qui altiori in specula sedes , in hanc curam incumbere necesse est . scio non ita unius angliae haberi abs te rationem quin universo orbi consulas . d calvin . tom . 7. ad sadoletum , & de necessitate reformandae ecclesiae , p. 69. verum talem nobis si contribuant hierarchiam in quā emineant episcopi , ut christo subesse non recusent , ut ab illo t●nquam ab unico capite pendeant , & ad ipsum referantur , in quâ si fraternam charitatem inter se colant , & non alio modo quam ejus veritate collegati , tum vero nullo non anathemate dignos fatemur si qui erunt , qui eam non reverenter & summâ cum obedientia observent . e beza ad grindal . epist. 23. ut omnibus praesulibus suis ex animo obsequantur : majori poena digni sunt qui authoritatem tuam aspernabuntur . idem rursus ad sarav . upon the consideration of the government by arch-bishops and bishops . fruantur sane istā dei beneficentiā , quae utinam sit illi nationi perpetua . † this is cited by the author of the survey of the pretended holy discipline , &c. beza apud sarav . de minist . gradibus , p. 343. c. 21. nedum , ut quod falsissimè & impudentissimè nonnulli nobis objiciunt cuiquam uspiam ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperitissimorum illorum similes , qui nihil nisi quod ipsi agunt , rectum putant . f pet. martyr epist. praefix . juelli apol. amplissime praesul , & domine mihi quotidie etiam atque etiam observande . * sibrand , contra grotium p. 183. citatus â nicholao videlio . lib. de episcopat . constantini magni p. 25. g zanchius in epist. ad elizab. anglia regin . cogitet tua majestas in hoc omnem tuam curam , potentiam & authoritatem intendere , ut imprimis episcopos habeas pios , & in sacris literis eruditos , ficut dei beneficio habes quamplurimos , eosque soveas & audias . h idem epist. edmund grindall● episcop . non possum non gratulari novam & amplissimam dignitatem : quoniam ista sunt divinae benedictionis testimonia & constantis tuae in deum pietatis , quâ ejus beneficentiâ cura tua magis magisque in verâ religione & pietate promoveri possit . i saravia de minist ▪ gradi bus in epist. ad lectorem . saepe miratu●sum eorum sapientiam , qui anglicanae ecclesiae restituerunt divinum cultum , & ita se attemperârunt ut nusquam decessisse ab antiquâ & priscâ ecclesiae consuetudine reprehendi possint et in epist. dedicatoriâ . in parte foelicitatis regni anglica ut numerandum est , quód hunc ordinem episcoporum retinet . k isaac casaub . regem alloquens , in praefat , ad exercit . qui ecclesiam ●abeas in tuis regnis partim jam oli● ita institutam , partim magnis tuis laboribus ita instauratam ut ad florentis quondam ecclesiae formam nulla hodie propius accedat , quàm tua : inter , vel excessu , vel defectu peccantes , median viam sequu●a . quā moderatione hoc primum assecuta est ecclesia anglicana , ut illi ipsi qui suam foelicitatem invident , saepè tamen ex altarum comparatione illam cogantur laudare . idem epist. ad card. beron. reg. brit. nomine sed ex animi quoque sui sententia , certo ac liquido mihi constat , si notae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quaerantur , & verè necessaria ad salutem spectentur , ut etiam ad decorum ecclesiae , nullam in orbe terrarum ( deo uni sit laus & gloria ) inventam , quae propiùs ad fidem , aut speciem antiquae ecclesiae catholicae accedat , &c. * master moulin in his buckler of faith. p. 271. august de aëri● lib. de haresi cap. 53. quia non potuit episcopus ordinari , dicebat presbyterum ab episcopo nulld differentiâ debere discerni . a mr moulin in epist. 3 ad episc. winton . ab incunabulis aërium damnavi . b tylenus in paraenes . ante aërium de episcopis exautorandis nemo , post aërium solùm genevenses studebant . c beza de minist . gradibus . p : 2. si qui sunt ( quod sanè mihi non facilè persuaseris ) qui omnem episcopatûs ordinem , ut tu scribis , reliciunt , ab sit ut quisquam sanae mentis furoribus illorum assentiatur . idem si modò deformatam domum dei adamussim ex verbi divini regula pro viribus instaurarent , ut ecclesiae christianae fidos pastores , cur non agnoscamus ? observemus ? & omni reverentiâ prosequamur ? luther . tom ▪ 1. fol , 309. resolut . ejus super propositionibus lypsiae disputationibus habitis , conclusio . probo quamlibet civitatem habere debere episcopum proprium jure divino , quod ex paulo ad titum ostendo , dicente hujus rei gratiâ , reliqui te cretae , ut quae desunt corrigas , ut constituas simplices presbyteros per civitates sicut ego disposui tibi , hos autem presbyteros fuisse episcopos . hieron , & textus sequens ostendit , dicens , oportet episcopum irreprehensibilem esse . b bucer , de regno christi lib. 2. cap. 12. ex perpetuâ ecclesiarum observatione ab ipsis apostolis videmus visum hoc esse spiritui sancto , ut inter presbyteros unus ecclesiarum & totius sacri ministerii gerat curam singulorum , & cunctis praeerat aliis quâ de causâ episcopi nomen hujusmodi ecclesiarum curatoribus est peculiariter attributum : tametsi hi sine presbyterorum consilio nihil statuere debuerant qui & ipsi propter hanc communem ecclesiarum ad minist . rationem episcopi in scripturis vocantur . c isaac casaubon , exercit , episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi apertis scripturae testimoniis sunt sundati . ibid. apostolorum hodie vicarii sunt , etsi non pari potestate cum apostolis omnes episcopi , ut è b. cypriano antea dicebamus exercit. 14. cyprian , ep. 65. apostolis vicariâ ordinatione succedere episcopos . d ignatius illam formam episcopalem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 teste sculteto in titum . e cyprian epist . 65 , ad rogat ▪ quod si nos aliquid sacore contra de●um audemus , qui episcopos facit ; et epist. 27. ad laps . cum igitur divinâ lege fundata sit &c. epist. ad cornel. ecclesiae gubernandae sublimem ac divinam potestatem . f origen , tract . in mat. 31. cognoscunt episcopi quod hoc non vos salvat , quod constituit eos dominus super familiam ejus , &c. g august . in quaestion . veter . & novi testamen . pag. 97. nemo ignorat salvatorem nostrum episcopos instituisse , quando apostoli facti sunt , qui missi sunt ut mittere possint alios ; ipse enim imprimis apostolis instituit episcopos . h epiphanius adversus aërium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de heresi . 75. i august . lib. 7. contra donatist . cap. 42. de apostolis à christo missis , quibus nos successimus eadem potestate ecclesiam dei gubernantes : & de verb. domini serm. 24. qui vos spernit , me spernit &c. k concil ▪ calced can. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * see hereafter . a luther ; tom . 2 fol. 307. plus illis tribuo quàm merentur , qui eos tam sancto & veteri nomine dignor . lup●s enim & canes appellare op●rtes , & fol. 320. nemo contra statum eiscoporum , & ver●● episcopos vel bonos pastores dictum putet quicquid contra hos tyrannos dicitur . apol. confess . aug. cap. de numero & usu sacramenti . no● saepe protestati sumus summâ cum voluntate conserva●e politiam ecclesiasticam & gradus in ecclesiâ sactos etiam summâ authoritate . lib 4 cap. protestant . de unitat . eccles. ut scbismata vttarentur accessit utilis ordinatio ut ex multis presbyteris eligeretur episcopus qui regeret ecclesiam decendo evangelium & retinenedo disciplinam , ut praeesset presbyteris , &c. b phil. melanct hist conf . aug. pag. 365. teste sarav . de minist . gradibus cap. 16. quanquam ut ego quod censeā dicam , utinam possem administrationem restituere episcoporum . video enim qualem simus habituri ecclesiam dissolutâ politiâ ecclesiasticâ video postea futuram tyrannidem multò intolerabiliorem , quàm unquam fuit , nihil concessimus praeter ea lutherus censuit esse reddenda . melancthon citat buoerum disciplin . eleric . quia omnino necesse est ut clerici suos habeant curatores atque custodes instaurandos , ut episcoporum , ita & archiepiscorum , aliorum que omnium ; quibuscunque nominibus censeantur potestas & animadversio , ne quis omnino sit in hoc ordine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c georgius princ. a●bolt concion . in praefat . de ordinatione teste saravia pag. 267. utinam si●ut gerunt nomina & titulos , ita so reipsa praestarent episcopos si fideliter ecclesias regerent , quàm libenter , quantâque cordis laetitid , pro episcopis ipsos habere , revereri , morem gerere , debitam jurisdictionem & ordinationem eis facere , eā que sine ulla recusatione frui vellemus . d calvinus epist. ad gasparum magnum u●ile fuit jus excommunicandi permitti singulis pastoribus , nunc ea res odiosa est , & facilis est lapsus in tyrannidem , & apostoli alium usum tradiderunt . e calv. instit● lib. 4. cap. 2. & tom. 7. fol. 218. presbyterum in suo numero ex singulis civitatibus unum eligebant , cui specialiter titulum episcopi dabant , ne ex aequalitate ut fieri solet , dissidia nascerentur . f beza de divers . ministrorum gradibus cap. 23. apud sarav . p. 386● ipsa tandem experientiâ compertum fuisse , non satis virium eos habuisse ad improbos compescendos ; communicata viz. singulis pastoribus per vices hujus primatûs dignitate : ergo visum fuit ad unum , & illum quidem totius presbyterii judicio , delectum transferre , quod certè reprehendi non debet , cum praesettir● veinstus hic mos fuit in alexandrinâ ecclesiâ , jam inde à marco evangelistâ observatus esset , & rarsus . absit ut hunc ordinem , etsi merâ divina dispositione non constitutum , tamen aut ut temerè , aut superbè inventum reprehendam , cujus potiùs magnum usum fuisse , quandiu bonî & sancti episcopi ecclesiis praefuerunt , quis inficiari poss●t ? g citat per petrum moulin : filium hieron . zanch. thefibus de vera reformandarum ecclesiarum ratione . testor me coram deo in mea conscientia non alio habere loco quàm schismaticorum illos omnes , qui in parte reformationis ecclesiarum ponu●t nullos habere episcopos , qui authoritatis gradu suos compresbyteros emineant , ubi liquido possint haberi . praterea cum d. calv. nullo non anathemate dignos censeo , quotquot illi hierarchiae , quae se domino jesu submittit , subjici nolunt . h zanchius pag. 7. in suâ confessione . quid cortlus ex historiis , ex conciliis , ex omnium patrum scriptis , quàm illos ministrorum ordines , de quibus dicimus cum totius reipubl . christiana consensu in ecclesia constitutos & receptos fuisse ? quis autem ego sum qui quod tota ecclesiâ approbat improbem ? neque omnes docti viri nostri temporis improbare ausi sunt , quippe quod norunt & licuisse hac ecclesia , & ex pietate atque ad optimos fines pro aedificatione electorum ea omnia fuisse perfecta & ordinata● quid quod in ecclesiis protestantium non desunt episcopi . i wallo , alias salmasius lib. de episc. p. 413 episcopus ecclesiis regendis unicus praepositus est qui & presbyteris pluribus unius ecclesiae praeesset . bono fine hoc institutum esse nemo negat , cum optima ratio fuerit ita instituendi . k conradus verstius in apol. pro eccles. orthodox ; de augustan . confess . pag. 285. in colloquio possiaceno augustanae confessioni per omnia se subscribere paratos esse , testati sunt praeterquam articulo doctrina de eucharistiâ , utpote obscuriùs positâ . l beza c. 21. pag. 343. apud sarav . quod falsissimè & impudentissimè nonnulli nobis objiciunt , cuiquam uspiam ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperitissimorum illorum similes , qui nihil , nisi quod ipsi agant , rectum putant . a zanchius in suâ confessione , fuit mihi praterea habenda ratio illarum etiam ecclesiarum , quae licet evangelium complexae sint , suos tamen , & re & nomine habuerunt episcopos , quos ( mutatis benis graecis nominibus in malè latina ) vocant superintendentes & generales superintendentes ; sed etiam ubi neque vetera illa bona graeca neque haec nova male latina verba obtinent , ibi tamen solent esse aliquot primarii , penes quos fere tota est authoritas . sed cum de rebus convenit quid de nominibus altercamur ? teste sarav . de ministrorum gradibus , c. 23. p. 365. * luke 5. 39. a hieron in epist ad evag● omnes episcopi ( ubicunque sunt locorum ) successores sunt apostolorum . ad evagr. quod posteà unus est electus , quae praepon●retur caeteris , in schismatis remedium factum est , nequisquam ad se trahens ecclesiam christi corrumpat . b hieron . advers . lucif . ecclesiae salus ex summi sacerdotis dignitate pēdet , cui nisi exors quaedam & ab omnibus ●minens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiâ efficientur schismata quot sacerdotes . c tertull. lib. de baptismo , episcopus propter ecclesia honorem , quo salvo salva est pax. d nyssen . hom. in ecclesiast . ut chorus ad coriphaeum respicit , nempè suum ductorem , nauta ad gubernatorem & acies ad imperatorem ; ita etiam ad ecclesiam qui praesunt in coetu ecclesiae . chrysostom . orat . in dicta apostoli , omnia in gloriam dei. quemadmodum chorus praecentorem , & nautarum multitudo gubernatorem requirit , sic & sacerdotem coetus pontificem , &c. e basil. in epist. ad eccles. ai. de episcopis membra ecclesiae hâc dignitate tanquam unâ qua●em animâ in concordiam , & communionem reducantur . f cyprian epist . vnde haereses , unde schismata , nisi quòd sacerdoti dei non obtemperent , qui est loco christi judex . idem epist. 55. actum est de episcopatûs vigore , & de ecclesiae gubernandae sublimi ac divinâ potestate , &c. ( where he speaketh of himself , and not of the bishop of rome . ) smestym . in their vindication . a brightman●n ●n apocalyps . dioclesian te . poribus erant atrocissimae clades , sed tamen fideles ad extremum certamen constanter perstiterunt , reportantes trophaea victoriae corporis stigmata . b complures episc. insignes erant in concilio nicaeno ; & rursus qui historiam scripsit , meminit centum & sexaginta episcoporum qui in sagasan● extincti sunt , & in provincias edicto regis proferantur ut delerentur universi qui sacros ordines habuerint . c beza de ministrorum gradibus , c. 25. pag. 543. apud saravian . neminem adhuc audivi loquentem , neque legi scribentem , qui non honorificè , sicut par est , de magnis illis suorum temporum hominibus sentiat : nempe nazianzeno , nisseno , basilio magno athanasio , cypriano , chrysostimo , ambrosio , augustino . * iren. lib. 5. adversus haeres . cap. 20. † see the book intituled , the romish grand impostor , throughout . * mr. brightman in apoc. cap. 8. 13. cited hereafter . a beza tractat . de minist . gradibus c. 23. cert● si ab ipsis apostolis esset profecta haec mutatio , non vererer illam ut caeteras apostolicas ordinationes divinae in solidum dispositioni tribuere . b scultetus observat in tit. esse juris divini . ratio . apostolos prafixisse presbyteris episcopos . c walo , alias salmasius lib. de episc. pag. 422. institutio episcopi si ab apostolis , est jure divino . a hieron . in 1. ad tit. sicut presbyteri sciant se ecclesiae consuetudine iis , qui sibi praepositi sunt esse subjectos ; ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , & in communi debere ecclesias regere . b scultet . observat in tit. ●8 . nisi forte consuetudinem ecclesiae pro consuetudine apostolicâ , et dispositionis dominica veritatem pro instituto christi capiat . c hieron . in 1. tit. antequam diaboli instinctu studia in religione fierent diversa inter populos , ego sum pauli , ego apollinis , ego gephae , communi consilio presbyteris ecclesiae gubernabantur postea autem in toto terrarum orbe decretum est ut unus ex presbyteris electus superponetur saeteris . d scultetus in tit. hoc caeptum est viventibus apostolis , prior epistol . ad corinthios nos dubitare non finit . e videlius in epist. ignat. ad philadelphenses , cap. 14. discrimen illud presbyterorum & episcopi ut ex pluribus epistolarum locis apparet , tempore ignatii fuit , etenim illud valde maturè ipsorum apostolorum temporibus in ecclesiam irrepsit statim postquam dici coeptum est , ego sum pauli , ego cephae , &c. teste hieronymo in titum . f hieron . in epist. ad euagr. omnes episcopi ( ubi cunque sunt locorum ) successores sunt apostoli . * as they are set down in their divers titles in his book de ecclesiasticis scriptoribus . g idem de script . ecclesi . jacobus minor hierosolymitanus episcopus , marcus ecclesiae alexandrinae primus episcopus . h idem epist. ad euag. 58. aaron & filii summi sacerdotes & us aaron , eleazar , & levitae , juxta traditiones apostolicas hoc sunt episcopi , presbyteri , & diaconi . i idem ad ruper ● advers . vigilant . miror sanctum episcopum in cujus parochiâ presbyter esse dicitur , a●quiesc●re furori ejus , & non virgâ apostolicâ & ferre confringere vas inutile . smectym . vind . pag. 136. * see above . * see above . a vedelius . exercit. 8. ad mariam in ignatium , cap. 3. lino & cleto defunctis ante clementem , solus clemens superstes , solus etiam episcopi nomen retinuit , tum quia inter adjutores apostolorum solus ipse restabat , tum quia jam invaluerat distinctio episcopi & presbyteri . ita ut caeteris ecclesiae romanae presbyteris , qui cum solo clemente , essent , nomen id non fuerit tributum . b clement ad corinth . epist ▪ p. 57. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a ireneus advers . haeres . l. 3. c. 3. habemus annumerari eos qui ab apostolis instituti sunt episcopi in ecclesiis , qui nihil tale docuerunt , & l. 4. c. 43. qui cum successione episcopatûs chrisma veritatis certum acceperunt . b tertull. praescript . cap. 31 lib. 4. contra marcion . cap. 5. romanae perinde & caeterae extant ecclesiae , quae ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos apostolici seminis traduces habeant . c origen in joha● ▪ de episc. quod dominus in ecclesiâ ordinavit post apostolos , quià in eâ primum 〈◊〉 sunt locum . d august . epist. 42. radix christianae societatis per sedes apostolorum & successiones episcoporum certâ per orbem propagatione diffunditur . e walo , alias salmas . de episc pag. 201. absurdum est clementis alexandrini commentum . & p. 406. fabula est , quam in libri hypotypose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de ordinatione , &c. f eusebius lib. 7. cap. 8. jacobus , quem scriptura fratrem domini nominat , hierosolymae ecclesiae sedem accepit . g epiphan . lib , 2. cap 2. haeres . 65. jacobus primus ecclesiae hierosolymitanae . h egesippus , apostolorum temporibus erat quod jacobus cognomento justus ecclesiam hieros . post apost . accepit , sic hieron , de scriptis ecclesiae in jacobo . i chrysost. hom. 33. in act. 1. 15. jacobus episc. ecclesiae hieroolymitanae . k ambros. in 1. galat. jacobus ab apostolis hierosol . constitutus est episcopus . l synod . 6. in trullo can . 32. ad stipulantes . enimvero hic est ille jacobus , qui fixum hier●solymis habuit domicilium velut ordinarius episcopus , quem paulus primo & ultimo suo adventu invenit in urbe apostolis fere omnibus foris evangelizantibus , gal. 1. act. 21. m scultetus observat in tit. jacobum ab apostolis hierosolymorum episcopum ordinatum testantur patres quam plurimi . n zuinglius tom . 2. de eccles. fol. 48. apostoli apostolorum nomina deposuerunt , uni sedi affixi , sive senecta impediti , aut peregrinationibus afflicti ; exemplum esto jacobus minor hierosol episcopus . o moulin lib. de vatibus cap. 10. apostoli toti ecclesiae invigilabant in solidum & indivisum , aliquam tamen peculiarem provinciam quibusdam apostolis fuisse assignatam discimus ex sacrâ scripturâ , gal 2. 7. p archiepiscopus spalatensis , tomo quarto . vedelius professor genevensis apol. pro ignatio cap. 1. ignatius apostolorum discipulus erat ; quem nemo negabit fuisse virum sanctissimum , ecclesiae antiochiae episcopum , et qui christi veritati testimonium praebuerit saevissimo mortis genere sub trajano imperatore . item exercit. prima in ep. ad trall . cap. 4. § 4. bellar. lib. 4. de pontifice c. 25. quemadmodum apostoli primi erant sub christo , ita episcopi primi sub pontifice . resp. imo episcopi non sunt primi sub pontifice , sed sub christo , nisi bellarmino ignatius mentitur , qui episcopum nullam in ecclesiâ habere supra se potestatem dicit hâc ipsâ epistolâ . et epist , ad smyrnenses . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ib. c. 9. num . 8. pontificii statuunt papam ut episcoporum dominum : at ignatii tempore maximus in ecclesiâ erat episcopus , post . archiep. item exercit. 1. cap. 2. num . 4. ignat. in epist , ad polycarp . verba ejus monēt episcopū officii sui , ut agnoscat se tum demum aliorum episcopum esse , quando ipse episcoporū principi pareat : talibus episcopis & libenter paremus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a august . de baptism . contra donatist . l. 4. quod universa tenet ecclesiae , nec consiliis institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi authoritate apostolica traditum rectissime creditur . a calv tract . theol. eccl●si . reform , a● 74 iren●o & origini negotium erat cum improbis nebulonibus ▪ qui , dum pro lig●o●os errores p●●●errent in 〈◊〉 , eos sibi divinitus rev●latos 〈◊〉 . hujus 〈…〉 facilis erat revel●tio quô ●adhuc superstites erant multi , qui familiares apostolorum discipuli fuerunt : quibus rec●ns erat hujus doctrinae memoria , quam apostoli tradiderunt . b beza de minist gradibus . pro primatu ordinis inter presbyteros communicato ●●nguli p●storibus per vices primatùs dignitate , quod visum fuit hunc ad unum equidem ●otius p●esbyterii judicio delectum transferre , certè reprehendi nec possit , nec deb●t , cum 〈◊〉 ●●●ustus mos 〈◊〉 primum presbyterum deligendo in alexandrinâ ecclesiâ celeberrimâ inde à marco evangeli●● observatus . c b●za de minist grad . c. 23. ●uod autem unus electus est qu●●aeteris praeponer●tur , in schismatis factum est remelium , ne unusquisque ad se christum traho●●s ecclesiam rumperet ; nam & alexandriae a marco evangelistâ ad heracl . usque et dionysium episcopos , presbyteri unum semper à se electum in cel●iore gradu coll●catum episcopum nominabant . d moulin ep. 3. ad episc. winton . non sum adeo ●ris duri ut velim adversus illa veteris ecalesiae lumina ignatium , polycarpum cyprianum , augustinum , chrysostomum , &c. ferre sententiam , ut adversus usurpatores mùneris illiciti : plus semper apud me potuit veneranda antiquitas , quam novella cujusquam constitutio . see below . the like acknowledgment will beza give us hereafter . e scultet . observat . in titum . c. 8. sed ego de jacobo dicam , non illo quidem apostolo sed salvatoris nostri fratre . f bucer de anim. curâ et officio pastor : apud patres hieronymo vetustiores clara habemus testimonia , in praecipuis ecclesiis omnibus temporibus apostolorum ita comparatum est , ut presbyteris omnibus quidem officium episcopale fuerit impositum . interim tamen apostolorum temporibus unus , de presbyteris electus utque ordinatus est in officii ducem & quasi antistitem , qui cateris omnibus praeivit , & curam animarum , ministeriumque episcopale pracipuè & in summo gessit atque administravit , quod de jacobo legis , act. 15. ubi lucas jacobum describit ut antistitem totius ecclesiae omniumque presbyterorum . * vide thesi● . 12. smect . vindicat . pag. 88. nazianz , orat . 28. fuit tempus quando corda●● & prudentes viri episcopatum in admiratione habuerunt & disiderabant b walo pag. 355. usus , inquit obtinuit , ut episcopatus presbyterio major sit secundum honorum vocabula , ergo usu & consuetudine ecclesiae priùs constitutum est ut episcopi majores essent presbyteris , tum ex re distinctâ vocabulorum etiam insequuta est distinctio . c smect ▪ vindic . pag. 87. * see above . a walo lib. de episc. per totum cap. primum extraordinariâ missione & functione p. 70. sic alii discipuli christi & apostolorum ejus &c. p. 229 titum cretae insulae praefecit paulus , qui non singulari in aliquâ civitate episcopus fuit , sed totam illam provinciam ad tempus procuraret . tales fuerunt apostolorum auditores & discipuli , quique primi eorum successores . † smect . b beza de minist . grad . cap. 22. habuit jam tum presbyterium suum aliquem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presbyterum , etiam presbyterorum manente communi appellatione . c doctor reynolds his conference with hart. c. 8 divis . 3. d calvinus in titum ▪ 1 5. discimus ex hoc loco non eam fuisse aqualitatem inter ministros , quia unus aliquis authoritate prae●sset . † smectym . vindicat pag. 115. a luther tom . 1. fol. 309 resolutiones ejus super propositiones lypsiae disputat conclus . 13. proboquamlibet civitatem habere debere episcopum proprium jure divino , quod ex paulo ad titum ostendo dicente , ( hujus rei gratiâ reliqui te creta , ut quae desunt corrigas , & constituos presbyteros per civitates , sicut disposui tibi ) hos autem presbyteros fuisse episcopos hieron , & textus sequens ostendit dicens , oportet episcopum irreprehensibilem esse , &c. b. augustin . in epist ad hieron . epist. descripturus rationem reddit & dicit . erat enim civitas quasi diceret , non erat simplex presbyter , sed eipse . de quo loquor , quia erat civitas cui praeerat . b scultetus in titum cap. 8. pa. 10. at paulus ephesi et in cretâ aliquandiu docuerat , ideo titum & timotheum in cretâ jubet manere non utiquè ut evangelistas sed ecclesia gubernatores . id quod etiam epistolae ad utrumque scriptae evincunt : in his enim non ecclesiae colligendae , que erat evangelistarum sed collectae gubernandae , quae est episcoporum , rationem , illi● praescribit ; suntque pracepta omnia ita confirmata , ut non speciatim ad timotheum vel titum , sed generatim ad omnes episcopos referentur . ideoque ad temporariam evangelistarum potestatem minimè quadrent c moulin in epist. 3. ad epis● . winton . quomodo appellaveris titum , timotheum , & marcum , seu episcopos sive evangelistas ? constat eos habuisse successores episcopos haerede● illius preminentiae d paulus tossanus index in sacra bib. titus comes peregrinationum pauli , postea cretensium episcopus e zuinglius tom . 2. fol. 45. idem episcopi & evangelistae nomen ; nam paulus , 2 tim. 4. [ tu vigila , opus evangelist● perage : ministerium tuum probatum reddito ] aliquo in loco tunc temporis fuit episcopus , cum haec scriberet apostolus , ergo constat idem fuisse officium utriusque . f gerhard , tom . 6. de minister , ecclesiast ▪ num . 227. 2 tim. 4. fac quae evangelistae . haec v●x hoc in loco generaliter sumitur , non specialiter pro quodam doctorum ordine , quo timotheus constitutus fuerit ecclesiae ephesinae episcopus , nec ulterius paulum comitatus . sicut etiam lutherus reddidit specialiter [ dicti evangelistae erant apostolorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à qutbus in partem muneris apostolici asciti ad diversa l●ca ab illis mittebantur . in illorum evangelistarum numero censendi sunt timotheus et titus . timotheum lystria assumpsit paulus act. 16. postea eum misit in macedoniam act. 19. 22. & ad 1 cor. 4. 17. ad phil. 2 19. ad thes. 1. c. 3. tandem vero ephesi●ae ecclesiae episcopus . 1 tim. 3. 15. titum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 cor. 8. 23. cum misit ad corinth . 2 cor. 5. 6. 12. 18. assumpsit secum hierosel . gal. 2. 1. misit in dalmatiam . 2 tim. 4. 10. tandem cretensium ecclestatum constituit episcopum tit. 1. 5. g dr. reynolds conference with hart , cap. 8. distinct . 3. h calvin . institut . lib. 3. c. 3. s. 7. pastoribus singulis assignatur sede● , interea non negamus , qui● pastor alias ecclesias adjuvare possit , qui uni est alligatus● sive quid turbarura intercedat quod ejus praesentiam requirat , sive ab eo petàtur consilium . nec enim sunt veluti glebae addicti , ut jurisconsulti . a walo , alias salmas . lib. de episc. pag. 229. titum cretae insulae praefecit paulus , qui non singulari in aliqu● civitate episcopus fuit , sed t●tam illam provinciam ad tempus procuraret . tales fuerunt apostolorum auditores & 〈◊〉 , quicunque primi eorum successores extitere , b hieron . de eccles. script . ephesiorum episcopus à paulo ordinatus . c ambros. in praefat . ad timoth c. 3. hunc creatum episcopum . d greg. pap. de curat . past. part . 2. c. 11. e primasius in 1. tim. a lib. 3. de episc. pag 183. sit ergo hoc fixum , per angelos nihilaliud voluisse johannem designari , nisi ipsas ecclesias . smect . vindication . smect . vindic . pag. 143 ▪ a calvin institut l. 3. c. 3. ● . 5 , de voce hâc apostoli , etsi ex verbi etym ritè sic possunt vocari omnes verbi ministri , quoniam à domino mittuntur nuncii ; sed tamen quia magni refert certam habere de eorum missione notitiam , qui rem inauditam afferrent , duodecim illos peculiari hoc titulo ante omnes insigniri oportuit . * smect . vind . pag. 146. smectym . pag. 148. vindicat . a brightman in apoc. p. 11. ephejus evasit nobilior propter pauli operam triennalem in eâ act. 19. 10. & 20. 31. divinam ad populum scriptam epist. datum iis timotheum pastorem ac faelicissimam johannis . apost . per tot annos irrigationem . a master deodate his notes upon the apoc. 2. 1. b beza in apoc. 2. 1. angelus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quem oportet admoneri & per eum collegas , totamque adeo ecclesiam . c bullinger in apoc. cap. 2. concio septima . nemo autem existimet hanc epiostlam uni inscriptam angelo , i. e. episcop● vel pastori , nihil ad ecclesiam pertinere . nam sub finem epistolae epiphonema adjicitur . qui habet aurem audiat quid scriptura dicat ecclesiis . nominatur ergo pastor , sed non excluduntur oviculae ; interim verò angelo inscribitur , ut admoneantur pastores , in ipsis esse per multum sitū qualis sit eccles. d marlorat . in apoc. 1. 12. quamvis quaedam tam in clero , quàm in populo corrigenda essent , non tamen populum , sed clerum aggreditur : nec quemlibet de clero , nominatim principem cleri , utique episcopum . e gualther . hom. 9. in apoc. 8. angelo , id est , episcopo smyrnensi , atque adeo toti ecclesia ; constat ex historiis polycarpum fuisse hunc angelum . f gaspar . sib. in apoc. p. 185. de uno singulari angelo , qua sententia mihi magis arridet . g piscator in eandem apoc. [ angelo ] id est , episcopo , nec non ipsi ecclesiae . h paraus [ angelo ephesinae ecclesiae ] sic vocat pastorem ejus , eadem apellatione christus aliarum ecclesiarum episcopos dignatur . i aretius [ angelo ] id est ministro ecclesiae per quem ad totum coetum res proferantur . k p. martyr cōment , in primam corinth . 11 johannes jubetur scribere ad angelos ecclesiarum , quierant illarum episcopi . l scultetus observat in tit. doctissimi quique interpretes per septem ecclesiarum angelos interpretantur septem ecclesiarum episcopos , neque enim aliter possunt , vim nisi facere textui velint . m dr. reynolds in his conference . with hart. c. 2. divisio . 3. n dr. fulke in apoc. 2. ad pergamensis ecclesiae episcopum epistola haec destinatur . o mr. cartwright on the rhems testament upon apoc . 2. a ambros. in 1 corint . 1. angelos episcopos dico , sicut docet in apocalypsi johannes . b august . epist . 192. divind voce laudatur angeli nomine praepositus ecclesia . * see above . a brightmannus in cap. 7. 2. id est . constantius . cap. 8. 17. angelus volans i. ● . greg. magnus c. 10. angelus robustus , id est chestus . cap. 14 there is seven times alius angelus , and of the first three he saith , erant hi tres totidem coelestes viri , &c. v. 15. alius , ut probabile est minister , and yet after doubleth fondly , v. 17. angelus alius est , tho. cromwellus , v. 18. alius tho. carmerus , cap. 16. sunt 7. angeli , v. 2. angelus primus eliz. regin . v. 3. secundus , id est , mart. chemnitius . v. 5. angelus aquarum , civis aliquis magistratus , v. 7. alius angelus . unus aliquis . videat reliqua lector , cap. 16. vers . 2 , 3. 5. 7. 12. 17. cap. 18. vers . 21. cap. 19. vers . 17. a polycrat . epist , ad victorem apud euseb hist. lib. 5. cap 25 b concil . calced . act. 11. c hieronym . de scrip. eccles. polycarpus johannis discipulus & ab es smyrnae episcopus ordinatus , totius asiae princeps fult , qui nonnullos apost , lorumqui dominum viderant magistros habuerit & viderit . postea vero regnante marco antonio quartâ post neronem persecutione smyrnae sedente proconsule & universo populo in amphithet . adversus eum personaliter igni traditus est . c hieronym . de scrip. eccles. polycarpus johannis discipulus & ab es smyrnae episcopus ordinatus , totius asiae princeps fult , qui nonnullos apost , lorumqui dominum viderant magistros habuerit & viderit . postea vero regnante marco antonio quartâ post neronem persecutione smyrnae . sedente proconsule & universo populo in amphithet , adversus eum personaliter igni traditus est . d euseb. alius polycarpus . episc. & martyr suffr●giis smyrnens . episcapatum obtinuit . e tertull. praescript . cap. 23. à johanne symrnae collocatus . euseb. hist. lib. 3. c. 30. episcopus smyrnae abiis qui erant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. vide & apud euseb lib. 3. c. 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. polycarpus non solum edoctus â christi discipulis & conversatus apud multos qui christum ipsum viderunt , verum etiam ab apostolis constitutus episcopus ecclesiae in asia quae dicitur smyrna , quem in tenera nostra aetate nos ipsi vidimus ; diu enim vixit & valdè senex per nobile & gloriosum martyrium vitâ decessit g ignatius epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & epist. ad smyrnenses , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vedelius , exercit. in ist a● epist. a beza de minist . grad . cap. 13. quid objicis in atatem johannis apost . asiae ecclesia septem habuerunt episcopos , divinâ non humanâ ordinatione sibi praefectos , apostolo singulos illos singularum ecclesiarum angelos minimè compellature , & culpam malè obitae functionis minimè illi● attributuro , nisi eminentior fuisset eorum in ecclesiae regimine auctoritas : hoc , inquam , qu●rsum adversus hieronymum & nos torques ? nec enim ille , quum diceret ecclesias initio fuisse communi presbyterorum consilio gubernatas , ita desipuisse existimandus est , ut somniares neminem ex presbyteris illi c●tui praefuisse , &c. notes for div a51419-e13040 a esa 66. 21. b matth. 2. 4. and 27. act. 19. 14 &c c heb. 4. 14. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lxx episcopus levitarum . hieron . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psal. 109. 8. e acts. 1. 20. f deut. 33. 10. g 1 tim. 3. 2. h t it 1. 9. i deut. 28. 1. k 1 cor. 9. 13 , 14. l jerem. 2. 2. m matth. 15. 13. n quanta igitur dignitas verorum pastorum , qui tum stellae sunt , non in alio firmamento , quàm in dextrā christi fixae , tum angeli ? t. brightman . in apocalyps . 1. 20. o act. 20. 17. 28. p judg. 2. 1. hagg. 1. 13. matth. 11. 18. q malach. 2. 7. r philip. 1. 1. 1 tim. 1. 2. tit. 1. 5. 7. s revel . 3. 1. t nec uni alicui ange●o mittuntur , sed toti ( ut ita dicam ) collegio postorum ; qui omnes hāc communi voce comprehenduntur . non enim unus erat angelus ephesi , sed plures : nec inter istos aliquis princeps . brightman in apocalyps . 2. 1. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quem nimirùm oportuit inprimis de his rebus admon●ri , ac per eum cateros collegas totamque ad●ò ecclesiam . bez. in apocalyps . 2. 1. x conference with hart , c. 8. divis . 3. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . chalcedon . act. 11. z vid. peter . in apocalyps . cap. 2. disp . 2. alcasa : pro●em . in cap. 2 , & 3. apocal , notat , 1. & petr , halloix , notat , in vit . polycarp . cap. 7. a notandum est ex hoc loco , timotheum in ephesino presbyterio tum fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. antistitem ) ut vocat justinus . bez. annotat. in 1 tim. 5. 19. b qui politiae causā reliquis fratribus in coetu praeerat ( q. ē justinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocat ) peculiariter dici episcopus coepit id. in philip. 1. 1. c dionys. corinth . in epist. ad athenienses , eodem sensu publium martyrem nominat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quo proximum ejus successorem quadratum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud eusebium , l. 4. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . marcell . ancyran . apud epiphanium , haeres . 72. e euseb. hist. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p●ot . bibliot●num 254. g polycrat . de martyrio timothei : inter vitas sanctorum edit . lovanil anno 1485. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . polycrat . epist. ad victorem . apud euseb. l. 5 hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i theodoret. in dialogo 1. sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . k felix iii. in epist. ad zenonem imp. recitat in v synodo constantinopol . act. 1. ( tomo 2. concilior . pag. 220. edit . binnii . anno 1606. l johan . malela antiochenus , chronic. lib. 10 m. s. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jo. chrysost. in ignatii encomio . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iren . advers . haeres . lib. 5. cap 30. o euseb. chron. hier. catal. scriptor . ecclesiast . in johanne . p euseb. lib. 3. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. ad ephes. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . id. in epist. ad smyrn . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 polycarp . epist. ad philippens . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iren advers . haeres . lib 3 cap 3. b id. in epist. ad florinum : ( apud euseb. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) & ad victorem , ( ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. vid. & euseb lib. 3. hist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . smyrnens . eccles. epist. de martyrio polycarpi . euseb. lib. 4 , hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . polycrat . epist ad victorem : apud euseb. lib. 5. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f sicut smyrnaorum ecclesia polycarpum ab johanne con●ecatum refers ; sicut romanorum clementem à petro ordinatum edit : proinde ( or , perinde ) utique & caeteri exhibent , quos ab apostolis in episcopatum constitutos , apostolici seminis traduces habent . tertul. de praescript . cap. 32. vid. & ejusd . lib. 4. contra marcion cap. 5. g successiones episcoporum , quibus apostolicam qua in unoquoque loco est ecclesiam tradiderunt . iren. lib. 4. advers . hares . cap. 63. h omnes enim ii valdè posteriores sunt quàm episcopi , quibus apostoli tradiderunt ecclesias . id. lib. 5. cap. 20. i habemus annumerare eos qui ab apostolis instituti sunt episcopi in ecclesiis , & successores eorum usque ad nos ; qui nihil tale docuerunt , neque cognoverunt quale ab his deliratur . id. lib. 3. cap. 3. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . id. ibid. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hegesip . apud euseb. lib. 4. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ita enim ex ms. legendum , non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. 4. histor . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cum lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clemen . epist. ad corinth . pag. 57. edit . d. patricii junii . p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ita ms. non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hegesip . apud euseb. lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . q dionys. corinth . apud eund . euseb. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . & lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r act. 17. 34. s baron . annal. tom . 2. ann . 120. t euseb. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( non , ut vulgò legitur , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . egesippus qui post ipsas statim primas . apostolorum successiones fuit : ut rufinus locum expressit . u euseb. lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . fin . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hegesipp . commentariot . lib. 5. apud eund . euseb. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . y clem. in libro sexto hypotyposcôn : ubi narrat , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . apud eund . l. 2. cap. 1. z apud euseb lib. 4 cap. 22. vide eund . lib. 3 cap. 11. & 32. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hegesipp . apud eund . lib. 3 ▪ cap. 32. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 tim. 6. 20. c luc. 1. 2. d jude v 3. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hegesipp . apud euseb. lib ▪ 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f misit ad eum lucius britannorum rex epistolam : obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum christianus efficeretur . et mox effectum pia postulationis consecutu● est : susceptamque fidem britanni usque in tempora diocletiani principis inviolatam integramque quietâ pace servabant . bed. hist. ecclesiast . anglor . lib. 1 cap 4. g tom. 1. concilior . galliae , à sirmondo edit pag. 9. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . metaphrast . commentar . de petro & paulo ; ad diem 29 junii . i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. k tertull. praescript . c. 32. similiter & hieronymus in catal. script . ecclesiast . cap , 15. in polycarpo ; & nicephorus , lib 3. hist. ecclesiast . cap. 2. l habemus & johannis alumnas ecclesias . nam etsi apocalypsim ejus marcion restuit ; ordo tamen episcoporum ad originem recensus , in johannem stabit auctorem . sic & caeterarum generositas recognoscitur . tertullian . advers . marcion . lib. 4. c. 5. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . phot. bibliothec , num . 254. n irenaeus advers . haeres . l. 2. cap. 39 item . lib. 3. c. 1. & 3. o euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap 23. p hieronym . in catal. scrip . ecclesìast c. 9. q id. ibid. & praefat. in evangel . matthaei . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. alexandrin . in lib. de divite salvando , ( qui falso origenis nomine habetur editus , ad ca●eem tomi 3. commentariórum michaelis ghislerii . ) euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap 23. s euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap. 35. hieron . catal. script ▪ ecclesiast . cap. 18. & chronic. ad ann . traj●ni 2. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . irenaeus advers . haeres lib. 5 cap. 33. u irenaeus , vir apostolicorum temporum & papiae auditoris evangelistae johannis discipulus , episcopus ecclesiae lugdunensis . hieronym . epist. 29. ad theodoram . x hi sunt presbyteri apostolorum discipuli ; quorum irenaus , lib. 5. cap. 36. meminit . y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ita enim ex graecis mss. & vetere rufini versione locus est restituendus ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . papias , in prooemio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apud euseb. lib. 3. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb ibid. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . clem. alexandr paedagog . lib. 3. cap. ult . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . id. stromat . lib. 6. c nemo christianorum presbyter . hadrian . epist. ad servian apud pl. vopisc . in vità saturnini . d qui se christi episcopos dicunt . id. ibid. e revel . 1. 4 : f disquisit . touching the asia properly so called , &c. chap. 2. g 1 cor. 3. 10. h 1 cor. 16. 8 , 9. i act. 19. 10 , 20. k act. 20. 18. 31. l plin. lib. 5. hist. natur . cap. 29. m id. ibid. c. 30. n ptolem. geograph . lib. 5. o concil . constantinop . sub menâ , act. 5. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap. 35. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. ad trallian . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ib. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ibid. u ordo metropolitar . in append . geograph . sacr . caroli à s. paulo , pag. 11. & in tomo 1. juris graeco . romani . à jo. leunclavio edit . pag. 90. x euseb. lib. 3. hist. cap. 35. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. ad roman . z ex vrbicari● regione . ●od . theod. lib. 11. tit . 2. leg . 3. * ex provincia romanâ , civitate portuen , &c. in nominibusquae concilio arelatensi l. praefixa leguntur . a insuper praeter septem collaterales episcopos eraut alii episcopi , qui dicuntur suffraganei romani pontificis , nulli alii primati vel archiepiscopo subjecti ; qui frequenter ad synodos vocarentur . m s. vatican apud baron . ann . 1057. s. 23. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : saith nicephorus callist . lib. 6. hist. cap. 29. but euseb . lib. 7. c. 30. more fully , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c ex provinciâ italia , civitate mediolanen , &c. ex provinciâ romanâ , civitate portuen . ut suprà . d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 synod . sardic . epist. ad alexandrin . in 2. athanasii apologiâ ( tomo 1. oper edit . commelin . pag. 588. ) e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . athanas. epist. ad solitar ▪ vit . agentes . ( ibid. pag. 640. ) f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . conci . ni●aen . 1. can. 6. g ipse ille patriarcha quum aegyptum venerit , ab aliis serapidem adorare , ab aliis cogitur christum . hadrian ▪ epist. ad servian . apud vopisc . in saturnino . h cùm jampridem per omnes provincias , & per urbes singula● , ordinati sint episcopi in aetate antiqui , in fide integri , in pressurâ probati , in persecutione proscripti ; ille super eos creare alios pseudo-episcopos ▪ audent . cyprian epist. 52. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . constantinop . in trullo , can. 2. k universis episcopis , vel in nostrâ provi●ciâ , vel trans mare constitutis . cyprian . epist. 40. l quoniam latiùs fusa est nostra provincia ; habet etiam numidiam & mauritanias duas sibi cohaerentes . id. epist. 45 m ex provincia africâ , numidiâ , mauritaniâ . concil . cypriani . n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb. histor . lib. 5. cap 23. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. cap 26. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. cap. 1. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . id. ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theodoret. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . id. lib. 4. cap. 23. s subscript . concil . chalcedon act. 6. & concil . constantinop . sub me●â , act. 5. & synodi v. generat . constantinop . collat . 8. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . id lib. 3. cap. 1. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theodoret. argument . epist ad tit. in oecome●o . y tit. 1. 5. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysost. in tit. 1 ▪ homil. 1. z discimus ex hoc loco , non eam fuisse tunc aequalitatem inter ecclesiae ministros ; quin unus aliquis autoritate & consilio prae●sset . calvin . in tit. 1. 5. b a sanctis apostolis nunquam possunt ostendere quod adfuerit antioche●us & ordinaverit , vel communicaverit unquam insulae ordinationis gratiam , neque alius quisquam . concil . ephesin . act. 7. c et nunc memorati episcopi , & qui a sanctis apostolis erant omnes orthodoxi , ab his qui in cypro constituti sunt . ibid. d sicut initio à temporibus apostolorum & constitutionibus & canonibus sanctissimae & magnae synodi nicaenae ; illaesa & superior infidiis & potentiā permansit nostra cypriorum synodus . ibid. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & paulo pòst . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. h neque verò magis existimandum est , hunc externum ordinem fuisse initio humani generis . pagi enim ex familiis , & ex pagis urbes , & ex urbibus civitates ipsae , suadente naturâ & necessitate flagitante , sensim eoïerunt ; aliis aliorum exemplum sequutis . bez. de divers . gradib . ministr . contr . sarav . cap. 24. sect . 4. i atque hoc consentiebat legi christi , fiebatque ex jure corporis christi . m. bucer . de vi & usu . s. ministerii . ( inter scripta ejus anglicana , pag. 565. ) k num. 3. 32. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lxx . num. 4. 16. m id . num. 3. 32. n reperiemus veteres episcopos non aliam regen●ae ecclesiae formam voluisse fingere ab eâ quam deus verbo suo praescripsit . calvin . institut . lib. 4. cap. 4. sect . 4. notes for div a51419-e23660 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ignat. epist. ad philadelph . b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id. ibid. cum antiocho , serm. 124. notes for div a51419-e24180 * to whom two others also from geneva may be added : daniel chamierus ( in panstratia , tō , 2. lib. 10. cap. 6. sect . 24. ) and nicol. vedelius ( exercitat . 3. in epist. ignatii ad philadelph . cap. 14. & exercit. 8. in epistol . ad mariam , cap. 3. ) which is fully also demonstrated in the former treatise , by the testimonies of those who wrote in the very next age after the apostles . a discovrse opening the natvre of that episcopacie, which is exercised in england wherein with all humility, are represented some considerations tending to the much desired peace, and long expected reformation, of this our mother church / by the right honourable robert lord brooke. brooke, robert greville, baron, 1607-1643. 1641 approx. 271 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 74 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29665 wing b4911 estc r17972 12868101 ocm 12868101 94761 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29665) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94761) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 256:e177, no 22) a discovrse opening the natvre of that episcopacie, which is exercised in england wherein with all humility, are represented some considerations tending to the much desired peace, and long expected reformation, of this our mother church / by the right honourable robert lord brooke. brooke, robert greville, baron, 1607-1643. [8], 124 (i.e. 130) p. printed by r. c. for samuel cartwright ..., london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -discipline. church of england -government. episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2003-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-10 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense blazon or coat of arms a discovrse opening the natvre of that episcopacie , which is exercised in england . wherein , with all humility , are represented some considerations tending to the much-desired peace , and long expected reformation , of this our mother church . by the right honourable robert lord brooke . london , printed by r. c for samuel cartwright , and are to be sold at the signe of the hand and bible in ducke-lane . 1641. to the most noble lords , with the honorable knights , citizens , and burgesses , now assembled in parliament . in epistles dedicatory , sometimes men render an account to the world , by what principles they were led to such a worke sometimes they maintaine and strengthen , what they have done , by new arguments . sometimes ad captandam benevolentiam , they present their whole designe , in a briefe epitomy , that so they may invite the reader . but i shall doe none of these . the first i need not : for if the ten kings must hate the whore , eate her flesh , and burne her with her fire ; will not every good christian offer himselfe a ready servant to this worke , a willing souldier under this standard ? the second , i cannot ; without questioning my owne diligence , or ( which is worse ) my readers gentlenesse : either of which every writer carefully shunneth . the third i will not , left i be injurious to my selfe : for , humane nature is ever novorum avida ; and the soule of vast comprehension ; the booke therefore would seeme but crambe bis cocta , to all that read the epistle ; and but create a nausea to those that had already gathered all , by viewing the breviate . if it be the glory of a king's daughter to be clothed in needle-worke ; surely this poore birth will need more then fig-leaves , to make it beautifull . when it is cloathed with its best robes , it will not be worthy to appeare in so great a presence . how much lesse then , when presented only in a bare and naked sceleton ? the worke then of these lines , is to lay prostrate at your feet ( most noble lords , and gentlemen ) the retirements of your humble servant in the last recesse . if you shall aske mee , how i dare take the boldnesse to interrupt your more serious thoughts , with these things of little worth : all i shall plead for my selfe is but this , the bow must be sometimes unbent ; and if then this pamphlet may be called for , it is all i aspire to . for , your protection , and your patronage , not your trouble , is my request : of which being no whit doubtfull ; with all humility commending this to your noble favour ; your selves and counsels to the almighty ; i crave le●ve for ever to remaine your most obliged and devoted servant robert brooke . the contents of the sections , and chapters , in the following discourse . sect . i. chap. i. the subject stated not a bishops name , but office opposed : nor office in generall , but such . such a bishop repug●nt to state-policie ; antiquity ; scripture . the method pro●unded for the first section , containing arguments drawne ●●om state-policie . fol. 1. chap. ii. of our bishops birth ; how unsuitable to his office : how hurtfull to himselfe and others : how incongruous ● state-policie . 3 iii. a bishops breeding not fit for his calling : against rules of policie . some objections answered . 5 iv. of our bishops election ; whether suitable to state-policie . of his office : principles , or maximes , by which hee governeth : and practice according to those principles . 11 v. of the nature of indifference ; what it is : and in what i● h●th place : whether in re , or onely in appearance to our understandings . 19 vi. where the power of indifferent things seemes to be fixed : whether in the church , or not : or if in the church , how farre . of the churches deciding commanding power . of doubts , and how we must deport our selves under doubts . 30 vii . of the consequents to a bishops office. his relations vpward and dependances . of his vote in parliament . relations downward : how repugnant to state policie . 35 viii . what good our bishops can do to the state , is examined , whether they have beene , or can be , friends to monarchy , or civill government . 42 ix . how suitable such episcopacie can be to monarchy , is farther considered . whether the best forme of church government be monarchicall . whether other formes may not well stand with civill monarchy . how church and state goverment differ and agree . 48 x. who it is that opposeth , and exalteth himselfe above all that is called god. who is properly a papist : and what is popery : why the pope is most properly antichrist : how such episcopacy differs , or agrees with popery . 53 section ii. considereth how consonant such episcopacy is either to sound antiquity or scripture . chap. i. some antiquities produced by a late most learned and reverend patron of episcopacie , are discussed . 65 ii. our bishops election , delegation , &c. examined by antiquity . 69 iii. of ordination , whether proper onely to bishops : or equally committed to all presbyters : discussed by ancient authorities . 72 iv. of the name and office of a bishop in scripture . how little , or how much the scripture makes for , or against bishops , diverse texts are discussed . 75 v. what forme of church government seemes most consonant to scripture . whether monarchicall , aristocraticall , or democraticall . 81 vi. of the consequemts that may possibly follow the change of church government . of the great danger of schismes , sects and heresies . of one new sect to come in the last dayes . whether bishops , can keepe the church from schismes , sects , &c. what is , or who are the cause of most schismes among us . 86 vii . the danger of schismes and sects more fully discuss'd : the nature and danger of anabaptisme , separatisme , and unlicensed preaching . the conclusion with an affectionate desire of peace and union . 98 errata . page 4. line 24. affection , for affectation p. 19. l. 2. indifferent , for indifference . p. 26. l. 35. at one any time , for at any one time . p. 5. l. ●0 . ioy for ivy. p. 56. l. 11. may be the more , for may be more . p. 88. l. 2. of all civill , &c. for of all . civill , &c. p. 94. l. 32. orders , for orders from rome . p. 98. l. 7. dele now . a discovrse opening the natvre of that episcopacy which is exercised in england : wherein , with all humility , are represented some considerations tending to the much-desired peace , and long expected reformation , of this our mother church . chap. i. iayme not at words , but things ; not loving to fight with shadowes . it is not the looke , much lesse the name of a bishop that i feare , or quarrell with ; it is his nature , his office , that displeaseth me . nor yet his nature , or office in generall ; but such , and so cloathed , or rather veyled , with such and such adjuncts . for to me the word bishop-signifies , either one that is to preach , administer the sacraments , exhort , reprove , convince , excommunicate , &c. not only in some one distinct congregation , his owne parish ; but in many , severall congregations crowded up together in one strange ( and , for long , unknowne ) word , a diocesse . or one who hath to all this added , not onely the name of a civill lord , ( with which bare name , or shadow , i fight not ) but also a vast , unweldy ( i had almost sayd unlimited ) power in civill government ; which must needes draw on a mighty traine , and cloath it selfe with glorious robes of long extended and magnifique stiles , scarce to be marshal'd by a better herald than elibu , who could give no titles . or in the last place , ( which should be first ) a true faithfull overseer , that , over one single congregation , hath a joynt care with the elders , deacons , and rest of the assembly , who are all fellow helpers , yea servants each to others faith . this last is a bishop , of the first institution ; of christs allowance ; setled in divers churches , even in the apostles times . the first is of the second century , when doctrine , discipline , all religion , began to waine . for even then mysterious antichrist was not onely conceived , but beganne to quicken . the second rose last , ( though first intended by the churches enemy . ) rising up while the world was busie , looking all one way ; as amaz'd at the new beast , successour to the dragon . this is now our adversary ; one monstrously compounded , of different , yea opposite offices ; and those the greatest , both ecclesiasticke and civill : for which he seemes no way able , no way fit ; and that for many reasons , which may be brought from scripture , church-antiquity , state-policy . i shall begin with the last , ( as that i now ayme at most . ) here let us view our bishop a while as a private man , before his office. next as a lord over church and state , in his office. then , with some necessary consequents to his office ; as now it is exercised in this kingdome . thus shall we quickly judge how sutable to true policy of state , are either the antecedents , concomitants , or consequents , of this too officious , two-headed bishop . antecedents to his office , are his birth , education , election , ordination , &c. concomitants , ( or rather ingredients ) we may call , that almost illimited power , both intensive , in sole ordination ; jurisdiction ( directive ; by injunctions , canons , &c. corrective , by excommunication , suspension , deprivation , &c ▪ ) as also extensive , over so vast a diocesse . hither also wee may referre his power iuridicall or legislative , in parliament ; judiciall in many great , yea civill tribunals . and ( of all monsters most ugly ) his power delegative : then which this sunne hath seene nothing more monstrous , at least as of late it hath beene exercis'd . by consequents i meane his relations , ( acquired by his office ) both vpward , to his soveraigne , creator , benefactors ; as downward , to his owne family , creatures , and hang-by dependants . chap. ii. let us begin with antecedents ; in them the first . which we shall finde very unsutable , to his after acquired office . for the most part he is ex faece plebis ; humi-serpent ; of the lowest of the people ( an old complaint . ) now for such a low borne man , to be exalted high , so high , and that not gradatim , but per saltum too , as oft it is ( in one of few , or no schoole degrees ; which yet indeede at best are scarce degrees to the civill honour of a peer● ; ) must needes make as great a chasme in politickes , as such leapes use to doe in naturalls . a great evill must it be , and that both in himselfe , and to himselfe from others . in others eye , his honour will be the object , not so much perhaps of envy , as scorne : while every man of lowest worth , will still value himselfe at as high a rate , and still conceive he wanted not the vertuous desert , but fortunate reward , a bishop had . now every action will from hence displease , sith unexpected , sudden happinesse , is oft times fault enough . now that fitting deportment , which may but expresse the just dignity of his place , & answere the majesty of his high calling , shall be esteem'd but pride , insolence , and at best but affection . and from some such displeasing action , or gesture , ( though but surmis'd on some groundlesse fancy , ) oft his very person comes to be distasted : and then adieu all effectuall good , which his words or actions , else , might soone effect . sure the chiefe dominion of gospell ministers should be in that , the lord and master of the gospell so much requires ; my sonne , give me thy heart . if a minister once come to lose the heart , and affections of his people , he may indeede study some way to force their bodies ; but shall scarce ever winne a soule , or save a sinner . homo duci vult , cogi non potest : if you can fasten any force on his whole person , it must be that of love. for sure the gospell constraint , is onely that of love. the love of christ constraineth . this , and this onely is an irresistible attractive , an uncontroulable constraint . thus is the minister , the bishop hurt , in regard of others . in regard of himselfe : sudden great changes are dangerous in nature : the skilfull grasier , the expert gardiner , will not translate from barren to an over-fruitfull soile ; for this suffocates the spirits , and destroyes the plant. the sudden unexpected newes of a sonnes life , ( which was reported dead ) was the death of the parent , as we read in roman histories . high places cause a swimming in the braine : your faulkners seele a pigeons eye , ( when they would have her soare high ) to prevent a vertigo . i conceive from this reason , and mainely from this , it was the good pleasure of the spirit , that under the law , when the church had an influence into state affaires , the high priest should be chosen out of one eminent family , of the stocke of levie : and some of the kings of israel are reproved by god , for that they chose their priests out of the meanest of the people . he that is to goe in and out before the people , and is their guide , must be without blemish . those horses which are designed to a lofty ayre , and generous manage , must be of a noble race . non bene conveniunt , nec in una sede morantur , majestas & origo plebeia . the vapours which by the sunne are raised to a great height , even to the second region , being of so meane a progeny , are but the matter of hayle , snow , raine , storme , and tempest , which by historians are observ'd to bee the frequent prognostickes , or at least companions of wars , and confusions . chap. iii. but some will say , this defect ( in birth ) may bee repaired in breeding : else we shut the doores of hope , ( and by consequence of industry ) to cicero , marius , and such other worthies ; who though but of a low pedegree , may advance themselves even to the helme , and there approve themselves men admirable , in the way of government . 't is true , art oft-times helpeth nature : some men of smal beginnings , by their vertues have deserved for a motto , and impreso , the poets words , — et quae non fecimus ipsi , vixea nostra voco — but when was this seene in a bishop ? let us therefore , in the next place , examine their breeding ; and see whither in probability , that be not as disadvantagious to their office , as their birth . our education , ( if we intend service in way of civill policy ) must be in converse with those who are therein arts masters : or in reading their writings : or lastly , and mainely , in an happy use of both . neither of the two former , hardly both together , can make us so expert , as practice . scribendo discimus scribere . long , active , costly , and dangerous observations , are the onely way to make a wise states-man . now when these gentlemen , i meane , the most refined wits amongst them , ( for others come not within our question ; ) designe the ministeriall function , they either lay aside divinity , and so god is displeased : or else they labour seriously in the more spirituall pathes ; and then the common weale is by them deserted . for , these two ( so different ) studies , cannot goe forward pari passu . a minister cannot serve god and mammon . i know other men think otherwise , ( of these studies ) but i conceive the case is cleare : for sure the complaints of good men , canòns and act● of councels ( forbidding ministers to meddle in state affaires ) and the answers of our owne breasts prove this truth more then sufficiently . you shall have st. austin ( in his 81. epist. ) complaining , that worldly affaires distracted his thoughts from his calling : and s. cyprian apprehends , those great per●ecutions were but just consequences of the clergies guilt in this kinde . gregory the great was much troubled to feele himselfe under that load . secondly , canons and councells discover their judgments fully in this point ; so can. 6.8 . and 83. of the apostles . councells also doe the same ; con. carthag . can. 16. counc . calced . can. 3. and thus still they did while canons and councels did at all study the advancement of christs kingdome . i confesse of later times , ministers ( like water-men ) have looked one way and row'd another ; so that perhaps now you may finde canons of another straine . but thirdly , ( which may answer all objections ) let every good minister examine but his own breast , his own heart ; and then let him speake . i am sure , to those who maintaine such prelaticall bishops , this absurdity will follow ; that to one man the whole power may be given , both in civilibus , & ecclesiasticis : a thing , which god thought christ onely fit for ; and so on his shoulders onely , did he place the worlds government . yet some will perhaps affirme , both these compatible , and this by example from gods owne injunctions , to some of the ministers , under the law , in the jewish polity . but i answere , first ; there are two maine things in which our ministery , and the jewes ( of old ) doe differ . first , all their solemne externall worship , ( at least most part of it ) lay in bodily work , in such things wherin the minde & brain was but little exercised ; as in offering sacrifice , burning incense , divers washings , &c. secondly , that which made their members uncapable of comming into their assemblies , was outward uncleannesse , ( as touching of a dead body , leprosy , want of legall washings , &c. ) and from hence their ministeriall watch ( one of the greatest works ) became as easy , as outward and visible ; so that even of the inferior levites , were made porters ; and to these , the office of restraining unmeete persons , from their congregation , did belong . but , now , the worke of our ministers under christ , differeth toto caelo ; and that both in publique and private . in publique , it is preaching , expounding , chatechising , &c. which require mighty workings of the braine , and inward man : specially fith these must be done with majesty and authority , ( let no man despise thy youth ; ) and yet with all sweetenesse and gentlenesse , ( for a bishop must not be fierce . ) in private , his worke is to compose differences , ( that they breake not out into publicke ) to visite the sicke , to comfort the afflicted , ( for who is sicke ( saith paul ) and i am not troubled ? who is weake or offended , and i burne not ? yea and many more workes of this nature . and all this , besides the care of his family , and besides his private study , a worke too great for any man. if you then con●ider the quantity , the variety , or spirituality , of the ministeriall worke under the gospell ; you cannot but acknowledge it great , very great , and much greater than that of old under the law. indeede they dispute sometimes , who have not tryed ; but a painfull preacher still cryeth out , who is sufficient , who is fit , for these things ? in the censures of the church ( though indeede the keyes be entrusted with others as well as himselfe , yet ) by his learning , piety , and prudence , he must steere all : so that hee must alwayes be awake . caveat dictator nequid detrimenti capiat respublica . will any man now say , that the case of a priest , and a minister , is all one ? for , suppose the priests of old , did intermedle with secular affaires , shall any minister now from this example , ( when the calling is so vastly different ) take upon him both functions ? if he doe , let him take heede he be not as one that hath taken up the plough of the kingdome of heaven , and then doth the worke of the lord negligently : if so , his judgement will be intolerable . but , in the second place , i answere confidently , and i hope truely , that these two offices , or callings , did not under the law , meete in one , except in some extraordinary cases , and persons . first , the old patriarchs , i confesse , did exercise both functions , in some sense , and in some sense they did not : ( i meane as a calling . ) abraham indeed swayed the scepter ; but his whole kingdome was limited to his owne family ; and so he was a king , and no king ; for every master of a family must in the like case keepe up government . i confesse he offered sacrifice ; but then , when there was no law , no priest : and others might have done it as well as he , had they beene so well inclined . thus he was a priest , and no priest ; for in his priestly office , hee did but what every good man would doe ; at least might have done : and in his kingly office , he was but as a master of a family . and so it was in the rest of the patriarches ; so that little can be urged from these examples . to which may also be referr'd , that old instance of melchisedech ; if at least he were a man , and not the second person of the trinity , in mans forme ; as cuneus , molineus , and many others hold . secondly , i finde two judges that were high-priests also ; samuel and ely : but it seemes they were thus , by some expresse , particular , extraordinary command : for god saith to samuell , these have not rejected thee , but me : intimating that he had particularly appointed him to judge , as in an extraordinary case , which may therefore bee no president for ordinary men , in ordinary cases . samuels speciall calling appeares not onely from his being devoted before his birth , and strange call of god , after : but most clearely in that he was not ( as all the priests were to be ) of aarons house ; as appeares by 1 sam. 1. compared with 1 chron. 6. yea and ely too , though of aaron , yet was not of the eldest sonne ; ( whose line by right ought to have had the high-priesthood ) as the jewes discourse at large ; and of late cloppenburge , in his excellent schoole of sacrifice . now hoseah may by speciall license take a wife of adulteries ; abraham sacrifice his childe ; the jewes borrow jewels of the aegyptians , and phineas doe justice by an extraordinary command or instinct , but we may not follow these presidents . some say that inferiour levites did intermeddle in secular affaires . but i answere , there were levites of two sorts ; out of one sort , priests were chosen , ( out of aarons line ; ) the others were like the seculars among the iesuites . and these last did ( as the seculars do● ) performe the civill part of those religious services ; and nothing else , that i can finde in scripture , or story . lastly , for the high priests after the jewish government was broken in pieces , i hope no body will bring them for a president : there being then no vision for spirituall things from god , no more government for civill things , according to the rule of god. of those times ios●phus complaineth , that the ghasmonei had taken upon them the uniting of priest-hood and secular power , in one person ; which could not bee done , but in extraordinary cases , by gods speciall command . and thus i suppose they will get but little from gods injunctions among the jewes . but some still will say , that one of these studies may fit for another . all truthes , polemicke , positive , whether politique , philosophicall , or theologicall , are of neere consanguinity ; and he that is a gnostique in one , cannot be a meere tyrunculus in the other . i confesse did they improve their studies to the ripening of reason , and inlarging of their understanding , this might in some sense be true . but they spend their time in criticall , cabalisticall , scepticall , scholasticall learning : which fills the head with empty , aeriall , notions ; but gives no sound food to the reasonable part of man. yea their study is mainely layd out upon bookes ; which they prize , and sleight as they please ; while they want , cotem scientiae & ingenii , a reall adversary , that by contradiction might raise their parts , and much inlarge their judgements . their learning is in termes , it is but nominall ; and waters cannot rise higher than their fountaine . but allow that they improve their studies to the best ; yet this is not enough : for , state policy is the daughter of converse , observation , industry , experience , practice ; and bookes will never teach that : but they are but ill leaders of the blinde , and what will be the issue in that case , judge you . chap. iiii. wee have seene our bishops birth , and breeding , with all his studies , and preparations to his office ; to which we have now brought him ; onely that his election , and ordination interpose . of which i might speake much ; but because this is the common theame of all complaints , i shall passe it here ; the rather because it may perhaps be better examined by scripture , and antiquity , than state policy , in which i now am . yet by the way i cannot but propose it as worthy of state consideration ; how like the inferiour clergie is to yeeld true canonicall obedience , to one ( that nescio quo jure , requires it by oath ) though he be oft forc'd on them against , and never with , their expresse will ; which they cannot expresse , having neither positive , nor negative votes in election . except perchance the whole clergie of a diocesse or province , may be fully represented by a cloistred chapiter , among which are usually the very dregges of lowest men . who yet indeede ( themselves ) have no elective votes ; but after the solemne dirge of veni sancte spiritus , are as sure to finde the spirit in a conge d' eslire , as others not long since , in the tridentine post-mantile . certainely , it is to be desired , that christians would shew as much care and conscience in setting heads over whole churches , as some heathen emperours did in setting governours over private townes ; which yet they would not doe , till at least free liberty was given to the citizens complaint and rejection , if not election , of the party propounded . and this antoninus learnt from the jewes , and christians choyce of their church governours in those times : though now latter ages are growne wiser . but i must leaue this subject . we are now come to view our bishop in his office. though we may complaine ( as one once of lewes the ii. ) he cannot be fairely limn'd , because still in motion : which yet in it selfe might be , at least excusable ; were he not nimium dilig●ns , too officious ; being made up of two most inconsistent offices , the one of church , the other of state. his deportment in both , we may guesse by his maximes or rules by which he goes ; which once seene , wee shall quickely perceive how well he squares his practise by his principles ; and how consonant both be to true church or state policy . i shall instance but in one or two , for we may know ex ungue leonem . the climax runnes up thus . first , the church hath power in all indifferents . secondly , the church is judge what is indifferent . thirdly , the bishops ( and their creatures ) are this church . if a prince hath power to command the persons and estates of his subjects in case of necessity , and the same prince be sole judge of necessity , it will be no wonder to me , if that people be ever necessitous . if the church have power in adiaphoris , and the same church be judge quid sit adiaphoron ; and this church be the bishops ; i shall not wonder to see those things that are purely indifferent , made absolutely necessary , to the insupportable burden of all mens consciences . but some will perhaps say , these maximes have influence onely into church government , and so belong not to the present question of state policy . i confesse , did they confine the pressing of these , within the confines of the church , they could not so properly belong to the dispute in hand : but they run over ; for the maxime is very large . it is not onely indifferent things in the church , but indifferent things in generall , all-indifferent things ; and so they may take in , what they will. againe , they doe really set lawes in state matters , under the notion of indifferent ; so that all the subjects liberty , or propriety in goods . they compasse with their net of indifferencie ; which they make heavie with the plummets of greatest penalties . yea , though they medled not at all , with such things as these , without their horizon ; yet if they make those things to be indifferent which are sinnefull , ( as they doe ▪ i feare ) and to these inforce obedience with pretence of church policy , they overthrow all civill government . i take such maximes , to be the very hinges upon which our bishops practice turneth . i shoote not arrowes of scorne : for truely i have not in my intentions , either by ●outs , or jeeres , or by a factious spirit , to deale with this adversary . michael himselfe would not revile the devill : it much lesse becomes me , so to behave my selfe towards these men ( with whom i treat ) among whom i know so many truely eminent : i desire to speake nothing but truth . yea , i should exceedingly rejoyce , if by the spirit of meekenesse , men of that learning , and abilities , ( which many of them are ) might bee reduced to that , which i from my soule conceive to bee truth , and am perswaded will be so acknowledged by themselves , one day . if these then be their tenets , ( as i suppose they will confesse them to be ) is there any thing more vnreasonable ? more vnbrotherly ? more savouring of selfe , than these positions ? vnreasonable ? for , allow the church hath all power in indifferents , ( which i dare not yet yeeld , ) who hath made the church a iudge ( beyond appeale ) what is indifferent ? is not this , to bring necessary and indifferent things all under one notion , if the church shall judge indifferent things to be necessary , and necessary to be indifferent ? which would to me be a sad story . but you will say , if the church bee not the judge of what is indifferent ; who may be that judge ? i tell you , asking of questions is no answering of difficulties . but secondly , ( because i love to deale plainely , ) i will tell you who shall be judge : in expounding of scripture , the scripture ; but in finding out what is indifferent , recta ratio must be judge . but who shall tell us what is recta ratio ? i answere , recta ratio ; will any man , if the church shall judge that to be indifferent , which is not , say it is indifferent ? or that my conscience is bound in this case ? ex. grat . i doe confesse the houre when the congregation shall meete , is indifferent ; if the church will appoint hereupon eleven of the clock at night , and five in the morning ( in this latitude under which we are ) i hope no man will say but that it is ill done of the church ; and that neither my conscience , nor my outward man , is bound further in this , than to a passive obedience ; certainely all force upon me , in this case , would be sinne in them . but they will say , this is a thing in its selfe vnreasonable , and so commeth not into the nature of indifferent thing . but the church having such power , as is claimed , who may dispute it ? but secondly , this action must be considered either in the universall nature of it , or else as it is presently to bee put in practise . if you value and ballance it in this last sense , nothing is indifferent , no substantiall , nor circumstantiall being . for we being bound to doe that , which hic & nunc is best , that which is so with the circumstances , will be our guide , and the church will have , can have , no power against this. but if you consider things in the universall nature , ( not cloathed with these and these circumstances ) then it seemeth to have some indifferency ; and then , if ever , it is in the churches power ; and yet even then , the church can goe no further , than what will be according to reason . for , for a church to say , i will , because i will , is most papall , tyrannicall , and altogether displeasing to christ : but of this , more in another place . thus their tenets seeme to me very vnreasonable ; they will doe more than adam did : he gave names to things according to their natures ; they will give natures according to their owne fancies . secondly , very vnbrotherly ; in that they make themselves the church , excluding all others : in which act , ( according to their tenets ) they exclude all others from salvation ; for they say , in an ordinary way , there is no salvation out of the church ; and they in this , admit none into the church , but themselves . moses was , upon a mistake , reproved by the jewes , in that he made himselfe a iudge , though in that decision he released a jew . truely i know not by what authority these bishops stile themselves the representative church ; for they must doe it either iure humano , or divino . by the last we doe not yeeld ; that is the question in hand : by the first they cannot ; for where doe the people , either implicitely or explicitely , elect them and resigne up their power to them ? is it in their convocation , that they obtaine this priviledge ? that , by the lawes of this land , is not at all obligatory till confirmed by parliament . secondly , the people choose not these convocation men , but the clergie , and so they cannot represent the whole church . thirdly , the clergie have no free election , for the bishop will appoint whom they must choose ; and this too sub poena anathematis . the angells ( for the whole ministery of the church ) in the revelation , seeme to receive some particular honour from the spirit ; yet not the power of a representative body : but quo jure humano , aut diuino , twenty sixe men shall challenge to themselves , as proper , that which is not so much as by a figurative right , given to those angels , i know not . and is not this vnbrotherly , to intrude my selfe , and exclude all others from their right ? but lastly it savoureth very much of selfe . for certainely he that will out-doe the pope , is growne to a pretty height of pride . now in the papacy it is a dispute , whether the pope alone ; or the whole colledge of cardinalls ; or a generall councell ; or the people ; or all these ; or some of these , with their joynt forces , may stile themselves the church . but our men without dispute , ( like the lyon in the fable ) challenge all : of whom the poet is verified ; aetas patrum , pejor avo , tulit progeniem nequiorem . and yet , whoever takes up errour at the second hand , will have an ill bargaine ; though he buy it cheape ; hee will be no gainer . error being like the ierusalem-artichoake ; plant it where you will , it over-runnes the ground and choakes the heart . thus having with the chaines of indifferency bound up the peoples liberty ; they deale no better with their prince . onely polyphemus-like , they leave vlysses for the last . for , when the people are devoured , kings cannot escape . but because kings are of more prying spirits , they steale in upon them , with sugared baites : such as that of theirs , no bishop , no king. but of this more anon . i might instance in many other of their maximes , which i conceive very prejudiciall , both to church , and state policy . but i will rather view their practise , according to these principles of indifferency . in this i shall be very short , not meaning to upbraide them with many monstrous miscarriages of late ; the rather , because i am confident that god , his maje●tic , and the parliament , will not permit them longer to transgresse in this height . onely i cannot but intreat you to observe , how by their injunctions founded on those maximes , they have imposed as necessary , many things that are but indifferent , some things that are vnlawfull . first many things but indifferent , they have injoyned as necessary . some to ministers , as cassockes , gownes , tippets , hoods , caps , canonicall coats , blackes , and many other . some to people , as sitting with their hats off ; standing up at gloria patri , the gospell , and other parts of service . weighty matters indeed , for grave , learned , holy , reverend divines , to spend their time and thoughts upon . i might perhaps goe a little higher ; though i must confesse in some other things ( now prest as necessary ) they have had authority above their owne ( though i conceive , none for such rigid imposall ; ) i meane the highest , granted by the whole representative state civill and ecclesiasticall : which yet ( with all duty to that wombe which bare mee , and those breasts that gave mee suck hath thought some things indifferent , which ( i could scarce ever apprehend such : at least as of late they have beene enjoyned on greatest penalties . it hath oft made my soule bleed , to see the greatest sinnes daily committed , without more than a paper check , ( that i may not say countenanced ) while thousands must sigh in private , with losse of eares , goods , estates , livings , liberty , all ; only for refusall of those things , that at best can be but indifferent . but however these things may be in thēselves : sure i am , our bishops have pressed them not only beyond the laws intention , but also much against the meaning of those good men ; who in the first reformation , did ( though perhaps erroneously ) what christ once lawfully permitted , in almost the same case ; allowing a convenient time for buriall of those ceremonies , which yet appeared not mortiserae , though mortuae . yea and some things unlawfull , by their owne power they have forced upon minister and people under the maske of indifferent . on the ministers , the reading of the booke of sports , ( first invented by themselves ) that monstrous and prodigious late oath , with divers new canons , not enjoyned by parliament , or any other legall authority . i might adde their bare bidding forme of prayer , second service at the altar , ( though it could not be heard ) an illegall oath of canonicall obedience , ( blind devotion ) and a new forme of subscription before degrees , orders , institutions , &c. on them and the people , placing the communion table altar-wise ; railing it in ; bowing to it ; receiving at it , &c. for i will now passe over their most unchristian oath ex officio , ( fouler than the foulest dregges of that cruell inquisition ) at one blow cutting asunder all the nerves , not onely of positive , but morall , naturall lawes ; all which ( being tender of the least graine of mans liberty ) have entrusted us with this vniversall maxime , nemo tenetur se prodere . thus it is manifest , their practice is according to their principles , towards the people . and they have no lesse incroacht upon the crowne . do they not affirme , that in civill government , democracie , aristocracie , monarchy , are all lawfull : and that of these , severall people may ( at first ) chuse which they please . but for episcopacie , 't is still with them , onely iure divino : in which they seeme to affirme themselves to stand upon a surer rock then kings . in this they erre against much light , ( i feare ) but , god forgive them . chap. v. but that we may no longer be impos'd upon , by this principle of indifferent , give me leave to discover my thoughts in these two particulars . first , what is indifferent . secondly , where the power of indifference is fixt , some call those things indifferent which are neither forbidden , nor commanded : but here they tell us onely what 't is not , and negatives make no definition . those also who affirme that to be indifferent , which may , or may not be done , leave us as much to seeke , as the former . i must intreat the reader to remember , that wee are now upon morall beeings : where the two maine ingredient● , matter and forme , can be but metaphysically notionall , and therefore it will be hard to give an exact definition : seeing even in naturals ( whose matter occurrit sensibus ) 't is difficult enough . before i assay to give the nature of it in a definition , give me leave to present you with some kind of etymologie . in the word indifferent , the preposition in , is ( they say ) purely negative , though in other compounds ( as incipere , inflammare , incitare , influere , &c , ) it beareth another sense , which they call augmentative . but in the word indifferent it must deny a difference , as much as non differens . but under favour of our learned critickes , i do not conceive that particle in this place wholly negative . nor can i thinke caninius , martinius , or other good grammarians ( when they call this preposition privative ) intend to make it wholly negative : but to my eye , to my sense ; in such , and such circumstances . when a man is said to be imprudens , incautus , or the like ; we may not judge him altogether , sine prudentia , sine cautela : for animal rationale cannot be quite devoid of these . and therefore if we take imprudens ( in this proposition , hic homo est imprudens ) in a pure negative sense , the predicate is destructive to the subject . so that i dare not thinke our ancesters and learned men would give epithets , or mak compositions contrary to all reason . such propositions are then thus farre negative , as by way of figure , to deny any caution , any prudence , whereas indeed they must allow both ; except in such or such a particular , such or such a sense . such doubtlesse is the sense of this preposition , in the word indifferent : not purely non differens , but in such , or such a respect , it differeth not . though in another respect , it may , and doth differ ; even from the very same thing with which yet in other respects it differeth not . this etymologie i chuse the rather , because i see the criticks , in all their etymologies , love to give to each part ( in the composition ) a positive signification . which i cannot do here , unlesse i translate indifferens , differing , and yet not differing : a sense which also the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will fully beare ; for ( if by other imployments i have not lost the smattering once i had in that tongue ) the phrase seemes best applyable to a medium , that doth not fully , or wholly , carry it selfe off from both the extremes , but participates of either . such an indifferent-difference hath cleerly place in all those natura's , which betweene two positive extremes ( such as blacke and white ; hot and cold ) have a positive medium , participationis ( because it participates of both extremes ) and negationis too , because it is neither . this medium is properly indifferent to either extreme ; from which it differeth , and yet it differeth not : because it is neither of the two extremes , yet participates of both. thus lukewarme , as warme , differeth not from hot , yet differeth as coole : and therefore is indifferent . this sense of indifferent , being thus made good in naturals ; some would borrow and apply to morall , theologicall beings also . so that betweene good and bad ▪ they fancie an intermediate entity , neither good nor bad , but indifferent to either . as once a moderator in the schooles , being to determine whither eucretia did well in stabbing herselfe ; seeing that action good in many respects , and bad in as many more , concluded thus , nec bene fecit , nec male fecit , sed interfecit . but i conceive , such indifference , will not , cannot be found in morals , as it is in naturals . the reason is , because the two extremes are not here ( as in many naturals ) both positive beings ; so that a medium may really participate of both. white and blacke indeed are both positives , but so is not evill ; but onely the privation of good , which is the other extreme . moralists dispute how passions are indifferent , but they are put on great straits ; and limit it onely to passions in specie ( indeed onely in a notion ) which yet in sensu composito cannot be said to be ever both good and bad , or neither good nor bad , but being still good naturally , may be morally either good , or bad , in individuo , but in sensu diviso , not composito . for the same individuall action , or passion ( in man ) cannot be said both good and bad ( take it in actu exercito ) in the same respects ; yea , if in any one morall respect , it be truly bad , it cannot at all be said to be properly good. for an error or defect in any one morall ( though but so much as a circumstance ) truly donominates the whole action evill ; but onely a perfect and universall concatenation of all essentials and circumstantials too , denominates it good. even as in logicke , any one negative proposition makes the whole syllogisme such ; when to an affirm'd syllogisme , every part must be affirm'd . so 't is in morals too ▪ and hence perhaps the old stoickes affirm'd , omnia peccata to be paria ▪ which is one of tullies paradoxes : because saith hee ▪ one step beside the line , may as truly be said to to be a transgression , as a thousand , or running a thousand miles from it . it is well observed by aquinas , that as a body is not perfectly set in suo bene esse naturali , by a bare forme without accidents ; so neither an act in bene esse morali , by onely object and end , rightly fixed : except also every morall circumstance , of ●ime , place , &c. rightly concu●re . they who will have our vertues equally distare ab extremis , are much more in the right , than they who will have an indifferent thing ( speaking of morals ) to part●ke of both extremes . indeed vertue f●ying from o●e extreme , when it is ●ancountred with an equall evill , is arrest in medio : as iron when accoasted by two l●adstones of equall vertue on either side , not daring to embrace either , hovereth in medio , betweene both. or as the magneticall needle about the azores , keepeth it selfe directly parallell to the axis of the world ; and admitteth no va●●tiv●s : because in medio , betweene the two great continents ( of europe and america ) to which some great philosophers ascribe the magneticall vertue , with better reason perhaps then others did , before , to the northerne pole , or northe rne climates . from all these premises , we will now assay to draw some conclusions that may helpe us in judging what may be indifferent . first , it must be in it selfe good , whol●y good. for if it have but one dram of evill , it is wholly bad ( as was proved before ) and so not indifferent . we have found the genus of it ; it is good , lawfull . in the second place , to make our approach a little neerer ( if we can ) and to descend more particularly into the differing nature of it ; we must confesse it lies mainly in the seeming equality of vse . so that it may be thus described , a thing lawfull and good , which ( as we think ) may be vsed or not : may or may not be done . but here wee must take heed we lose not our selves in termes : for if they meane that some things at one time may be done , and at another may not ; i yeeld this true : for perhaps this yeare i may not marry , and yet next yeare i may , and in some circumstances must , else i sinne . but in this hypothesis marriage is not generally indifferent , because not generally lawfull ; but at some time lawfull , at sometime not . if they meane the same thing , ( the same act ) at one and the same time by the same person , may , or may not , be done ad placitum , without offence : i must crave leave to dissent , till i see more , than now i see . for i conceive two direct contraries , ( as to marry , and not marry ) at the same time , to the same person , cannot be so equally circumstantiated , that one of them , at least in one circumstance ( which is enough ) shall not be better than the other . and if one be best , i conceive it past scruple , that i may not reject that best , and chuse the worst . now , if i mistake not , i am neere the apex of this question , which yet ( pernassus-like ) hath a double vertex . the one is , whether in two contraries ( as doing , not doing ) one must not needs be better than the other . the second is , whether in this case i am not tied to take , and doe the best , but am equally indifferent to b●th . i will begin with this last first . in this i know i have many opposites , who stifly maintaine , that optimun●●no● estisemper faciendum : amongst these is that good man lately deceased , ( to the churches great losse ) reverend m. ball , in his friendly triall of separation . i thinke it a subtile dispute , worth the discussing ; for if they meane thus , that which is best , is not at all times lawfull to be done while it is best ; this sense cannot be true : for here the predicate is destructive to the subject ; for , that which is unlawfull is no● good , much lesse best , at the time when unlawfull . or if they meane , that 〈◊〉 best ( in re ) is not alwaies possible to be done , they say ●rue , but tell mee no● new thing . for all men will yeeld this ; and in this case i must consider , what is best possible to me ; because i cannot do the best in re. i suppose then they meane that which is best , and possible to me , is not still necessary to be done , even while it is best : but though i may do it , yet i may also leave it undone , and do that which is lesse good . here also they may deceive us with termes . for they may meane either best in truth , or best to appearance . and when these two cannot be reconciled by all my search , i must consider that which seemes ( though perhaps is not ) the best . we shall now soone joyne issue . and the case is ; whether , when i must of necessity either do , or not doe , or when i must do either this or that ; i be not bound to do what is best , ( or at least on exactest search , seemes best ) if it be possible to be done by mee . if they take the negative part ( of this question so stated ) i hope yet they will give mee leave to hold the affirmative , and yet without offence , till my judgement may be better inform'd . my grounds briefly are these , first it is lawfull to doe this best ; else it is not good , much lesse best , as was said before . againe , it is expedient to do this best : or else some thing ( at least some one ciocumstaice of expedience ) is in the other good , which is not in this , and so this is not best , but that , at this time , though at another time , perhaps , this may be best , it is not best now , because not best expedient and most convenient . and now this case comes not to our question , which is of best in all circumstances ; for wee know one circumstance may so alter the case , that now that may be worst , which else would have beene best , as was said before . so that at this time , this cannot be better than that , except this be not onely in it selfe expedient , but also more expedient than that is at this p●●●●t : for one graine of more expedience makes that to be ●est , which else would be worst . i demand now how i can be determined to that which is lesse expedient ? though supposed equally lawfull by right reason ? all philosophers yeeld , ( and it needeth no dispute ) that the vnderst●nding rectified still dictates to the will optimum faciendum . and how is it possible i should do well , if i follow not the dictate of right reason ? video meliora , proboque ; deteriora sequor . see now to what a strait i am brought ; if i follow the dictate of right reason , i must still doe what is dictated , as now best . and right reason must still ( where some action is necessary ) dictate that to be done , which is ( at least , seemes ) best . for , if right reason should ever ( though but once ) dictate , that this which is best , is not now to be done , but somewhat worse ; it may much be suspected right reason may never dictate the best to be done . for , by this case ( of one such dictate ) it would appeare , that when ever reason doth happen to dictate right , it is but by chance , or some fancy of its owne ; not by any certaine constant rule , taken from the nature of things , rightly stated in such and such circumstances ; for if so , it must still judge eodem modo , of that which is so circumstantiated . and , if it once vary from this rule , it will seeme to have no rule , but it s owne fancy . and in this case , we shall bee under reason , as under a most corrupt iudge , that will follow no constant rule ( founded on the nature of things ) but onely his own humor ; which will give very different judgements on the very same , or like cases , in all circumstances . i see but two things can helpe them out of this straite . either , that ( though right reason cannot but dictate that the best in all circumstances , must still bee done , yet ) we are not bound to follow right reasons dictates , when we see them . or else , we be not bound to aske right reason , what it will dictate ; but may doe ( hand over head as they speake ) without any dictate of reason , right or wrong . but , both these seeme to me very strange doctrine . for , first , if i may but once goe against the dictate of right reason , and yet not sinne ; i may goe ten thousand times , yea ever against it ; and so all my acts may be irrationall , and yet not sinfull : a strange tenet : and sure a case never to be found but in a distracted man ; who sinnes not though all his acts be against reason , because his reason is not able to direct him ; or at least he not able to follow reason ; and in this case god requires it not . and the case is even the same ; when i act without asking reasons dictate , as if i acted against reasons dictate . for till i see i act with , for ought i know , i act against right reason ; and so i sinne . not yet , that i thinke a man bound before every ( though the most common ) action , to stay disputing for some houres or dayes , till reason hath given its finall dictate . for , this were to turne all practise into bare and nice speculation . there are many things by common use , and by themselves , so cleare that at first view reason presently determines . yet if there rise but the least scruple at the first glimps ; then , man is bound to discusse it , till reason rectifi'd dictate the action lawfull , and best to be done : and till this dictate , the act must be suspended . for i still thought that a dangerous maxime in state policy ; first , to doe matters ( not like to sound well ) and then to dispute them : and it sounds worse in matters of religion . i have done with the first great question , whether optimum sit semper faciendum . i come to the next , whether amongst divers things ( to be done ) there be still one optimum . i must meane whether there be any optimum , for more than one there cannot be at one time . we may briefely state the question thus. whether at one any time two , or more things , ( suppose to marry , and n●t to marry ) can possibly be so equally good to me , that one of them is not better than the other . i thinke not . for , i dispute thus ; i must be determined to one of these two , ( having no medium ) i must marry , or not marry . now i aske what shall determine me to either ? right reason ( they must answere ) or my owne fancy , will , or other thing . i rejoyne ; if right reason determine me ; either it doth so on no good ground ; ( and then i doe a groundlesse unreasonable act , in following reason ) or on some ground , whose foundation is in re. for , if we once grant reason any rule , or ground , but that certaine , constant truth , which is fixt in the nature of things ; we shall make it , of all judges , most uncertaine , most corrupt . if once i see my reason judge point blancke against reall truth , i shall suspect it still . well then , it must be granted , right reason hath determined me ( not to marry ) on some good ground , taken from the nature of marriage ; ( not in generall , for this would deceive me , but particularly considered with all circumstances pro hic & nunc ; ) so that it must also be granted , there was one or more circumstances , which made marriage more unfit than non marriage ( else reason hath made , not found a ground in re , which it must never doe ; ) ergo , of marriage and non-marriage , one still is best in re , ( at least to reasons eye ) else reason doth unreasonably determine me not to marry , or to marry . and if right reason have not , or cannot , determine me ; to which side so ever i incline , and rest , i sinne ; because i act vnreasonably : being determined by humour , fancy , passion , a wilfull will , and not right reason ; the candle of god , which he hath lighted in man , left man groaping in the darke should stumble , and fall . i may now step a little higher ; and affirme , that of two contraries , or any two extreames , both are so farre from being equally good , that pro hoc statu , in these circumstances , both cannot be good at all or lawfull . for , if of these two , one must be best , and but one ; and this one now necessary to be done ( because best ) as was proved before ; it will follow that the other extreame is now , in these circumstances , not good at all to me ; because unlawfull to be done , while now there is a better in view ; though else in it selfe , with other circumstances , it would have beene lawfull , good , and best . if right reason determine it be better not to marry ; at this time , and i be still bound to doe what right reason shall dictate best ( as was prov'd before : ) now , in these circumstances , marriage is unlawfull to me , and so not good at all , at this time , because lesse good than non-marriage . so achitophels counsell was bad , being not good for that time , because not best . for as moralists say , if it be possible man could be necessitated to chuse one of two evills ; in that case the lesse evill , would be good : so , when i am necessitated to chuse one out of two ( supposed ) goods , the lesse good would be evill , and unlawfull to me , who am still bound ( for ought i can yet see ) to doe optimum pro hoc statu . the conclusion i ayme at , through all these premisses is this. there is no one thing , no one act , in all the world , that i may doe , or not doe , ad placitum , all circumstances considered . for , this act ( so propounded ) either is best for that time , and so must needes be done : or not best , and so must not be done ; because in these circumstances , at this time , it is vnlawfull ; as not being good while a better is in eye : as hath i hopefully beene proved . from this , results our finall determination concerning indifference ( which is our subject in hand : ) no thing , no act , is indifferent in se , in re : but either necessary to be done ( if best ) or unlawfull to be done , if bad , or lesse good , pro hoc statu . what shall we say then ; hath the world talked so much of indifference , and the power in indifference , and yet no indifference , at all , be in the world ? give me leave here freely to propound my owne thoughts , without offence ; being still more desirous to learne , than to dictate . i conceive that all the indifference ( in the world ) lyes in our understandings , and the darkenesse thereof , ( which makes them wavering sometimes , and doubtfull whether to doe or not , so that in them seemes some indifference to either extreme ) but there is none in the things themselves , or actions ; which are still either unlawfull , or necessary ( if lawfull , at this time in these circumstances ; ) never indifferent in themselves . as then it is in the point of contingence , every thing is either true or false ; certainly to be , or not to be ; and in one of these still necessary in re , and never contingent ; yet to m●e , ( who cannot see the whole chaine of causes ) some things seeme contingent , that are necessary . so for indifference . all things , all acts , are in re , either necessary to be done , or vnlawfull ; but to my blind judgement , ( while i cannot discerne whether i may act , or may not ) some things seeme , but are not indifferent ; and so we thinke ( but erroneously ) that these may be done , or not , as we please . for example sake , suppose an unskilfull physitian have two simples by him , one of which is poyson , and the other a pretious cordiall ; will any man living say , these are indifferent for a sick mans cure ; so as he may use them , or not , ad placitum , without perill ? and yet now suppose the physitian ignorant of both their natures : they may be said to be indifferent ( though not in themselves ) yet to him ; who not knowing either , is indifferent to both ; and thinkes he may apply which he will , without offence ; yet if he apply the one he erres , because 't is poyson . so it is in all the things , or acts we thinke indifferent . in themselves they are poysons , or cordials , very good ( and so necessary ) or very bad , and so unlawfull : but while our judgements are clouded , so that we see not the nature of these objects , or acts : we are indifferent ( because wavering ) betweene them ; but they are not so in se ; or really to us . i may conclude then , nothing is indifferent in re , in se ; but to our vnderstanding some things seeme so , for want of good light . chap. vi. i have now done with the nature of indifference , in which i have beene the more large , because i found it more abstruse than it seemed at first view . i come now shortly to examine what power may determine in indifference , and where this power is fixed . to all , i may answer briefly thus . by divine right , this power is , and is not , in the church . the church hath , and hath not , power in indifferent things . first , the church hath no power to make any one thing indifferent in it selfe : ( that is , to make it , at one , and the same time , lawfull to be done , or left undone , positis omnibus circumstantiis . ) for all things and acts , are in themselves necessarily good or bad , and cannot be indifferent in re , as hath beene proved at large . againe , we cannot say the church hath power to determine what is indifferent . if at least all indifference comes onely from the darknesse of our vnderstanding ( as before ; ) it then lyes not in the power of all other men living , to determine what seemes indifferent to one mans understanding , since he may perhaps not see , what they all see ; & e comrario . we are now reduced into a narrow compasse , having onely left to be considered , those things which generally seeme indifferent ( for there is no indifference in re , but onely in appearance unto us ; ) because neither scripture without , or light within , hath fully cleared , whether such things should be done , or not : or if done , whether in such , or such a time , place , &c. and in such cases only things seeme indifferent . now in these seeming indifferents ( which sure are not so many as some pretend ) the church hath , and yet hath not , power to determine . all ( though but seeming ) indifference , is as it were in medio , betweene two extremes , as was said before . now , when neither of these extremes is necessary , there , ( specially where both extremes are doubtfull ) i conceive the church hath not power to determine to either extreme . as suppose blacke and white colours should be doubtfull , whether both or either , or neither , were lawfull : in this case ( for ought i yet see ) the church hath no power to determine ( any one so doubting ) to either blacke or white . the reason is , because neither of these extremes are necessary , there being so many intermediate colours betweene both. but when one of the extremes ( betweene which we waver as indifferent ) is necessary to be imbraced , ( as in most cases it is ; ) here all the power lawfull , i conceive , can do no more but resolve which of the two extremes is best ; whether it be safest to do , or not to do ( whereof one is necessary ; ) to do so , or so , if i must do . this power ( whereever it be ) must be very warily exercised : since of all two extremes , onely one ( as was proved ) can be lawfull : so that one is wholsome , but the other poyson . in these also the church hath , and hath not power . if you please , thus ; it hath a power iudicative , ( or if you will iuridicall , ) but not legislative . it may and must determine ; ( for ought i know , beyond all externall appeale ) yet againe it must not determine , what , and how it will , because it will. no , it also hath its bounds , a rule to goe by , a constant law ( and that non factam , sed natam ) right reason . so that the church is like the iudges on the bench in westminster hall ( that have a iudicative , or declarative power , being entrusted with the explication , application , & execution of the laws : ) but not as the king and parliament , who have a legislative power : and so not only to declare what is law , but to make new laws . and yet even this high court hath one rule , or law to go by , ( and this is also the law of the church , even right reason . ) and if they or the church , should erre from this rule , ( which god forbid ) we must obey indeed , but patiendo , i will , i must give passive obedience to lawfull authority ; even there where i dare not , i cannot , i may not , give obedience active . by the church here i meane , not onely one , or two , or a few , of what ranke soever ; but all , even every true member of the whole church . for i conceive every such member hath de jure a vote in this determination . but what if after the determination , i yet dissent from the judgement of the greater part of the church , which in all doubtfull causes , seemes justly to challenge ( even by the law of nature ) a decisive power ; what shall i do in this case ? shall i make a rent , schisme , faction that may fire church or state ? god forbid ; no , i must read , pray , discourse , and conferre with all humility s●bmitting my selfe to the reason of any man that will teach me ; much more to the judgments of many together eminent for learning and piety . and yet if after all this , i cannot be satisfied in my doubts ( which must be reall , and not pretended scruples of a factious spirit ) in this case , which sure will be very rare ( where right reason is made supreme judge ) i must suspend till my judgement be cleered , left that which to another is lawfull , become sinne to mee : who cannot act in faith , while i act against or with doubts , or scruples . however in the meane time , i must quietly deport my selfe without faction , turbulent commotion , or uncharitable censure of those who dissent from me , both in judgment and practice ; wel knowing that the same thing may be lawfull and necessary to one that sees it so ; which yet to me is unlawfull , while i so doubt . in this case , i conceive no power on earth ought to force my practice more than my iudgement . for i conceive the churches utmost compulsive power ( which must also very warily , and bu : rarely be used ) is but expulsion , or excommunication : which yet i suppose may scarce ever be exercised on one that so doubteth : much lesse fine , imprisonment , losse of member , or life : except his dissent in practice hath necessarily with it a destructive influence into the state also , and body politique . which case i thinke hardly ever possible , in those things which can be objects of rationall doubts : which are onely such , as the scripture hath not determined . and in all things not determined by scripture , ( which sure must needes be of lesse consequence ) one that doubts with reason and humility , ( may not for ought i yet see ) be forced by violence . give mee leave by some instances to cleare my meaning , in all the premisses concerning the power in indifferent things . time , place , and deportment of our selves in the congregation , are the maine , if not sole things , which beare this acceptation of indifferent : the scripture not having laid downe expresse rules for all particular cases of this nature . so that wee seeme least indifferent to the use of this or that place , this or that time , this or that gesture , &c. in these things ( not determined by scripture ) there must be some determination , because one of the extremes is necessary , ( we must use some place , some time , some gesture ) else all limitation here were needlesse , if not unlawfull , as was said before . the church then doubtlesse hath power to resolve here , what time , what place , what deportment , &c. and what they do herein ( though it should prove to be evill ) they do by power which god hath entrusted them with . and yet againe , the church here must not command what she will , because she wil ; but must goe by her rule , which is right reason : if she swarve from this , she erres . and he that seeth her error , or doubteth , sinnes also , if ( while he so doubteth ) he yeeld her more than passive obedience : and if she force one so doubting , i thinke she sinneth more . now , i need not rip up the foulnesse of our bishops miscarriage in t●eir practice about indifferent things ; which yet hath fully suited with their principles , as was touched before . for though i should grant ( which i never shall ) that onely they , and their creatures , were the whole church : yet would they be so farre from a power of making things indifferent , ( which yet some seeme to challenge or at least to exercise ) that indeed they have no power to determine what is indifferent : since it may be very easie for some men to thinke that indifferent , which to others seemes clearly either unl●wfull or necessary . againe , in things seeming ( generally ) indifferent , they have no power peremptorily to determine to one extreme , when there is a medium betweene both extremes , and so neither is necessary . in things seeming indifferent , where one extreme is necessary , they cannot determine pro arbitrio , ( but by a constant rule of reason ) much lesse by a tyrannicall club law force us to do ( though we rationally , and modestly doubt whether it be lawfull ) what they first make , rather , than find indifferent ; and then ( by their wonted maximes in indifferent things ) make necessary , on paine of imprisonment , losse of eares , yea life it selfe . which yet might be more tolerable , if they onely tooke a dictatorlike power to direct our judgments , in things that seeme most abstruse , or doubtfull ( in which yet they make themselves gods ; for none but god can fully cleare ( much lesse force ) my judgement ; ) but they scruple not , point blanke to contradict our reason , and force our consciences , in things extremely manifest ; as in bowings , and many other things , which one as blind as he that so much commended rhombus , may see to be unlawfull . chap. vii . we have seene the antecedents , concomitants , or ingredients , to our bishops office. let us a little view some of the consequents , that result from his office. we shall consider but two , or rather one with two heads , ( like himselfe , ) at least looking two wayes ; his relations both upward and downward . first , vpward . nescio quō fato , our bishops have still depended on an others beck . in the time of popery , they were wholly moulded to the popes will ; which oft produced such wilfull and stubborne deportment ( both towards their soveraigne and equals ) that wise men of those times began to perceive how insufferable such forraine dependance would still be in any free state. winchester was not the first , though one , that in edwards the first time , professed such universal obedience to his creator the pope , that he quickly learned to refuse ( that i may not say , disdaine ) to call the king his lord. and his treasons against the kings person , made all men see how easie it was , and still would be , to reduce such principles into practice . edward the third summoned a parliament to enable himselfe for the warres he designed : but the archbishop stratford ( fearing it might injure the popes title if hee might not be permitted there to erect his crosse ) refused to come , detained his bishops , and prided himselfe in hindering his soveraignes designe . norwich handled the second richard with the same pride and insolence ; levying souldiers at the charge of the kings subjects to fight the popes battles . we have not forgotten becket , and divers other of his temper , but reserve them to another place . under the reformation ; if they have indeed cast off the pope , ( which may be doubted in most , but is past doubt in some ) yet they have ever beene at their command , by whose favour they stand , though ( with that unhappy bird ) they designe the death of those that give them life . this dependance appeares in a threefold gradation ▪ 1 the calling ( of the bishops now in dispute ) being onely iure humano , they must therefore comply , not only to fixe their persons , but their callings . 2 when they are invested in their sees , the smile or frowne of the court , addeth or detracteth much from their splendor , comfort , and emolument . 3 their further advancement , either to a better bishopricke , or archbishopricke , wholly depends on the princes will. naturalists observe , there is not so much appearance of change in many degrees of entitie , acquired by a second motion ; as in one degree , at the first step from non ens , to entitie . but moralists find that one little step of new preferment makes more impression upon low spirits , than their first creation out of nothing . both are well reconciled in our bishops rising . for what can so sudden unexpected advancement ( from nothing to such an height of beeing ) seeme but a new creation ? so that hence such a dependance must needs result , as is that relation which nature fixeth in the creature to his creator . courtesies and hopes are the most oylie bribes , and bribes blind the eyes of the most wise . with what nature soever obligations meet , they have an irresistible force . if they descend so low as men of base spirits , they there get a species of profitable ; and so become like lime-twigs to little birds . it was doubtlesse most feelingly spoken by the slave in plautus , esculenta vincula sunt firmissima . if they meete with men of high rais'd , generous , noble thoughts ; they yet worke much more , ( though out of a more ingenuous principle ) while a true noble spirit cannot breath under the least shadow of ingratitude : having first learned that old proverb , ingratum si dixeris . — how hardly then a bishops conscience , judgement , reason , or will , can bee his owne ; under not onely so many obligations , ( for the greatest engagement past ) but hopes also for new favours to come , ( either in higher advancement , or at least in continuance of his smiles , whose first frownes may quickly reduce them to their first principles of nothing ) i leave it to wise men to judge . to whom also i humbly propound , ( as worthy mature consideration ) how fit these spirituall lords may be to sit as law-makers in that highest court , by whose fundamentall orders ( as also by the law of nature ) none ought to have vote , but free men . and how can they possibly be deemed free , that wholly depend on anothers thought , ( for i neede not say , beck , smile , or frowne ) not onely for their first creation , but continuall preservation in this state , and power of giving vote in that court ? but they say , this may be also objected against other lords , created by his majesties favour ; especially officers of court , which yet are not excluded from votes in parliament . i answer first , incommodum non solvit argumentum . againe , if the case were alike in all these ( which i yeeld not ) because we are under one ( perhaps invincible difficulty ) must we needs runne and plunge our selves into another ? or being once in , may we not get out if we can ? but thirdly , there is a vast difference betweene those who cannot but still be affected with noble , generous , and most vertuous deportment ; ( being still to live in their names , honours , posterity ) and those , who in their height , are but as meteors , that must quickly blaze out , vanish , fall , and be no more . betweene those whose birth and breeding hath filled their veines with heroick noble blood ; and those that are so much disadvantaged both by their birth and breeding : though their birth is nothing so ignoble as their education ; compared with that breeding a true states-man should have . for , will any wise man living thinke them fit to give counsell in princes closets ; to make lawes in parliament ; and sit judges in the highest tribunals of civill justice ; that all their life time , ( before the conge d'eslire diverted their thoughts ) were wholly taken up in turning ( rather then reading ) aquinas and scotus , with some other schoole trifle●s , before they came to some church benefice , where ever since they have spent all their time ( that might be spared from tything ) in liturgies , or canons ; except some new scruple with some of their neighbours , have cald them to peruse some author de decimis ? if you view their civill converse , they have practised little , but to wrangle downe a sophister , or to delude a proctor , in the vniversity ; to say grace to a gentleman , or acquaint themselves with a reading-p●● , in the countrey . in cases of conscience , they have studied little , but how , with most compendium , to digest the oath of direct and indirect , in point of simony ; and to swallow the vow of thrice nolo episcopari , when god and their owne consciences well know , many of them are not so solicitous for heaven , as for a bishopricke . and are these men fit , not onely to rule the whole church ; to ordaine , censure , suspend , deprive , excommunicate , ad placitum ; to governe our consciences , by articles , canons , oathes , ( and what else a lawlesse convocation may invent ; ) but also to direct and advice ( i might say more ) in the privie juncto's ; to sit at the helme , to dictate lawes ; & tantum non to sway the scepter ; which if they forbeare to touch , it is but as mercury once spared iupiters thunder-bolts , which he dirst not steale , lest they should roare too loud , or at least burne his fingers . in the last place my answer shall be thus . though the birth , blood , thoughts , breeding , and all , of a bishop were as noble as any one , or all the peeres ; ( which none dare say ) yet are not , cannot , bishops be possibly so free , ( and so , not so sit , to fit and vote in parliament ) as other lords , and members of that great body . for first , they that have large estates by inheritance , and to continue their names and families to the same inheritance , are in all reason probable with more impartiall freedome to provide for the good of the common-wealth in generall ; than those that having little or no estate of their owne ( at least , to leave to posterity ) are not like much to looke after the weale-publike , or good of posterity ; but rather will seeke to humour the present times , ( being truly filii unius horae ) especially to insinuate themselves into more and more favour with their creator , and preserver , on whose smile wholly depends more than their bene esse . my judgement in this is much confirmed by the observation of a truly noble gentleman , and most-highly-well-deserving states-man , ( r.ea. of e. ) who said , he had now served thirty yeares in parliament , and in all that time never knew but two or three bishops stand for the common-wealth . againe , though all the branches of nobility first sprouted out from the roote of royal●y ; ( honours being in all good states , appendices to majesty , and wholly disposed by the royall hand ; ) yet estates and revenues did not ; which are the parliaments and supporters of noble honours . and these also in bishops , depend on the princes will. yea , our honours and baronies , though first they were granted by the king ; yet now being so invested in our blood , and become hereditary , they cannot be revoked . in this therefore we are freer then any bishop , whose baronies are onely annexed to their office , and not invested in them by blood . we have seene our bishops relation upward ; let us now view it looking downe to his owne family , creatures , and dependencies . we shall see all these consequents , as unsutable to state policie , as were the ingredients , and antecedents to his office. a bishops title and place is high and splendid , but his estate ( for the most part ) meane and low : at least that which may be left as inheritance to posterity . now to what unworthinesse will not ambition and avarice carry them ? when they looke on themselves as peeres and grandees of the kingdome , and againe reflect on their wives and children , as those which ( after their decease ) must soone bee reduced from such an h●ight ( like falling starres ) into their first principles ; must not this be a great temptation , by any meanes , right or wrong , to seeke the private inrichment of themselves , and families , even much before the publike good of the common-wealth ; which is never more injur'd , then when it is made to stoope and vaile to the boundlesse ambition of some private , low , base , sordid spirit ? or suppose , by penurious living they may in many yeares gleane up a meane estate to leave to their house , to preserve their name : how miserable and sordid must be their deportment ? how base their house-keeping ? how little their hospitality ? which yet not onely by scripture , but reason , seemes much ( if not most ) to be required of the clergy . such a bishop must be as much given to hospitality , as blamelesse in other particulars . but alas , how can ours be so ? except , they can bee content to live without any retinue of attendance ; or bee curst by posterity , brought up perhaps as lords , but left as beggers . except then it might be with our bishops , or bishops children , as once it was with that roman dictator , who being brought from the plough , was content againe to returne to the plough , ( after he had with all humility , fidelity , and successe , served the common-wealth in the highest office that state at that time did afford ) i cannot see why they should so ambitiously desire a lordly prelacie ; which they can neither leave to posterity ; nor carry downe to the grave ; nor yet are sure to keepe all the time they live : for of all riches , those of a bishop , may soonest fly away . if therefore our prelates would seriously reflect on their owne peace , credit , and esteeme ; or the good of their family and posterity ; ( though they would despise the church , and trample on the state , with the weale , peace , and flourishing prosperity thereof ) sure they would leave the common-wealth to states-men ; and thinke it honour more then enough to serve the church , and waite on gods altar ▪ i meane that holy table , which may be served by them that attend the word and sacraments ; though they must not neglect this , and serve any other tables . but venales animae will doe any thing to rise . yet i hope our bishops doe not , at least will not doe so any more . if so , let them know the wheele of providence can runne as fast backward as ever it did forward . in its descent , they may perhaps sadly reflect on a serious dying speech of one of themselves ; had i served my god , as i have served my prince , i should not have beene so deserted now . though i must confesse i doubt they have well served neither g●d , nor the king. but this shall bee discuss'd more an●● . chap. viii . we have seene how much our bishop makes against state policie ; let us now see what hee doth , or can doe , for the state ; for , both parts must be heard . it hath still beene the practise of these men to buzze into princes eares , that they strike at monarchy that are displeased with such episcopacie : like one of the old queen's jesters , that would box and pinch any that stood neere him : and if they return'd the like , he would step before the queene , and cry , madame here comes a traytor to strike at your majesty . i know it is one of their first canonicall principles , no bishop , no king. on this axletree the whole body of popery is wheeled about . a specious shew indeede , and one of their master-peeces of policie ; to acquaint and perswade kings , of what use they are to them : sed timeo danaos , & dona ferentes . it is but a trojan horse . mors est in olla . while they seeme to please kings , they weaken crownes . powers are gods ordinances ; and set over us for our good : and kingdomes certainely have more for them in holy writ than any other government : shall royall crownes then come and stoope to a miter ? la france ne tombe pas en keneville . with them a woman must not beare the crowne , and shall the scep●er , with us , bow to the cros●ers staffe ▪ let it not bee spoken in ashkelon , nor published in the streets of gah . hath christianity abated the glory or power of the diadem ? bishops would , but christ will not . in short , what is the sense of this maxime ? what can it be other than this , that the strength , nay the being of a king , depends wholly upon a bishop ? prodigious state-blasphemie ! kings have beene when bishops were not , and shall be yet much more glorious , when such bishops shall be no more . which shall still be my desire for all kings ; but especially for ours ; whose good and gracious government , i shall pray , may yet endure long , and long amongst us . it is much rather true , if any such bishop , no king ; as i shall make good in my subsequent discourse . otherwise , ( had these beene onely metaphysicall no●ions , or mathematicall sp●●●lations ) i should not have beene troubled more with a square cap on a bishops head , than i am with a circle squared in a mathematicall braine . it is true , their grand m●ster the pope , seemed very officious in setting up the german-franck emperour , ( the image of the old beast , ) but it was not long before he shew'd his ends. turne your eye but a little about , and you shall see an emperour stand barefoote at his g●ute : here one kneeles to kisse that foote that spu●●●●th off his crowne : there one holds the stir●up ; while that proud bishop steps up into the saddle . and have not our bishops the same designes with their holy father ? even to free themselves from all power , and ●● bring all things under their owne power ? what meaneth of his maxime of episcopacie , that a clergie man cannot fall under the execution of a civill magistrate , except they first degrade him ; which they may refuse to doe as long as they please ? is not this to exempt themselves from all civill jurisdiction ? what is the sense of this , that for breach of their ( church ) injunctions , they may excommunicate people , ministers , lords , kings themselves , whom they please ; but shortly this , to reduce all men , ( even princes as well as others ) to plenary obedience to themselves ? and when once they have passed that sentence on their soveraigne , at their owne fancie , i doubt not but some of them would be ready to receive the crowne from their kneeling prince , ( as of old ) if any king would againe so farre forget himsel●e , and lay his glory in the dust to be trampled on by such proud insulting prelates . which god forbid . their insolent words and actions , vented lately against the crowne , are very sutable to these principles . some of themselves , in open court of judicature , have dirst to affirme , they were beholding to none , but christ , for the place they held . others of them ( and their creatures ) have said they are under no law of man. some have preached point blanck , that their standing did not at all depend on the crowne . others have flatly denied the king to be head and governour in ecclesiasticall causes , over all persons : though they cannot but know that this title was given mainly to exclude any other earthly head , as it is interpreted by order of parliament . all of them erect episcopall courts , send out summons , exercise jurisdiction , sentence , fine , imprison , doe what they list , in their owne name . though all the bishops put together ( & vis unita est fortior ) da●e not to do so ; ( for , the high inquisition had a commission under the broad seale ) and yet every particular bishop exerciseth jurisdiction under their owne seale , by their owne power , in their owne name ; without any commission , directly against statute , by which they all incurre a praemunire . indeed they have learnt to faune upon princes , and would make them beleeve all this is for their honour , and advantage ; yet they are but impostors ; this is but to stroake the horse ( as the proverb is ) till they are well up in the saddle : for , at that they aime , and thither would they come ; which god forbid . i could heartily wish , the kings of the earth would be pleased to read master broughtons epistle in his refining the roman fox . or ni●hol . de clemengiis , in his excellent peece de corrupto ecclesiae statu . or that noble learned lords incomparable mysterium iniquitatis ; presented to our late learned soveraigne king iames ; though in some late prints it hath beene refined by an english-romish index expurgatorius , yet it will still ( with the other ) represent the sleights of this kinde of episcopacie , in such lively colours , that i beleeve no prince would trust them againe . i neede not goe farre to seeke instances that may fully represent how much our bishops have in all ages promoted the weale , peace , and honour of this kingdome and cowne : for their treasons against the state and king , want not a register . i could briefely present you with a true emblem of episcopacie ab ovo ad malum ; and yet not goe higher than the conquerour . lanfranck would have conquered the conquerour : and by gentle insinuations have perswaded him to submit his scepter to the triple miter : but , etiamsi suasit , non persuasit . art could not prevaile , and therefore anselm went more rudely to worke ; though rufus forbad him , yet with many thankes and much honour from the pope , he went to rome for his pall. after he had oftentimes bearded the king in many matters , he succeeded so well , that he attempts the same against the first henry : and left not till he had caused the scepter to bow , and the crowne to totter . in stephens time , two great prelates dispute about precedencie , and at last passing by the king , they call the pope to be moderator . b●ckets heights are well knowne , and scarce parallel'd in amy story : onely as henry the second ( that great prince ) did suffer sore stripes here ; so did the duke of thoulouse in france , for joyning with the albigenses . that was done by a pope , this by a bishop . king iohn fell ( with his whole kingdome ) under an interdict , for some quarrell betwixt himselfe and two or three prelates : nor could he buy or begge his peace but on his knees , resigning his crowne ●o proud pandulph . in edward the seconds time gaveston was much abetted by coventry , in this a traitor to his countrey . what prankes winchester plaid with edward the first , stratford with edward the third , and with the second richard , norwich , was touch the ●ore . henry the fourth was ill handled by yorke , that waged warre with him : at the same time arandell vow'd he would not leave a slip of that religion which then he saw dawning in england . in henry the sixts time , yorke● quarrell with w●●chester , lost all that england had gaine● from france ▪ at last yorke sides with warwick against the king. edward the fourth had little r●●rse no pardon the new arch-bishop . ely ended better then he beganne , but it was per accidens ; for first he perswaded buckingham to claime the crowne , but he refusing ( at least not daring to stirre for himselfe ) sets him on richmond , the true heire . but you will say , these were all papists , and lived in the dark times of popery . true , and were not their soveraignes such also ? were not kings and bishops of one religion then ? are they more now ? hath a protestant prince now more reason to trust a protestant prelate , than a popish king a popish bishop ? let all the world judge seeing in those times it was no difference in religion , but malignance against civill government , that produced th●se commotions , in those bishops . but since the pope , and popish religion is confessed to be the cause of all those treasons and rebellions , what if i prove prelacie and popery to be the same in re , and onely to differ in name ? this we stall essay anon . in the meane time it is worth considering whether our prelates be not more like to s●de with the pope against a protestant , then popish prince . i will over-looke the darke times of popery ; let us beginne with the reformation , ( which yet could hardly have entrance , for that strong opposition the prelates still made ) alas what commotions have they still raised in scotland , ever since the reformation ? wee have felt , what our parents onely saw . they eate ( at least suffered ) a soure grape , and our teeth were almost all set on edge . but blessed be god that hath delivered that church and state from tyrannicall prelates ; and will ere long deliver us also . they did the same in denmarke , till one of their kings did perswade the people to choose another church government : after he had in publke read a charge for three houres long , containing their treasons , and rebellions even since the time that the pope was cast out of that countrey . when i call to minde their cariage and miscariage here in england , i must beginne with that of the poet , infandum regina jubes renovare dolorum . our first reformation was much opposed by bishops . gardiner , bonner , and some others were no changelings . yea we shall finde some good men were bad bishops ; and the evill were intolerable . ridley was too fierce in maintenance of ceremonies . cranmer and ridley both were for allowing masse to the lady mary : but that admirable young prince , was even in his infancie , with king david , wiser then his teachers ; and could weepe , though not yeeld to their perswasions . what our bishops did in queene maries dayes ( bloody times ! ) we all know ; sure it was an unhappy proverb that was then learnt , the bishops foote hath trodden here . what they intended under the old queene ; essayed in king iames his reigne ; and had well nigh performed under our gracious king charles , to the ruine of the crowne , we now beginne to know : if at least knowledge may properly be said to be wrought by sense ; for , if so , our feeling was enough to teach us . yet what wanted in this , may be supplied by the daily complaints we are forced to heare not onely from england , but ireland also ; where yet perhaps they have more parts to act then one. but he that sitteth in heaven laugheth at them , the most high hath them in derision . chap. ix . i have scarce done with that grand principle of episcopall policie , no bishop , no king. yet i must now divert you a little from it , or at least lay it aside awhile , till it come in againe at due place : which perhaps may be in this next dispute . i am now come to the most moderate of episcopall men . for even these affirme that the absolute best church government , under a monarchy , is monarchicall . by the way i must desire it may againe be remembred that hitherto i have contended onely with our lordly civill episcopacie , ( properly called prelacie ) i have not yet disputed ecclesiasticall episcopacie in generall , or the prelacie of one minister before another ( though i may touch that also before i conclude : ) so that i am not bound to answer this objection ; which sure cannot mean that the best church government under monarchy , is tyrannicall , ( as indeed such lordly prelacie is even in their owne judgements which are moderate ) but simply monarchicall , scilicet in ecclesiasticis : against which i have not yet disputed ; though i know this was one of the maine foundations on which that destroyer , that man of sinne beganne first to build . but i am content to follow them here also . yet i must first sift out their meaning , lest they deceive mee with words . doe they meane that all other church governments are destructive to monarchy ? or do they mean , monarchy is destructive to all other church government● , but monarchicall ? the first sence is even the same with the former axi●ome we discuss'd , no bishop , no king ; except perhaps the● grant , that every monarch is a king , but every king ● not an absolute monarch . but take monarchy in what sense you please : why cannot it stand with any kind of church government ? doth the supreme civill power receive any essentiall part of it from church monarchy ? is not monarchy compleat even there where is no church ? i am by no meanes of their judgements who say , none that are without the pale of the church have right to any thing here below . a tenet almost necessary to those that use to excommunicate princes ad placitum , and then stir● up forraine enemies , or subjects themselves , to dispossesse such princes ; but to other states of very dangerous consequence . i clearly conceive an heathen emperour may be as lawfull a monarch , as any christian prince ; and i doubt not , but his subjects owe as exact obedience to him , ( if his civill title be just ) as we justly pay to our kings and governours . to say then that monarchy cannot stand without monarchicall discipline in the church , is to weaken ( if not to breake ) the nerves and ligaments of supreme power : nay to say that such a government will best suit with monarchy , is to vaile the lustre and majesty of monarchy ▪ which like an healthfull stomach , can easily assimulate all things to it selfe ; but is not changed by any . if they would but speake their owne thoughts , they would turne the proposition thus , church-monarchy cannot stand without civill . here the mystery is unmasked . it is true , this discipline cannot stand , but where princes will uphold it . for that which hath no footing in scripture , must leane upon humane right ; and thus it discovereth its owne weaknesse . divine institution is able to bottome it selfe upon it selfe ; but humane is like the weake vine or hop , which without a pole , must creepe , and so rot , upon the earth . yea some inventions of men ( specially in matters of religion ) are like the weake fruitlesse ivy , that must be propt up by some el●● , or mighty oake , and yet most unnaturally destroyeth that prop which holdeth it up . and of this kind is that humane ( or rather demonicall ) episcopacity of which we have treated all this time . our bishops foreseeing this , ( for they are wise in their generation , ) thought best to invert the propositions ; and instead of this , that church monarchy cannot stand without civill ; they affirme civill monarchy cannot stand without that of the church . thus they delude silly people . but to come a little neerer to their best meaning , ( who stand so much for church monarchy ) i would gladly be shewed by reason , what there is in church government , why it may not derive it selfe into severall corporations ; where either more or fewer may beare the sway ; still subscribing to those things which are left by christ to the civill government , or monarchicall power . we see hundreds of corporations are thus mannaged : and what there is in formali ratione of church government ( essentiall to church government that will not endure this ; mihi non liquet ; truly i do not yet know , i cannot yet imagine . wee see ever since the reformation of luther and calvin , the churches of christ have had another discipline than ours ; under elective and successive , under protestant and catholique princes , as will appeare clearely in poland , denmarke , in scotland , and the palatinate , in france , and germany . i do from my heart agree that civill governours are custodes utriusque tabulae : but what the civill magistrate hath to doe in church matters , till the church hath done her utmost , i could yet never learne . the government of christ is spirituall ; and hee will have his worke wrought in a sweete way ; by the power of the spirit , not by force . if i erre in this , i shall upon better reason recant ; in the interim , hoping that the clearnesse of my thoughts shal with the candid reader receive gentle interpretation , i shall freely declare my opinion in this point . christ ( as i shall more fully prove hereafter ) hath cleerly unfolded to us the two main things of church affaires : 1 the doctrine . 2 the discipline of his church . who will come in this case to adde or diminish any thing ? i appeale to any ingenuous reader , of what religion soever he be ( yea of what sect in any religion ) whether any power ought to force a church in matter of doctrine . i conceive , what is true doctrine the scripture ●ust judge , and none but the scripture : but what a c●●●ch will take for true doctrine , lyes only in that c●u●ch . will rome admit us to expound to them this place , hoc est corpus meum ? shall wee admit rome's exposition ? will either of us admit force ? there is certainly but one truth : but what shall be taken by the church for truth , the church must j●dge . if you descend to discipline , will not the case 〈◊〉 be the same ? in discipline consider three things . 1 admission of members . 2 excommunication . 3 officers to execute these , and other ordinances . whether you will baptize children , and so ●y administring to them the sacrament of initiation , admit them members of the church ? whether you will admit all for church members that barely professe , though they be open drunkards , and very ignorant persons ? whether you will have pastors , teachers , and elders , as your superiours in this worke , or bishops , archbishops , primates , &c. who shall judge but the church ? so long as the church , in her church tenets , intermedleth not with state matters under the notion of religion , i suppose the civill power is not to interpose . it is most true , if the church will broach ( with the anabaptists ) that they will have no governours , nor government : this is a point not of divinity , but policie ; and here the scepter must set a rule . or with the adamites ( if there be any such ) allow communion of wives : this takes away property , the sword must divide this quarrell . or with the papists , that it is lawfull to kill kings : that faith is not to be kept with heritiques : i conceive in all these , ( and cases of the like nature ) the decision lyeth in the magistrate ; for these tenets overthrow either civill government , or civill converse ; the church must not goe out of her bounds . but if the question be , how you will expound such a scripture : what gesture you will use in such an ordinance : what man is fit to be excommunicated : what deserveth excommunication : what is idolatry : what is wil-worship : what superstition : what is the punishment of those crimes : who shall judge but the church ? the prince hath granted to such a body by charter , such priviledges , such offices , who can interpose but the power instituting ? christ hath given us a platforme of church government , with the offices , and officers ; who may here intermedle , but christ himselfe ? it is most true when the church findeth any refractary , and thereupon doth excommunicate him , he fals into the hands of the civill magistrate , if he continue pertinacious , and not before . when parliaments do consider matters of religion , they do it to deliver the church from some who would impose upon her ; who would take the keyes from her , that by the help of these keyes , they may wrest the scepter out of the hand of soveraignty , which god forbid . and whilst parliaments labour thus for the church , dealing no further in the affaires of the church , than by scripture they may , certainly they do well ; but if they once exceed their bounds , the issue will be confusion insted of reformation . church and state government differ as much as the sexes yet as there may betweene these be an happy union : ( both keeping their bounds whilst the husband hath the supremacie ; ) so may there be between the church , and state a sweete harmony . the state having committed to it the custody of the 10. commandments , and yet the church preserving to her selfe her rights . if the church swallow up the state , as it is in popery , & episcopacy , the issue will be slavish , grosse superstition , and stockish idolatry . if the state overtop the church , there will be ignorance and atheisme : but give to god that which is gods , and to caesar that which is i● caesars : and both church and state will fare the better . thus under favour , both by reason and president it is cleere , that any church policie besides episcopacie , ( though onely one by right ought ) may stand with monarchy . chap. x. when i say , any church government may stand with monarchy , or other state policie , i desire to be understood of any church government well regulated : which as i cannot conceive of our episcopacie , so i must againe publiquely protest , that i verily believe this kind of episcopacy is destructive , not onely to good monarchy , but all other state policie whatsoever . i meane not now to runne over , so much as the head● of my former discourse : every particle of which is to represent how uncongruous , and incompatible to true policie of state , our bishops place , calling , and office , is , as now it stands establisht in this kingdome . if any man shall yet dissent from mee in this cause , i shall now onely intreat him to view one place of scripture , which yet perhaps at first glance may seeme to make but little for my purpose : but it is an old maxime among interpreters , non est haerendum in cortice . let us therefore a little examine the text , and if i be not in the right , i will gladly learne of any that can better informe me . the place i meane , is that which of old in the primitive church was wont to be more perused , and examined , than i thinke it is now , or hath beene of late : and i cannot much wonder , sith i see all men view the sea , and well consider it at distance , from the top of a cliffe or rocke ; but when they are once fallen into it , they shut their eyes , winke , and care to see as little as ●ay be of it , while they have so much round about them . i must not detaine you too long without , left you think my porch longer and bigger than my house . it is that of the apostle to the thessalonians 2. epist. 2. chap. 3. and 4. verses , specially those words ; who opposeth and exalteth himselfe above all that is called god , or is worshipped . for the understanding of this place , we must premise this , that it must not be taken as spoken of one single person : but a compages of many , either existing together , or else succeeding one another ; yet agreeing together in this great apostasie , the maine thing here spoken of . and in this i have but few adversaries : none i ●hinke , but some few of the romish faction , that maintaine the grand deceiver , false prophet , or apostate ●●or so i ●●ther call him , than antichrist , though i doubt not al●o but he is most truly antichrist in re ) shall come only in the end of the world , and endure but three yeares and an halfe : which yet begins to found but ill among the romanists themselves . in the next place i affirme , this man of sinne ( for so i must stile him ) is not of the laity , over whom ( even over their princes and gods ) he exalteth himselfe ; but of the clergy , for he sitteth in the temple of god. being come so farre ( without any reall opposition ) i now demand , who this man ( compages or systeme of men ) is , or can be ? the pope , i suppose will be answered by most of our church : and i yeeld it so ; beleeving him to be prncipally intended here . but if i can prove that popery properly taken , is the same in re , with our episcopacy ; or at least that this is but a piece and part of that mystery of iniquity ; then i hope it will be granted , that such episcopacy is also here intended : & per consequens , that such episcopacy is altogether against true policie of state : because it opposeth and exalteth it selfe above all that is called god , &c. this therefore is now my taske , to prove that our episcopacy , is the same really with popery taken properly . let us first then see what popery properly may signifie : for , for ought i yet see , the world is scarce agreed in this particular . i cannot conceive that all errours or heresi●s held by some ( nay all ) papists , may in proper speaking be called popery . most ( i hope all ) of the papists agr●e with us in many truths , and all is not heresie in which they differ : and yet all heresie in them , not proper popery . no , not every error or heresie in the pope himselfe can proprie loquendo be said to be popery . there are many things the papists hold in common with many , if i 〈◊〉 not say , all heretickes : yet none ever properly called all heretickes by the compendious name of papists . many points are not yet so fully determined among themselves , but that some of them affirme , and others deny of the same subject . all of them will not agree about originall sinne , free will , merit . &c. in this last ( which yet is one of the most fundamentall points of controversie now betweene us ) i see many of them comming so neere the truth , that one must have a quick sharpe eye to see where they come short , for many of them yeeld our workes do not properly merit as ours , but as tincta sanguine christi ; yea and some are not rigid in pressing the phrase merit , in its proper sense : so that perhaps their most refined opinion in this , may be the more dangerous in the consequence , than substance or forme of it . nay , before the councell of trent ( before which yet popery had beene long in the world ) most of their tenets were so much indetermined , that scarce any of them knew what he was to hold and beleeve yet he was a papist then , and is so still , and yet to this day i thinke there is scarce one doctrinall point in which they all agree . wee must then consider what that is which denominates a papist , and may properly be called popery . it must sure be somewhat essentiall ( as i may speake ) to that church , so that without this it could not be called a popish church . that is doubtlessie such and such dependance on the pope : this is in the popes subjects truly popery ; and this dependance on him , ●s perhaps expressed by receiving his name or character in the apocalyps . in the pope himselfe , it is not this or that errour , this or that heresie , but such an independance , such a lordship , such a prelaticall tyranny , over civill and church estates , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 popery . and this is it that is so emphatically expressed here in this place to the thessalonians , he opposeth and exalteth himselfe above all that is called god , &c. and the exercise of this popish tyranny is lively limn'd out in apoc. 13. vers . 16 , & 17. and he caused all , both small and great , rich and poore , free and bond to receive a marke in their right hand , or in their foreheads . and that no man might buy or sell , save he that had the marke , or the name of the beast , or the number of his name . this tyrannicall prelaticall power and dominion , which the pope ufurpeth and excerciseth ( contrary to gods word ) over clergy and laity , princes and subjects , in their estates and consciences , is in him , ( as in his clients , yeelding and submitting to this popish prelacy ) true proper popery . and this is the giving , imprinting , or forcing of a name , character or number , on the popes part , as receiving this on the part of papists : though i have not now time , at least not opportunity , to discusse how much the popes name , character and number may differ . i doubt not but all are parts of that prelaticall , usurped power which is truly popish ; and received by papists , as servants , and souldiers of old received their lord's and commanders tessera , or character in their hands and foreheads . but god also hath impressed his motto on them all , let them read it and tremble ; apocal. 14.9 , 10. and the third angel followed them , saying with a loud voyce , if any man worship the beast and his image , and receive his marke in his forehead , or in his hand , the same shall drinke of the wine of the w●ath of god , which is powred out without mixture into the cup of his indignation , and he shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of the holy angels , and in the presence of the lambe . god hath beene pleased to parcell out church and commonwealth as severall and distinct governments : yet so that princes should be custodes utriusque tabulae , as was said before . god hath beene pleased to make , appoint , and leave the ministers of the gospel brethren , and hath permitted none of them a lordly prelacy above another . but now the pope comes , with a wide mouth , and swallowes downe at once , all civill and ecclesiasticall power ; challengeth to himselfe , not onely the keyes , but the sword ; not onely papall dominion in ecclesiasticis , but regall also in civilibus . this usurpation of his , is properly popery ; & this robbeth christ of his regall office. as every sinne breakes all the commands , ( the whole law ) yet some sinnes do more properly intrench on some particular command : so also is it in all hereses and errors . all someway oppose the whole law of christ , and all the three offices of christ : yet some more properly one of these offices , some another . as the doctrine of merit de condigno , & congruo , encroacheth on christs priestly office ; the al●horan mainly against his propheticall . but popery most properly strikes at his kingly office and authority . for it is christs kingly office to bind kings in chaines , and princes in fetters of iron , if they resist him . and he that usurps this power and priviledge , labours to unthrone christ , to s●t above him , and so properly opposeth and exalteth himselfe above all that is called god , or is worshipped . this is the pope ; and this is popery . yea i may adde , this is truly and most properly antichrist ; though indeed perhaps not that antichrist of whom s. iohn speakes in his first epistle chap. 2.22 . and 4.3 . who , it may be , was ebion , or cerimbus , or some other : though perhaps also saint iohn might speake that of some lordly prelacy , which began ( though but to dawne , if i may so speake of that darke mystery beginning to shew it selfe ) even in saint iohns daies : for in some respect wee will not stand to yeeld a bishops pedegree might perhaps extend so high : for even then antichrist was conceiv'd . however , i doubt not to affirme the pope is now most really , truly , and properly , the grand antichrist . for such is hee most properly , that encroacheth on christs regall office. this being it which now ( of all the three ) is most proper to him in his glory : and this he hath received as a most glorious reward ( if i may so speake ) for all his sufferings in his humane nature : and this i think the scripture language ( esay 53.12 . psal. 110.7 . phil. 2. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. 1 cor. 15.27 . ) his priestly worke was for the most part accomplisht in his death ; his propheticall office , as it were resigned over to his holy spirit ; but his kingly office is his owne propriety , ( till the end come ) and so he that opposeth this , is most truly antichrist . this is the pope , and this is popery . now on the other part if any man please to survay episcopacy with an unpartiall eye , he shal find this kind of episcopacy , & popery to be all one in re , for they have the same rise , the same media of their progresse , and the same end. the rise of popery , was by overthrowing christs ordinances , and setting up of his owne . that this may appeare the more distinctly , give me leave to shew you the bishops boldnesse in the particulars of it . christs ordinances in the new testament are either concerning doctrine , or discipline . i confesse the pope hath made great assaults upon the doctrinall part ; but what he hath done in that kind , he hath done many times by gathering up the negorgements of others , and so they are not his owne : or as an heretique , but not as pope , for the reasons which i have even now mentioned . but he hath plaid his part mainly in point of discipline : this most properly belonging to christs royall office , as doctrine to his propheticall . in the discipline there are two things considerable , 1 that which concerneth the officer . 2 that which concerneth the nature of his office . in the case of the officer , you have his accesse to his office , and his execution of the office. in the first election and ordination are considerable . by gods rule his election is to be by the people ; his ordination from the people by the hand of the presbytery . by the rule of popery a minister is ordained by the pope , and his substitute , and is elected by the same power and in the same way . and as their schoole darkens ( with a mist of their termes ) what they cannot cleere : so do these ; to cloud their swarving from christs rule , they raise up new termes , and instead of election , have presentation , institution , & induction . the first is done by the patr●n , the second by the bishop ; a way which christ never knew . it is so well knowne to all men that episcopacy traces these very paths of popes , that i shall not need to say more for this part of their identity . in the execution of his o●●ce there are acts of 2. sorts : some wherein he hath a ioynt power with other ; some wherein he is a sole agent : he is sole in church preaching and in administration of the sacraments : he is coadjutor to others in admission of members , in excommunication . under the papacy the minister or priest hath the power of preaching , and administration according to gods law ( and this onely with relation to the bishop who in his church superintends : ) but in the other hee hath no power at all ; it is wholly given up to the pope , and by him committed to the bishop . and thus the pope may truly ( while he is dominus dominorum ) stile himselfe servum servorum : for hee impropriates all offices to himselfe ; and in liew of coadjutors given by god to the minister , the bishop hath officers appointed him by the pope . the coadjutors of the ministers by the word , in some cases were the people , in some cases the elders and deacons , and sometimes people , elders and deacons : but the pope in lieu of these hath instituted another generation of helpers ; and lest that true name should reduce true officers , he hath given them yet another title , as apparitor , surrogate , chancellour , officiall , commissaries , deanes , church-wardens , overseers of the poore . in all which episcopacie and popery have so twin-like a frame , that seeing one , you see both ; nec sofia sofiae similior , nec simiae simia . and so i leave that point , which concernes the officer . in the nature of his office it is considerable , 1 what the worke of his office is : secondly , from what power : and thirdly , in what manner he doth it . for the first , the subject matter of his office is administration of the sacraments , preaching , admission of members , excommunication . in reckoning these , the pope conformeth to gods word , and so doth episcopacy ; for if we will erre , we must sometimes goe right , and then we may transgresse with lesse suspicion . but consider from what power the minister of the gospell acts. he ought not to borrow his commission from any but from christ , from scripture ; and he ought to keepe close to that : now the papacie is wholly steared by traditions , decretals , councels , canons , colledge of cardinals , and the pope in the chaire , where he cannot erre in matters of faith. the pandects of the civill law are too too boystrous , and of too great extent for any civilian to comprehend ; and yet that body of their learning is boyled up to such a degree , that it runnes over , and no memory is able to attaine it , more than to compasse perfection in the learning of the chin●es , where the a. b. c. amounts to 10000 letters . constitutions crosse one another , and almost all fight against the gospell of christ. doth not episcopacie ( si magna licet componcre parvis ) according to its modicum , do the same ? i confesse , with them the scripture is the rule : but who must expound this scripture ? synods , councells , convocations , bishops , archbishops . some of these sometimes , sometimes all of them : and though by their owne confession , these bind not mens consciences , yet they bind them to obedience : which obedience they doe precisely challenge , and when they faile thereof , they doe without the least scruple of conscience , proceede to excommunication , fine , imprisonment , deprivation , and what not ? in the meane time it is held a sinne for a lay man at all to thinke of these studies . the priests lips ( they say ) must preserve knowledge : it is a sad case ( say they ) when men with unhallowed hands will touch the arke , and with unsanctified eyes , pry into these mysteries . and so these men , making the scripture a rule in appearance , do in truth monopolize all to themselves : this is just and flat popery . in the last place , the manner which god hath prescribed , is that every thing be done in decencie and in order : with what singlenesse and plainnesse may be : without any addition of mens inventions . the pope carrieth on his jurisdiction with pompe and much outward glory ; they have cōmissions , injunctions , charters , seales , secretaries , clarkes , and 1000 other inventions , to grind the face of the poore . episcopacie hath its courts , summons , clarkes , seales , with other ceremonies of the like nature . christs rule is that ministers of equall ranke , shall all have equall power . apostles indeed were above evangelists , and evangelists above pastors ; and teachers : but one apostle was not above another , nor one pastor did not superintend another . the pope hath priest , bishop , archbishop , primate , patriarch , cardinall , pope ▪ and episcopacie hath ministers ( now called priests ) deacons , bishops , archbishops , primates , &c. the scripture commandeth preaching in season and out of season , but with the pope , and our bishops , all preaching is now out of season , i am sure out of fashion in themselves ; and cryed downe in others : for with them ignorance is the mother of devotion . the scripture alloweth but two sacraments ; the pope addeth five ; and our bishops are ambiguous : two onely ( they say ) are generally necessary to salvation ; which may clearly intimate , that there are more than two ; though perhaps not absolutely necessary to salvation , or though necesary , yet not generally necessary , to all men , in all times , states and conditions whatsoever . and so much the papists yeeld of their five sacraments , nay of fixe of their seven : for , onely baptisme ( they say ) is absolutely and generally necessary to salvation ; the eucharist even with them , is not necessary to infants , much lesse matrimony , orders , confirmation , penance , v●ction . in what do our bishops then differ from papists in this ? how do they differ in baptisme ? both pope and bishops hold it necessary , absolutely necessary to salvation . yea the most moderate of both , maintaine a generall baptismall grace , equally confer'd to all partakers of that sacrament . indeed our bishops doe not openly use salt and spittle , but yet they retaine the crosse , ( perhaps much worse ) and beginne to claime spirituall alliances as the papists doe . in the lords supper , the pope makes ( rather than findes ) an hostia , an altar , a priest ; and this priest must offer for the sinnes of the quick and dead . our bishops must have priests , altars , a sacrifice , corporals , and what not that papists have ? to say nothing of their times and gestures , which sure the scripture never so determined , much lesse excluded any that could not yeeld to such and such circumstances , which none ever thought could be more than indifferent . in all ordinances the scripture now speakes of no other holinesse , then that which is spirituall , rationall , the holinesse of the whole man. the pope hath found out new holinesse , which he puts on places , times , vestments , bels , tapers , water , wafers , copes , basons , pots , and cups , with other vtensles . and doe not our bishops so also ? what meanes such rigid pressing of holy dayes ? bare heads in churches ? holy surplices ? what meane they else by their holy chalices ? holy knives ? holy patents ? holy vtensles ? all which may be so sanctified by a devout priest , t●at they may become profitable to the soules of those that use them . how then doe our bishops differ from papists in administring sacraments , manner of all ordinances ? and is there any greater difference in admission of members , and excommunication ? this last being the last and greatest censure of the church , by both bishops and pope is made not onely most common ( as the humour moves them ) but also most ridiculous ; being the usuall appendix of one groat short in our reckonings with our lord bishops register , proctor , or apparitor . i would not be mistaken here ; i bring not in these things of doctrine , or discipline , as if by agreeing in one or many of these , i might convince bishops and papists ( or the pope ) were all one . the maine thing i drive at in all this , is the originall fountaine from whence all these spring , and all the bankes that keepe in these rivulets ; that vertue and power which moves and actuates all these in their proper channels : and this is papall . for , what ever the pope doth of his owne head , by his owne power , dictating to his vassals , as head of the church , this is truly papall , and such is the power by which they usurpe so much over mens persons , and consciences , in injoyning and pressing such or such doctrine or discipline . so that a bishops wearing a surplice , cope , miter ; using the crosse , bowing to the altar , and many such things ( though they may be errors , yet all these , or one of these ) makes him not a pope , a popeling , or properly antichristian : but receiving these from the popes dictates , doing them because he commands , acknowledging his power in commanding ; this makes a papist : and commanding them , pressing them on others , in such despoticall power , makes a true pope , a reall antichrist . nor may our bishops evade by this ( which i easily see will be answered ) that though indeed they doe these things , and command these things ; yet they neither doe them from the popes command , nor command them in the popes power . though i should grant this , which yet many wise men will not grant , ( for , our bishops first power came from the pope , and of late also we have found letters , advice , commands , dictates from the pope , to some of our bishops ; and that in matters of greatest consequence , both for church and state ; but grant all they say , yet they may be antichristian , and so such in re , as the pope is ; though not literally romanists , except they doe , or command , in the power of rome . this i shall be bold to affirme , and maintaine , till i see better reason , that he ( whoever he be ) that commands the least title of doctrine or discipline , meerely ex imperio voluntatis , in his owne power , and authority ; without licence or warrant from scripture , or right reason , ( where the scripture hath beene silent ) though the thing he so commands should happen to be good in it selfe : yet he in his so commanding , is not onely tyrannicall , but antichristian , properly antichristian ; encroaching on the royall office of christ , which is truly high treason against god ; and most properly antichristianisme . i care not whether we call him a pope , papist , romanist , or any other name ; i call him antichrist : and if you will call antichrist by the name of pope , i call such an imperious commander among us , ( though he have no shadow of dependance on rome , or romish pope ) an english pope ; i meane an english antichrist . i neede not spend much time in shewing by what meanes either the pope or our bishops beganne , and continued to be so antichristian : du plessis and others , have sav'd me this labour . in a word , they have beene these . with one hand they have laid pillowes under princes , and all governours ( appointed by god ) that so they might fall softly , while they thrust them downe with the other ( the stronger ) hand , arme and all . when these have beene so surely , though gently , laid downe asleepe ; they have beene bold to tread on them , ( yet with plush slippers , lest they should chance to wake , stirre , and get up againe ) and by them , as so many staires or steps , mount up themselves into this height of tyranny . thus have they still opposed , and advanced themselves , against and above all that is called god , or is worshipped . and if with your owne thoughts you will please to goe on in the chapter , you will finde some other media ( as lying wonders , and others ) by which they have ascended . i shall not neede to parallel popish and episcopall media to their height . all the world sees them now , for , they were not done in a corner . what meanes their crying up an unjust and illimited power in princes ? is not this their bleating out of an illegall unwarranted prerogative ( with which all our pulpits have rung of late ) intended to tickle princes till they be luld asleepe ? or to sow pillowes under them , till . they themselves can thrust them downe ; not onely from that tyranny which bishops would perswade them to usurp ; but also from their wholsome and lawfull prerogative . what meaneth their buzzing in princes eares , that kings cannot stand without such bishops ? that if they should be put downe , the church and state too , must needs be ruined ? to this purpose they cry blood , blood ; they can never fall without blood : so some of them have vaunted . but let them remember what christ said to one ( to whom they so much pretend ) he that smiteth with the sword , shall perish by the sword . they know also whose coat was sent home to their holy father , with this inscription ( written with his owne blood ) iudge holy father whether this be thy sonnes coat or not . i have not forgotten how they have dealt with the people , ministry , gentry , nobility , all sorts of men : for they have many staires to step up by , to such an height ; but princes are their highest steps , their first aime . that which they have most sounded in the peoples eares , is the church , the church , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord ! by this , as by a stalking horse , they have come much neerer then else they could . but now their vizard beginnes to fall off ; and men beginne to see the true power of the true church ; and the tyranny of that antichristian mock-church ; which under the maske of indifference , hath brought in most abominable superstitions , and most intolerable slavery on the persons , liberties , bodies , and soules of men. for they have pressed consciences , even unto gasping : yea , and would not be satisfied , though they daily heard the sighes and groanes of those bleeding hearts , which themselves had stabd with the poysoned sword of church-indifference . indeed they have used both hands , and have stricken with both. what the keyes could not break , the sword hath cut . and it had been much more tolerable , if this sword had pierced no farther then the eares of men : with which they have yet beene much more busie then he was , whom they bragge to have beene their first predecessor . yet methinkes it was a sad omen that this sword should cut off the eare of malchus , which signifies ( they say ) a king , or kingly authority . at this they strike indeed , through the eares , and hearts of so many loyall subjects . we neede not seeke their end , in all this. it cannot be doubted , but by all these meanes , they aime at one end , ( which is also the popes ) to pull downe all other power , and set up their owne . thus , thus they oppose , and exalt themselves above all that is called god , or is worshipped ; as is more fully represented in another place of this discourse . now let any man living speake : are these bishops , these usurping prelates to be suffered in a church , or state , where there is any respect to right church government , or true state policie ? since it is evident they are truly papall , most properly antichristian ; and as antichrist must oppose and exalt themselves above all that is worshipped , or called god : which is most true popery , ( as hath beene demonstrated ) and as popery , destructive to all church and state policie . doubtlesse some such apprehensions as this , wrought in their breasts , who being offered , have refused bishop-ricks ; and being possessed , could not rest till they had disinvested themselves againe . histories are full of forraine and domesticke examples of this sublect . such was niceph. b●emnides chosen patriarch of constantinople . weringbaldius chosen bishop of triers . theophilus bishop of adiana . aminonius cut off his eare , ( being bishop ) that so he might be uncapable of that function . eugenius ( the philosopher ) left his ministery rather than he would bee a bishop . bassiances an elected bishop , was by memnon whipped before the altar ( three houres together ) because he would not be made a bishop . adrian ( with us ) refused the archbishopricke of canterbury , being pressed thereunto . two or three popes might come into this catalogue ; clement the first was one : e● quis fuit alter ? shall i name marcellus ? he neither refused , nor resigned the papacie ; yet solemnly professed be saw not how those that possessed such high places could bee saved . o but had these piously considered what good they might have done in such high places , or duly remembred their owne , or their friends , advancement , they could never have dome this : but ignoti nulla cupid● . for answer to this objection , i shall give you some instances of those that have resigned up their bishop-ricks after they had held them long enough for a full tryall . yea perhaps there be more of this kinde than of the other , though the proverb be , aegrius ejicitur quam non admittitur hospes . of these were vlbranius bishop of s●etune , arnulphus bishop of ment● , add● bishop of lions , vi●erbus bishop of ●atisbone , henger bishop of m●●●s , michael bishop of ephesies , with many more . amongst our owne was edmund boniface , and robert kalwarby , ( both arch-bishops of canterbury ) will. beavose and william de sancta maria ( bishops of london . ) one of lincoln , and two of coventry . i may adde miles coverdale , who being deprived in queene maries dayes would not be reiny●sted in queene elizabeths , but taught a schoole . there is one pope cornelius : and gregory the great , must not be forgotten ; who said , he that affects the primacie of the whole church , must be antichrist , or his predecessor . if some few walloons , or men of geneva , should declaime against episcopacie , they would prevaile but little , because it would be said of them , perhaps ( as of that great disturber of the church of old ) insaniunt , quia non sunt episcopi : but now ex ore tuo judicaberis , bishops contend with bishops : not with words , but deeds . i beseech you consider that flesh and blood is not wont to refuse , or part with such great advantages : sure we may conclude there is somewhat that stings within , latet anguis in herba . these good men , doubtlesse , found a sting , and they would not kick against pricks . when saint paul ( a great philosopher ) bids us beware lest we be entangled with philosophy : when solomon ( who had tasted all the dainty cates nature could provide or dresse ) cries out , all is vanity , all is vanity : when bishops themselves ( who have fully enjoyed all the sweetnesse a bishops honour can afford ) shall pause and cry , it is enough , it is enough , non iterum bibam veneunm , ( as once dioclesian , of his empire ) sure there must bee something worth reflecting on ; a faire warning for our present or future bishops . o you judges of the earth , why will you not bee wise ? o you senators ( for such our bishops are ) why will you not learne wisdome ? god forbid that of you should be said ( what the spirit speaketh of some ) why should they be smitten , they rebell more and more ? why should they be reproved , they will still doe follishly ? yet but for a little while ; for i am confident yet within few yeares , if not months , if not dayes , the god of peace and truth will deliver his church of this heavie yoke , from which ( with the letany give me leave to conclude ) good lord deliver us . section ii. chap. i. having cleerly proved how uncompatible our episcopacy is to civill government in state policy ; let us now consider whether it may shelter it selfe under the mysterious covert of antiquity . i could heartily wish , that in matters which receive their being from scripture , so immediately as church discipline doth , wee might make the scripture ( which is a sufficient rule ) our sole guide , our sole moderator . but as heretickes in the day of judgement shall cry to the mountaines to cover them ; so heresies now also , fly to the craggy rocks of remotest times : and in such darke corners hope to shelter themselves . thither also wee will follow them , quo fata trahunt , we will advance . not doubting but to unkennell those little foxes : hoping even with goliah's sword to lay goliah in the dust , and bring the five uncircumcised princes of the caenaanites , to their just censure , before the king or captaines of the israelites . there is a most reverend man , famous for learning , ( especially for that learning which is not open to every eye ) hath taken upon him the defence of this cause : i shall therefore in few words present to him my thoughts upon those his determinations ; concluding with philip of macedon , that if i can but win the chiefe city , the whole countrey is gained : then i shall see whether those things which are pressed by others , be not altogether ineffectuall to determine the point which they dispute . and so i shall leave the decision of this , to the judgement and opinion of the learned . before i consider that treatise in the parts of it , give me leave to say that which is most true , and i hope will satisfie all men ; if every word of that his booke were true , yet it is little to the point : for the question is not , whether there have been bishops ever since christs time ; but , wh●ther these have had power over their brethren : or , whether one bishop hath had jurisdiction over another . and this question is double : first , whether they have had any superintendence one above another . secondly , whether this hath beene mixt with that lordlinesse which now is used ; forcing obedience by the edge of the sword , where the keyes can give no entrance : and of this , in the whole booke there is not the least hint , ne gry quidem . though this also were not enough for our question ; which is not only of their lordly power in ecclesiasticis , but also in civilibus . in the first querie , we shall quickly joyne issue ; agreeing with our antagonists , that there have beene bishops ( viz. ministers of the gospel ) who have had a scripture power in matter of government , over particular flocks ; but the other wee doe absolutely and confidently deny . first , he endeavoureth to prove the succession of seaven and twenty bishops , in the seat of timothy : and this hee essayeth by one single ( not to say simple ) witnesse , a certaine man named leontius ; whose writings have not delivered him famous to us for learning , nor his exemplary holinesse ( mentioned by others ) famous for pi●ty . truly , a man of greater authority than he , ( as papias , ignatius , polycarpus , who , almost all , knew the apostles ) shall not bee of credit sufficient to sway my faith in this point : not but that they were most worthy men ; but because all antiquity hath passed the refining pot of the index expurgatorius , i shall consider well before i subscribe . and shall i then give credit to an unknowne author , in those things that were acted almost five hundred yeares before his birth ? let the world judge whether it bee equall . neither is this author quoted , from witnesse of his owne ; but out of a councell . now , how councells have beene abused , those who have ever had place or note in great assemblies , can too well tell : where there is almost no order drawn up , but after a serious review , reducing the mistakes of the clerks , to the sense of those who did frame the order , which might else come forth most disorderly . by what i have already said , that other testimony brought from a fatherlesse treatise of timothy's martyrdome , cited only by photius , ( a learned man , who lived seven or eight centuries after christ ) will be of no weight : for photius doth but say he read it . hear-say in matter of judicature is no good testimony : and reports in matter of opinion , at the second hand , are good to amuse those who defie venerable antiquity ; but will never edifie those who desire to bottome their resolutions upon sound reason . the testimonies of faelix , iohn of antioch , and theodore , are not of age sufficient to bee registred among the ancients , or to be valued , because they are old . i confesse , i set a greater value upon ignatius , and irenaeus , who affirm , polycarpus was made bishop of smyrna , by st. iohn ; but this must not be of undeniable authority . for of ignatius i shall affirme this , that all those who are any whit learned in antiquity , know that five of his epistles are spurious ; and how unmingled those are which wee allow to be his , wee doe not know , who look upon antiquity at such a distance . but allow it to bee true , that onesimus was bishop of ephesus , polycarpus bishop of smyrna , &c. this may be true , but evinceth in no measure the question in dispute : which is not of a bishop in generall , but such a bishop . the authority of tertullian also , is of the same credit : hee tels us that polycarpus was placed by st. iohn at smyrna ; and at rome clement by st. peter . this no body will dispute ; ( though i am not bound to beleeve it . ) but where is the stresse of this argument ? in the last place , that of clement alexandrinus , is as much questioned as all the rest . but allow it to bee true , that iohn did appoint bishops , they have gained nothing ; for i shall allow that christ also hath instituted bishops , and that bishops are iure divino ; yea , i will allow that they are to feed christs flock , to rule christs inheritance , in christs sense ; but i shall never allow of these bishops , which are now the subject of our dispute . there are three sorts of bishops , as beza saith : there are of gods institution , and they are those who have a power over their proper flock , with the rest of the church , and no other . there are also of mans institution ; and this ever overfloweth into the neighbour parish . and lastly , there is a demonicall bishop ; and this is hee who challengeth the sword , as well as the keyes . this last may well be stiled demonicall ; for sure god never erected this order ; nor man in his right senses : where it will then fixe , is cleere enough . even on him , whose darke mysteries , most of these men have been very well acquainted with . the long robe and the sword doe not well agree . to see a lawyer tyed to his sword till hee put off his gowne , is not so comely ; but to see a paire of lawne sleeves to stifle a scepter , if it were but on a stage , i would cry out , spectatum admissi risum teneatis ? sect . ii. chap. ii. thus having run through that little treatise , ( yet with some wonder , that a person of his profession , piety , and known learning , should doe that , which might in any sense , seeme to impose on those whom hee loveth . ) i proceed to some other things , which i finde produced from antiquity , by the greatest patrons of that kinde of episcopacy which wee now oppose . yet by the way , i must note here also , that either none seeme to state the question ( between us ) right ; or else , all seem to dissert it . our question ( as i have often said ) is not of the name of bishop , or his power in ecclesiasticalls only ; but also , and mainly , of his civill power , and temporalls . which all the patrons of episcopacy seeme to shun , as a dangerous rock ; and hovering aloofe off , goe about to prove by antiquity , that bishops had this name , and some power even in the primitive church ; which ( though i thinke none can force me to beleeve , yet ) i dispute not : but demand , whether any bishops had such power in ecclesiasticis , & civilibus , as ours now have in england . yet ; because they insist so much on antiquity , for ecclesiasticall episcopacy , i will be content to follow them there also ; beleeving wee shall finde no one foot-step ( in true antiquity ) of such a bishop as wee now have established in england , though wee should strip him of all civill power , and consider him only in ecclesiasticis . shall i begin with his election ? which indeed is somewhat higher than they use ( perhaps dare ) to begin . i can produce many antiquities to prove the election of all church officers , was in the people ; yea , and that for divers ages after the apostles ; who indeed at first appointed these themselves : and good reason why , when there were no people to choose their officers , till converted by the apostles ; who afterward left this power to the whole church , rightly constituted . and this continued in the church for divers ages : as appeares by constantines epistle to the church of nice ; athanasius also ad orth●doxos ; and st. cyprians sixth epistle : with many instances m●re , which might bee , and daily are produced . it is true , that after the apostles , and purer times of the church were gone , the clergy began to lord it over the people , and to bereave them of their due priviledge ; yea oft times agreed among themselves to choose one superintendant ( as we may call him ) whom they called father , and bishop ; and in this perhaps they did not amisse , if this bishops power rested only on the clergy , and never reached to the people ; who else sure by all reason should have had a vote in choosing any officer , much more such a great commander . but let all the patrons of episcopacy produce mee one found antiquity for such election as is now in use with us . let them from undoubted antiquity for three hundred yeares after christ , ( nay much more , for i easily see their evasion ) let them , i say , shew me but one instance of our conge d' eslire : it is the thing i speak of , not the word . let them shew me ( except in the dark times of popery ) power given to ten or twelve men ( except all the clergy explicitely consented ) to choose such a bishop . and yet this is not halfe that which lies in our elections ; whcih indeed are not at all made by so much , as the chapiter of any cathedrall , but received only by those who dare not refuse it : but of this i spake before in the first section . i am content to passe their election , ( which i perceive none of them care much to examine ; ) and come to the execution of their office. in which i might instance in two or three maine points ; as sole ordination , sole jurisdiction , delegation , &c. i meet with none that take upon them to defend this last ; which as a great states-man observed many yeares since , was a thing at first view , most monstrous , and unreasonable . for , will any man living think it reasonable my lord keeper should , ad placitum , delegate whom hee will to keep the seale , and judge in chancery , without consent of his majesty and the state , that entrusteth him with this great office ? yet these men hold it fit to entrust a vicar-generall , chancellors , officials , surrogates , ( and yet under officers ; ) to keep the seale , yea we●d the scepter of christ , and all the church , which yet they say is entrusted with them . but with whom have they left the sheep in the wildernes ? were there nothing else but this , i cannot but hold our episcopacy an intolerable tyranny ; s●eing a bishops dog , ( i am not much amisse ) lording it over the people , ministers , gentry , nobility , all : while his master is perhaps revelling , dicing , or doing worse ; for , worse they doe . nor is this any way to be helped , ' while to one lord bishop is granted so vast a territory . which yet he commandeth as absolutely under that most significant term of diocesan , primate , or metropolitan , as any temporall prince can doe , by the name of earl , duke , king , emperor , or any other . i oft remember the dry oxe-hide , that was brought to represent alexanders great dominions : but i see them so farre from standing on the middle , ( to keep down all ) that indeed they oft touch is not at all ; but are acting the lord temporall ( i might say more ) remote enough from their own diocesse . which yet of it selfe is oft so large , that no one man living could sufficiently visit and over-see it ; except he could get the pope to transubstantiate him also , and so get a vbiquitarian body . to supply which , hee is oft forc'd to puffe up his wide sleeves , and look very big : and yet much , yea most of all his office , must bee done by delegates ; who are oft , yea usually , the lowest dregs of basest men . in good earnest , i would thank any man , that can shew me one good antiquity to countenance such delegation of an entrusted office , to deputies , specially to such deputies , as themselves doe not , cannot trust . doth any man dare , or can any man think it fit , to delegate the tuition or education of a tender prince , committed to his charge or care , by his royall father ? i beseech you ; is not the flock of christ stiled by the spirit of christ , an holy priesthood , a royall people ? shall it then bee fit , or lawfull ; for any man to transmit this trust to any whomsoever ? especially to such a crue of faithlesse hirelings ? god forbid . sect . ii. chap. iii. i shall passe their sole iurisdiction also , being the common theame of all that write of this question ; specially when i finde some of themselves disclaime that epithet of sole : and if they can bee content to leave this out , i have lesse to speak against them . wee come to ordination ; or to speak as they use ; ( though some of them love not to heare of it ) sole-ordination . this is the main & master-piece of all episcopacy . all things else in the church , they yeeld equally committed to presbyters ; onely imposition of hands , they say , is solely retayned to the bishop ; so downham , bilson , and of late one of their owne , that offers to yeeld the cause , for one example of lawfull ordination by presbyters without a bishop . one example ? what dare he say , france , belgium , no parts of germany , hath lawfull ordination , though by sole presbyters , without bishops ? downham is somewhat more moderate , and yeelds such orders lawfull ; but in case of necessity , or at least some great exigency : in which hee hath the charity to include the reformed churches abroad , though , as hee saith , they are of age , and might speake for themselves . but they urge us to shew antiquity allowing any such ordination without a bishop . it hath beene shewed , and yet never answered ( that i know : ) that some councels have intimated enough ; presbyters were wont of old to ordaine without bishops . as that of ancyra , can. 1● . it shall not bee lawfull for choriepiscopi , or presbyters to ordain , without consent of the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; ( for so the words are in balsamon , though some of themselves translate the words very strangely . ) which cleerly intimates , that before this canon , presbyters and choriepiscopi ( who had not still ordination from three bishops , though some had so , ) did usually ordaine without the bishops leave , ( much more without his presence ; ) and that too in other parishes besides their owne : else it is strange the councell should now forbid it , if it had never beene done before . nay , the canon doth not now absolutely forbid it , ( which is much to bee marked ) but onely commands , the bishop's leave should bee asked to all such ordinations . but if this imposition of hands were a sole property of bishops , ( as now some make it ) the bishop could not give leave , or depute others to doe it . for , this , even among themselves is a received axiome , episcopus potest delegare ea quae sunt iurisdictionis , non ea quae sunt ordinis . hitherto also may be refer'd all those canons that require presbyters to lay on their hands with the bishop in ordination : as , can. 3. concil . carth. about the yeare 418. and that of aken , 400. yeares after : yea , and this was the practice of the church in st. cyprians time , as appeares by his 6. and 58. epist. so ierome in his epistle to rome ; and st. ambrose among his epistles book . 10. yea , and this is our law also ; which requires ●●oadjutors to bishops in ordination : consonant doubtlesse to the most antient practice of the primitive church , even in the ●postles times ; as appeares by that of paul to timothy , on whom were laid the hands of the presbytery ; not of the presbyterate , or one presbyter , as learned mr. thorndick not onely yeelds , but proves ; who yet is no enimy to bishops . neither could i ever finde one good antiquity against ordination by presbyters , or for sole ordination by bishops . i finde indeed collythus , and some others , un-priested by councels , because ordained by presbyters alone ; but that act of the presbyters was done in faction , against the bishop , and their fellow brethren . yea , and in most cases , if not in all , those orders ( so annul'd by councels ) were confer'd by one priest alone , and so were indeed as unlawfull , as if by one bishop alone . i might adde , that some great men of good note , have strongly maintained , all those councels erred , which so unpreisted those that had beene ordained by a presbyter , or presbyters , without a bishop . amongst these are some of note in the popish church ; it being a common instance among the school-men , disputing , whether orders once confer'd could be annul'd ; and they all conclude the contrary . yea , and many of these also strongly prove , that priests may as well ordain as bishops ; and their reason seemes very good ; for , say they , seeing a preist can consecrate , and by consecration transubstantiate , ( which is more , ) why can hee not also administer the sacrament of orders , which is lesse ? yea , and some of them dare affirme , neither bishop nor pope can licence priests to give ordination , except the power of ordination bee de jure , in presbyters : for , they all yeeld the pope himselfe cannot licence one that is not a preist , to consecrate the hoste ; because none but preists have that power of consecration . and a licence doth not confer orders without imposition of hands , as they all grant . f●r my owne part , i ever thought that of bucer most rationall , deus non simpliciter singularibus personis , sed ecclesiae ordinandi potestatem tradidit . for so indeed it seemes the work of the whole church , who are to elect , to testifie also and seale their election by laying on their hands : and the presbytery are but the churches servants in this act. i could heartily wish it were reduced to this againe , which i fully conceive to be most agreeable to right reason , scripture , and all good ( untainted ) antiquity . yet till this be again restored , i much desire the prelates would leave off some of the ceremonies , which i hear they use in it , ( though not by law i think , ) lest they drive all good men from taking orders . sect . ii. chap. iv. i shall now passe from this kinde of church antiquity , and passe to the best antiquity , the infallible truth of god , in holy scripture . in it i shall shew there is little for , much against bishops ; whether we consider the name , or office of a bishop , as now it is setled . the name , i finde but foure times in all the new testament : in two of which , the name is so indifferently used , that it maketh nothing towards an issue of this question . those are , 1 tim. 3. vers . 1 , 2 , 3. and , 1 pet. 2.25 . and what can be gained from hence , truly i see not . in the other places it maketh against them , as i shall shew more at large by and by . but the word elder , ( a true bishop ) is used twenty severall times in the new testament . and you shall find the apostles honouring this name so much , that one of them stiles himselfe an elder , but none calls himselfe a bishop . indeed , iudas is so called ; who ( as it were prophetically ) behaved himselfe so , that his arch-bishoprick was given to another . i doubt not but the spirit fore-saw this word would bee quickly mounted high enough ; so that it brands iudas first with this stile . of much more ●ajesty is the word presbyter , which signifies senior . under the law youth was bound to pay tribute to gray haires ; and senatus of old was so stiled , à senioribus ; whereas episcopus signifies nothing but an overseer : and such indeed bishops have beene for many yeares . perhaps the name of bishop is sometimes ( though rarely ) used , that the wilfully blinde might stumble : but the name presbyter very frequent ; that those who love truth and light , might still see such a glympse that might enlighten them in the midst of egyptian darknesse : from which , i doubt not , but god will deliver all christendom in due time . i can finde as little also for the office of a bishop , as for his name in scripture , yea much lesse . i can finde our saviour rebuking his disciples , striving for precedency ; saying , hee that will bee first shall bee last . i can finde st. peter saying , lord it not over the flock of christ : and st. iohn branding diotrephes with seeking the preheminence . but where shall wee finde the usurped office of our bishops in all the scripture ? can they finde it ( by a multiplying glasse ) where ever they see the name of bishop , though but in a postscript , of st. pauls epistles , whither i see many of them fly for their owne name . i must confesse i have found some praescripts of davids psalmes ( and other texts ) to bee now part of scripture ; but never yet found any postscript of such authority . i dare not therefore give it unto these ; which first , were never ( that i could learn ) received by the church for authentick scripture ; nor ever fully joyned to the scripture , but by some distinctive note , till our bishops times . yea , some antient copies have them not at all ; as one very old greek copy in oxford library , if i be not mis-informed . againe , these postscripts have many improbabilities and some repugnancies ; as many learned men observe . as , that of the first to timothy ; from laodicea the cheifest city of phrygia pacatiana . which sure was never so subscribed by st. paul , who would not have spoken of a first epistle , when as yet there was no second , nor appearance of any . againe , the epithet pacatiana , came from pacatianus a roman deputy , 300. yeares after st. paul wrote . the epistle to titus is thus subscribed , ( or rather superscribed , ) to titus , ordained the first bishop of creet ; from nicapolis of macedonia : but it should have beene added ; whither st. paul meant to come after the epistle , but was not there at his writing ; as appeares very probably from the third of the same epistle verse 12. but what meanes that phrase , bishop of the church in creet ? was there but one church in all creet ? this sounds not like the scripture stile ; which alwayes expresseth nationall congregations by churches in the plurall . but it may very well be , titus was bishop ( or pastor ) but of one church in creet : so that wee shall not need to contend about this. our adversaries themselves yeeld , there cannot bee much urged from these subscriptions . baronius , serrarius , and the rhemists , will ingenuously confesse so much ; and bishop whitgift also against mr. cartwright . ●he postscripts failing , where will they shew either name or office of a bishop as now it is used ? i know their strong fort , tit. 1.5 . for this cause i left thee in creet , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain elders in every city , &c. here they think the power of a bishop is set forth at large . but what if so ? will they bee content to bee limited to this power ? if so , wee shall the sooner agree . i think no man ever thought , good titus had a commission heere to draw the civill sword ; or so much as to strike with his church keyes . let us a little examine this commission ; which seem● but a briefe of a large patent which saint paul had given him before . if we first examine the date of this commission , wee shall finde it before any church government was setled ; and so an extraordinary case , not fit , perhaps not lawfull , to be produced as a constant president . extraordinary cases of necessity , breake through the ceremoniall , yea morall law too . the shew bread may refresh fainting david ; cain and abel may marry their owne sisters to propagate the world ; samuel may be a priest , though not of aarons house , as was shewed before . and why then may not an extraordinary way be taken in the first setling of church government , where there is yet none setled ? any man might now in the conversion of the americans , or chinois , give direction how to admit members , elect pastors , exercise the keyes , &c. this titus did , and no more . but secondly , in what manner his commission was , i know not ; and nothing can be proved from hence , till that be agreed upon . it is as probable he did it but instructivè , exhortativè , and not imperativè . timothy received his gift by imposition of presbyteriall hands . if an extraordinary gift was conveyed in an ordinary way : why might not an ordinary calling , and affaires of an ordinary nature , be managed by an extraordinary man , be carried forth in an extraordinary way ? the contrary is not proved , and so this must till then , be ineffectuall to them . but thirdly and lastly , i beseech you consider by what power he did it ; by the power of an evangelist . there are two sorts of them , 1. who write . 2. who proclaime the gospell in an extraordinary way , as coadjuters and messengers to the apostles in this great worke . of this last sort certainly he was * . a bishop he was not ; for our adversaries doe all agree , that it is the duty of a bishop curae sue incumbere , to watch over his charge : now this he did not , for if creet was his charge ( which in no way , neither by scripture nor antiquity is proved ) he did not attend it ; for we finde him continually journeying up and downe ; he leaveth creet and commeth to ephesus , from thence he is sent to cor●nth , after that into macedonia , from macedonia he is returned to the corinthians . neither is it to be found in history that he ever returned to creet . thus if i mistake not , the text is lesse advantageous than the postscript . some thinke to finde episcopacy established in that example of saint iohn , writing to the angels of the seven churches . but this is argumentum longè petitum . because paul endorseth the letter of a corporation , or an assembly , to the most eminent man in the congregation ; therefore he shall have sole jurisdiction ; therefore the maior shall have sole power without the aldermen , est par ratio . when paul writes to the church of the thessalonians ( 1 thes. 5. v. 27. ) commanding that epistle to be read to all the holy brethren ; the church of the thessalonians should have jurisdiction over other churches : which truely i doe not thinke to be a strong argumentation . secondly , the word is taken collectively for the assembly and charge of ministers , and not for one , as appeareth evidently , revel . 2. v. 24. he saith , speaking to the angel , to you and to the rest in thyatira : he puts the angel in the plurall number , which hee would not have done had he written to a single bishop . thirdly , these epistles are written to the whole church for the threats and promises are read to them , and the epiphonema of every epistle is this , he that hath an eare let him heare , what is spoken to the churches . but yet if this superscription could give any advantage to the angel , it would but extend to his owne congregation . the laodicean angel hath no influence upon the philadelphian , or the smyrnite ; and if that be not proved , nothing is gained in the point of episcopacy , except it could be proved , that these angels had in their care many congregations under these particular churches : which never hath , nor ever will appeare . i hope it is manifest to all men that they cannot establish episcopacy by scripture . secondly , there is much in scripture against them ; for the word elder and bishop is all one , tit. 1. ver . 7. for this cause left i thee in creet , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordaine elders in every city , as i had appinted thee ; for a bishop must be blamelesse , as the steward of god. first , he sheweth titus what manner of man an elder must be , viz blamelesse ; and now proveth it , because a bishop must be blamelesse . as if i should write to thomas to live soberly , because a man must be sober ; it necessarily followeth that thomas is a man. so that phil. 1. he writes to the bishops and deacons at philippi . is it probable that a little towne in macedonia should have many bishops , when one bishop must have many cities , in his dioces ? those who translated the bible , foresaw this : and therefore acts 20. they have translated the word episcopus an over-seer . yet in other places they translate it bishop . and the jesuites say piae fraudes sunt licitae . the carriage of the apostles , in severall places is remarkable : when they come to a city ( as acts 20. ) they send for the elders of the church , never thinking of a bishop , he is so inconsiderable a man. these places i hope make cleerely against them ; so now i will endeavour to shew what the scripture holdeth forth for church government . sect . ii. chap. v. in this search you will agree that the government is fixed there , where you shall see setled the plenary and absolute power of election of officers , decision of controversies , and excommunication of those that transgresse . this you will find ministerially in the officers , but initiativè , virtualiter , & conclusivè , in the people . the officers are called overseers , rulers , and elders , &c. some of these are to preach and administer the sacraments , others to watch over mens manners , others to serve tables , and looke to the poore : all these are chosen by the people : but whensoever by their industry any delinquency is discovered , the whole matter is brought to the church , and there the people and elders doe passe their definitive sentence . examine but where election of officers , decision of controversies & excommunication of members are recorded , and you shall have them all in the church ; not representative , but in the whole church , consisting of officers and other members . as first for election , acts 1.15 . peter speaketh to the people , and telleth them they must choose one in iudas his place , and ver . 23. it is said they appointed two. it is true the lot divided which of them two should be the man , ( a course in the like case , not unlawfull to us at this day : ) but the reducing of it to two , was the act of the church ; though peter was amongst them . so afterwards timothy received his evangelicall gift by the imposition of presbyteriall hands ; which presbyters were in this worke , the servants of one present congregation . secondly , decision of controversies , either in cases of conscience , or in point of manners . in cases of conscience when paul and barnabas had no small difference about circumcision , they sent to jerusalem where the apostles , elders , and brethren meeting together , joyntly returned that answer which you finde acts 15 . 23.24.2● . some would presse this place , this act of the apostles further , and give to every synod a commanding power ; because it is said act. 15.28 . it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us , to lay no further burden upon you . therefore they say a synod hath a commanding and burdening power . but i cannot consent to that : for then the major part of the churches in europe , africa , prester iohns country , might meet and command all the churches of christ ( which god forbid , ) in what they pleased ; and that jure divino : for god when hee giveth a rule to his church , hee speaketh to the whole church of christ , and not to any particular congregation . i only presse it thus farre , that the people were joyned even with the apostles , in that great synod . the commanding power of the synod lay in this , that the apostles speak the minde of the holy ghost . but such authority is not left in us ; and therefore no such obligation upon others : truly if there were such a power left us , i should with much scurple resist any act of such government ; whereof i could make a good construction ; for many times the power commanding is more dangerous than the thing commanded : but there is no such power . neither , as i said before , doe i presse it with such a designe . in cases of civill converse , mat. 18.17 . wee must make our addresses to the church ; and hee that will not heare the church must be as a publican . in that place the greatest dispute will be , what is meant by the church ? for some will say , here is meant the church representativè ; either in more , as the presbytery , or in one , as the bishop ; and not the church at large . but i would labour to evince the contrary . weigh either the context , or the generall signification of the word church , and i hope the true sense will be manifest . for , let us see how church is taken in the scripture ; it is used sometimes figurativè ; and sometimes properly . figurativè , as when a particular house is called a church ; as , the church in his house , rom. 16.5 . secondly , when by synecdoche , the head is put for the whole ; as christ is called the church , 1 cor. 12.12 . thirdly , collectivè , when all the churches of christ are called the church , 1 cor. 10.32 . it is used perhaps under some other figures , but it will bee long to quote them all . secondly , it is used properly in two phrases ; first , when the congregation is called the church ; as the church at ephesus , corinth , &c. secondly , when the congregations are called churches ; as the churches of galatia , and of iadea . thus it is used properly , thus figuratively ; but no where representativè : scil . the ministers , the presbyters , or the bishops ; or all these , for the church . you shall finde these and the church contradistinct ; as , to the saints , the bishops , and the deacons , 1 phil. 1.1 . to the church , and the elders , act. 15.4 . i conceive wee are bound to take a word in that sense which is currant in scripture ; except that sense cleerely crosse the scope and spirit of the text . you shall meet with that word 48. times in the new testament , and no where signifying that which wee call the representative church ; very often for the saints themselves : as , 1 cor. 1. vers . 15.2 cor. 1. vers . 1. 1 thes. 1. vers . 1. why should we not then take it in the same sense ? are not wee then bound to expound the word church in some of those significations which are frequent in scripture ; and not in that sense , which is so far from being found in the text , that a contradistinct phrase is , as i said before , ●ather used ? againe , from the text and context that will appeare to be the meaning of the spirit , and no other : the text is , mat. 18. vers . 17. if hee shall neglect to heare them , tell the church ; but if hee neglect to heare the church , let him bee to thee as a heathen man , and a publican . the context is in the 15. and 16. verses , if thy brother shall trespasse against thee , goe and tell him his fault betweene thee and him alone : if hee shall beare thee , then hast thou gained thy brother ; but if hee will not heare thee , then take with thee one or two more ; that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may be established . in the context and the text there are three things to bee examined , before the true sense can bee found out : first , who are meant in that gradation , in the 15 , 16 , 17. v. secondly , who is meant by them , v. 17. ( if hee will not heare them. ) thirdly , what is meant by publicans and sinners . first , who is meant in that gradation . in the first place is meant the party ; in the second is meant the elders , or the bishops , the officers of the church . if you say , they are not there understood : yet i am confident you will not , i am sure you cannot , say , they are there excluded . if then the spirit pointed at them , with the other members of the church , or them solely ; it would be an unnecessary thing , to bring him afterwards to them againe , as to the representative church . secondly , by thee , ( v. 17. ) is not meant only the party , but every christian , every church member , to whomsoever the newes of such a miscarriage shall come : else this will bee a meanes to nourish particular parties sidings , ( which the scripture doth exceedingly shun , ) if by gods law hee should bee a publican to one of the church and not another : if hee be so to every member of the church , this will bee a hard case , that if a bishop , or an elder , one , two , or more , shall passe the bitter sentence of excommunication , hee must be so to mee also , though i know nothing of it . but some will say , that must be done before the church . to which i answer , the word saith no such matter . and thus those who mis-expound the scripture , must eck out the scripture , to make good their own imagination . but secondly , why should it be complained of , before the church , if the deciding power be in the officers ? frustra fit per plura , quod fieri potest per pauciora . but thirdly and lastly , if you will have the whole church heare ; it seemeth to mee against all reason in the world , that the party deputed should have power , the party deputing being present . the steward of a court leet , or court baron , is annihilated , if the lord bee there . all officers vaile bonnet , when the party giving them power is present . why are parliaments the representative body of the kingdome , but because the plough cannot stand ? but because no pla●e can containe the whole body ? but if all the people could meet in campo martio , should those who now are but servants , then bee more than servants ? surely the whole church being present , foure or five by gods law shall not rule all , seeing gods law never appoints any standing laws against the rules of nature . in the third place wee must enquire after the sense of heathen and publican : sc. the most odious of men . is it possible that any christian shall bee to any christian the most odious of men , for the sentence of a judge which hee never heard , neither hath right to heare ? thus if you will bee bound either by text or context , or the common acceptation of the word in the scripture ; by church must bee understood the whole congregation . againe , for excommunication of members , 1 cor. 5.13 . s. paul commandeth them , ( sc. the whole church ) to put away that wicked person , and to deliver up such a one to satan . 2 cor. 2. they restore him , they forgive him . thus we see every where , that in election of officers , in decision of controversies , in cases of conscience , in excommunication , the whole church disposeth everything , not the bishops , not the presbyters alone . i doe not observe the church hath power in other things , but in these , and in all these , in election of officers , in decision of controversies and excommunication of delinquents , the whole power is in the church . i conceive then i have cleerely and briefly proved these three things : 1 that there is little in scripture for episcopacy ; much lesse for such an episcopacy as ours . 2 something against them . 3 another government cleerely delineated . sect . ii. chap. vi. it being ( as i conceive it is ) cleered both from state-policy , antiquity and scripture , how incompatible civill government and such episcopacy are , i hope we shall never hereafter be choaked with that proverbe , no bishop , no king. i doe most willingly pay very great reverence to a saying delivered to us by many successions , from the wisedome of our forefathers ; but i shall ever crave leave to question that maxime which may justly seeme to me the birth either of ignorance or ends . antiquity must have no more authority than what it can maintaine , by reason frequent impostures of this nature command us to be circumspect ; did not our predecessors hold the torrid zone inhabitabilem aestu ? till noahs dove , columbus discoverd land , the world was confined in the arke of europe , africa , and asia . in divinity , where an error is of most dangerous consequence , we have beene too credulous : how many hundred yeares did our fore fathers swallow this pleasant bait , we must believe as the church believeth ? and since the light of reformation , was not particular assurance of our salvation delivered us , as an exact definition of our faith ? we have ventured our bodies as well as our soules upon these sands ; for in the art of phisicke ( though our parents at a very great remotenesse were wiser ) it hath passed for a currant position that phlebotomy almost in any case was more than dangerous ; and that men might pay deare for their learning , they have beene as wise in tenets of state-policy . have not too many great ones closed in with neroes conclusion , m● oderint dum metuant ? lastly , episcopacy hath beene the basis , the superstructure , the all , the soule of church discipline for these many ages : but dabit his meliora deus . some of these tenets spring from invincible ignorance ; others have beene the base pullulations of spirits enslaved to false ends : this no bishop , no king ( as i have fully proved ) pertakes of both , and therefore hath no weight with me , nor i hope shall ever hereafter be of credit with any body else ; for we see that old received truthes are not alwaies to be entertained : and so i leave them with their maxime to the sentence of every judicious reader . sect . ii. chap. vii . there yet remaineth an objection or two , which must necessarily receive an answer , before i shut up this discourse . 1 obj allow there are some inconveniencies , ( yea great ones ) in episcopacy ; yet ex malis minimum , it is better to beare these than groane under worse . if episcopacy be taken away , schismes and heresies will breake in , as armed men ; tyranny is more eligible then anarchy ; the wofull sense of anarchy begot that sad proverbe , it is at it was with israel , when there was no king. ans. i doe agree to this , that a confusion is a most lamentable condition ; and that those times are very perillous , when every mans hand is up against his brother ; ephraim against manasses , and manasses against ephraim : yea , i doe professe the distraction of heresies , the most miserable of all civill conquassations , disjoynt the outward estate ; but heresies distract our soules , dismember our churches , stave off iew and gentile , who know not whether part to believe , shake the weaker , cause heart-burning amongst the stronger , doe exceedingly provoke god to wrath and displeasure . but first , let us consider whether it be possible to be without heresies and schismes . secondly , whether episcopacy be not the efficient cause of the most grievous schismes , and heresies . thirdly , whether those which may justly be feared upon the removall of episcopacy , be of such dangerous consequence , as to weigh downe the keeping up of that government , rather than to hazard what inconveniences may there-hence follow . and 1 to the first of these . it will bee cleere both from experience , and scripture , and reason , that heresies must come . look over all nations , and all times , and you shall finde them distracted with difference of opinions : how many severall sects doe you heare of amongst the jewes , and some of them extreame grosse ? the sadduces , the pharisees , the esseans , herodians , with many more ; though a great critique reduce them to three . christ had no sooner committed the care of his church to the apostles , disciples , and ordinary ministers ; but they were over-runne with heresies : yea , in their time , some were of paul , some of apollo , some of cephas ; in the interim christ quite laid aside . in the church of pergamus , were there not some that held the doctrine of the nicolaitans ? in thyatira did not some of the church listen to the prophetesse iezebel , who taught them to commit fornication , and to eate things offered to idolls ? barnabas and paul were at some difference : the doctrine of workes was pressed upon the galatians , and the resurrection from the dead questioned by the corinthians . amongst heathens ( where morality was their god ) had you not the peripatelickes , the sceptiques , the platonists , the epicureant , and many other sects ? the pope and pap●cy , have beene much turmoyled with schismes ; and these schismes have produced great confusions amongst them . in the yeare of the lord 420. boniface the eighth being chosen , the clergy chose eulatius , and there they decreed one another heretickes ; simmachus and lawrentius caused the same distraction in the yeare 499.760 . pope custantine being convinced of schismes and berest of both his eyes , he and philip ( another pope ) were deposed , and stephen elected in their places . thus it was 958.973.995.1047.1058.1062.1083.1100.1118.1124 . in the yeare of the lord 1130 , the disputes betwixt gregory and peter ( both chosen popes ) were so famous that it was growne a proverbe and recorded in this verse . petrus habet romam , totum gregorius orbem . every twenty yeares had such changes as these , even till of late , that church hath beene vehemently turmoyled with all their learned . amongst the schoolemen , some are scotists , some thomists : among the polemiques , some iesuites , some dominicans . and all these wrangle each with other . in the yeare of our lord 1400. there was a great dispute about the originall sinne of the virgin mary . betweene 1215. and 1294. was that great faction betweene the guelsians and gibelines ( though both were papists ) one desending the authority of the pope , the other of the emperour . in some points of controversie , bellarmine ( one of their ablest writers ) is not to be read without restriction , and not without licence of superiors . if we survey all antiquity , we shall finde no one century free from heretickes . ebion , cerinthus , marcion , samosatenus , novatians , sabellians , nepotians , maniches , arrians , pelagians , with many others , have troubled the church from time to time . if you descend so low as our daies , even among protestants you shall meet with too too many divisions . luther and calvin ; and the english church betweene both ; a calvinist for doctrine , a lutheran for discipline . the lutherans are divided in rigidiores , & molliores , and these differ toto coelo . the calvinists have many disputes : how fiercely doth learned erastus contend with calvin and beza , about excommunication denying the church any such power ? the church of england hath three maine divisions ; the conformist , the non-conformist , and the separarist . the conformist hath the orthodox divine , contending with the arminian , socinian , pelagian , anabaptist , and divers others ; who yet all stile themselves sonnes of the church of england . the non-conformist is uncertaine what he scrupleth ; for some can dispence with one of the three grand nocent-innocent ceremonies ; some with another , some with neither . the separist is subdivided too ( as they say ) into seperatist , and semi-seperatist . many other divisions there also be , will be , in churches here . yea , it is cleare in reason , that divisions , sects , schismes , and heresies , must come ; for , many are apt to advance themselves and undervalue all others : and mens braines being fertile of errors , after they have conceived they must bring forth ; though the gospell suffer never so much by it . and while this temper is among men , you must still expect schismes and heresies . the scripture hath put this out of all doubt , it saith , heresies must come . christ came to set a sword , not only betweene the good and bad , but even among professors of the same christian religion ; that those who hold out to the end may have their honour and reward . it is to be marked that christ doth not presse his people to seeke their freedome , till rome bee falling , and then he saith , come out of her my people . yea , the scripture foretelleth of one heresie that is not yet ( perhaps ) come ; it may be it is now in the birth ; sure it is not farre off , it is mentioned in the second of tiothy , the third chapter and some of the first verses . 2 tim. 3.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 1 this know also , that in the last daies perillous times shall come . 2 for men shall be lovers of their owne selves , covetous , boasters , proud , blasphemers , disobedient to parents , unthan●full , unholy . 3 without naturall affection , truce-breakers , false accusers , incontinent , fierce , despisers of those that are good . 4 traitors , heady , high-minded , lovers of pleasures more than lovers of god. 5 having a forme of godlinesse , but denying the power thereof : from such turne away . expositors all agree this misery to be in the waine : but in their agreement they differ very much ; for some conceive the papist is here understood ; others apply it to the late troublers of israel , the arminian , socinian , and the worst sort of episcopall men , that under the notion of indifferent ceremonies would have brought us to swallow downe all popery . but under favour , i doubt neither of these , reach the full meaning of the text. it cannot be the papist , because it is not to rise till the last dayes . indeed popery is cleerely expressed in the 1 of ●im . the fourth , verse the 1 , 2 , 3. ● ( as that most learned and reverend man mr. mead hath fully cleered in his most excellent peece on that text ) yet there they are said to rise in the later times ( viz. of the roman empire ; ) but here these new hereticks come not out till the last ( not only later ) dayes , not only times , but dayes of those times . againe , it seemes not to be the arminian ( or any of that rable i mentioned but now . ) for first , the character of their times is perillous , as if it would intimate men indeed should be in danger , but yet escape , the times being only perillous : but while popery bore all before it , forced the whole church into the wildernesse , cloathed the witnesses with sackcloth , and at last prevailes to kill them : sure these times are more than perillous . but perhaps there is no pressing force in this. in the second place let us consider the character of the persons . first , they are expressed as breakers of the lawes of civill converse ; and then as hypocrites in religion : the first of these beginneth at the second , and contiueth to the fifth verse : the second is in the fifth and si●th verses . let us view some passages in both . lovers of themselves , covetous , proud , &c. and have not men beene such ever since adam ? why then doth the spirit speake of this as a strange thing in the last dayes ? mr. calvin saw this objection , and therefore oft affirmes ( that the scripture may not seem to speake frigidè ) here must be some new strange crew of men that act all these in a most eminent manner , even to the eye of all men . but some will say , are not the papists so ? is not the corrupter part of prelates such ? are not the arminians of this temper ? certainely they are such , and in an eminent manner ; and yet to me they seeme not the men the spirit pointeth at in this place . the maine thing in which these men ( here exprest ) pride themselve● , is not learning , or parts ; but ( if i bee not much mistaken ) somewhat beyond and within all these : that , i suppose , which seemes to them to bee the spirit . this , i conceive , is the basis of all their vanity , pride , and insolence . they have the spirit , and so know more than all the learned , pious , godly men in the world . they have the spirit , they cannot sinne , they cannot erre ; they will not pray , but when that spirit moves . adultery is but an act of the flesh , but they are all spirit , and no flesh . what should these men doe with naturall affections , they are all spirit ? in this case if they be traitors , high-minded , heady , &c. who will wonder ? what may they not be carried up to , by the imagination of the spirit ? but let them take heede , if they have any thing of god in them ; let them be wise in this their day , for the time may come when it will bee too late . in the meane time i will say as peter did to simon , pray ( that if it bee possible ) this wickednesse of heart may bee forgiven . if we look on the other part of their character , having a forme of godlinesse , but denying the power thereof , creeping into the houses of silly women , laden with divert lusts , &c. how can these be spoken of arminians , socinians , or our prelates ? it were to be wished that most of these had so much as a forme of godlinesse . sure the world is now growne too wise to take duckings , and cringings , crossing , and crouching , with all of this kinde , to be so much as a forme of godlinesse . doe these creep into womens houses ? the socinians , and arminians attempt no such pranks , that i know of . and the patrons of episcopacy use not much perswasion , but club law : all else is in corners . it seems very probable to me , that the holy ghost in this text points out some such , as the family of love , the antinomians , and grindletonians are , if ( at least ) they are not much belyed . and to these , i think , every piece of this character will most properly belong . yea and the close of it also , or the issue of that sect. they shall proceed no farther , for their folly shall be made manifest to all men , which can hardly be understood either of arminianisme , or prelacy , since that in severall names , this in severall dresses , hath been in the world above 1000. years . thus you see sects , schismes , and heresies will still come , and must come : and therefore if by keeping such bishops we think to keep out all divisions , we are much deceived . which yet i spake not to take away watchfulnesse in church-governours , ( who are still bound to suppresse divisions as much as they can ) but to convince men of this ( if i can ) that episcopacy is never like to prevent schismes : which i hope to cleere more fully in my subsequent discourse . i could never conceive more than two wayes , that in probability may be like to quiet us in respect of divisions . one of these we have no minde to try , and the other we may not if we would . the spaniard indeed by his cruell inquisition , hath inclined his subjects to a kinde of vnity ; but an vnity of darknesse and ignorance : so that the remedy proves worse than the disease . neither will , or can tyranny either civill , or ecclesiastick , bring forth better fruit . the other way is that of the vnited provinces ( in the low countreyes ) who let every church please her selfe in her owne way , so long as she leaveth the state to her selfe . and how religion doth flourish there , is known to most men . i will not dispute this now ; only i wish heartily , men would remember , that even nature her selfe as much abhorres a forced violent vnion , as a rent or division . but in the next place , let us seriously consider , whether the bishops ( as now they be setled here ) be not the cause of most sects , schismes , and heresies now amongst us . some of them will not deny themselves to be arminians ; and others cannot deny themselves socinians . if at least they think we can understand their writings , printings , yea and sermons , though these bee very rate . yea some doe not deny , but they may ( at least ) receive orders ; they meane a pale , mitre , and cardinalls hat , if they come . all which we may yet better construe by their carriage to priests and jesuites , both in publique and private , which now we know more than by bare surmise . many of these they countenance openly , and never question any , though it be certainly knowne : we had ( they had ) more such in london , than were good ministers in all england almost . all the livings under most of our bishops have been committed to the cure and care of superstitious formalists , arminians , socinians , papists , or atheists . yea the universities are much corrupted by their malignant influence ; for , nero-like they think they have done nothing , till they have murdered their owne mother . in a word , through the whole kingdome , preaching , praying , expounding , and the like exercises , both in publick and private , are severely suppressed , and in many places altogether forbidden ( except such and such , more pernicious than profitable ; ) and all this by the fathers of our church , the lords our bishops . and is not this the most compendious way possible to beget and encrease heresies ? they cry out of schisme , schisme ; sects and schismes ; and well they may : they make them , and it is strange they should not know them . when they laid such stumbling blocks ( reall scandals , not only accepta , but data ) in the way of good men , whose consciences they have grievously burdened , and wounded with things ( violently pressed on the greatest fines ) that are so farre from being indifferent , that many of them were point blank unlawfull : have they not by this even forced their brethren to separate themselves in judgement and practice , till they could finde some remote place that might separate their bodies also ? was not this in them the readiest way to produce divisions , separations , and ( as they call it ) schismes in the church ? rents are bad , i confesse , where ever they be violent ; but yet then worst , when most out of the eye . schismes in the conscience are of greatest danger ; and to prevent these , if i am forct to that , which they please to call a schisme in the church , woe to him that so forceth me . scandals , schismes , and divisions must come ; but woe to him by whom they come . god forgive them in this paticular . i professe i take no pleasure in ripping up their foule , loathsome sores ; i would they could bee throughly healed without launcing and opening . i could give you a strange account of sad divisions , which themselves have caused both to church and state : i could tire you and my selfe in this , though i should begin but little higher than mine owne time , mine owne knowledge . in queene elizabeths time , many good men were cut off from the church , some from the state , a sad schisme ! some by violence laid asleep ; many suspended , silenced , deprived , cut off ( by a strange schisme , ) from liberty , livings , ( that i goe not higher ; ) and all this for one word , of their owne compounding , non-conformity : while they themselves are indeed the greatest non-conformists to all the reformed churches in europe . surely , it would have savoured more of humility , of christianity , if they had suspected their owne judgements and opinions ; allowing something to the judgement , learning , and piety of those holy , worthy , pretious saints , calvin , beza , bucer , p. martyr , oecolampadius , zuinglius , with many more , great , famous , and eminent lights , in their times . if they will stand for conformity ; let any man living judge , whether it bee fitter for some few bishops , newly come out of grosse popery , ( and still retaining their old popish ceremonies , ) to reforme , and conforme themselves to the judgement and practice of all reformed churches ; or all churches to subscribe to them. as they began , so they continued : christ and they being like parallel lines , though they should run out in infinitum , they would never meet : nay rather , like the crura of a triangle , the farther they run ( out from the center ) the more they differ , and are distant each from other . under king iames , in a few years , four or five hundred reverend men were divided from their livings , and ministery : and was not this a cruell schisme ? now also by them was first forged that sharpe rasor , ( or , book of sports ) with which they have since made great divisions of heart . but in our gracious kings reigne , they have come to cutting off eares , cheeks ; and have yet struck deeper , and estay'd many soule-schismes ; not only in the hearts and consciences of thousands of good men ; but whole states also and kingdomes , as much as in them lay . while i heare the sad groanes , and see the bleeding wounds of three kingdomes at once , by their schismes ; i have almost forgotten the parting sighs , and farewell teares of ten thousand poore christians , by their tyranny forc'd to abandon their native country , and dearest acquaintance ; while others were here violently detained in fetters , some smoothered in dungeons , some dismembred , some driven out of house and living , and forced to beg : all which yet would have bin born patiently , had not only all good men , but goodnes it self , learning , religion , piety , all that speaks any worth , been altogether , not only discountenanced , but suppressed , smoothered , and by most exquisite tortures almost forced to breath its last . yet that these glorious princes ( under whom such tyrannies have beene committed ) may not suffer in your thoughts , give me leave to speake some things on mine owne knowledge and experience , others from best intelligence . queene elizabeth , when shee heard of their miscarriages , fell on them in most sharpe language , threatning them , if they should ever doe the like againe to her subjects . king iames offered faire discourse to the non-conformists ; honoured mr. cartwright and others of them ; disclaimed the book of sports : and being asked , why hee made so many bad bishops , answered ingenuously , with a strong asseveration , that hee was very sorry , but could not helpe it ; for , no good men would take the office on them . and our gracious soveraigne ( since some light hath dawned out of darknesse , ) hath delivered our sister church of scotland from that unhappy generation . for , now i hope the clouds begin to breake away ; light springeth up , while dark iniquity is forced not only to shut her mouth , but hide her selfe and disappeare . now the sun againe mounteth up in our horizon , and quickeneth the drooping spirits ; so that now many that were bed-rid some moneths since , now begin to take up their beds and walke , leaping up and blessing god. fire and water may bee restrain'd , but light cannot ; it will in at every cranny : and the more it is opposed it shines the brighter : so that now to stint it , is to resist an enlightened , enflamed multitude ; which still was , and still will be durissima provincia . their mad outrage in all the three kingdomes , of late , hath so incensed the common people , that in all mens eyes they are become most vile : and while all men reflect on their constant trade of mischeivous practices , the wisest begin to conclude , the very calling hurt the men , as much as these disgrace the calling . thus we have , by too too long , great , and sad experience , found it true , that our prelates have beene so farre from preventing divisions ; that they have been the parents and patrons of most errors , heresies , sects and schismes , that now disturbe this church and state. sect . ii. chap. vii . but it may bee , the remedy will yet bee worse than this disease . let us therefore , yet more exactly weigh all the inconveniences that may attend the change of this church-government , which wee now dispute . the dangers which some have fancied may hence accrew to the state , have beene discussed in the former section , to which more properly they doe belong . we have here only to consider , such evils as may have bad influence into the church , and polity thereof . arminianisme , socinianisme , superstition , idolatry , popery , will pack away with them ; being their attendants , as was shewed before . what is there then to be feared ? anabaptisme , brownisme , separatisme ; nay every body , every lay man will turne preacher . suppose all this be true , ( which can be but supposed ; ) would it not bee much better to hazzard the comming in of all these , than still to suffer our soules and bodies , to be groun'd to powder by these tyrannicall , antichristian prelates , that under pretence of keeping out separatisme , introduce downe-right popery , and a sinck of almost all errors and heresies ? yea , and these errors of the right hand ( which these pretend so much to oppose ) owe their birth to our bishops also ; as was but now , and might yet more fully , be cleered . wee all know , that within these ten yeares , all the non-conformists in england , could not amount to more than one or two hundred : and now how many thousands there bee , ( yea of such that rise one pin higher than old non-conformity , ) themselves , perhaps , know much better than i : yet our bishops never were more active , than in all this time . whence then ariseth this new non-conformity , or separatisme , but out of our bishops commotions ? i will not say , as the fathers did of old , ex martyrum sanguine pullulat ecclesia ; yet i must confesse , i begin to think there may bee perhaps somewhat more of god in these ( which they call new schismes , ) than appeares at first glympse . i will not , i cannot , take on mee to defend that , men usually call anabaptisme : yet i conceive that sect is twofold : some of them hold freewill ; community of all things ; deny magistracy ; and refuse to baptize their children . these truly are such hereticks ( or atheists , ) that i question whether any divine should honour them so much as to dispute with them ; much rather sure should alexanders sword determine here , as of old at the gordian knot , where it acquired this motto , que solvere non possum , dissecabo . there is another sort of them , who only deny baptisme to their children , till they come to yeares of discretion , and then they baptize them ; but in other things they agree with the church of england . truly , these men are much to bee pitied ; and i could heartily wish , that before they bee stigmatiz'd with that oppr●brious brand of schismatick , the truth might be cleered to them . for i conceive , to those that hold wee may goe no farther than scripture , for doctrine or discipline , it may bee very easie to erre in this point now in hand ; since the scripture seemes not to have cleerly determined this particular . the analogy which baptisme now hath with circumcision in the old law , is a fine rhetoricall argument , to illustrate a point well proved before ; but i somewhat doubt , whether it be proofe enough , for that which some would prove by it : since ( beside the vast difference in the ordinances , ) the persons to bee circumcised are stated by a positive law , so expresse , that it leaves no place for scruple : but it is farre otherwise in baptisme ; where all the designation of persons fit to bee partakers , for ought i know , is only , such as beleeve . for this is the qualification that , with exactest search , i find the scripture require , in persons to be baptized : and this it seemes to require in all such persons . now , how infants can bee properly said to beleeve , i am not yet fully resolved . yet many things prevaile very much with mee in this point . first , for ought i could ever learne , it was the constant custome of the purest and most primitive church , to baptize infants of beleeving parents ; for i could never finde the beginning and first rise of this practice : whereas it is very easie to track heresies to their first rising up , and setting soot in the church . againe , i finde all churches ( even the most strict ) have generally beene of this judgement and practice : yea though there have beene in all ages some , that much affected novelty , and had parts enough to discusse and cleere what they thought good to preach ; yet was this scarce ever questioned by men of note , till within these last ages . and sure , the constant judgement of the churches of christ , is much to be honoured , and heard in all things that contradict not scripture . nor can i well cleere that of st. paul ( 1 cor. 7.14 . ) else were your children vncleane , but now are they holy. i know some interpret it thus , if it be unlawfull for a beleever to live in wedlock with one that beleeveth not ; then have many of you lived a long time in unlawfull marriage ; and so your very children must be illegitimate , and these also must be cast off ( as base-borne : ) but it is not so ; for , your children are holy ; that is , legitimate . i confesse , this seemes a very faire interpretation ; yet i much question , whether this be all the apostle meanes by that phrase holy ; especially when i reflect on the preceding words , the vnbeleever is sanctified by the beleever . nor yet can i beleeve any inherent holinesse is here meant ; but rather that relative church-holinesse , which makes a man capable of admission to holy ordinances , and so to baptisme ; yea and to the lords supper also , for ought i see ; except perhaps infants be excluded from this sacrament , by that text , let him that eateth , examine himselfe , aod so let him eat . as women are excluded from church-government and preaching in congregations , by that of the same apostle , i permit not a woman to speak ; let women keep silence . the second thing we feare so much , is separation , or as some tearme it brownisme ; for i am not so well studied in these , as to give an exact difference betweene them , or properly to state or phrase either . yet i thinke this also hath latitude , and admits of difference . before you passe any severe censure , be pleased to heare these poore men ( you call separatists ; ) know their tenets , and then judge . their maine tenets ( for ought i could ever learne ) are about some few points in discipline , in which sure there is lesse danger , than in doctrine , of which they dispute not . first , they would admit none as members of their assemblies , generally to partake with them in all the ordinances , but such which seeme beleeving saints , and so members of christs true church . secondly , they conceive every severall congregation ( rightly constituted ) hath within it selfe the power of the keyes , committed to it , without dependance on other churches : yet not denying the lawfull association of severall churches , not refusing the advice and counsell of councells and synods . i shall crave leave to scan the first , and see how much it differeth in truth , from the received tenets of the church of england . i doe conceive that england , scotland , france , all churches , even rome it selfe will agree in this , that a church is cetus fidelium , gathered together in the name and power of christ , to waite on him , in the way of his ordinances revealed in his word . in this i suppose we all agree ; where then is that chasma , that great gulfe of difference , which brands so many with the black spot of separation ? all the difficulty lies in stating who are beleeving faithfull saints , for of these only all agree , a true church consists . i beseech you let us call him a beleever , and a saint whom the scripture calls so , and wee shall soone agree . the pope saith , he is a faithfull saint , and a true member of the church ; who beleeveth as the church beleeveth . the church of england saith , he is a beleever ( enough to make a member of that church ) that professeth the truth , though in his life he deny it . those men say he is a faithfull saint who professeth the truth , and to all appearance ( for we cannot see the heart ) practiseth as he professeth . now all men will agree , this last is a beleeving saint : and these will have none but this to be a saint ; and so none but this to be a member of christs church . i beseech you : is this such an error , to desire profession and practise to be conjoyned in one that is to be a member of the church of christ ? when i desire a good wife , a faithfull servant , a constant friend , a familiar companion ; am i not as desirous to know the heart as well as the head , the will as well as skill , affection as well as profession ? and why then may i not doe as much in choosing my spirituall friends ; my constant companions in the worship and service of god ? can any man by right , force me to marry such or such a woman , to take such a servant , to dwell with such a friend , to choose such a companion ? and may any man force me then to bee companion , in the neerest and most intimate converse of spirituall ordinances , with any one or more , whom i dare not , i cannot , i may not trust , to be either friends to god or me ; because what ere their lips professe , their life and waies deny god , trample on the blood of christ , despise , at least profane all his ordinances . i could heartily wish some pitty might bee shewed to these poore mens soules . he that eateth and drinketh unworthily , eateth and drinketh damnation to his owne soule . and is it not then much better to keepe these men off ( as they doe in scotland and other reformed churches ) till they give the church satisfaction upon good ground of their repentance and faith ; that so they may not hurt themselves by gods holy ordinances ? sacraments confirme , but doe not conferre grace ; if they did so , the case were altered ; but now they are like the paradise of god , guarded with the flaming sword ; so that the tree in the midst of the garden , ( which is christ ) cannot be touched by prophane hands . the other grand heresie ( men so much cry against ) in separation , is the independence of their congregations , as it was stated before . but why should the independence of one assembly , to a province , or nation , be more schismaticall , than that of a province , or nation , to the whole world ? why may not geneva be as independent to france , as france may bee to the other parts of europ's continent ? in geneva , why may not one congregation , be as independent to all geneva besides , as geneva is to all france besides ? doth indeed such a wall , or river , or sea , so limit and bound the church within it , that it may bee independent on any church without it ; and may not one congregation within this river bee as well independent on all other assemblies , within the same river or sea ? are there not some sparklings of this truth even amongst us in england ? have not we peculiars ? some congregations exempt from the jurisdiction of the bishop within whose diocesse they be ? and i thinke no separatist desireth more than this , that all parishes ( i meane all congregations ) should be independent peculiars . suppose an east indi merchants ship be cast on some remote iland beyond china where there shall be no inhabitant ; may not in this case , the men of this ship gather together , choose out some one or more ( of themselves ) to read , preach , administer the sacraments ? is not this a true church , and so to bee reputed while they beleeve the truth , and doe what they beleeve ? is there any one essentiall part wanting to this church , so constituted ? if it be answered affirmatively , that there is yet wanting some essentiall ; i rejoyn , then it is not a true church ; nay so farre from being vera ecclesia , that it is not vere ecclesia : for he is not vere hom● , that wants something essentiall to man : nor it vere ecclesia , that wants any thing essentiall to a church . if it be yeelded that in such a case there is nothing essentiall wanting to this church : i will againe suppose that within a yeare or two , another english ship be cast on the same very iland , and have such another company or church ; i demand now whether it be necessary , that both these churches must needs joyne together , or at least depend one on the other . if it be not necessary , i have what i desire . if it be necessary ; then was not the former church a tr●e church ; because it wanted something essentiall and necessary to a church ; to wit , dependance on some other church . if it be said , this church did before depend on the whole catholike church , i will not gain say it ; so they meane onely thus much , that this church was a true member of the true church or body of christ ; which is but made up of so many particular congregations , as mans body , of its particular members . and so this will be no more then to say , all the members of the body are parts of the body , and conjoyned together , but onely subordinate to the head. for , i suppose no man will say one of my hands is dependant on the other ; but both ( as all the other members ) dependant on my head : so are all particular churches ( i meane congregations ) dependant on their generall head , christ , but not on other of their fellow members . if any man shall say , that hands depend not onely on the head ; but also on the armes , shoulders , and necke ; which are betweene them and the head , on whom they ultimately depend . i answer , it is true , the hands are conjoyned to the armes ; these to the shoulders ; and both by the neck to the head : but yet they depend not on any but the head. i meane they are not directed and guided by the dictates of arme , shoulder , or necke , but onely by the commands of the head : so that there is onely a bodily outward continuity , and no vertuall dependance , but on the head. the head sends out animall spirits , and by them guides my hand , as my fancie pleaseth . this guiding or directing depends onely on the head , not arme , which ( when i meane to move my hand ) is but as it were my hands servant , that must goe and call , and lead my hand ( as a gentleman usher ) but not command it . so are also all the churches , all severall congregations ; they are all members , and are all outwardly conjoyned one to another ( through all the world ) by the tendons and ligaments of rivers , seas , hils , vallies , and the like . yea and some of these are neerer to christ their head , as they keepe themselves purer , and walke more closely in dependance on him. yet all these churches are but coordinate , not among themselves subordinate ; they are but conjoyned each to other , not dependant each on other , but all on their head ; which alone can command and move them . yea though perhaps some one church may come betweene christ and another church ( as the arme betweene the head and hand ) yet it is there but as a servant to call on , leade , helpe , uphold , ( being so commanded by the head ) but not to command , dictate , or over-top its fellow member . you see here what power we give to synods and councels , or all other churches over one particular church ; ●o wit , a counselling , perswading ( which sure is very prevailing ) but not commanding authority . i doubt not but christ doth sometimes require one church to incite , exhort , admonish , and perswade another fellow church ( though this be not required of any one angel in the apocalyps , towards another church or angel , yet i suppose it may be in some cases ) yea and so that the other church may haply sinne if shee doe not follow this call and counsell : yet not because it comes from her fellow church , ( or any synod ) but because it comes from christ her head , that speakes through this church to her fellow . as the hand might justly bee stiled rebellious that rejects the animall spirits sent from the head , though they come through the arme ; which is here in this case , not onely a servant to the head , but to the hand also . yet doth not the hand rebell , because it refuseth that which comes from the arme , but because it came from the head , but through the arme as an instrument . for if ever the arme impose ought on the hand , which comes not from the head ( as it doth sometimes in a flux of putrid humours from an ulcer in the arme ) in this case the arme erres in so imposing on the hand , but the hand rebels not in rejecting what the arme so sends : because it comes not from the head. on which ( and on which alone ) all the members vertually depend , and not on any one or more fellow members . all this while , though we dispute the independancie of churches among themselves ; yet we have not the least shadow of a thought to withdraw any church from the civill magistrate ; nay , these men ( whom our bishops brand so with separation ) most cordially affirme that if episcopacie can prove greater or better subjection , or but equall to them , they will not scruple to subscribe to them. but alas , if we once give way to dependance of churches , must not the church of england depend on the dutch ; or the dutch on england ; as much as one church in england must depend on a provinciall church of canterbury , or nationall in all england ? and if the english church must depend on the dutch , or dutch on english , which shall be inferior ? this or that ? by this dispute of precedencie , we shall at length ●ast all churches into such a confusion , as some of our bishops sees were heretofore , for superiority . pompejus non admittit superiorem , caesar non parem . and now i conceive yorke is inferior to canterbury , durham to yorke , not by any law morall , or of nature , but positive of state. yea , by this dependance , will follow a farre greater evill than this dispute and confusion about precedencie : for if one whole church must so depend on another , then must also the officers of this depend on those of that church , and if so , shall not all church officers returne to the pope at length , as to one supreme head on earth . if geneva depend on france , why not france on spaine ? spaine on italy ? italy on rome ? rome on the pope ? and had i begunne a great deale lower , i should have come up higher to this head. perhaps all the inconveniences that can be objected on independance , though they could not be answered ( as i conceive they may ) will not ballance this one inconvenience of dependance . but no more of this. the next grand inconvenience that may be feared on the removall of our prelates , is licentia praedicandi ; not onely in that sense in which this phrase is used beyond the seas , and was in that sense forbidden under our last royall king ' iames : that was licentia quoad materiam ; this quoad personam . now they say , not onely every matter will be preached , what every minister pleaseth , but also every person will turne preacher : even shoomakers , coblers , felt-makers , and any other . god is the god of order , and not of confusion . and if order is to be observed any where , it is sure in matter of worship : for if through the churches default disorder breake in , at any craney : you shall finde the breach grow wider and wider every day : except the cleft be stopt , the ship may quickly sinke . and therefore i shall wholly agree , and joyne with them that indeavour with the first , to allay the very semblance and apparition ( lesse than the least bubling up ) of disorder . onely this i could heartily wish , that fire and fagot may not determine this controversie ; that these men may not be dealt with , as were some of the martyrs in queene maries daies ; for oft when the bishops could not reply , they would start up and sweare by the faith of their body , that this was a dangerous , grosse , and hereticall opinion : and all this was but a prologue to that tragedy , whose epilogue was flame and fagot , or at least the fasces to younger men . we have oft seene some of these preachers before the highest tribunall in this kingdome ; for we thought it unreasonable ( with those in the acts ) to condemne any before they were heard . i was not their judge alone , nor will i be at . this time . onely that it may appeare i attended their pleading ( as it becomes any in a court of justice ) i will give the world an account , what those men say for themselves ; and so i shall leave them to be judged by wise men . first , they conceive there be some ordinances which are proper onely to the church , and church-officers , belonging onely to church assemblies ( such as is the administration of sacraments , the conferring of orders , and all of this nature ) these they thinke sacred , such as may not be touched by any but church-officers ; and of these they say , let vzza● take heede how hee touch the arke , though it shake . but there are other ordinances ( they say ) of a middle nature ; as they are exercised in a church assembly , by church-officers , they may truly be called church-ordinances ; yet are such as may be used out of church assemblies , and therefore probably by other th●n church-officers ; as praying , reading the scripture , catechising , exhortation , and the like ; which ( as they conceive ) are not confined to the church onely , or church-officers . 1. because heathens and publicans may be admitted , nay ought to be invited , to these ordinances . and it seemes no mortall sinne , for a lay-man in china , to call together a company of heathens , and preach to them the christian religion , yet here is no true church , till a congregation will embrace this doctrine , and joyne in serving god. 2. they conceive our state , by publike authority , hath and doth allow so much as this. for they see clerkes ( even in publike assemblies ) read psalmes , prayers , and oft some parts of scripture ; deacons preach , yea and baptize , and helpe to administer the lords supper , and yet no man takes them for complete ministers : yea of old , and perhaps now also by law , they are not at all clergy men . 3. former preachers have taught them , that every master of a family , may and must read , pray , catechise , and the like , in his owne family , if he have none there that can doe it better than himselfe . therefore these seeme rather to come under the notion of private duties rather than publike church-ordinances ; though sometime they be performed in churches , yet other times they may be performed out of churches , and by those that are not publike church officers . therefore these poore men ( through their weaknesse ) thinke such ordinances free to be performed by any christian , whether of the clergy , or laity . and their zeale makes them conceive , if god give gifts of understanding , memory , judgement , & utterance ; and an earnest desire to doe good with these ( lest they wrap up their talent in a napkin ) they have the maine ( to wit , an inward ) call to performe these duties in their owne families : or else where , if they have an outward call too . for they solemnly professe , they hold it not fit to presse or intrude themselves on any congregation : but if any will come of themselves , either to their owne families : or send for them , and desire to heare them , among some good men , they take this for a call , an outward call , to performe those duties , to that congregation . for , they thinke the wayes of gods spirit are free , and not tied to a university man ; so that having an inward call , they conceive the desire of any one congregation , is outward call sufficient , though the bishop call not . yea , some exercises in gods worship , they thinke there be , which are warranted from the gift that enables , and not from the call that invites : so that a man whom god hath enabled with parts and gifts , might use them , though no man living call him . and this also is the judgement of many learned men ; as of that ingenuous , worthy , learned man master thorndick , of late touching on that of the corinths . so long then as they encroach not on ordinances appropriate to church-officers , they thinke they sinne not in performing other duties , where there are none that can , or will , performe them better . they have learned latine enough to say , bonum quo communius , eo melius . they have read of moses , wishing all the lords people were prophets ; and that god would poure out his spirit on them all . yea they have heard that god promised to poure out his spirit upon all flesh , all beleevers ( as well lay as clergie ) so that young men should see visions , and old men dreame dreames , and though this were begunne to be accomplished even in our saviours time , yet they ( perhaps through ignorance ) expect it should be yet still more and more accomplished every day , till knowledge cover the earth , as waters fill the sea ; even till there be no more neede that any man should teach his neighbour , for all men shall know the lord ; and they poore men expect a new heaven , and a new earth , wherein there shall neede no more temples of stone , but all good men shall be prophets , priests , and kings . in the meane time they say waters must flow out of the bellies of all that beleeve , till at length the great waters of the sanctuary flow forth without measure . yea , they are much encouraged from the practise of the church in the acts , where all the members , every beleever , being scattered by persecution , went about preaching . if it be objected that this was an extraordinary case ; at the first beginning of the church ; and in time of persecution , &c. they answer , that they conceive almost as extraordinary a case in this land , at this time ; where the church is so much unsetled , and hath beene so much persecuted . in some places they see no ministers ; scarce any in some whole shires , as in cumberland , westmorland , northumberland , and especially , in wales : where the church is even yet scarce ( & ne vix ) so much as well begunne to be planted , or the gospel preached . in other places , where there is some shew of a church , some ordinances , some ministers ; yet even here , they thinke the church calleth for many more ministers , at least for much more , and much better preaching then it yet hath . specially since the late cruell tyranny of some lording prelates , hath almost quite put downe ordinances , silenced good ministers , and forbidden preaching ; having so detained the truth ( and smothered it ) by unrighteousnesse , that there is scarce left the face of a true church . they conceive this an extraordinary time , an extraordinary case , and call , for all that are enabled by god , with parts and gifts , fit for such exercises . and they conceive 30. or 40. or an 100. good men of any one or more congregations , to be as fit judges of their parts and abilities every way , as one lord bishop and his ignorant ( perhaps drunken ) chaplaine ; who make scruple of admitting any to orders , but bowers and cringers , sincks of superstition ; yet when they please , they can poze in an alehouse , and lay hands ( well quickned with angels ) on tapsters , coblers , butchers , and many such , that are so farre from the smell of a colledge , that they never saw an abcee or primer to purpose , much lesse a ferula in a grammer schoole . in the last place they solemnly professe they are ready to heare or read , any that either by writing , preaching , or private discourse shall informe them better than now they see or know . they would thanke any man that will satisfie their consciences , and convince their judgement : for , they professe they are not acted by vaine-glory , or faction , but conscience and desire of propagating truth , and spreading the gospel , as god shall give them opportunities . and supposing such parts , gifts , and abilities , fit for those duties ; they conceive no man may upbraid them with poverty , or former living in a trade ; which yet they thinke not altogether incompatible to preaching : for they have read of saint paul ( and others ) intermixing his sermons with making of tents . yea though they have not such parts and gifts as saint paul ; yet they thinke the worke of preaching much more compatible with all works of the hands , than with any one other study of the braine , or minde : and yet they see many civill lawyers take livings , and have cure of soules : yea , and all their lord bishops have two callings , two severall ( opposite ) studies ; and yet for all those two , they can spend as much , or more time at cards and dice ( or worse ) than at either of their callings . nor are they so tied to their outward callings , but if the church shall thinke it fit , they are ready to give up all , and apply themselves wholly to the study of scriptures , and worke of the ministery . in the meane time they follow their callings , ( not living idlely , or going up and downe tatling as busibodies ) but being diligent to serve god both with their hands , hearts also , yea and tongues too , if god shall call them , and give opportunity as well as abilities . i would not be mistaken by my reader . all this time i am speaking their words , not my owne ; all that i desire is , that they may have a faire hearing , before they be severely censured . and i move this the rather , because they are still ready to say , most that condemne them never heard them : i could not but doe what in me lies , to remove this scandall . it may be expected i should now shew my owne opinion ; and answer all these things , which those poore men say for themselves . but i must confesse i am already almost tired with relating the arguments of one part onely ; so that i dare not set on the other . neither indeed doe i thinke it needfull : most of that which they say , being such , that it is not like to doe much hurt ; and so i thinke it not needfull to refute it . what must be refuted , may much better bee done by others of better parts , and founder judgements : for i know some that in one poore discourse of truth , are by their wit able to finde all the seventeene intellectuall sinner ; how much more in a discourse of error ? only by the way , i cannot but shew how weakly these poore preachers answer some strong objections brought against them . as this in the first place : that by this course , all errors and heresies shall quickly come to be vented and maintained in the church , when every man may preach that will , and what he will , without controule . to this argument , all their answer , that i can remember , is this. first , that they maintaine not that any man may preach that will. no ; they say it must be one of parts , gifts , and abilities fit for a preacher ; and that not only in his owne fancie , but in the judgement of many godly men : who ( being many ) are as like to be fit and able to judge of abilities on their triall , as any one bishops chaplaine ; that yet useth to present to his lord , after little or no posing , one whom he never heard speake , ( much lesse preach or pray ) before he came for holy orders . secondly , they say , they maintaine not that any such man ( so gifted , and called , being judged fit by the votes of many ) may yet preach what he will. no , they are as much limited , and kept within bounds , as if they were licenced by the bishop . for , if he preach false doctrine , either in matters of church or state , they say the bishops keyes , or at least his long sword , may reach him as well in a parlor , or some little pulpit , as if he were a licentiate in a great cathedrall . and if he preach no false doctrine , must he suffer ( say they ) for preaching true ? it is true , no wise man living will blame ( much lesse punish or fine ) a man that speakes a good true discourse of law , or physicke , though he be licentiate in neither ; but these poore men consider not , the case is not the same in preaching a true discourse in divinity . yet let us give way , and they will speake more . againe they say , suppose they did hold ( which they doe not ) that any man living might preach that would , and what he would ; yet perhaps there would not follow so great inconvenience as some imagine . for , all such supposed preachers , are either wise men or fooles . if wise , they will preach wisely , and so doe good. if fooles , foolishly , and so doe no hurt , or at least very little hurt : for , it is not for a foole to broach an heresie , and maintaine it , or spread it much . no , arrius , pelagius , arminius , and such , were men of the greatest parts , but set wrong . yea suppose some of these non licentiate preachers be men of the greatest parts possible , and so possible to become dangerous heretiques ; doth the heresie spread it selfe the more for not being licensed ? might not this great man doe as much hurt ( yea much more ) if he were licensed , than now he is not ? if any answer , it is true , he is like to do more hurt , if licensed ; but therefore the bishop in wisedome will not license him . they rejoyne : first , is it probable one bishop in this case will shew more care and conscience , than twenty or thirty good men in a congregation , where this parted man would preach ? but againe , suppose there be never a good man ( in all his auditory ; ) or that all the good men there , will not have care to suppresse this man from doing hurt : how shall , how can the bishop do this ? how can he keepe him from venting , and spreading his heresie ? first , when this man comes for a license to the bishop , no man can tell how he meanes to preach , ( when hee is licensed ) except the bishop perchance be a prophet also , as well as a priest and king ? either he hath preached , ( before his comming for this license ) or he hath not . if he have not , no bishop can tell how he will preach ; nor can any wise man living commend him to the bishop , as fit to make a good preacher : since he that is the best scholler living , and perhaps as good a man as any , yet may prove but an ill preacher . if he have preached before , and done well , without license , then it seemes it is lawfull to preach without a license : for probation no doubt , ( though most of late have denyed this ) but i aske how long shall he be a probationer ? how many yeares , months , weekes ? though he preach ten good sermons , no man tan tell , but in the next he meanes to broach an heresie . but alas these poore men see not how weake all this is . for , is it not easie for three or foure men , or a bishops chaplain to commend a man ( be he scholler , or groom , or butler , or what he will : ) let the bishop without seeing or smelling this man , give him his blessing blindfold , and seale him a licence , what hurt is in all this ? for , if this man preach well , the church will get good : if ill , cannot the bishop as soone pull him downe , as he set him up ? they answer , suppose he may , ( which is hard to suppose , since orders once given , leave an indelible character ) why may not ten or twenty men , good men in a congregation , as well set up a man , and try how hee will prove ? for if well , it is well ; he will do good : if ill , these ten or twenty men can as easily pull him downe againe , as set him up . not so . for the bishop is still a very wise , discreete , good , holy man and being entrusted by the church , will have a speciall care , even more than an hundred others , to set up a good man , or else pull him quickly downe againe . to this they yet answer , the bishop cannot tell how or what he preacheth when he hath set him up , ( except hee can be present in all places , at least many at once , to ●eare all young preachers , that he liceuseth ; ) and therefore though he would pull him downe , yet he cannot because he cannot be still present to heare him . though he come once , twice , ten times , yet the preacher may hold in , all his herise , till he see the bishop absent ; and sometimes he must be absent . but may not the congregation then goe and complaine to the bishop , if their preacher do amisse ? and upon complaint the bishop will , may and must suppresse that error . if he doe not ( they say ) they are still where they were . but if he do censure this preacher , on the complaint of the congregation ; either he sees they complaine unjustly ( and then he doth injustice in censuring-upon , an unjust complaint ) or else he must yeeld they complaine justly ; and then he also grants , that this congregation hath wisedome enough to judge , whether a man preach well or ill ; and if so , why may not the congregation censure him for ill preaching , without complaint to one bishop ? sed frustra fit per plura ; quod fieri potest per pau●iora . and so i leave this , and come to another great question , that is wont still to be propounded to these poore non licensed preachers . it is this , why ( if indeed they be fit , or seeme fit , or do but thinke themselves fit to be ministers , why then ) do they not enter into orders ? or at least present themselves , shewing their desire to be in holy orders , if indeed they may be found fit for the ministery , as they thinke themselves ? why do they halt betweene two ? either let them serve the church wholly , and so be in orders ; or else let them forbeare , and not meddle with dispensing of holy ordinances . this seemed to mee a very serious question , and therefore i much desired to heare their answers . some of them say , they know not yet whether they be worthy , or fit to take on them those greater offices which follow orders , onely they desire they may have leave ( as probationers ) to exercise , or keepe acts , before the church ; 'till the church shall approve of them , and call them out ( judging them faithfull ) for higher imployment , or generally to dispense all the ordinances . in the meane time , they meddle onely with such ordinances , as they conceive not proper to church officers onely , but in some sort common to all christians , yea to all men , as was said before . others say , they would gladly ( with all their hearts ) be consecrated to god , and wholly give themselves up to his service and worship in the ministery ; but they are afraid to take orders , as orders are now conferred , in this state. and yet in the meane time , they dare not abstaine from preaching , ( where they have opportunity , and a willing auditory ) lest they should detaine the truth , god hath revealed to them ; and should be guilty of hiding their talent in a napkin . for they thinke they may do many things belonging ( though not proper ) to a minister ; though they be not , nor can be ( as things now stand ) in holy orders . their instance is david , who was a king , and of the tribe of iudah , and so could be neither priest nor levite ; yet they find king david often preaching ; else they understand not the meaning of those phrases , o come hither and i will shew you what god hath done for my poore soule , and the like . if these men in this be serious , and do not pretend conscience where it is some other principle that acts them , to some low end : i cannot but much pity them ; that if they be fit , they neither may be licensed , nor yet preach without license . but let us see why they dare not enter into orders , and so be licensed ministers . they answer that they have not so much against orders conferr'd by our church , or the manner of conferring them ( though under some bishops , this hath beene very strange , and not warrantable either by law of god or man , they conceive ) as they have in their judgment and consciences , against the power conferring them . for they doubt not to affirme , that he ( who ever he be ) that taketh on himselfe power , which the scripture hath not given him , to appoint , dictate or command , any one thing either in doctrine or discipline : though the thing it selfe might possibly be good , yet he that so dictates , is antichristian ; encroaching on the regall office of christ ; and so a traytor in religion . now they dare not touch that , which ( how good soever in it selfe , yet ) comes in power and vertue of an antichristian traytor . yea though such an one should command them a thing very lawfull in it selfe , ( as to weare a blacke cloath ) yet if hee have not commission to command , from scripture , they conceive he incurres a premunire with god ; because he takes on him to do that ( as an o●ficer ) for which he is not fore-armed with lawfull authority . in this case they thinke they ought not to obey him so commanding : because though the thing in it selfe be lawfull to be done , yet they thinke him an unlawfull commander , and so dare not obey ; if for no other reason , yet for this , that by obeying here , they shall betray not onely their owne priviledges , ( which yet are very precious ) but also the liberties and priviledge of all the subjects of christ , even of the whole church ; so that they become traytors to their spirituall common-wealth . they give this instance in civill things . suppose a sheriffe , that is a lawfull officer , come and command me to give him forty pound , of his owne head , without lawfull authority to beck his command . they say , if in this case i give him forty shillings , i betray not onely my owne priviledge , ( which perhaps i may do ) but also the whole liberty of the commonwealth , and so become ( in re ) a traytor to t●e state : though in it selfe it be lawfull to give forty shillings to any man that askes , yet now i must not do it , because this officer commands it by unlawfull authority , and so without commission . not yet that they thinke it necessary to stay disputing the authority of a commander , there where is no appearance of ground for a doubt . but if once they see and know the command is grounded on no lawfull authority ; or do but really doubt whether the power commanding , or the thing commanded be lawfull : they conceive themselves bound to abstaine till their judgement be cleared , ( which they professe to desire , and by all lawfull meanes to endeavour ) lest while they doe , they be condemned in their owne consciences , because they do not act in faith : and what is not of faith is sinne . i must leave these things 'to be discussed by men of better judgements . in the meane time i humbly desire againe i may not be mis-understood ; for it is not in my thoughts to abet the least miscarriage in any one of these poore men : nor by any meanes to countenance any of them , in a way of exercising those duties that are too high for their parts , and abilities which god hath given them . yet if there be any of them that have extraordinary parts , and endowments of judgement , memory , and utterance ; if god stirre up these to improve their gifts to the best advantage , yet with all meeknesse , and humility ; i dare not condemne them till i heare them : for i know the spirit of god is not tyed to our fancies , but yet the spirit of the prophets is subject to the prophets . i take not on me to warrant all the paths which some cut out to themselves : yet i most affectionately intreat men not to contemne all things in those they now brand with their usuall staine of separatisme ; which phrase many use in such scorn , as if with one stab ( of that italian dagger ) they could run through body and soule at once . light was one of the first creatures , and yet not perfected till the fourth day , ( and perhaps not fully then ) so was spirituall light the beginning of reformation , that new creation ; yet it was not perfect at first dawning , but increaseth still by degrees , till it have quite chased away darknesse , and there be no more night . all men yeeld there must be an increase of light in the world ; now whether that be more probable to be in doctrine or discipline , judge yee . at the first rising out of popery , the church-lesse church of the albigenses & waldenses , ( holy good men ) began an admirable reformation . this was much advanced by ierome of prague , and iohn hus. luther had many grosse errours , yet must not lose his place among these glorious lights . after these appeareth calvin , shining yet brighter both in doctrine & discipline . since him our god hath raised up a more glorious light among these northerne iles. and yet some went from us lately with a candle burning , brighter perhaps than ours ; though it were lighted here . thus light dilating , & enlarging it selfe , seemeth to become more pure , more light , more glorious ; and yet it seemes not to be noone . the light still will , must , cannot but increase ; why then do we shut our eyes ? let it not be said of us , that light came in , and grew up among us , yet we would not use it ( for we cannot but receive it ) because wee loved darknesse . godly men may not onely neglect , but abuse light ; yea they may both grieve , and quench gods holy spirit . a sad case ! yet are they not still in some part carnall ? and the flesh not onely lusteth , but warreth against the spirit . we are too too apt to sleight the sweet breathings of gods spirit , which hee is pleased to communicate to others when we are destitute of the same workings . some christians are as it were wholly legall ; they fast , they pray , receive sacraments , heare sermons , pay every one his owne , live inoffensively : this is well done , but this is not all ; yet this they take for enjoying god in christ jesus . but alas ! quantum distat ab illo ? non est vivere , sed valere vita . these men may well be saved hereafter , but in the meane time , they lose the sweetest part of their life here . on the other side , if god please to communicate himselfe in any manner of sweetnesse , so that a man begins to taste and see how good communion & acquaintance with god is ; how easily it is interrupted by loose walking ; how sweete it is while enjoyed ; so that it ravisheth the soule , and filleth the whole heart , that it cannot but flow out at the lips , in sweete breathings of , for , and after god in christ jesus , god in christ jesus . this man is presently stained with a taint of madnesse , and i know not what enthusiasme . if one that hath tasted and experimentally found the sweetnesse of peace of conscience , & knows how unpossible it is to keep it , but by close walking with god ; how easily it is broken ; and how hardly it is made up againe when broken : so that he is content to leave friends , living , liberty , all , rather than to breake his peace , wound his conscience , sinne against god , in sinning against light , or acting against doubts . o this man is beyond all rule of reason ; he hath a tang of phrensie ; one puft up with a spirit of selfe conceit ; a ranke separatist . but sure it should not be so among christians . can we not dissent in judgement ( specially in these lower points of discipline , while we agree in doctrine ) but we must also dis-agree in affection ? a hard case ! i confesse there are many now that turne the light of truth , into a life of loosenesse , vanity , and profanenesse ; and we are all too too prone to this. there are some enthusiastickes , who prophane the spirit . this i would resist with all my might . but let not all suffer with the wicked . some without warrant runne away from their callings , and take up a bare , empty , fruitlesse profession of christianity , without the least dramme of life or power ; these men my soule hateth . but when god shall so enlarge his hand , and unveile his face , that the poore creature is brought into communion and acquaintance with his creator ; steered in all his wayes by his spirit ; and by it carried up above shame , feare , pleasure , comfort , losses , grave , and death it selfe ; let us not censure such tempers , but blesse god for them . so farre as christ is in us , we shall love , prise , honour christ , and the least particle of his image in others : for we never prove our selves true members of christ more , then when we embrace his members with most enlarged , yet straitest affections . to this end , god assisting mee , my desire , prayer , indeavour shall still be , as much as in mee lyes , to follow peace and holinesse . and though there may haply be some little dissent betweene my darke judgement , weake conscience , and other good men , that are much more cleare and strong ; yet my prayer still shall be , to keepe the vnity of the spirit in the bond of peace . and as many as walke after this rule , peace i hope shall still be on them , and the whole israel of god. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29665-e1950 object . answ. 1. answ. 2. object . answ. 1. answ. 2. object . ans● . object . answ. * see 2. cor. 8.23 . object . 1. answ. question . acts. 8.4 , 11 , 19. a looking-glasse for all lordly prelates wherein they may cleerely behold the true divine originall and laudable pedigree, whence they are descended; together with their holy lives and actions laid open in a double parallel, the first, betweene the divell; the second, betweene the iewish high-priests, and lordly prelates; and by their double dissimilitude from christ, and his apostles. prynne, william, 1600-1669. 1636 approx. 221 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10189 stc 20466 estc s121078 99856267 99856267 21796 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10189) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21796) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1493:4) a looking-glasse for all lordly prelates wherein they may cleerely behold the true divine originall and laudable pedigree, whence they are descended; together with their holy lives and actions laid open in a double parallel, the first, betweene the divell; the second, betweene the iewish high-priests, and lordly prelates; and by their double dissimilitude from christ, and his apostles. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [20], 104 p. printed, [london?] : anno m.dc.xxxvi. [1636] by william prynne. place of publication conjectured by stc. reproduction of the original in the union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library. some print faded. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a looking-glasse for all lordly prelates . wherein they may cleerely behold the true divine originall and laudable pedigree , whence they are descended ; together with their holy lives and actions laid open in a double parallell , the first , betweene the divell ; the second , betweene the iewish high-priests , and lordly prelates ; and by their double dissimilitude from christ , and his apostles . esay li. i. looke unto the rocke whence yee are hewen , and to the hole of the pit whence yee are digged . iohn viii . xxxxiv . yee are of your father the divell , and the lusts of your father yee will doe ; hee was a murtherer from the beginning , and abode not in the truth , because there is no truth in him . math vii . xv. xvi . beware of false prophets which come unto you in sheeps cloathing , but inwardly they are ravening wolves ; yee shall know them by their fruits . printed anno m. dc . xxxvi . to the pontificiall lordly prelates of england . my lords , being put by your pieties from my ministry & function , contrary to the fourth commandement and gods sacred word , to keep my selfe from idlenesse , o●… worse imployments , i have adventured to draw up and present this looking-glasse , for a new yeares gift , to your lordships , not to defame you ( god is my witnesse ) but to informe , and so reforme you ( if possible ) by the parallels therein comprised . if any of the comparisons therein specified , seeme odious , ( as commonly most doe ) to your holynesse , you must blame your selves , not me , who relate only your actions ( and compare them with the divells , the iewish high priests , christs and his apostles ) but was not the author , nor occasion of them , and if you amend them and become new men , the parallels will soone grow out of date : neither doe i involve you all 〈◊〉 , but coniuctim in these parities and disparities ; all of you are not alike culpable , but some more , some lesse , and some of you ( perchance ) altogether innocent : i desir●… therefore every of you , to apply so much of it ( and no more ) to himselfe as his owne conscience ( upon serious examination ) shall ascertaine him doth appertaine to him . sure i am , that the whole concernes you all ( as united . ) and the greater part , many of you ( as divided ) god grant you grace to make good use of it . it is the first degree of reformation , to discover your enormities to you ; ( this is my part , not yours ; loe i have here performed it . ) the next degree is , to repent and amend all things amisse ; and not to relapse ; that is your part ( by gods concurring grace ) i trust , you will speedily execute it ; if not , as it was no rayling or slander in christ , to call iudas a divell iohn 6. 70. and to tell the iewes that they wereof their father the divel iohn . 8. 44. so it will be no reviling , or scandalum magnatum in me , to say as much to your lordships , if your actions prove you such ; or to tell you , that you are none of christs disciples , sonnes ; or followers , but the divells ; none of the apostles successors , but the iewish high priests , really ( though not morally ) ceased in christ , of whom they were a tipe . consider therefore seriously what is here written , and view your lives and actions in this impartiall glasse , and the lord give you both understanding , and reformation in all things amisse , ( which now are many ) that so you may be christs and his apostles followers and disciples in verity , as you are now onely in pretence , ( as is here in briefe discovered , i hope without offence . now least your lordships should take any just exceptions against any thing i haue written : be it knowen to you , and all men , by these ptesents , that i am both able & read●… to make good euery particular parallel against all gainesayers , by histories , testimonies , and examples of lord prelates , in all ages , which for breuity sake , i haue omitted ; the rather , because your selves , ( at leastwise some of your holinesses ) haue experimentally ratified all and euery of them past all contradiction . but yet to stop your monthes , i shall only acquaint your lordships what some of our martyrs haue written of lord bishops (a) . dr. barnes , our learned martyr , recites . that their was no great clarke in the church of god this 400. yeares , but he complained vehemently against the pride and lewde liuing of the bishops . &c. they say they be ●…he successors of christ and his apostles , but i can see them follow none but iudas . for they beare the purse and have all the money . and if they had not so great possessions , i am sure an hundred would speake against them , where now dare not one , for lofse of promotion . as for this article , i will overcomme you with the witnesse of all the world , you may well condemne it for herefie , but it is as true , as your pater noster : iudas sould our master but once , and you sell him as often as he commeth in your hands . but i would it were , you could prove me a lyer , and that you followed any of the apostles saving iudas only . yea , i would that you were in certaine points as good as iudas was , &c. take it to you and make the best you can of it . yea hee goeth one straine higher . (b) i doe reckon ( saith hee ) of our english lord prelates your lordships predecessors ) that you are ten times worse then the great turke : for hee regardeth no more , but rule and dominion in this world ? and you are not therewith content , ( and i shall say the same to you my lords ) but you will also rule over mens consciences , yea and oppresse christ and his holy word , and blaspheme and condemne his word . they call themselues in words , the seruants of seruants ; but in very deed , they will be lord ouer all lords , and desire to be taken as lords and king ouer al kings . these truths he sealed with his blood . (c) iohn frith our godly martyr , writes thus : after that the office of a bishop was made so honorable & profitable , they that were worst both in learning & living , most labored for it : for they that were vertuous would not intangle themselues with the vaine pride of this world . and in conclusion it came so farre , that whosoever would give most mony for it , or best could flatter the prince ( which he knew well all good men to abhor ) had the preheminence and got the best bishopricke : and then insteed of gods word , they published their owne commaundments , and made lawes to haue all under them , and made men belieue they could not erre , whatsoeuer they did or said . and euen as in the roomes and steede of moses , aaron , eliazer , iosua , calib , & other faithfull folke , came herode , annas , cayphas , pilate and iudas , which put christ to death : so now in steede of christ , peter , paul , iames and iohn , and the faithfull followers of christ : we haue the pope , cardinals , arch-bishops , bishops , and proude prelates with their proctours , the malicious minister of their maister the divell ; which notwithanding transforme themselues into a likenesse , as though they were the ministers of righteousnesse , whose end shall be according to their workes . so that the body is cankered long agoe , & now are left but certaine small members which god of his puissant power , hath reserued vncorrupted : and because they see that they cannot be cākered as their owne flesh is , for pure anger they burne them , lest if they continued there might seeme some deformity in there owne cankered carcasse , by the comparing of these whole members to their scabbed body . so he . mr. william tyndall , our must deuout martyr ; as he termes , (d) the pope and lordly prelates ( especially those who thrust themselues into , or meddle with temporall offices and affaires , ) wolfes in a lambes ( sr. iohn lambes ) skinne ; calling themselues in the title of 〈◊〉 cham seruus seruorum , seruants of all seruants , and are yet found , tyrannus tyrann●…rum , of all tyrants the most cruell . so he determines thus of lord bishops . (e) bishops they only can minister the temporall sword , their office the preaching of gods word layd apart , which they ( as your lordships now ) will neither doe , nor suffer any man to doe ; but slay with the temporall sword ( which they have gotten out of the hand of all princes ) them that would . the preaching of gods word is hatefull & contrary unto them * why ? for it is impossible to preach christ , except thou preach against antichrist , that is to say , them which with their false doctrine and violence of sword enforce to quench the true doctrine of christ. and as thou canst heale no disease except thou beginne at the roote , even so canst thou preach against no mischiefe ( marke it ) except thov begin at the bishops . kings they are but shadowes , vaine names and things idle , having nothing to doe in the world , but when our holy father needeth their help . the emperor and kings are nothing now adayes but even hangmen unto the pope and bishops , to kill whomsoever they condemne , without any more adoe , as pilate was into the scribes and pharisees and the high bishop to ●…ange christ. what realme can bee in peace for such ●…urmoilers ? bishops that preach not , or that preach ought save gods word , are none of christs , nor of his annointing ; but servants of the beast , whose marke they beare , whose word they preach , whose law they maintaine cleane against gods law. (f) the prelates with the rabble and multitude of their ceremonies , have put away preaching : and as ignorance made us servants to ceremonies ; so ceremonies are the chiefe cause of ignorance . thus and much more , tyndall . now because i have paralleld your lordships and the divell together , least this should seeme harsh , or a great scandalum magnatum to your honours . i shall conclude this my epistle to your lordships , with that notable epistle of lucifer prince of darkenes , written to your noble progenitors , by william swinderby , or some other lollard , ( as they termed them , and you now call us puritans in the selfesame malicious scornefull manner , ) transcribed by our laborious mr. iohn fox , out of the bishop of hereford his register , into his acts and monuments in these very words , which suite as pat with your lordships as if it had been purposely penned for your selues alone . the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a certaine letter fained u●…der t●…e name of lucifer prince of darkenesse , writing to the persecuting prelates of the popish clergie . i lucifer prince of darkenesse and profound heauinesse , emperor of the high misteries of the king of achar●…nt , captaine of the dungeon erebus , king of hell , and controller of the infernall fire : to all our children of pride , and companions of our kingdoome , and especially to our princes of the church of this latter age and time ( of which our aduersarie iesus christ , according to the prophet , saith : i hate the church or congregation of the wicked ) send greeting , and wish prosperity to all that obey our commandments , as also to all these that bee obedient to the lawes of satan alrea●…y enacted , and are diligent 〈◊〉 of our behests , and the precepts of our decree . know ye that in times past eertaine vica●…s or vicegerents of christ , following his steps in miracles and vertues , living and 〈◊〉 in a beggerlie life , conuerted ( in a manner ) the whole world from the yoake of our tyrannie unto their doctrine and manner of life : to the great de●…ision and contempt of our prison house and kingdom●… , and also to the no little prejudice and hurt of our iurisdiction and authoritie , not fearing to hurt our fortified power , and to offend the majestie of our estate . for then receiued we no tribute of the world , neither did the miserable sort of common people , rush at the gates of our deep dungeon as they were wont to doe , with continuall pealing and rapping , but then the easie , pleasant and broade way , which leadeth to death , lay still without great noise of trampling travellers , neither yet was ●…rod with the feet of miserable men . and when all our courts were without suters , hell then began to houle . and thus continuing in great heauinesse and anguish , was robbed and spoiled . which thing considered , the impatient rage of our stomack could no longer suffer , neither the vglie rechlesse negligence of our great captaine generall could any longer indure it . but we , seeking remedie for the time that should come after , haue prouided us of a very trim shift : for in stead of these apostles and other their adherents which draw by the ●…ame line of theirs , as well in manners as doctrine , and are odious enemies to vs : we have caused you to be their successors , and put you in their place , which be prelats of the church in these latter times , by our great might & subtiltie , as christ hath said of you : they have reigned , but not by me . once we promised unto him all the kingdomes of the world ; if he would falldowne and worship us ; but he would not , saying , my kingdome is not of this world , and went his way , when the multidudewould have made him a temporal king. but to yo●… truly which are fallen from the state of grace and that serve us in the earth , is that my promise fulfilled : and all terrene things by our meanes which we bestowed upon you , are under gov●…rment . for he hath said of vs ye know : the prince of this world cometh , &c. and hath made us to reigne over all children of vnbeleese . therefore our adversaries before recited , did patiently submit themselves unto the princes of the world , and did teach that men , should doe so , saying : be ye subject to every creature for gods cause , whether it be to the king as most chiefest . and againe : obey ye them that are made rulers over you , &c. for so their master commaunded them saying : the kings of the heathen , have dominion over them , &c. but i thinke it long till we have powred our poyson upon the earth , and therefore fill yourselves full . and now bee ye not vnlike those fathers , but also contrary unto them in your life and conditions , and extoll yourselves above all other men . neither doe ye give unto god that which belongeth to him , nor yet to caesar that which is his : but exercise you the power of both the swords , according to our decrees , making yourselues doers in wordly matters , fighting in our quarrell , intangled with segular labours and businesse . and clime ye by little and little frō the miserable state of povertie , unto the highest seats of all honours , and the most princely places of dignitie by your devised practises , and false and deceitfull wiles and subtiltie : that is , by hypocrisie , flatterie , lying perjurie , treasons , deceits , simonie and other greater wickednesse then which our infernall suries may dev●…se . for after that ye have beene by us advanced thit●…er where ye would be , yet that doth not suffice you , but as greedie starvelings more hungrie then ye were before , ye suppresse the poore , scratch and rake together all that comes to hand , perverting and turning every thing topsie 〈◊〉 : so swolne , that ready ye are to burst for pride , liuing like lechers in all corporall dilicatenesse , and by fraud directing all your doings . you challenge to yourselves names of honour in the earth , calling your selves lords holie , yea and most holie fathers . thus , either by violence ye raven , orelse by ambition , subtillie ye pi●…ter away and wrongfully wrest , and by false title possesse those goods which for the sustentation of the poore members of christ ( whom from our first ●…all we have hated ) were bestowed and given , consuming them as ye yourselves list , and wherewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of whores , strump●…ts , and 〈◊〉 with whom ye ride pompous●…ie like mightie princes , farre otherwise going , then those poore beggerlie preists of the primitive church . for i would ye should build yourselves rich and gorgeous palaces : ye farelike princes , eating and drinking the most daintiest meates , and pleasantest wines that many be gotten ; yee hoord and heape together an infinite deale of treasure , not like to him that said , gold & silver have i none ; yee serve & fight for us according to your wages . o most acceptable society or fellowship , promised unto us of the prophet , and of those fathers long agoe reproved : whilest that christ called thee the synagogue of satan , and likened thee to the mightie whore which committed fornication with the kings of the earth , the adultero is spouse of christ , and of a chast person made a strumpet . thou hast left thy first love & hast cleaved unto us , o our beloved bab●…lon , o our citizens , which from the transmigration of ierusalem come hither : we love you for your deserts , we rejoyce over you , which contemne the lawes of simon peter , and imbrace the lawes of simon magus our friend , and have them at your fingers ends , and exercise the same publickely buying and selling spirituall things in the church of god , and against the commandement of god. ye give benefices and honours by petition , or else for money , for favour , or else for filthie service . and refusing to admit those that bee worthy , to ecclesiasticall dignity , you call unto the inheritance of gods sanctuary , bauds , liers , flatterers , your nephewes , and your owne children , and to a childish boy , yee give many prebends , the least whereof yee deny to bestow upon a poore good man : ye esteeme the person of a man and receive gifts , yee regard money and have no regard of soules . ye have made the house of god a denne of theeves . all abuse , extorsion , is more exercised , a hundreth fold in your judgement seats , then with any secular tyrant . yee make lawes and keepe not the same , and dispence with your dispensations as it pleaseth you ; you justifie the wicked for reward , and take away the just mans desert from him . and briefly , yee perpetrate or commit all kinde of mischiefe , even as it is our will yee should . and yee take much paines for lucres sake in our service , and especially to destroy the christian faith . for now the lay people are almost in doubt what they may beleeve , because if ye preach any thing to them at sometimes ( althouhg it be but seldome seene , and that negligently enough , even as we would haue it ) yet notwithstanding they beleeve you not , because they see manifestly that ye doe cleane contrarie to that ye say . wherevpon the common people doing as ye doe , which have the goverment of them , and should be an example unto them of well doing : now many , of them leaning to your rules , d ee runne headlong into a whole sea of vices : and so continually a very great multitude flocketh at the strong & well fenced gates of our dungeon . and doubtlesse , ye send us so many day by day of euery sort and kind of people , that we should not be able to entertaine them , but that our insatiable ( choas with her thousand rauening jawes is sufficient to deuour an infinit number of soules . and thus the soueraigntie of our empire , by you hath beene reformed , and our intollerable losse restored . wherefore , most specially we commend you , & giue you most heartie thanks ; exhorting all you , that in any wise ye perseuere and continue , as hitherto ye haue done : neither that you slacke henceforth your enterprise . for why ? by your helps we purpose to bring the whole world againe under our powe●… and dominion . over and besides this , we commit unto you no small authoritie , to supplie our places in the betraying of your brethren ; and we make and ordaine you our vicars , and the ministers of antichrist our son , now hard at hand , for whom ye have made a very trim way and passage . furthermore , we counsell you which occupie the higest roomes of all other , that you worke subtillie , and that ye ( fainedly ) procure peace between the princes of the world , and that ye cherish and procure secret causes of discord . and like as craftilie ye have destroyed and subuerted the roman empire : so suffer ye no kingdome to be ouermuch inlarged or inriched by tranquillitie and peace ; lest perhaps in so great tranquillitie ( al desire of peace set aside ) they dispose themselues to view and eonsider your most wicked works , suppressing on euery side your estate : and from your treasures take away such substance , as we haue caused to be reserued and kept in your hands , vntill the comming of our wel beloued son antichrist . we would ye should doe our commendations to our intirely beloved daughters , pride , deceit , wrath , auarice , bellicheere , and lecherie , and to all other my daughters ; and especiallie ho ladie simonie , which hath made you men , and inriched you , and hath giuen you sucke with her owne breasts , and weaned you , and therefore in no wise see that ye call her sinne . and be ye loftie and proud , because that the most high dignitie of your estate doth require such magnificence . and also be ye couetous , for what soeuer ye get and gather into your fardell , it is for st. peter , for the peace of the church , and for the defence of your patrimonie and the crucifix ; & therefore ye may lawfully doe it . ye may promote your cardinals to the higest seat of dignities , without any let in all the world , in stopping the mouth of our adversarie iesus christ , and alleaging againe , that he preferred his kins folks ( being but of poore and base degree ) vnto the apostleship ; but doe not you so , but rather call , as ye doe , those that live in arrogancie , in haughtinesse of mind , and filthie lecherie , unto the state of wealthie riches and pride ; and those rewards and promotions , which the followers of christ forsook , do ye distribute unto your friends . therefore as ye shall have better vnderstanding , prepare ye vices , clocked under the similitude of vertues . alleage for yourselues the glosses of the holie scripture , and wrest them , directly for to serue for your purpose . and if any man preach or teach otherwise then ye will , oppresse ye them violently . with the sentence of excommunication , and by your censures heaped one upon another , by the consent of your brethren ; let him be condemned as an heretike , and let him be kept in most strait prison , and there tormented till he die , for a terrible example to all such as confesse christ. and setting all favour apart , cast him out of your temple , lest peradventure the ingrafted word may save 〈◊〉 soules , which word i abhorre as i do the soules of o her saithfull men . and do your indeuour , that ye 〈◊〉 deserue to haue the place which we have prepared for you , under the most wicked dw●…lling on of our dwelling place . farre ye well with such felicitie as we desire and intend finally to reward and recompence you with . given at the center of the earth , in that darke place , where all the rablement of divels were present , specially for this purpose ca●…led unto our most dolorous consistorie , under the the character of our terrible seale , for the confirmation of the premisses . ex registro herefordensi ad verbum this letter of lucif●…r to your lordly predec●…ssors , then , will i trust , excuse my epistle and parallels here dedicated to your lordships , now ; both from the unjust imputation of calumnie , slaunder , or reviling . and so leaving your lordships to ve●…we and reueiw your selves in this new looking-glasse made purposely for your sweet holy faces , i take my leave of you ( as i trust you will now doe of all your lordlinesse , worldlinesse , pride , and other vices , here discovered ) till you have exactely trimed yourselves thereby , to make yourselves more amiablc both to god and man , then now you are . a notable jesuiticall policy of some lordly prelates , worthy consideration . some great domineering lord prelates to advance their own power , and draw all men to their party , have of late endevoured to ingrosse into their hands , the disposall of most ecclesiasticall dignities ( as bishopricks , deanneres , prebendaries , headships in the vniversities , presentations to most great benefices , and the like ) and of many temporall preferments ; together with the custody of his majesties treasury . by this policy : first , they keepe all men from preferment ( how deserving , learned and pioussoever ) but those of their owne faction and creatures . secondly , they make their owne party very great and strong in all courts of iustice , and places of the realm , so as none dare oppose them in the least measure , no not in cases which highly concerne both god , the king , religion , and the whole realme . thirdly , they are more feared and crowched to then the king himselfe , or all his nobles . fourthly , they would win all men to their own opinions , humours and superstitions , out of hopes of preferment , which else they have no way to attaine . fiftly , they have many clergie men so wholly at their command , that they will write , preach , practice , defend , any errours , false doctrines , innovations , superstitions or popish ceremonies , their lordships shall command or desire them , to obtaine their favours and advancement . sixtly , by this meanes they gaine scouts and spies in every corner of the kingdome , in court , city , countrey , and in most noble-mens , and gentlemens families ; ( whose chaplaines are now for the most part , nought else but these great prelates agents and intelligencers ; ) so that nothing can be done or spoken against them , or intended for their prejudice , but they have present information of it . seventhly , by this policy , they keep all men under their girdles , crush all that dare oppose them , stop the current of iustice ; bolster out all their popish agents and opposing officers , setup popery againe without much noyse or opposition , oppresse his majesties good subjects , extirpate piety and religion , rob his majesty , his nobles and officers of ther authority , privilidges and power to preferre well-deserving men , ( and so by consequence , deprive them of much honour , service , respect , observance and thankfulnes for benefits to be received ; ) advance their owne episcopall power , jurisdiction , cours , beyond all moderation and bounds , and in a manner do and say what they list without opposition or controule . this iesuiticall stratagem of theirs ( prescribed by conc ' in his politiques , as one of the chiefe meanes to undermine religion , and all protestant states and churches , ) is worthy his majesties and his nobles most serious consideration , and prevention in due time ; for feare it inslave them and the whole kingdome to the pope and prelates , before they are aware of it . great reverend lord prelates are like to that we call a sir reverence ; the more they stirre and are stirred , the worse , the more they stinke . they are like davids mountaines , ps. 144. 5. if men doe but touch them and their vices , they will smoke , yea storme and rage like the troubled sea when it cannot rest , whose waterscast up mire and dirt , isay. 56. 20. hence they labour to suppresse , sease and call in all good bookes , ( yea the palsgraves new-printed declaration in affront to his highnesse and his churches , because it censures some of their idle ceremonies and arminian doctrines , though tacitly and moderately by way of apologie ; ) our saviour himselfe gives us the true reason , why : iohn 3. 20. for every one that doth evill hateth the light , neither commeth to the light , lest his deeds should be discovered and reprooved ; as their lord ships now are pretty well , if not to their amendment , yet doubtlesse to their shame . gentle reader , ere thou read this treatise be pleased with thy penne to correct these presse-errors . page 2. line 2. read parallels : p. 3. l. 17. for fable , r unstable l. 6. p 4. iowne ; c drowne l. 9 be sure : l. 19. but weekes . p. 8. l 3. mak●…s . p. 10. l 7. and not , r. as not . p. 12. l. 11. traducing : l. 30. that , r. their . p. 14. l. 22. fathers : p. 15 l. 24. them , r. their p. 16. l. 3. habe●…s : p. 17. l. 8 publish : p. 18. l. 25. a practise : p. 19. l. 5. bayli . l 7. urge this . l. 25. auncient . l. 29. crantzius . l. testium , aventimus . l. 32. hypocrites p. 21. l. 9. heart . p. 22. l. 17. bruize , r. bring . p. 23. l. 3. bacchanals . l. 12. rainsford p. 24. l. 13. ed. 6 p. 25. l. 3. ransant : banger . l. 5. his : r. her . p. 26. l. 7. fends . r. feudes . p. 29. l. 25. newman . r. nucoman : p. 30. l. 25. ods . p. 33. l. 37. altars . p. 34 l. 13. cease . p. 37. l. 30. have . p. 39. l. 28. postils . p. 40. l. 15. strumpet . p. 41. l. 1. haunt , r saunt . l. 12. gor. r gee . l. 16. hung . l. 19. home . p. 42. l. 9. them . r. then . p. 44. l. 15. 29 set up : p. 46. l. 8. committing . p. 47. l. 3. power . r. boner . p. 48. l. 15. their expunging . p. 51. l. 27. presents , eate , r. persecute , rate . p. 52. l. 2. drinke : r. drunken . p. 55. l. 28. memorable . p. 56. l. 25. this for any answer of bisp . 59. l. 16. cant. 〈◊〉 . court. p. 62. l. 13. kings . r. 〈◊〉 . l. 23. condemne . p. 63. l. 8. thou . r. then : p. 64. l. 2. r. upon one crosse , but the bishops nayle him againe unto . p. 66. l. 13. archbishops . l. 19. to be . p. 67. l. 11. bedde . l. 22. grace : r. yeare . p. 83. l. 6. obedient , apparant . l. 13. tipes . r. texts . l. 27. friends . r feindes . p. 80. l. 9. bletout , the. l. 30. early . r. rarely . p. 87. l. 10 deaths . p. 79. l. 22. no doubt . p. 80. l. 8. enrich . l. 28. pompe . p. 89. l. 26. r , walke directly p. 97. l. 5. for . r. fore : p. 92. l. 23. &c. and. p. 96. l. 10. money . r. many . l 12. illegall . l. 15. wofull . l. 19. which of . r. whether . p. 97. l. 20. occupie . 98. l. 10. thus . r. there . l. 11. birelings . l. 9. blot out are : l. 13. humble , r. tremble . p. 100. l. 14. or r. 2. 101. l. 18. beats . r. brats . p. 102. 1. his , r. this . p. 103. l 5. insteed . r. infested . l. 13. been . r. beire . l. 22. 1 beseech . in the margine . p. 9. l. 5. r. 414 p. 82. l. 3. 9. sublimiori , columnae . p. 97. l. 24. p. 14. this is omitted . a looking-glasse for all lordly prelates . there is nothing now more rife in the mouthes of many great domineering lordly prelates , then , that their lordly episcopall iurisdiction , pompe and soveraignty , is of divine institution , and that their sacred lordships , are undoubted , sonnes , successors , heires of christ , and his apostles which men might well enough believe , did not their lives and actions most apparantly contradict these their ambicious windy words ; but if men may judge of a tree by the fruits , ( as our saviour concludes they may , math. 7. 16. ) or of mens true fathers , and pedigrees by their works ( as hee also resolves iohn . 8. 44. ) i hope these arrogant lofty prelates , will not bee offended with me , if i make it apparant to them ( and others ) by their fruites and workes , that they are so farre from being the sons or successors of christ and his apostles , or of divine institution , that , they are of their father the divell ( for his workes and lusts they doe ) the successors from the iewish high priests , who crucified our saviour , persecuted , silenced , imprisoned , excommunicated his apostles , and so , of diabolicall ordination ; not divine . this i shall plainely and briefely demonstrate , in two distinct parallers . the first , betweene the divell and lordly prelates . the second , betweene the iewish high priests and them . the 1. parallel betweene the divell and lordly prelates . 1. first , the divell ( for his condition and quality ) is an apostate angell , who kept not his first estate and 〈◊〉 , and abode not in the truth . iude 6. iohn . 8. 44. such are all lordly prelates and bishops , both by their own exposition of rev. 2. 1. 5. 6. (a) where they interpret , the apostate angell of the church of ephesus , to bee the lord-bishop of that church alledging this text as the principall scripture , to prove their hierarchie of divine institution ; ) and by common experience : for as lord bishops are fallen from the pietie , holinesse , humility , poverty , zeale , meekenesse , laboriousnesse , heavenly mindednesse , charity , and equallity with other ministers , that was in the true christian bishops of the primitive church and now openly avow the popish and arminian doctrine of the totall and finall apostacy of the saints from grace . so most of them being made lord bishops , ( to prove this doctrine of apostacy true by their practise ) fall away from the pietie , zeale , holinesse , meekenesfe , diligence , frequency in preaching , and most other vertues which they had or used in verity or pretence , before they were made bishops ( in case they had any vertue or goodnesse in them before , of which too many of them were never guiltie , ) and become farre worse christians , ●…arre greater persecutors and enemies to god , his truth , his people , and more unholy , coveto●…s , lasie , vicious in their lives then ever they were before ; as all histories and experience manifest , beyond all contradiction . and how many of our present lord prelates are turned open apostates from the established doctrine and discipline of this church of england to poperie , arminianisme and romish superstition , and all the zeale , the honesty , the piety and goodnesse they had or seemed onely to have before they were lord bishops , i leave to every mans experience to determine , some of the best of them being so strangely warped of late , that it made a great popish learned lord confesse openly at the table this last summer , that if ever hee altered ●…is religion , hee would turne puritan ; for puritans ( saith hee ) are constant to their owne religion and tenets , but the bishops so fable and wavering with the times , that wee know not where to have them , such apostate angels are they . secondly , the divell is an uncleane spirit , void of holinesse , full of all filthinesse and impiety , and is hardly ●…ast out of those he once possesseth , math. 10. 1. 6. 12. 43. marke 1. 23 , 26 , 27. c. 5. 2. 8. c. 7. 25. luke 4. 33. 36. c. 6. 18. acts 8. 7. such are most lordly prelates in all respects , witnesse their (b) u●…cleane , profane , voluptuous , impious , godlesse lives and actions in all ages . of which all histories stincke and surfet ; to omit the present filthin●…sse of many of them : and how hard they are to be cast out where once they get but footing , our owne histories and instant experience too well demonstrate . thirdly , the divell is a dumbe and deafe spirit , making some m●…n dumbe , yet never any preachers that i read of , except prelates or thos●… that ●…ould be such ) d●…b , that they cannot speake , and oth●…s 〈◊〉 that they cannot h●…re , till christ dispossessed them of these divells , marke 9. 17 25. luke 11. 14. such are lordly prelates for the most part ; they are not only d●…be themselves , very seldome or never preaching in their diocesse , or opening their mo●…thes in the pulpit to teach the people , whom they of●…er bite and ●…eare with their teeths , then instruct with their toungues . and also deafe , in turning the deafe care to the cries , petitions and lamentable complaints of those many godly faithfull painfull ministers and people now most injuriously oppressed , persecuted , silenced imprisoned vexed ruined , and deprived by them , both of the foo●… of their soules & bodies : ( such inexorable mercilesse deafe devils are they , to these , and all good motions else . but likewise by their ill examples , make divers other preaching ministers dumbe and mute , and by their illegall suspensions inhibitions iniunctions or excommunications , close up the mouthes , and muzzle up the tongu●…s of sundry other the most powerfull , frequent constant preachers whom their examples cannot silence , ( as late woefull experience every where manifests , especially in norwich diocesse ) by meanes whereof ; as also by suppressing most weeke-day lectures , with all afternone sermons on the lords day in most countries , and prohibiting people that have no preaching at home , to goe out of their parishes to heare gods word abroade , they make thousands every where so deafe , that they cannot heare the sweete vovce of the gospell preached though they desire it : such dumbe yea deafe devills are many lord prelates now become , whom christ himselfe ( no ●…oubt ) & that by miracle will shortly cast out , that so our dumbe silenced ministers , may once more speake , and our d●…afe people heare his s●…cred word , to the vnspeacable comfort and salvation of their soules . fourthly , the devill is an evill spirit , who doth nothing else but vex , torment , teare , torture and disquiet men , of purpose , to destroy them math. 15. 22. mark. 9. 18 , 20 , 22. luc●…e . 6. 18. and have not domineering lord prelates beene like the divell , in this respect , in all ages heretofore , ( as the acts and monuments of our martyrs , collected by master fox , sufficiently demonstrate ? ) yea , what else doe many of them at this day , ( but like so many tormenting divells ) vex , torment , teare , torture , pill , pole , pursevant , tosse up and downe from court to court , prison to prison and disquiet all kindes of people , especially godly ministers and christians ( whom they brand with the name of puritans ) with their daily citations , excommunications , suspensions , pursevants , apparitors , chancellors , officials , visitors , archdeacons , visitation-oathes , articles , injunctions , new minted ceremonies , innovations , slauders , false accusations , fines , sequestrations , censures , exactions , procurations , extorted , ●…es &c. of purpose to fleece , flay , and destroy them ? so like are they in this particular also , to their father the diuell . fifthly , the divell casteth same of gods saints , and ministers ofttimes into prison . rev. 2. 10. yea , into the fire sometimes , and sometimes into the water , to destroy them , mark. 9. 22. the lordly prelates have done the like in all ages , witnesse the french and english acts and monuments : of martirs , which record , how many of gods saints and ministers they have imprisoned , cast into the fire & water burned , drowned ; this they still proceede to doe in forraigne partes ; and though they neither burne nor downe them , as yet , here at home , ( not so much for want of will , as law to doe it ) yet like so many furies , they now daily silence , excommunicate , deprive , pursivant , imprison , fine , bannish , and ruine them , as much as in any age whatsoever , and if they cannot burne them at a stake , they will sure to crop of their ●…res , & shed their bloud on some pillary , and then mue them up in a prison all their dayes , a lingring la●…ing tyranny , farre worse then present mar●…irdome . yea in this particular instance they farre outstrip the very divell himselfe ; in two things : for where as , he●… cast but some only of gods saints and ministers into prison and that , but for ten dayes , revel . 2. 10. they commonly cast not some , but many of them into prison , and that not onely for ten dayes , weekes , nay months , and yeares , and ofttimes during life : and whereas paul though imprisoned under that most b●…oody divell and tirant nero in pagan rome , had so much liberty , as to dwell two yeares space together in his owne hired house , and 〈◊〉 receive all that came in unto him : preaching the kingdome of god , and teaching those things which concerne the lord iesus christ with all confidence no man forbidding them , act. 28. 30. 31. neither the divell , nor nero shutting him up close prisonner : yet these lord prelates to shew themselves more cruelly barbarous and tyrannicall then either the divell or nero , have anciently , and yet daily doe shut up divers of gods ministers and people close prisonners , restraining all free accesse of friends , or company to them , and are so far from permitting or not prohibiting them to preach in prison , that they inhibit and forbid them to preach even when they are at large , such is their fatherly piety , pittie , love , and charity , their very tender mercies ( just like the divils ) being nought else but cruelties . pro. 12. 10. sixthly . the divell i●… an exceeding feirce and furious spirit , who desires to have nothing to doe with christ , whose sacred presence torments him before his time math. 8. 28. 29. and when he leaveth his howse for a time , and then returnes and findeth it swept and garnished , he taketh with him 7. other spirits more wicket then himselfe , and they enter in and dwell there , and so the last estate of that man , in whom●… they reside , is worse ●…hen the first . math. 12. 23. 24. 25. luke 11. 24 , 25. so most lord prelates are exceeding fiery , fierce , and furious spirits , who will not be crossed or affronted in any thinge be it never so impious or vnjust . noe kinges , lords , nobles , being so violent , vnreasonable , outragious malepart , feirce , chollericke peremptorie , or furious in their designes , or pursuite of their ends as they ; moreover they desire to have little or nothing to doe with iesus christ , or his sacred ordinances which the sincere and diligent reading , preaching discoursing and meditation of his word , the due administration of his sacrements , the strict sanctification of his sacred sabbaths ( which they count 〈◊〉 heavy iewish yoake of bondage &c. ) the ●…tation of his 〈◊〉 , imprisoned or disconsolate afflict●…d mebers &c. ( a thing from which they are so farre themselves , that they make it a piac●…lum in others , to visit godly prisoners . ) these petty ●…riviall things and christian duties are belowe their pompe & state , it beseemes not their lordships honour to stoope so lowe as our saviours ( f ) plough-tayle ; or to enter into a poore cottage or prison to visite a poore me●…ne christian. these things they put off to the meanest curates , as overmeane for their lips ; who scorne to bus●… themselves with lesser matrers , then managing the greatest state offices and affaires , wayting at kings owne elbowes , following the heeles of rheit courts to gett more preferments ; lording it over their whole diocesse yea over whole kingdomes at their pleasures , and that over lords and knights if not kings themselves aswell as ministers , and the meanest curate●… ; sitting as iudges not only in their consistories , visitations , and high commission courts , but at assizes , sessions . yea in star chamber , and exchequer-chamber to , (g) m●…king of new canons , iniunctions , oathes , articles , and printin●… enforcing them on the subjects with all violence , in their o●…e names alone , like absolute monarkes , popes , and parliaments : these , and such like , are the things that lord prelates busy thems●…lves with all , and in advancing their iurisdictions , revenues , wealth , pompe , state ; but they will have nothing or very little at all to doe with christ , whose sacred presence ( either by the powerfull preaching of his word , the purity of his ordinances , the reprehēsion of their sines , the approach or meditation of the day of death or iudgment , or by the growth or progresse of his true spirituall kingdome under their noses , ) is so irksome to them , that it ●…ments them before the time , & make them frett , fume , rage , vex , chafe , and play about them like madd men , as appeares by the booke of martirs , yea , by present experience with out further evidence . and if at any time after they are made bishops , they leave their former habitations , and repaire to their diocesse , or bee translated from one see to another ; they commonly take with them seaven other spirits as bad , ar more wicked themselves , ( to wit , * archdeacons , chauncellors , registers , appariters , howshold chaplaines , secretaries , and private informers against good men ) who reside either neere or with them in their diocesse ; which are so vexed , pilled , polled , spoyled , corrupted , by these horseleaches , and caterpillars , that the last estate of them , when they leave them , is commonly farre worse then the first , when they repaired thither ; yea their bishopricks too , are usually so pared by the sale of woods , renewing of leases , granting of offices , reversions , and such other usuall devices of these ghostly fathers , before their deathes and translations , that they leave them commonly in farre worse estate then they found them ; so like are they to the divell , to make all things worse and worsethey meddle with ; the reason ( i take it ) of our usuall english proverbe , when any milke or broth on the fire is burnt , and thereby marred ; that the bishop hath been in the pot ; because they commonly marre all things where they come , as the divell doth . seaventhly , the divell takes men captive at his will , and few that are taken by him recover themselves ( but with great difficulty ) out of his snares , 2 tim. 2. 26. so domineering , tyrannizing , prelates , imprison , pursivant , and take men captive at their pleasures , against all iustice , equity , piety , pitty , lawes of god and man , against magna charta , the petition of right , and all other acts of parliament for the subiects liberties . take but one fresh instance ; for an example , insteed of hundreds more : on the 26. of this instant ianuary , one knight , a glasse-man in london , for repeating a sermon in norfolke , was conuented before the archbishop and other high-commiffioners at lambeth , and tend●…ed an ex officio oath ( not warranted by any law of god or man , and in direct termes for ever exploded , and not warrantable by the lawes and statutes of this realme in the late petition of right 3. caroll : ) hee thereupon answered , that he was not fully satisfied in conscience of the lawfulnesse of that oath , and therefore humbly desired his grace , that he might be satisfied , first , in point of conscience errehe tooke it . the archbishop hereunto replied like a learned prelate ; you shall bee satisfied i warrant you , take him laylor to ●…he fleet , where he now is : alas , is this the learned satisfaction , the argumentation , and sole logicke of our prelates , to quiet mens consciences , and remove their doubts . take him laylor , away with him purfevant to the fleet , and that against the expresse petition of right , which enacts , that no man hereafter shall be compelled to take svch an oath , or be confined or molested , or disquieted concerning the same , or for refusall thereof ? was ever such language heard out of our saviours or his apostles mouthes ? take him iaylor , to prison with him , &c. or did they ever give such satisfaction to mens conscience as this ? no verily ; this onely is the divels language , law and spirituall satisfaction , who takes men captive at his will ; as these lord prelates now daily doe , by his example . and as those who are taken captive by the divell , can hardly recover themselves out of his snares againe : so those who are thus uniustly imprisoned and apprehended by them , can hardly recover themselues out of their snares ; such tenacious divells are they . eightly , the divell goeth about like a roaring lion seeking whom he may devoure . 1 pet. 5. 9. iob. 1. 7. c. 2. 2. so doe lordly prelates , their officialls , commissioners , pursevants , and apparitors , especially when they ride about to visit , pill and poll their diocesse ; only this is the difference , that the divell goeth and they ride , and coach it about in state . ninthly , the divell layes snares and trappes to entangle and catch men , 2 tim. 2. 26. rev. 2. 23. so doe lord bishops lay baites , snares , and spies in every corner , especially to intrap and catch , betray or informe against godly ministers & professors of religion , with all other sorts of men of whom they may gaine mony or advantage to themselves , or officers . 10. the divell is , and hath been a murtherer of mens soules and bodies , from the beginning till this present , iohn 8. 44. such have lord prelates beene in all ages from their very beginning to this instant as a●… histories , our bookes of martyrs and present experience manifests . 11. the divell is a lyar , yea the father of lyes , and there is no truth in him , yea when he speaketh a lye , he speaketh of his owne iohn . 8. 44. such are all lorly prelates , in raysing up a false enormous , schandals , tales , reports , accusations , and forged calumnies , of all good ministers and people , in broaching false doctrines , errors , heresies , and forging many fabulous stories , false glosses , miracles , tales , and spurious antiquities , to support their tottering hierarchies and vsurped episcopall iurisdictions ; in being trecherous yea perfideous in all their wordes and actions both towards god and men , especially to their princes , and those who have most relied on them , as all the italian , german , and english stories , writers of the lives of popes and prelates , and mr. tindals practise of popish prelates , testify at large , and present experience much complaines of , there being no such grosse hypocrites , machiavils , equivocators & perfideous faithlesse persons breathing , as some prelates shewe themselves ; and that aswell in divine as temporall affaires and transactions . 12. the divell is an accufer , ( a false ruducing calumniator of the brethren , ) & true saints of god reb. 12. 10. whence , false accusers , are stiled divells , in the originall greeke . 2. tim. 3. 3. such have malicious lordly prelates been in all ages ; and never more then ( (h) ) now ; accusing all godly , faithfull christians , preachers and ministers of the golpell ( whom they and the papists now terme puritains ) to kinges and greate officers of state , of seditions , rebellion , disobedience , disloyalty , treason , schisme , inconformity , conspiracy , vnlawfull conventicles and assemblies , false dangerous doctrines , puritanisme , and the like ; only for their godly , holy , just , and blame lesse liues , their powerfull , zealous , freq●…ent , preaching , praying , the discovering of , or declayming against their idlenesses , lordlynesses , luxury , persecutions , tyranny , covetousenes , secularity , superstitio is popish doctrines , innovations , and intollerable enchroachments both superstitio●…s his majesties ecclesiasticall prerogatives , and the peoples liberties , consciences , and estates . all this their owne and that sworne creatures daily s●…ditious court sermons , and treatises , evidence past all denyall . 13. the divill envied and maligned holy iob , stripped him of his children , cattle , servants , estate , health , and all earthly comforts ; tormented him with botches and blaines from top to toe , and persecuted him with the most extremity of his malice and power ; only because he was a iust man that feared god , neither was there any like him for goodnes in all the earth . iob. 1. & 2. & 3. thus likewise have done and yet doe the lordly prelates serve many of the ●…minentest , best , yea most godly faithfull ministers and christians , whose families and estates they have vtterly ruined , depriving them of their benefices , freeholds ; iectures , ministry , lawful callings ( contrary to the fourth cōmaundment ) stripping them quitte naked of altheir estates by fines , or costly suites , and then casting them into a nasty prison , there to rot and perish , or banishing them the land , and troubling all such godly christians who out of piety or charity dare contribute any thinge to there releife , witnesse the mayer , tounclerke and aldermen of gloster , not long since convented by the now arch-bishop of canterbury , as most notorious offenders before his majesty and the high commission to , only for granting an annuity to their ancient preacher mr. workeman , which they were inioyned by his lord-ships grace to cancell . such cruell , mercilesse , barbarous , inhumane divells are they degenerated into , as to make charity and mercy itselfe to godly ministers , a grievous crime . 14. the divell is full of venome , poison , rankor , wiles , devices , craft , and subtelty , to mischeife and destroy men , seeking and taking all advantages to hurt them . 2. cor. 2. 11. ephes. 6. 11. whence he is called a 〈◊〉 , and an olde sarpent . isay 27. 1. cor. 11. 3. rev. 12. 2. 14. 15. c. 20. 2. soe are the prelates , as ecclesiasticall stories , the booke of martyrs , the history of the counsell of trent te●…ifie and experience evidenceth beyond all contradiction , in our presente serpantine , venemous malicious prelates ( (k) ) wise only to d●… evill , but to doe good they have yet no knowledge ; for ought appeares by their daily practises . 15. the divell is the prince of the world , by vsurpation & tyranny . iohn . 12. 37. c. 14. 30. c. 16. 18. ephes. 2. 2. yea the prince of the darkenesses of this world . ephes. 6. 12. so are lord prelates , who beare cheife rule and sway in al churches and states where they are , dominering like absolute pri●…es , kings , tyrants in most christian realmes , exercising all temporall , all ecclesiasticall dominion at their pleasure , and lording it over al men , yea , over lords themselves contrary to our saviours expresse inhibition math. 20. 25. 26. 27. luke 22. 25. 26. 27. mark. 10. 42. 43. 1. pet. 5. 1. 23. yea which is very observable . bishop , white , in his late epistle to the 〈◊〉 of canterbury , before his treatise of the saboath , london 1635. is not ashamed to appropriate that text of psal : 45. ( inste●…d of thy father shal be thy children , whom thou ma●…st make princes in all the earth , ) to bi●…ops only ; who ( it seemes ) haue now ioyntly conspired togeather in all countries , to make themselves princes in all kingdomes of the earth ; and to engrosse the sole goverment of them and the whole worldinto their spirituall hands , as they conspired in this manner of olde both at home and abroade ; ●…itnesse 37. hen. 8. c. 17. 28. h. 8. c. 10. m●… . tindalls practise of popish prelates , and his obedience of 〈◊〉 chri●…ian man. moreover they are certainly the princes of the 〈◊〉 darkenesses of this world ; both by putting out the glorious lights and preachers of gods word ; and sweeping downe the brightest stars of our church from heaven which their dragonlike tayles , in every place ; by degrees , and by purging this very passage out of the first collect in the last fast-booke : thou hast delivered us from superstition and idolatry wherein wee were utt●… drowned , and hast brought us into the most cleare and comfortable light of thy holy word , &c. of purpose to bring us backe againe into superstitious , romish hellish darkenesse , utterly to drowne both our soules and bodies in it . and are they not then pretty princes , starres and angels of darkenesse ? 16. the divell challengeth all the kingdomes of the world , and the glory of them , as his owne , and by a 〈◊〉 and grant of them , tempteth christ himself●… to full dow●… and worship him , math. 4. 8 , 9 , 10. luke 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. this not only the pope doth , in direct termes , ( as 〈◊〉 crakenthorpe proves at large , in the first chapter of the popes temporall monarchie , ) but the lordly prelates likewise ; who anciently have , and now againe attempt , to sway and dispose of all kingdomes of the world with all dignities , offices , and promotions in them at their pleasures ; and by promise of them , or of bishopricks , benefices , deaneries , and other preferments to them creatures and agents , tempt divers both of the laity and clergie , even against their knowledge and conscience , to fall downe , obey feare , serve , and worship them more then god , then christ , their soveraignes or their lawes , as woefull experience manifests at this day , wherein most men in authority , feare and worship our prelates more then god or the king , and are more carefull to obey , more fearefull to offend their injunctions , articles , edicts , pleasures , then either gods or the kings lawes , as i could instance in sundry particulars , in prohibitions , habens corpora and other actions against the lord prelates , their officers and creatures which i spare to mention . 17. the divel adventured to tempt christ himselfe by severall successive temptations , to drawe him to his beck . math. 4. 1. to 12. luke 4. 1. 10. soe doe lordly prelates , adventure by several wiles stratagems , flateries , promises and faire pretences , ( yea and by perverting the scripture it selfe , as the divell did here with christ ) to tempt kings , princes , nobles , great officers of estate , schollers , lawyers , and all men of note , ( especially the eminent preachers and professors , ) to take their parts , to prostitute themselves to their papall institutions , superstitions , decretalls , pleasures , ceremonies , innovations and commaunds ; and to protect , uphold , aduance their antichristian tottering hierarchie , ( as ancient histories , with present experience , and mr. tindalls practise of popish prelates testifie . 18. the divell would have christ himselfe to fall downe and worship him notwithstanding gods expresse commaundement to the contrary , math. 4. 8. 9. 10. luke 5. . 6. 7. soe our prelates would have all men euen against the lawes of god and the realme to fall downe and submit to them and their antichristian novell ceremonies , articles , injunctions oathes , vsurpation , extorsions , encroachments to bowe and cringe to altars , images , crucifixes , crosses , the sacramentall bread & wine , the ver●… name of iesus &c , and to publish theire declaration ●…or sportes and pastimes on the lords day , coloured only by them with his maiesties name , though really none of his in their parish churches , as if it were gods owne 〈◊〉 & law , to spurre up yea precipitate the people to al manner of disorder , & the profanation of gods owne sacre●… day , to the ruine both of their soul●…s and bodies . ( yea the ouerthrowe of all pietie and religon , ) silencing , suspending , excommunicating , yea suing such in theire consistories , and high commissions , who refuse to puplish it , ( though there be no law or canon for it , ) notwithstanding gods commaundements , and many late examplary iudgments from heauen , ( ●…or which , some prelates threaten to binde god allmighty himselfe to the peace and good behauiour at the next quarter sessions and assizes , expressly prohibit it : soe like are they in this particular to their spirituall father the divill in perswading , enforcing men to fall downe and worship them and their commandments against gods owne heauenly precepts . 19. the divill is a great enemy to the purity of gods word and ordinances , and whiles men sleepe soweth tares among the wheate and good seede to corrupt and mar●…e them math. 13. 24. 25. 38. 39. so doe lord prelates , who sophisticate , pollute , depraue , yea marre the purity of gods word , worship . sacraments , and other ordinances with their idolatrous , superstitious antichristian ceremonies , vestments , genuflexions additaments , mixtur●…s and humane inuentions , and whiles many of our spirituall watchmen are a sleepe and silenced , they have sowne so many popish tares among our wheate that little else but tares appeare now upon the ground , & by that time harvest comes , if men awake not the sooner , we are like to reape nothing but a crop of these pernitious tares insteed of wheate , being already ledd by some leading prelates ( like the sirians by the prophet elishah into the midst of samaria 2. kings . 6. almost into the uery midst of roome like persons hoodwinckt , before we are aware of it ; as all whose eyes god hath opened plainely se. 20. the divell hinders gods ministers to goe and preach the gospell to the people that they may be saued 1. thess. 2. 8. so doe the prelates now by suspending , silencing , excommunicating , imprisoning most of the best and powerfullest ministers , and forbidding them to preach unto the people , that they might be saved ( yea even in the times of pestilence and mortallity ) to fill np their sinnes allway , ●…or the wrath is come upon them to the uttermost . 1. thes. 2. 16. 21. where the divill cannot hinder the preaching of gods word altogether , there he comes and steales it away presently out of mens harts and mindes , as soone as it is sowen , that so it may take no roote , and bring forth no fruit at all . math. 13. 19. so lord prelates , where they cannot altogether suppresse the preaching of the word , doe ( just-like the divell ) indeavour pr●…ntly to catch and steale it out of mens hartes , by giuing them liberty on the lords owne day , as sone as ever the sermon is ended , to fall to their may-games , morisses , dancings , sportes , and pastimes , ( practise condemned in expresse termes long agoe by clemens alexandrinus , pedagogil . 3. c. 11. tertullion de spect●… lib. & chrisostom h●…m . 5. in math. and by all divines of note since their age tot his , as hellish , heathenish , diabolicall , impious , and pernitious , depriving mens soules of the benefit of all gods ordinances ) and by prohibiting them to meete together to repeate their ministers sermons with their freinds , neighbors , and families punnissing them for conventicles if they doe it , contrary to st. paules , st. chrisostoms , theophelacts , caesarius arelatensis , bishop iewells , dr. boyes , mr. iohn sprintes , bishop , baglies , and all other diuines doctrine that i ever read or heard of , ( yf not to the canons , 1571. p. 16. & 1602. can. 13 & 79 ) who much vrget his repetition of sermons as a necessary dutie on all christians , though of divers families ) a stupendious straine of atheisticall profanenes , and desperate impeity which no prelates ever aspired to , before these of this last impious age , in affront of al the prelates and clergie of england in h. 8. his dayes , who prescribe and vrge it much to these nouellers eternall shame . 22. the divi●…l to worke his owne divellish ends and designes , will sometimes transforme himselfe into an angell of light , though he be still a divell in truth 2. cor. 11. 14. so the prelates ( the archest hypocrites breathing ) will sometimes doe the like , putting on a counterfeit vizard of pietie and holinesse , to cloak their divelish designes , seeming , angells of light in shewe , when as they are still meere divells incarnate in verity : as appeares by seuerall popes , by thomas of becket , anselme , edward , thomas , and william , of canterbury , with divers of our anuncient english , and late out landish prelates , whose lives are at large related in antiquitates ecclesiae britanicae , malmesbury & godwyn , in the 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. centuries of magdeburg ( cap. 6. 7. 10. of each ) in crantzins ●…is metropolis , catalogus testuum veritatis , auealini an : boiorum , & others ; who manifest lordly bishops in all ages , to have been the greatest pypocrites , dissemblers , schizmatickes , atheists , traytors , rebells , villaines , and monsters of impiety , under the pretence of sanctity , that ever had existence in the world ; as you may there read at leisure ; and in doctour iohn white his way to the true church sect. 55. n. 9 , 10. sect. 57. n. 9 , 10 , 11. sect. 38. n. 45 , 6. and defence of the way , c. 6. 23. the divell is a proud insolent domineering spirit , falling ( as most hold ) by this sinne of pride and arrogance 1 tim. 3. 6 , 7. isay. 14. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. such and no other are the lordly prelates , witnesse all stories present unanswerable experience , and the common proverbe . as proud as a prelate they being the most arrogant , insolent , domineering , proud , ambitious , luciferian generation of all the sonnes of men , trampling all others under their lordly feet ; when as if they were christs members or disciples , they should bee the lowliest and humblest of all othes both in heart and conversation , as hee was math 11. 29. an infallible character that they are none of his institution , but the divels , whose pride they imitate , equall , if not transcend , and which sinne ( no doubt ) will shortly ruine them , prov. 16. 18. as it did their father the divell . 24. the divell entred into iud●…s ( christs lord treasurer . iohn . 12. 6. 13. 29. ) and moved him for 30. peeces of silver to betray his m●…ster math. 26. 14 , 15. marke 14 10 , 11. luke 22. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. iohn 13. 17 , 18 , 19. c. 18. 3. so these lordly prelates , for hopes of honour , money , or preferments sell and betray even christ himselfe , his word , truth , gospell , saints , members , to the pope , yea the divell himselfe , or any that will hire them to doe it : nay hundreds of them ( both at home and abroad ) have for lucre , honour and money , betrayed , murdered , deposed , conspired , and rebelled against their owne soveraignes , ( emperours , kings , and princes ) ( such notable treacherous varlets have they beene in all ages ) as sundry stories manifest at large ; yea in former ages , and this present too , they insinuate into mens heates , with p●…omises and rewardes , causing servants to betray their masters , wives their husbands , children their parents , people their pastors , nay one minister , one professor ( at least in 〈◊〉 ) another , and cause one friend , one neighbour to accuse , intrappe , and betray another , whom they malice for their grace and goodnesse , or any other occasion ) that so they may persecute , hamper , ruine them in their ecclesiasticall or high commission courts , or crush them by their temporall power and greatnesse at their pleasures , by putting them from their freeholds , and lawfull callings , confining them to some prison , or forcing them to flie the land , in case they stoope not to their lusts in all particulars ; as hundreds of late presidents , manifest a●…●…ull . 25. the divell doth buffet and binde gods servants , till christ by his infinite power doth loose them 2. cor. 12. 7. luke 13. 16. so have done , and yet dayly doe lord prelates buffet and binde gods people by their censures , excommunications , officers , pursevants , iaylo●…s , till christ by his omnipotent power shall rescue and deliver them from this their tyranny . 26. the diuell filleth mens hearts to lie to the holy ghost acts 5. 3. so lord prelates with promises and perswasions do the like , by suborning their instruments in their writings and sermons before kings , princes , vniversities , and the most eminent assemblies , to maintaine their episcopall iurisdiction , lordlinesse , pompe and power , their superstious popish ceremonies , altars , crucifixes , tapers , genuflexions , conservations , adorations , &c. to bee all iure divino warranted an●… prescribed by gods law and word , of purpose to deceive the auditors ( when as their consciences know t●…e contrary to bee true , and that they lye against the holy ghost in what they preach and write ) and to forge divers notorious fables and calumnies of puritans precizians and godly christians out of their owne poeticall braines ( as false as any figments in the golden legend ) to bring both them , the practise , power , and profession of religion into publike scorne ; that so popery , atheisme , and profanenesse may overflo●… the world , a dangerous ( yet now a common ) sinne and practise , which i wish the guilty would reforme by ananias and saphirahs exemplary punishments for this very sinne , acts 5. 3. to . 10. 27. the divell tempts and encourageth men to all kindes of sinne , of wikednesse , and to disobey all gods commandements , gen. 3. 1. to . 7. to ●…cleanenesse . 1 cor. 7. 5. to cruelty and implacablenesse 2 cor. 2. 11. to wantonnesse , worldlinesse , lasciviousnesse , profanenesse , and fleshly lusts ephes. 2. 2 , 3. 1 tim. 5. 15. besides murther , treachery , lying , and other forenamed sinnes . so doe the prelates ; witnesse their many late vngodly , superstitious , licentious bookes and practises , to spurre men on to popery and superstition , but especially to profane the saboath , to use dancing , morrisses , may-games , erect ales , may-poles , bacchavalls , drinke , swill , and play the epicures , the pagans , even on gods owne sacred day ( and that whiles we lye all under gods scourge & plagues for this very sinne ) to tumble them headlong into hell , and draw downe all gods wrath and plagues upon us from heaven at once , to our speedy certayne ruine . take but one fresh instance of this kinde : master skinner the bishop elect of bristoll , this last s●…mmer even in the heate of the plague , invited one sir garret ramsford ( a prisonner in the kings bench ) with his lady , to dine with him at his countrey house on the lords day , and charged them not to fayle him , for they would bee very merry ; they came accordingly , and his elect lordship , according to promise was so merry , that hee called for bristow milke ( strong sacke ) to season him for that diocesse , and sucked it up so freely , that hee had almost got the staggars ; and his men seeing their new lord set upon so merry a pinne , plied him so fast with it , that at last he bad them take away the sacke for feare they should kill him with it , and what then should his majestie doe for a new bishop ? ( as if enough would not bee reddy to succeed him , if hee were gone ) : well , their company was so good , that they must stay at supper with him too ; they did so , and they were very merry ; supper ended , his lor●…ship cals for a paire of cardes , and to play they must all goe ; sir garret thereupon answered , my lord i thinke you are of their opinion who hold , that the saboath endeth at six of the clocke , that you will now goe to cardes , for i hope you will not play upon the saboath : no ( saith hee ) i am not of that opinion ; but his majestie cōmandeth us to play on this day . a notorious untruth ; for where ( i pray ) commandeth his majestie , or alloweth b●…shops or ministers to play at cardes , or dice , or tables on the lords day , when as he commands ; that nothing bee done against the lawes aud canons of the church , in that very declaration they would father on his highnesse , and the 73. and 74. canons expressely pro●…ibit bishops and ministers to play at cardes , dice or any other unlawfull games on any day , much lesse then on the lords day , which the 13 canon , and the homilie , of the time and place of prayer , with 5. & 6. e. l. c. 3. and his majesties prime act. 1. carolic . 1. will inf●…rme them ought otherwise to be spent then in carding , playes and pastimes . sir garret replied , that hee conceiued , it was against the fourth commandement : and that his majestie neither would nor could command any thing against gods law ; or if he did ; we were not to obey in such cases . his lordship replied , that the fourth commandement was ceremoniall and abrogated long agoe . so ( said sir garret ) you may say as well of all the rest ; and if his majestie should command any thing against the other 9. would you obey it ? that ( said his lordship ) wee must dispute when there shal bee occasion , ( intimating , that if his majestie should command any thing against a●…y of gods commandements ( which wee trust hee will never doe ) the bishops would obey it without any great dispute . ) well , sir garret would not play at that time , and thereupon the cards were sent backe againe . and is not this a man ( thinke you ) like to make a very ho●…y prelate ? it may be so , for hee hath since beene consecrated ( and that with some new popish ceremonies as is reported . ) and in truth he needed a consecration , for i remember well , when hee was fellow of trinity colledge in oxford , hee after pretty bes bauger so long , that he begate a strong kinde of spurious tympany in his belly , for which i never heard , hee did any pena●…ce , or made any purgation ; but his consecration ( doubtlesse ) hath purged this and all other his sinnes cleane away : such holy examples are lord prelates , whose doctrine had need convert mens soules , for few of their lives will doe it . 28. the divell stirreth up kings to offend god , to the destruction and prejudice of their subjects 1 chron. 21. 1. and rayseth discordes and dissentions and disaffections betweene kings and their subjects iudges 9. 23. and haue not lordly prelates aunciently , yea lately done or endeavoured at least to doe the like in germany , france , that i say not in england too ? their chiefe practise 〈◊〉 allwayes bee●…e to ali●…nate subjects affectiens from their kings , by putting them upon unjust taxes , 〈◊〉 , projects , monopolies , oppressions , in●…ations ; by giving them evill counsell , by ●…opping the course of lawes , of common right and iustice , of the preaching power and progresse of the cospell , by advancing idolatry , popery , 〈◊〉 , with their owne intollerable 〈◊〉 and lordly iurisdiction , by fathering all their unjust 〈◊〉 u●…on kings , &c. and on the contrary to estrange the ki●…gs hearts ●…om their subjects , by false calumnies , by sedicious court-sermons and by infusing jealousies and discont●…nts into their heads and hearts against their best and loyallest subjects without a cause ; a divellish practise never more used then in these our dayes . 29. satan will not bee devided against satan for feare his kingdo●…e should not stand math. 12. 10. so these lordly prelates wil never be devided one against another in point of their antichristian iurisdiction pompe , and hierarchie ( which they all concurre i●… , though they have oft many deadly personall and particular fendes one with another ) nor yet against the pope or devells kingdo●…s ; for then their o●…ne kingdome ( a branch and me●…ber of the p●…pes and divells , as many of our godly m●…rtyrs and writers have reso●…ved ) should soone fall to ruine . 30. the divell ( that red-dragon ) had seven crownes upon his head revel . 12. 3. to shew his royall power . so have the popes and other prelates , crownes and miters o●… their pates , to testify their royalty and lordly do●…inion over kings and others , as they vaunted in d. ba●…twicks censure . 31. the divell had a seate and throne in the church of pergamus , wherein hee sate in state revel . 2. 13. so have the prelates in their cathedralls and chappell 's ; ( as they then also boasted : ) yea their great cathedralls are but ch●…ires for these great two legged foxes lordly tayles to sit in ; 〈◊〉 a lesser meaner chayre did then c●…ntent the divell , who now sits in greater state , and is farre better served and attended in our cathedrals then ever hee was in the church of perga●…us . 32. the divell ( that red-drogon ) with his tayle drew the third part of the starres from heaven and cast them to the earth , revel 12. 4. so have lordly prelates ( the tayle of that fell dragon ) anciently , and of late times swept downe the third part or more , of our starres ( to wit , of all our faithfull , powerful , pain●…full , zealous ministers ) f●…om heaven ( to wit , from their pulpits and ●…hurches ) and by their suspensions , excommunications , imprisonments , deprivations , suppressing of lectures , persecutions , &c. have cast them to the ground , nay trampled them under their dragon-like pawes , depriving them of their office and benefices ; thereby robbing god and christ of the glory , the poore peoples soules of the fruit and comfort of their ministry , to their greatest griefe . 33. this greate red dragon , ( the divell ) stoode before the woman ( the church ) which was reddy to be delivered of a man-childe , for to devoure her childe ( her spirituall regenerate children ) as soone as it was borne . rev. 12. 4 , 5. thus those lordly prelates doe ; no sooner can the church be reddy to be delivered of a man-childe , of a godly faithfull pastor , new minister , or zealous christian , but these great redd scarlet dragons , ( w●…o can suffer dumbe dogges , deboist , licentious , dissolute drunken , scandalous ministers and supersticious popelings to sit still and doe what they list , without danger or countroll ) are at hand ( like p●…aroah , and the divell ) to devoure , silence , suppresse , pers●…cute , and destroy th●…m as s●…one as they are borne , or ●…ginne but once publiquely to appeare in the world ; as experience too well ●…ifieth in most places , where a godly minister or christian can no sooner shew his head or beginne to doe god faithfull service but they presently lay trappes and snares to hamper , or send apparitors , pursevants , with such other hellish furies , to seize upon them , that so their lordships may swallow them all up at a bit ; yea if any good booke shall beginne to peepe out against their tyranny , prelacy , and innovations , howses , shipps , studdies , trunks and cabinets must be broken up and ransacked for them : such ravenous red●… furious dragons are they , and such open wide sepulchers are their devo●…ring throates to swallow 〈◊〉 all things that any way make against them . 34. this dragon , and his angells make ware in heaven fi●…hting with michaell , ( to wit , our saviour christ ) and his angells rev. 12. 7. soe the lordly prelates and their angells ( to wit , their deanes , arch-deacons officialls , chauncellors , commissaries , surragates , advocates , proctors , registers , pursevanst , sum●…ers , apparitors , & howshold chaplaynes too for the most part ) have in al ages to this very moment , made warre in heaven ( gods church militant ) with christ and his angells , to wit , his faithfull , po●…erfull , godly ministers ; preachers , saints , and servants ; as all histories , ages witnesse , and now this battaile seemes to be at the hottest , here amongst us , more godly ministers h●…ving been silenced , suspended , deprived , driven from their ministry , & chased out of the realme within these 5. yeares , though conformable to the established doctrine and discipline of our church , then in many ages before . 35. when the divell co●…es downe among the inhabitants of the earth , and of the sea , then woe be to them rev. 12. 12. soe woe be to the kingdomes , churches , and people , where lord prelates come and beare most sway amongst them , witnesse our booke of martyrs , and chronicles of england ; & to these diocesse wherein they domineere ; witnesse norwich diocesse and others at this present . 36. when this dragon , and the divell was cast out to the earth , he persecuted the woman ( the true church of god ) rev. 12. 13. so have these lord prelates in all ages ; ( as the bookes of martyres record at large ) since they were cast out of heaven ( christs true spirituall church ) for their lordly pride . 37. when the dragon saw the woman had such swift winges given her , that shee escaped his hands , and fledd into the wildernesse , out of his reach and danger , where shee was nourished for a time , then he cast out of his mouth a floud of water after her , to devoure & drowne her rev. 12. 14 , 15 , 16. so these lord prelates , when any godly ministers or christians have escaped their lordships , their apparitors , pursevants , or other cathpoles hands by flight , or otherwise ; power out of their mouthes a floud of execrations , excommunications , intimations , suspensions , maledictions , reproaches , obloquies , and outragious censures against them , to devoure and over whelme them ; yea excommunications with agravations , that no man shall buy , sell , trade , eate , drinke , or have any conversation with them ; an hellish antichristian , tyranny lately practised , and revived ( against all lawes and statutes of the realme ) against 4. men in norwich , only for not bowing at the name of iesus ; and against mr. samuell burrowes of colchester , for indicting parson newman for enforcing the people up to his new rayle to receive . 38. the divell , if stoutly and manfully resisted , will flie from us , ever raging ( like a coward ) over those with greatest extremity , that make the least resistance 1 pet. 5. 9. iames 4. 7. thus doe these lordly prelates ; where they are stoutly and manfully withstood in their tyrannicall exorbitant procedings vsurpations , and incroachments , by men of courage , there they ( for the most part ) flie , & giue over ; these ever fareing best , that most manfully oppugne them : where they are crowched , bowed , and basely submitted to , or faintly resisted , or not opposed ( as late experience too well manifesteth ) there they rage , tyrannize , triumph most , and make strange havock in the church . yf ministers , or people then will ever be free from the tvranny , bondage , insolency , rage , or desperate oppressions , the unjust illegall excommunications , suspentions , exacted fees , visitation oathes , articles , ceremonies , innouations , citations , procedings of these outragious divells , made in their owne names and rights alone , under their propper seales , without any patent or commission from his majesties authorizing them ( contrary to the expresse statutes of 25. h. 8. c. 19 , 20 , 21. 26. h. 8. c. 1. 27. h. 8. c. 15. 31. h. 8. c. 9 , 10. 32. h. 8. c. 26. 37. h. 8. c. 17. 1. ed. 6. c. 2. 1 , el. c. 1. 2. 5. el. c. 1. 8. el. c. 1. 13. el. c. 12. ) or from their high cō nission ex officio oathes , pursevants , imprisonments and fines , contrary to magna carta c. 29. the petition of right . 1 eliz : c. 1. ( on which their commission is grounded 3 ●…oli . and the lawes and statutes of the realme ( as their very last high commission it selfe expressely resolves ; and therefore add a non obstante , these their ex officio oathes , imprisonments . fines , and censures bee contrary to the lawes and statutes of the realme ; such is the prelates iustice , conscience , piety , fatherly charity , and obedience to his majesties lawes , to foist such a desperate papall non obstante into their high commission ) : let then them manfully , couragiously , unanimously resist and withstand them to the uttermost of their power , by all just , warrantable , lawfull meanes that may bee ( as loyalty to their king & countrey , charity to themselves and their posterity , and conscience towards god , enioyne them ) and then these base-borne , ignoble , cowardly , mushrom lords and divells ( animated , flushed , enraged , only by mens former cowardise , faint-hartednesse , and strange unchristian sordid basenesse ) will flee away shortly from them , and never assault or oppresse them more , in such a tyrannicall , uniust , illegall manner , as they have lately done ; as phil : 1. 27. iam. 4. 7. resolve and certifie us for comfort and encouragement . 39. there is , and hath been from the fall of adam , to this present , a bitter , perpetuall , implacable enmity and warre , betweene the old serpent ( the divell ) and his feed , and christ the seede of the woman , his church , and her seed , the elect and regenerate saints of god : genes . 3. 15. so hath there beene betweene the lordly prelates , their officers , spawne , and generation , and christ and his true spirituall seede and faithfull members , even from their first originall , till this present ; witnesse the desperate enmity , the implacable malice , and horrid cruelty of the ancient lordly arrian court-bishops towards the orthodox christians of old ; of the popes , and popish prelates to the true ministers , professors of the gospell , and protestants ; and of the ceremonious ; pompous , lordly english lord prelates towardes the puritans , and precisians ( as they ) nickname them ) the powerfull , painefull , zealous , godly preachers , ministers , and christians since ; of all which , our bookes of martyrs , with other ecclesiasticall histories , and late treatises give ample testimony , which present experience cannot but subscribe to . 40. the divell is a malicious malignant spirit whose malice is never satisfied , ended , mittigated , or appeased , but with the ruine of the parties maligned : as appeares in iob. 1. 13. to 22. c. 2. 1. to 8 : where he could not be satisfied with the destruction of iobs children , oxen , asses , sheepe , camells , servants , and estate , but he would have had his life too ; and when that could not be obtayned ; yet he would torment his body with sore painefull boiles from the crowne of his head to the sole of his foote . so lordly prelates malice and rankor against gods faithfull ministers , is endlesse , boundlesse , implacable , they cannot be content to vex , molest , and trouble them with causelesse suites , vnlesse they silence & stop their mouthes : when that is done , they are never quiet till they have quite deprived them of their livings and ministry , stripped them of all their lively-hood , cast them into some nasty prison , or bannished them the realme : when this is acco●…plished , yet is not their rage abated , nor their malice extinguished ; euen in prison they will keep an hard hand against them , use them with all de●…pit and rigor , depriue them as much as may be , of all releife , resort , and comfort , seeke out new occasions to vex and persecute them , but if perchance they escape beyond the seas , and get out of their clutches ; then they persecute them ( as the high preists did the primitive christians ) euen into strange cities and countries acts 26. 11. raising up fresh troubles and stormes against them by their catholike agents , even there , to destroy them ; as they did against mr. tindall , and other martyres of olde ; and against some of our godly ministers of late , being never at rest or peace , till they have either sucked their bloud , or seene them dead in their graves ; a truth too apparant by many present examples fresh before our eyes . 41. the divill hath his angells , his ministring spirits , and spirituall sonnes to doe his service , advance his kingdome , and execute his commandements math. 25. 41. iohn . 6. 70. c. 8. 44. 1. iohn . 3. 8. 10. yea , to perswade men to worship the divill and idolls of gold and silver , and brasse , and stone , and of wood , which neither can se , nor heare , nor walke rev. 9. 20. math. 4. 8. 9 , 10. luke 4. 5 , 6 , 7. 1. kings 22. 28 , 29 , 30. so have lordly prelates their angells , their spirituall sonnes , and ministring spirits , to execute their severall injunctions & commandments : their angells , ( to wit ) their howshold chaplaines ( now knowne (h) apostate angells from their first faith love and workes ) and their spirituall sonnes , to wit , their preists serving at their ●…ew erected altars , ( as themselves now pray , write and preach , who now call themselves the sonnes of the church ; to wit , of the bishops ) who like an oven heated by the (i) baker , send out nothing but black fiery (k) coales from the altar , with which , their owne tongues , and others (l) lips being touched , by these greate seraphins commandments ( according to their usuall formes of prayer , before their sermons ) insteed of crying out against the idolatrous altlas of bethell ( as the man of god once did by gods speciall commandment in the very presence of k. ieroboam 1. king 13. 2 , 3 , 4. ) they doe nothing else but preach and cry out for altars , setting up of altars , images , crucifixes , tapers , with other altar-trinkets , even before our most gracious king himselfe ; and (m) bray like a wild asse , or rayle and scolde like oyster women , against those who preach for lords tables ( which they beginne now againe to terme (n) oysterboardes , as that turne coate , dr. white with other papists did in ●…u . maries dayes , when they did set up popery afresh ) or oppose their popish idoll-altars , and the turning of our tables altar-wise : and not contented to set up altars , and crucifixes , against our statutes , articles , homilies , canons , injunctions , established doctrine of our church , to which they have subscribed , yea against the very booke of common prayer itselfe ; ( which prescribes only a table , not any altar ) they crease not to preach continually at court , paules-crosse , in both our vniversities , and else where , (o) that men 〈◊〉 and ought to bow downe and worship the golden images , the stately guilded altars , cru cifixes , images , which their greate (p) nabucadonozer , the lord prelates , have set up in their owne chappell 's , cathedralls , and other churches , ( as if one stone , stock , image , or dumbe idoll , might not fall downe and worship another alone , but all else must imitate their example , as the rule of faith and worship ( and themselves bow downe and worship before them , as the idolatrous isralites and pagans did before their idolls and altars 1. kings 12. 30. 2. king●… . 18. 22. 2. kings 5. 18. besides these angells , and spirituall sonnes ) who preach nothing now all most but their lordships (q) commandement●…●…de of gods ) they have divers ministring spirits ; as arch-deacons , commissaries , pursevants , apparitors , ●…ilors , registers , informers , aduocates , proctors , spies , and notaries in all places , to set up al●… , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , impose and prescribe n●…w ceremonies , injunctions , oathes , orders , articles , to suspende silence , excōmunicate , imprison , intrap , wailay , betray , persecute , fleece , and ruine all godly ministers and people , and advance their lordships monarchie , honour , pompe , state , raveuewes , kingdome , and cause al men to fall downe and worship them , like som●… petty gods descended from heaven , and their antichristian fond injunctions and popish innovations , as gods sacred oracles : so like are they to their father the divell in this resemblance . 42. the divell was a lying spirit in the mouth of aha●…s prophets ; to perswade him to what they pleased , against gods word & true prophets , &c. to advance his owne designes : 1. kings 22. 22 , 23. so our lord prelates anciently were , & now are as much as ever , lying spirits in the mouths of many false prophets ( and i would wee could not say , in most of his majesties chaplaines in ordinary , and others that preach before his highnesse , and in other publike places ) who preach nought else but their (r) lordships pleasures , and those words , those precepts , they cunningly put into their mouthes , ( as the (s) woman of tekoah spake ioabs words to david ) to accomplish their owne antichristian designes , advance their owne power and hierarchie , and cause all men to adore them as the only gods , lords , and oracles on the earth . (t) maximus tirius records , that one p. sapho dwelling in the parts of libia , desirous to be canonized a god , tooke a sort of prating birds , and secretly taught them to sing , p. sapho is a great god : and having their lesson perfectly , hee let them flie into thee woods and hills adioyning , where continuing there long , other birds also by imitation learned the same , till the hedges rang with nothing but p. saphoes dittie , great is the god p. sapho : the countrey-people hearing the birds , ( but ignorant of the ●…raud ) thought sapho to be a god indeed , and beganne to worship him . this ●…ame not only hath beene , but now is , both the popes , and lord prelates practise ; who desirous to effect their owne ambicious ends , advance their owne pretended divine power , iurisdiction , hierarchie , and to bee adored and obeyed in all their antichristian innovations , injunctions , and designes , as gods , with sweet promises of preferments ( which they have now for the most part monopolized into their owne hands ) they procure a company of bold audacious prating birds ( or bussards rather ) in our vniversities , and elsewhere , with their owne domesticke chaplaines , to learne these notes by heart , that the calling of lord bishops is iure divino ; that the holy fathers the prelates are to order all church-affayres , and to bee (v) obeyed in all their injunctions and commands without dispute : that they have power to decree rights and ceremonies , and authorities in controversies of faith , a clause lately foysted by them into the 20 article of our church , ( being not in the latine , or english articles of king edward the fixt , queene elizabeth ; nor those of ireland , taken verbatim out of the english , that we must have images , crucifixes , altars , preists , sacrifices ; that men ought to set their altars and tables altarwise at the east end of the church , & to bow downe vnto them and worship them : that they ought to bow at the naming of iesus , stand up at gloria patri , the gospell , athanasius , and the nicene creede , read , the 2. service at the altar , pray with their faces to the east , submit to the lord prelates in all matters of faith and discipline , beleeving as they beleeve , and doing as they doe : that they must allwayes declayme and crie out thus against puritans ( as they now doe in all their sermons ) that they are sedicious factious persons , enemies and rebells to the king and his lawes , ( when as the bishops themselves meere hildebrands ●…oth in church and state , are such ) meere hipocrites and imposters , men farre more dangerous and vnsufferable in the state then preists or iesuites : that they must magnify auricular confession , extreme vnction , and absolution , as things fitting to be received in the church : maintayne a reall presence in the sacrament : deny the pope to be antichrist , or his ceremonies to bee antichristian : crie up the use of dancing , sports and pastimes on the lords day : crie downe the strickt ●…anctification of it as iewdaisme , superticious , and puritanicall : preach against lectures , lecturers , often preaching , and sermons on the lords day afternoone , as meere babling , pratling , and * foolishnes ; with a world of such like songes , all which these their prating iayes having perfectly learned some two or three yeares since , they sent them abroade , not only into the woods , hills , and dales in the country , but also vnto the court , citie , vniversities , and places of greatest refort , to chaunt , and ●…oare out these their episcopall ditties ; where these singing birds ( or decoyes rather ) have so well playd their parts of late , by preaching , printing , and chanting out these their lessons , in citty , court & country , that other birds also ( by imitatiō ignorance , or hopes of like preferments as some of these first decoyes ha●…h attayned to , ) fall to ●…nge the self same ditties euery where , as fast as they ; so that now our cathedralls , chappell 's , churches , pulpits , ringe of little else but these episcopall tunes and songes : which the people daylie hearing every where ( being ignorant , of the prelats fraud and practise herein who taught those birds these tunes , of which i now desire all to take publique notice , ) begin to thinke lord prelates , and all these their romish doctrines , ceremonies , and innovations , to be of divine institution , and that their lordships are to be obeyed in all things without dispute , as if they were gods indeede ; wherevpon , they now fall downe & worship them as some petty , yea the greatest gods ; and these their antichristian doctrines , c●…monies , innovations , as gods sacred oracles and institutions , they being farre more happy then p. sapho , in this their stratagem ( worthy most serious consideration and discovery . ) that hee deceived only the , simple country people with this policy , but they , not only country-clownes , but citizens , schollers , courtiers , and some great nobles too i feare ; who upon the discovery of this their diobolicall fraud ( they speaking in these prating birds , though dumbe for the most part themselues , and singing the self same ditties when they speake , as the (x) divell spake of old in the serpent ) will no doubt vndeify them againe , and esteeme them but as men , or heathenish idolls , not worthy adoration or any longer credit ; and all these their innouations , romish doctrines and ceremonies , as meere iesuiticall impostures . 43. the divell desires to have all faithfull christians in his clutches ( especially the eminentest ministers and preachers of the gospell ) that he may fift them like wheate to the very branne , to finde an hole in their coates , or an occasion to destroy them . luke 22 , 31. so have lordly prelates desired and done the like in all ages , and still persist to doe it ; wee need not goe farre for presidents to exemplify it , there being never an eminent sincere minister of england whom the prelates have not thus winnowed , and laid traps for ; and persecuted more or lesse . 44. the divell wo●…keth most of all , and beareth greatest sway in carnall fleshly men , and in the children of disobedience . ephes 2. 2 , 3. * soe doe the prelates worke most in , with , by , and upon meere formallists , licensious , dissolute , carnall men and ministers , and those who are most disobedient to the lawes of god , of christ , of kings and temporall majestrates , whose iurisdictions they have ever laboured to ecclipse abolish & tread quite under foote , as one of our kings , and our whole parliaments have resolved in 2. publique acts. 37. h. 8. c. 17. & 28. h. 8. c. 10. 45. the divell commeth armed with all power , and signes , and lying wonders , and with all deceiveablenes of vnrighteousnes 2. thess. 2. 9 , 10. so doe the popes , and whole ●…able of lordly prelates , ( as the apostle there resolves , ) who came armed against gods church and people both with the temporall and spirituall sword ; with ecclesiasticall and civill officers , pursevants , somners , censures , punishments , ter●…ors , and vexations of all sortes ; with signes and lying wonders ( of which we have many instances in popish legends postils and stories old and new ) and with all deceiveablenesse of vnrighteousnesse ; as costly ornaments rich apparell , guilded images , stately churches , pallaces , altars , altar-clothes , sweete sounding organs , and church musike , gay 〈◊〉 , specious pretences , superstitious hipocriticall devotions &c. apt to cheate and ensnare all ignorant carnall people , the only deuices by which they maintaine , support , and increase their pompe , wealth , state and lordly power as bernard longue since resolved , in his apology to william abot . 46. the divell doth by himselfe and his instruments endeauor to enchaunt and bewitch men , to worke them to his will levit , 20. 6 , 27. 2. sam. 28. 1. to 12. 2. chron. 21. 6. 2. chron. 33. 6. thus he bewitched the people of samaria for a long time by symon magus his sorceries acts 8. 9 , 11. thus he bewitched the gallatians by false prophets , that they should not obey the truth gall. 3. 1. thus he permitted the emperor (y) charles the greate to be bewitched by a notable strupet with an enchanted ringe , having a pearle with some strange imagery graven thereon , so that he could never be out of her company , or deny her any request whiles shee lived , nor yet suffer her corps ( embalmed wrapped up in lead and carried about after him whether ever he went ) to be out of his chamber or presence , when she was deed , till the ringe was pulled of her finger , in such sorte hath the antichrist of rome the (z) pope , and popish prelates , heretofore enchanted divers kinges and others with their sorceries and conjurations , to cause them to give up their royallpower & prerogatives to these beasts , as rev. 17. 2 , 17. c. 18 , 9. 28. h. 8. c. 10. mr. tindall ●…n his practice of popish prelates and officers . relate . thus did the (a) greate cardinall , favorite woolsey , with negromancy , and an image made by sorcery , which he wore about him , enchant king henry the 8. to bringe him to his beck , which made the king to doate upon and run haunt after him , more then ever he did on any lady or gentlewoman , so as the king after that , began to follow him , as he before followed the king , by meanes whereof , he ruled all things at his pleasure , till his blacke arte did faile him ; hereupon perchance ) it was , that this king afterward made an acte against conjuration , witchcrafts , sorcery , and enchantments to procure vnlawfull love &c. an. 33. h. 8. c. 8 , this arte hath been practised by many preists and iesuites here in england of late yeares , upon diuers of their proselites to seduce them to their faith , of which (b) m. gor , regords two stories practised upon a couple of seduced maydes , i could add two later , practised upon two gentlemen ( the one a young devonsher man , of good estate , so bewitched with an enchanted crucifix hing by a preist about his neck , above 9. yeare since , that as long as it cōtinued about him , al his frinds could neither perswade , nor force him either to goe to church , or stay at home , or continue in the realme , or to discourse or converse familiarly with them ; but no sooner was it espied , and cut of his neck by his mother ( who beleeved it to be a charme , ) but he was presently another man , & wondred how he could bee so strangely bewitched as he was for above 3. monthes space besore ; wheither any of our great lord prelates have learned this arte from their familiars , preists and iesuites ( who haue charmed all their zeale and prosecutions against them , and turned the whole streame of it against the godlyest ministers and people , whom they revile and persecute under the name of puritans , ) i leave to others to inquire after , who are more priuy to their secrets then my selfe ; yf they have , i shall only desire them to remember , that surely there is no enchantment against iacob , neither is there any divination against israell . numb . 23. 23. and if they have bewitched any men with any their sorceries , flatteries , misinformations , false delusions , or enchauntements , to up hold their lordly pompe and greatenesse or superstitious romish innouations , yet this infernall craft ( like vntempered morter ) will vndoubtely fayle them ar the last , and them shall they ( like their father satan ) fall suddainely and fearefully from heaven to earth , like liteninge luke 10. 18. yea the●… , with all their vsurped power , lordlynes , po●…pe , state , glory , and multitude , shall forever descend into hell. isay 5. 14. as to their propper place . acts. 1. 25. 47. the divell is an importunate suitor , who will hardly take any refusall or denyall of his suite ; a diligent so●…icitor and vigilant prosecutor of his designes , overslipping no oportunity or meanes to atcheive ●…is ends , and an impudent shamelesse miscreant , who will never bee shamed , daunted , terrified by any detection , discovery , or publique dislike of his mischievous wiles , plotts , and attempts against the ministers , people , o●…dinances , gospell , kingdome of god and christ ; as appeares by iob 1. 13. to . 22. c. 2. 1. to . 10. math. 4. 1. to . 10. ephes : 6. 11 , 12 , 16. 1 pet : 5. 8 , 9. so the lordly prelates are importunate suitors to princes , and others , for the advancement & preservation of their hierarcie , usurpations , iurisdictions , ceremonies , and the suppression of the purity and power of religion , in which they will have no denyall or foyle ; they are most vigilant , diligent , and earnest solicitors , loosing no 〈◊〉 , sp●…ring no cost or paynes , or promises , to effect any thing that may make for the advancement of their proffit , honour , power & iurisdiction , or suppression of the puritans ( as they terme them now ) as their late encroachments upon his majesties prerogative , the subjects liberties , the common lawes , and other officers witnesse , yea , they are impudent , shamelesse , most audacious brazen-faced creatures , who will neither blush at , give over , nor desist the prosecution of their impious popish designes , though publickely detected to all the world ; witnesse our present experience : for though the execrable romish , ●…esuiticall practises of some of our lord prelates to usher in popery , superstition and idolatry , ( as by licensing popish and s●…perstitious bookes , purging and altering the common prayer-booke , ●…ast-booke , and gun-powder-treason-boo●…e in a most g●…osse and shamelesse ( that i say not traytorly ) manner , by erecting altars , images , crucifixes , crosses , ( as the archbishop of canterbury , the arch-irnovator both in church and state affaires , though hee will not bee thus reputed , hath erected altars and crucifixes in the chappell 's of lambeth , croydon , london-house , fu●…ham , &c. the bishop of coventry and litchfield d. wright , this last pestilentiall sommer blotted out gods ten commandements in the cathedrall at litchfield , a●…d set up a giont-like monstrous crucifix , as bigge and large as any three men , with an altar under it , and also raysed the chauncell ; and set up an altar at coventry , as one knightly , a knowne popish priest in those parts directed ; as that good-man , s. godfrey of gloster hath also erected a crucifix and altar in his cathedrall at gloster , and solemnly consecrated altar-clothes for them . and likewise hath set up a new crosse at ●…inzor , with a large glorious crucifix on the one side , and the picture of christ arising out of his grave , with his body halfe in and halfe out of his sepulcher in goodly colours , on the other , not fearing to write thereon in capitall letters , and to give publique notice to all the realme : that this crosse was repayred and beautified at his costs anno domini 1635. contrary to the expresse doctrine of (c) our homelies , which condemned the very making of the picture of christ , or a crucifix as idolatrous wicked , and a meere lye , to which , hee , and all other our crosse erecting prelates have ofte subscribed , and therefore are worthy of no painted , but a reall crosse themselues , for tollerating and erecting such crosses and crucifixes , contrary to their owne subscriptions , only to set popery : ) by silencing , suspending , and persecuting godly ministers , suppressing lectures and powerfull preaching in many diocesse , encouraging people to neglect and profane gods saboathes with all heathenish sportes and impieties , imposing new visitation o●…thes , articles , ceremonies , and the like , setting up the popes canon law , rayling upon godly ministers and people , & suppressing them under the name of puritans , magnifying popish writings , and vilefyinge protestant authors , endeavoring to bring in the gregorian account , punishing all those that oppose their romish innovations , or indicte or molest them for it in the high commission , now made a meere spanish inquisition to suppresse our protestant religion , and set popery with an high hand against his majesties lawes and publique declaration , and by sundry other such iesuiticall tricks and stratagemes prescribed long since by the iesuite contzen politiq . liber . 5. which their lordships follow to an haires bredth . since some , or all these their execrable practises i say ( at which the very divell himselfe might blush and hide his head ) have been * laid open to all the world of late , in such an apparant undeniable manner , that all the people both cleerely see , declayme against , and abhorre their treachery , villany , and wicked romish designes , and themselves ( had they any conscience , shame , ingenuity , grace , or modesty in them ) would be ashamed to shew their faces either in citty , or countrey , much more at court , having so notoriously abused his majestie and affronted his lawes and declarations in all these particulars , and injured his highnesse in his royall issues , sister , nephewes , in blotting them out of the collect , late fast-booke , and catalogue , of gods elect ; yet these audacious holy fathers ( as blushlesse as their gownes , their rochetts or the divell ) are so farre from being ashamed , or reforming these their enormities and impieties , that they proceed on with as great or greater rage and violence in them then before , silencing more ministers every day ; yea breaking open the houses , committing close prisonners and questioning those with an high hand , as seditious persons and offendors , who dare preach or write against , or finde fault with those their perfidious , traytorly , disloyall , impious practises , purgations , innovations , crucifixes , altars , tapers , and proceedings , execrable both to god and man ; so like to the divell are they growne , in their affronted shamelesse impudency . 48. the divell hath great wrath , b●…cause hee knoweth hee hath but a short time : revel : 12 , 13. so have lord prelates no●… , great wrath , and ●…xercise strange unusuall rage , persecutions , exorbitances against gods faithfull ministers and people , hunting after them with their blood-hounds the pursevants , and ri●…ing and breaking up their howses , studies , coffers , with unheard of violence , as if they were the archest traytors breathing , witnesse their late proceedings against master burton in clapping him up close prisonner , and convicting his wife and clarke to severall prisons onely for obeying his commands in presenting his appeales and sermons to the lords , for god and the king , which makes people stand amazed at their tyranny , and causeth the papists to triumph as if the day now were theirs : whereas preists and iesuites ( meere traytors by our lawes ) are favored of late , as their darling sonnes , and not molested by them . therfore doublesse the time of their vsurped tyranny & raigne wil be but very short , and their sinnes now growne ripe withall for the sickle of gods iudgments ) the fica●…l ruine of their antichristian hierarchie and more then b●…barous tyrannie , neere at hand . 49. when the great redd dragon and his ange●…ls were cast out of heauen ( gods church ) the heauens , and those that dwelt therein , by gods commandments , did reioyce , rev. 12. 12. so when those lordly prelates and their forenamed angels shall bee ca●… quite out of the church of god , shee and all her faithfull members will exceedingly rejoyce , they being now her greatest griefe and grievance , of which shee is so weary and sicke at heart , that shee groanes to bee delivered from , unb●…thened of them , being now intollerable for her to sustayne : such is their present divellish insolency , pride and open tyrannie : especially of that arch-wolfe , and madde red dragon of canterbury , who now makes open havocke of gods church and ministers ; like another furious power , against all lawes of god & the realme , to the amazement of the people . 50. hell and everlasting torments are prepated for the divell and his angels , reserved now in chaines of darknesse ●…nto the iudgment of the great day , when they shall be all cast into the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone for ever : math. 25. 41. 2 pet. 2. 4. iude 6. revel . 20. 20. so are they prepared likewise for all proud lordly , persecuting , * unpreaching , oppressing , tyrannizing prelates , who suppresse the preaching and progresse of the gospell , with the preachers , ministers , and professors of it , and hate them to the death : and if there be any place or torments in hell , hotter , deeper , greater , or mo●…e insupportable , ●…orrid , and loathsome then other , certainly that shall bee reserved for these ungodly lord bishops and false prophets ; who shall have the same condemnation and torments in●…icted on them as the divell himselfe shall vndergoe . 1. tim. 3. 6 , 7. rev. 20. 10. o that our proud persecuting lording prelates would now at last consider this , o that they would repent and amend in time before they fall downe headlong * quick into hell , some of them ( as their late actions manifest to all the world ) being growne as insolent , as impudent , as desperate professed publique enemies to purity , piety , holynes the syncere preaching and preachers of gods word and power of religion , as the very divell himselfe ; and some of them i ●…eare ) worse then any divells . for first all the divells beleeve gods threats , word , iudgments , and tremble at them iames. 2. 19. but they ( as their atheisticall , vnjust , vnconscionable , tyranicall lives and actions proclayme to all men , ) doe neither beleeue , nor tremble at them . 2. the divell confessed paule & his fellow preachers , to be the servants of the most high god , which shew unto us the way of saluation acts. 16. 16 , 17 , 18. lordly prelates will not confesse our godliest faithfullest preaching ministers to be such witnesse there expung of the collect in the last fast-booke begining thus : it had beene good for us &c. only because it magnifieth often preaching , and call such preachers , gods servants . 3. the divell is exceeding diligent night and day , but lordly prelates very lasie & negligent in following of their spirituall plough , ( as b. latimer shewes at large in his sermon of the plough : ) & so in those three respects are worse then hee : when as they are parallels and checkmates with him in all and every of these 50. particulars . from all which i shall frame this argument , discovering the office and calling of lordly bishops and prelates , not to be from god , nor of divine institution , but from the divell , and his invention ; which i challenge all great lord bishops to answer , if they can . those who are altogether like the very divell , tread in his footsteps , doe his workes , and bring forth his propper fruits in all the forecited particulars and that principally by reason of their function ; those ( questionlesse ) are none of gods institution , but of their fathers the divell , of and from whom they are christ himselfe so expressely resolving : iohn 8. 44. 1 iohn 3. 8. math 7. 16. 20. such have lordly domineering pontificiall bishops and prelates in all ages beene , and that principally by reason of their lordly functions , as the premises , all stories and experience manifest . therefore they , and their lordly function , are none of gods institution , but of their father the divells , of and from whom they are . yet mistake me not , i pray , as if i concluded every bishop to bee like the divell in all these particulars , or to bee damned ; such uncharitablenesse and impiety , bee farre from me and all good christians ; i know some bishops have beene godly men , and gods deere saints , & i doubt not but there are some few such now : though their cowardise and silence in gods cause , in which they now dare not publikely appeare , bee inexcusable . 1. but yet this i say withall . first , that they were such before they were made lord bishops . 2. that their bishoprickes never made any of them better or more laborious or couragious sor the truth then before , but many of them far worse fearefuller and lasier . 3. that since bishopricks were endowed with lordly riches , iurisdiction , power , and pompe , i never read of any one man that was ill before , who grew a good and godly christian by being made such a bishop ( a thing remarkable ; ) nor of any good man before , that ever grew better , more painefull , hol●… zealous , heavenly minded and laborious , but most of them al much ●…orse , more idle , worldly , covetous , proud , luxurious , malicious , oppressive petulant , selfe-willed , and unjust . 4. that most lordly prelates ( especially those who have beene most pontificiall , powerfull , lordly , domineering , active and stirring in the church and state ) have in all ages since they were made lords , peeres , and b●…rons , beene like the divell in all or most of the forecited particulars ; and if any proved good , or became not such , it was only from the overruling sanctifying grace of gods spirit in their hearts before and after they were made lord prelates , not from this very lordly office , pompe , power , and function it selfe , which otherwise would have made them such , as it hath made most other popes and prelates , as all sto●…ies evidence . 5. finally , i affirme ; that if to bee a lord bishop , bee such a thing onely as many now define and make it ; namely , to manage temporall offices , and state-affaires , to give over preaching , except one leuten court-sermon in a yeare or two , not in their proper dioc sse to their people , to follow and hunt the kings court , to get and dispose o●… ecclesiasticall ( and so 〈◊〉 civil ) osfices and preferments ; to suppresse lectures , lecturers , and often preaching of gods word ; suspend , excommunicate , persecute , imprison , deprive godly ministers and professors for toyes and trifles , ( yea for their zeale and piety , ) against all lawes of god and man ; to consecrate chappels , churches , set up crucifixes . altars , tapers , crosses , organs , images , ●…oyle in communion-tables alta●…wise , set up superstition , popery , and idolatry ; license popish and armenian bookes , corrupt and purge the common-prayer-booke , the gunpowder treason booke , the fast booke , yea the articles of religion , ad normam romanae fidei , to make and impose new visitation oathes , articles , 〈◊〉 orders , innovations , to make mini●…ers & churchward●…ns 〈◊〉 ; to keepe visitations and consistories without any patent or commission from his majestie , in their owne names and rights alone ; to graunt out citations , proces excommunications , probate of wills , commissions of administration , &c. in their owne names , under their owne seales , not his majesties to fine , imprison censure , and 〈◊〉 his majesties good subjects , &c. their fellow brethren at their pleasures ; to bee coached and barged up and downe from place to place ( i am sure seldome to the pulpit ) to bee courted , capped , attended , cloathed like petty kings and princes , to fare deliciously every day , to have stately pallaces , great possessions , knights and brave gentlemen to attend them , lords and earles to crowch unto them , all to feare them , flatter them , none to rebuke , oppose or control them , ( no not in their oppressing and unjust courses ) to bolster out their encroachments upon the kings prerogative and lawes , and on his subjects liberties with might , threats , and violence ; to tramp●…e all lawes of god and man under foot , and doe all things by will & power , not law or canon ; to bee implacable , unmercifull , pittilesse , proud , stately , cruell ; to shake up , terrifie and b●…ow-beate , imprison , excommunicate deprive , degrade , presents their fellow-brethren , and eate them like their curres ; to set forward all profanenesse , disorders , sports and e●…hnicke pastimes even on gods own day , and make no conscience of it ; to doe all things like absolute law-givers , lords , popes , and monarks , or rather professed atheists , fearing neither god ●…or man , and breaking all their lawes , to bolster up base , drinke , idle , scandalous clergie men , exempting them fro●… secular power & jurisdiction , to maintaine their officers in 〈◊〉 open exortions , oppressions , abuses , exhorbitant misdemeanor & the like : which is now only to be and play the bishop in point of doctrine and practise : then thus to bee and act the bi●…hop , is in truth to 〈◊〉 and play the very divell , and to parallell him in all forecited respects ; let those who are such lordly . prelates deny it if they can or dare . the second parallel betweene the iewish high priests and lordly prelates . as lordly prelates resemble their father the divell in all the forenamed particulars , so doe they the iewish high priests in these ensuing particulars . 1. the high priests of the iewes , were ordained of men , to offer gifts and sacrifizes on the altar heb. 8 : 3. exod. 40. levit. 1. to . 22. so our high priests the lord prelates , are and will bee ordayned and also ordaine others high priests for this end , to offer sacrifices and gifts at their new erected altars ( not to preach ) the end why they every where erect , advance , consecrate , and bow downe to altars , which now want nothing but a masse to grace them withall . 2. the iewish high priests had their miters , and brave costly pontificall robes , ornaments , and attires , whereby they were differenced from other men exod. 31. 1. to . 32. c. 28 , 2. to 43. so have the lordly prelates , and that in imitation of the iewish high priests , from whence they derive them . 3. the iewish high priests went but once a yeare into the second tabernacle to offer for the people . heb. 9. 7. and our lordly high priests commonly goe but once a yeare , ( and many of them scarce once in 3. or 4. yeares , witnesse both our present arch-prelates ; & some other unpreaching bishops examples , into the pulpit , to preach unto the people , or to offer sacrifice on the altar . 4. the iewish high priests commanded the apostles , not preach any more in the name of the lord iesus , to the people , that they might be saved ; and apprehended imprisoned , and scourged them , for do●…ng it . acts 4 & 5. 1 thess. 2. 16. our lordly prelates heretofore , and at this very day , silence and suspend our best , our painfullest ministers from preaching gods word unto their people , that they may bee saved ( though god , the king , the books of ordination and statutes of the realme enjoyne them for to doe it , ) and threaten to apprehend , imprison , and fine them if they preach contrary to their suspensions ; as the apostles did , who in despite of all the high priests threats , inibitions imprisonments , stripes , three times one after another , daily in the temple , and in every howse , ( which now would bee a conventicle ) ceased not to teach and preach iesus christ acts 5. 41 , 42. and so would and should our ministers ( now silenced against law and canon too ) were they true successors of the apostles , and not intoxic●…ted with a base unworthy spirit of carnall feare and cowardize , which makes them betray their liberties , religion , flocks , brethren to the will and rapine of these beastly ravening lordly wolves . 5. the iewish high priest granted out warrants or letters missive to saul ( brea●…hing out threatnings and slaughter against the disciples of the lord , ) that if hee found any of this way , whether they were men or women , hee might bring them bound to ierus●…em . acts 〈◊〉 . 2. lordly prelates heretofore , and now , grant the like letters missiue , warrants , and attachments to their pursuivants and other malicious wicked informers ( that breath out threatnings and slaughter against the lords disciples ) against divers godly ministers , christians , and all such as they please to stile , puritans and cowventicklers , wheither men o●… women , to breaks open and ransacks their houses , take their bodies , bring them up prisonners to london , ye k●… , or durham , before their lordships holynesses , to fine , censure , deprive , imprison and undoe them though christ , his apostles , and the primitive bishops never claymed or exercised any such lordly secular tyranny or iurisdiction , but condemned it as unlawfull and unbeseeming clergie-men . 6. the iewish high-priest ananias , when paul was convented before the counsell and beganne to make his apologie and plead his owne cause , commanded them that stood by to smite him on the mouth , and would not suffer him to speake in his owne defence acts 33. 1 , 2. thus doe our lord prelates deale with gods ministers when they come before them in the high commission or elsewhere ; they will not suffer them to speake in their owne defence , or pleade their owne causes to the full ; but when they offer to speake , enjoyne them silence , or else commaund the pursevant or iaylour to smite them on the mouth , or take them away to the prison , so imperious are their lordships growne . take but one fresh memorables instance insteed of many others . one m. snelling a graue kentish minister , was suspended ab officio & beneficio about a veare and halfe since by d. wood , commissary to the bishop of rochester , and after that excommunicated , pursuiuanted and articled against before the high commissioners , at lambet●… , only for not reading the declaration for sports , fathered falsely upon his majesty by the prelates . to which articles hee drawing up a full answer , shewing the reasons both in point of law and conscience , why hee conceived himselfe not bound to read it , and so not culpable of any crime ; the register refused to accept or receive his answer though tendred to him in writing , saying , it was too long , and hee durst not take it . hereupon hee contracted it into lesse then a sheet of paper and tendred it to him as his answer . he refused it the second time ; and though he thus tendred his answer , yet an attactment issued out against him , for not answering . the conclusion was , hee must put in onely such an answer as the register should prescribe , without any justification or defence , or mention of the reasons why hee refused to read the booke , telling him that he might and should put in his reasons in court , by way of defence . whereupon he gave in a short answer without any defence at all in a manner ; which comming to bee repeated before one of the commissioners ; the register and hee dashed out of his very answer ( against all law and iustice ) what they pleased : which m. snelling perceiuing , professed hee would not acknowledged for his answer none of his , but their owne making ; vet notwithstanding this answer must stand as his . this hilary tearme hee tenders his defence ; the register and court at informations refused to accept thereof , telling him 〈◊〉 came too l●…te ; though before the cause informed against : at lambeth he tendred his defence in court ; the archbishop referre the consideration of it to sir nathaniell brent , and d. guyn whether it were fit to bee received ; only he told them , he would have no dispute of the point ; which is all one , as if his grace had said ; i will have no defence at all : this the event hath manifested , for hee tendering his defence to these , referres they refuse , to receive or allow thereof : telling him that the * king & the archbishop have decreed that the booke shall and must be read , and therefore hee must submit and read it , and they can allow of no defence against it . that the archbishop hath decreed it shall be read , i believe it without an oath ; but that his majestie hath made any such dec●…ee , they must give me and all others leave to demurre to it , till they shall be able to produce such a decree as this under his majesties great seale ; which will be ad grecas calendas , loe here the desperate impiety and injustice of our prelates , parallell to that of (h) ananias , when hee commanded paul to be smitten on the face as ●…ee began to make his defence . for first they will make and prejudge the not reading of this forged declaration , an heinous off●…ce , though there be no law , canon or precept at all for the reading of it ; nor any clause at all that it should be read ; much lesse by the minister , nor any power given them so much as to question , much lesse to suspend , excommunicate , fine or cenfure , any who refuse to read i●… . when as the great question is , whether it be an offence at all ? but this must not be disputed . what now is this but to prejudicate , and not judge mens causes . 2. no answer must bee given or received , but what themselves shall make and allow and alter at their pleasures . is not this pretty iustice ? who then shall bee , innocent ? 3. when the answer is in , no defence must be made or accepted : if so , then the most innocent man in the world may bee condemned . what , no defence made ? christ himselfe had liberty to make his defence before pilate an heathen iudge : paul the like liberty before felix , festus and agrippa , ●…eere pagan infidell magistrates . yea the veryest traytors and rebels in the world , have liberty in all courts of justice , to make their defence , and pleade the best they can for themselves , yet this godly grave minister cmming for such a grand crime as this , before our lordly prelates , must make no defence at all : o divell , o iewish high priests , blush at this impudency , impiety and injustice of these your sonnes and successors : a drunkard , an adulterer , a symoniacke , any incarnate divell may put in what answer and defence he please before them ; but this grave minister every way unspotted in his life and doctrine must not doe it , because they haue decreed before hand to condemne him . is not this right high priests justic●… ? 7. this iewish high priest ●…te to judge paul after the law , and commanded him to be smitten contrary to the law. acts 2●… . 3. so our lordly prelates in their consistories , visitations , and commissions , sit to judge ministers and others his majesties subjects according to the law , and yet imprison , fine , excommunicate , suspend , deprive , degrade , teare , fleece , and judge them , for the most part , contrary both to the lawes of god , the realme , and their owne canons ; as thousends of presidents evidence of late . 8. the iewish high preist , by tertullus his orator , accused st. paule before felix the governour , for a p●…stilent fellow , a mover of sedition among all the iewes throughout the world , and a ring-leader of the sect of the nazarens , acts 24. 1. io●… . the selfe same accusation haue the lord prelates laid to our ministers charge in former ages , and to our zealous godly ministers and preachers now adayes , accufing them to the king and his counsell , and persecuting yea , suspending : imprisoning them every where as pestilent , factious , sedicious persons , and ringleaders of sects and schisme ; as many late examples , and some now in agitation evidence . 9. the iewish his preists , informed festus the governour against paule , and desired favour against him , that he would send for him to ierusalem , that there they might judge him themselves according to their owne law , or else murther him by the way acts. 25. 23. c. 24. 6. our lordly prelates ( especially his archgrace of canterbury and other our cant bishops ) doe the like ; informing the king , or temporall majestrates against godly ministers and people ; and desiring not iustice , but favour against them , that they would sent for them into their owne courts or high-commissions , or not suffer them to appeale , or be released thence by prohibitions o●… other meanes ; that so they might judge them after their owne law and wills , and be both enemies , parties delinquents , and iudges in their owne cause , contrary to all reason iustice , equity , and law , both of god and man ; of which we have manylate memorable instances ; and one thing verie observable , that they have caused his clause ( derogatory to his majesties royall iustice and supremacy , to make themselves absolute supreme kings and iudges ) ( that there shal be no appeale or provocation allowed or admitted from the high commission●…rs , to be inserted into their last commission : a strange clause , to tie up his majesties hands and soveraigne iustice from being able to releive his oppressed or injured subjects , be their causes never so good , their iudges their censures never so parciall mali●…ious exorbitant or vnjust . 10. saul , by authority received from the iewish chiefe preists , shut up many of the saints in prison , and persecuted them even unto strange cit●…es . acts. 26. 10. 11. 12. our lordly prelates pursevants , catchpoles , creatures and vermine , by like authority warrant and commission from their lordships , have done , and yet doe the like , breaking up mens dores and houses with open violence , as if they were traytors or felons by their high-commission warrants , in which case if they be slaine they have no remedy , neither is it any felony or murther as all the iudges of england resolved in one simpsons case 42. eliz. 11. the iewish chiefe preists came to festus to ierusalem informing him against paule , and desiring to have iudgment against him without more adoe ; to whom 〈◊〉 gave this answere . it is not the man●…er of the romans to deliver any man to die , before he which is accused , have the accusers face to face , and have license to answere for himselfe , concerning the crime laid against him acts 25. 15. 16. the same doe lord prelates at this day ; they informe princes and temporall majestrates and iudges against godly ministers and people , desiring to have present iudgment against them . o that they would give them such an answere as this ; heathen gouernour festus did the iewes high preists ; and not condemne them but by lawfull witnesses ever bringing both them and their accusers face to face , which would discouer many a false brother and slie informing knaue , who no●… by meanes of ex officio oathes & procedings neuer appeares face to face to make good his accusation , and passeth vndiscouered . 12. christ foretold his disciples , that he must suffer many things of the chiefe preists . math. 16. 21. and our go●…ly martirs and writers in all times , have foretold all godly ministers and people , that they must and shal suffer many things of lordly prelates for christs sake , as they haue done for many ages in al places where they haue borne any sway ; yea christ predicted , to his disciples that he should be betrayed to the chiefe preists , and that they should condemne him to death math. 20. 18. the like hath beene predicted to his faithfull ministers and seruants , concerning lordly prelates . 13. the iewes chiefe preists sent officers to apprehend christ , because many of the people beleeued on him and harkened to his doctrine ; and were exceeding angry with the officers because they did not bring him iohn . 7. 30 , 31. 32 , 35. lord prelates in former times , and now adayes , have also vsually sent out officers and pursevants to apprehend christs faithfull ministers , because the people beleeue and harken to their doctrine ; and are exceeding angry with them , yf they ●…scape their hands and bring them not before them ; as appeares by many late examples . 14. the iewes chiefe priests consulted how to put lazarus to death , because that by reason of him , many of the iewes went away and beleeved on iesus iohn . 12. 10 , 11. so lordly prelates heretofore have consulted how to put gods faithfull ministers to death , and now how to s●…lence , suspend , deprive , imprison and thrust them from their ministry , because by reason of them many of the people goe away from them and their traditions and beleeve on iesus ; as hundred particular examples testify . 15. the chiefe priests of the iewes hired iudas for 30. peeces of siluer to betray christ his master , & deliver him into their hands , sent a greate multitude with swords & staves along with him , to apprehend him ; which they did . math. 26. 14 , 15 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50. mark 14. 10. 43. to 47. luke 22. 4. 5 , 6 , 47. to 52. iohn . 18. 1. to 14. the same haue lordly prelates done in all ages , hiring and corrupting godly ministers and christians , false disciples , friends , seruants , yea sometimes their very kings , wives and children to betray them into their hands and sending persevants and a great company of sherifes , constables and other officers with them to apprehend breake open their houses , doores like theeves , and bring them before them , as the bookes of martirs , and present experience plentifully evidence , to their shame . 16. the high preist sought for false witnesses against iesus our saviour , to put him to death math. 26. 59. to 64. mark 14. 52. to 62. and by their falfe testimonies seeke to contemne him , ibidem . the same have done & yet doe lord prelates ; ( as hi●…ories and experience manifest ) against christs faithfull ministers and servants . 17. when these false witnesses would not steed them , they endeavour to inforce him to accuse himselfe by captious questions first , they examined him concerning his disciples and doctrine ; to which he gave them this answere ; i spake openly to the world , i ever taught in the synagogues and in the temple , wheither the iewes allway resort , and in secret have i said nothing , why askest thou me ? aske them that heard me , what i have said unto them , behold they know what i said ( refuting to accuse himselfe or his disciples ) iohn 18. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. 23. after this , the high preist said unto him , i adjure thee by the living god that thou tell us , wheither thou be he christ , the sonne of god. iesus saith unto him , thou hast said &c. thou the high preist rent his ●…lothes saying , hee hath spoken blasphemy , what farther need have wee of witnesses , behold now yee have heard his blasphemy ; what thinke yee ? they answered and said , he is guilty of death ; then did they spit in his face and buffeted him , & others smote him with the palme of their hand saying prophecy unto us thou christ , who it is that smote thee , &c. math. 26. 63. to . 69. after which , they tooke counsell together to put him to death , and deliver him bound to pilate the governour , before whom they accuse him ; and when pilate would have released him to the people , they perswaded them that they should aske barrabas and destroy iesus , and to cry out let him bee crucified ; and when pilate yet pronounced him innocent , and would have discharged him ; the chiefe priests replied ; if thou let this man goe thou art not caesars friend , for hee speaketh against caesar ; never leaving him till they had crucified , and sealed him up fast in his sepulcher . math. 27. & 28. iohn 18. & 19. thus have lord prelates formerly dealt with the godly ministers and saints of christ , and now deale with his faithfull ministers and servants ; when they have no true or sufficient witnesses against them , they enforce them against scriptures , councells fathers , decretals canon , civill canon law , the practise of the primitive church for above 1300. yeares after christ all which time there is not one precedent extant or story of any such oathes or proceeding among christians ) by ex officio oathes and articles to accuse and entrap themselves , of purpose to catch matter of censure and condemnation out of their owne mouthes which when they have gotten , then they insult over them spit in their faces , buffet , reuile , deride , and jeare them ; take counsell against them to silence , suspend , deprive , fine , imprison , or destroy them ; never ending their malicious prosecutions , till they see them close prisoners in their grau●…s ; and if any temporall majestrates pronunce them innocent , or are willing to discharge them at any ti●…e then they accuse them as enemies to caesar , as factious , sedicious , pestilent fellowes and tell them , yf they let them goe , they are not caesar , the kings or churches friends ; yea when any time of grace , release or pardon comes they can , and doe perswade kings and temporall magistrates to pordon and release barrabas , theeues murtherers , whores , bawdes preists iesuites , adulterers , drunkards , and all other notorious malefactors , but yet iesus his innocent saints and servants must have no grace at all , no mercy enlargment , grace or justice , but be imprisoned , ruined , molested destroyed and by this meanes at last they most vnjustly crucify , vex and ruine these pure innocent saints of christ , as they did christ himselse . a●… whizh our booke of martyrs and dayly experience witnesse to the full , in each particular ; yea , many of our present prelates doe as much as in them lieth to crucfiy christ himselfe , and that in a farre more barbarous manner then ever the iewes did : for first , they crucified and set him only unto many crosses . 2. the iewes crucified him but once , they oft times one after another . 3. they kept him no longer on the crosse then till he was dead upon it , & then gaue ioseph of aramathea leave to take him downe , beseeching pilate that he might not hange thereon till the next day iohn 19. our lord prelates keepe him allwayes hanging before their eyes , on the crosse , and never take him downe , as if he had still continued on his crosse till now , and never been taken off , buried , raysed againe from the dead , and carried into heauen . and why so i pray ? first , to shew their cruell and bloudy disposition , it being their daily practise to crucify christ in his image and saints , which makes them so much in love with the sight of the crucifix . 2. to ma●…st themselues to be the high preist vndoubted successors , who crucified christ. 3. to testify , that they delight so much in the picture of christs death , as they haue no care nor thought at all to imitate him in his paynefull preaching life . 4. to manifest to all men , that if christ were now a live in the flesh , they would as certainely crucify him againe as the high preists did . 5. to tax the sacra●…nt of the lords supper , & scriptures of much imper●…ction ; as if they were not sufficient , to shewe forth christ death till he came ( without this additament of a crucifix ) to their dull lordships , who seldome receive the one , or seriously meditate of , & preach the other . 6. to manifest , that they desire not to have christ to liue & ruleas a king or supreame living lord in his owne church , which he canot do as long as he hangs as a dead manon his crosse ; that so they themselues may lord it and rule christs church at their owne pleasures according to their owne canons , lusts , and pleasures , not his word , as the iewish high preists did . 7. to testify , that their lordships thinke there is litle neede to preach christ crucified ; & , that a dumbe blinde painted crucifix , is a farre better preacher of christ and his death then their lordships . and if so , what neede of bishops or preachers , when we may haue store of crucifixes at a farre cheaper rate ? 18. finally , so●…e of the iewes high preists , were rebells and traytors to their soueraignes ; as abi●…thar was to solomon , who there upon depriued him of his office , but spared his life though he deserued death 1. kings . 1. 7. c. 2. 26. 27. so many hundred lord prelates in forraigne partes , and aboue 60. of our owne here at some ( especially the arch-bishop of canterbery , & yorke ) haue bene notorious arch-traytors , conspirators & rebells too against their soueraignes , especially those emperors and kings , who haue most fauored magnified and advanced their secular greatenesse , pompe , and power , a just iudgment of god upon them , for aduancing these prelates be lords and temporall princes , against christs owne precept , math. 20. 25. ) and i pray god , all of them be now faithfull to their kings and soveraignes , which i have cause to feare . in all these regards then you see how the iewish high preists , and lordly prelates are direct parallels , and so in verity , their vndoubted successors ; one mayne argument and pretence to support their lordly hierarchie over their brethren , being deduced from the high preists example . the disparity or antithesis , betweene christs and lord prelates . if any now in these prelates behalfe replie , that they are of our sauiour christs owne institution , his true disciples , sonnes , and followers , not the divells , ( as the first paralell manifests them ; ) to disprove this cavill , let them a little consider the antipathie , or disparity betweene our saviour christ and them , in these ensuing particulars . first , our saviour christ was so poore , that hee had not so much as an house or kedde of his own whereon to rest his head . math. 8. 20. our lord prelates , ( though in regard of their birthes for the most part very like our saviour , borne in a stable , or some poore obscure cottage : ) yet when once they become lord bishops they have many manfions , palaces , and stately princely habitations , wherein they wallow & take their pleasure , as if they were borne prelates or princes : and yet not content therewith , they still complaine their are poore prelates , craving and hunting after farre more , farre greater possessions , though not borne heires to one farthing by the grace , nor demeriting halfe so much for their paines or preaching , at the poorest ten-pound curate in their diocesse . secondly , our saviour christ , had but one poore threed-bare-coate without a seame , woven from toe to toe , for which the soldiers cast lots . math. 27. 35. iohn 19. 23. 24. 〈◊〉 iohn baptist ( the greatest prophet that euer was borne of a woman ) hath his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of camels haire ( not silke or satin ) and a leatherne ( not a brave great silken ) girdle about his loynes , math. 3. 4. o●…r lordly prelates have many silken , sattin , scarlet , g●…nes , c●…ssockes , robes , coapes , rochets , hoodes , patched up with ●…any sea●…es and piebalde colours , with many new inuented pontificall vestments , disguise and quadrangular ca●…s and ●…rinkets peculiar to their holinesses , which po●…re c●…rist never wore , saw , knew or dream'te of , and would have certainly disdained to looke on , much more to weare , being as unseemely for , as displeasing to him , as the purple scarlet ●…obe , and crowne of thornes that the soldiers violently put upon him in derifi●… , when they mocked and crucified him . thirdly , our saviour christ , had but course farre , and hard diet for himselfe and his apostles and guests ; to wit , a few barly lo●…ves and some small fishes ●…or the most part served in on the bare ground ; it being his chiefest meate & drinke , to doe his fathers will , and to finish his worke . iohn . 4. 31. 34 : c. 6. 5. to . 15. math. 14. 17. to 22. c. 15. 34. to . 38. c. 16. 9. 10. iohn . 21. 9. 10. 13 , yea , great iohn baptists ordi●…y food , was nought else but locusts and wild hony . mith. 3. 4. our lordly prelates have all variety of costly 〈◊〉 , cates , iunkets , wines , drinkes , and provisions , both for themselves , wives , children , guests , servants , equall to any barons lords or earles of the real●…e , making commonl●… as sumptuous , great if not more luxu●… feastes then they . witnesse the more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 royall excess●…e feast of ( (p) ) wi●…liam warham 〈◊〉 of canterbury ; at which the great duke of buckingham with his 120 ; attendants , waited on this archprelate , as his high-steward and butler , ( too meane an office for the greatest peere then living ) going bareheaded before his grace , ush ring in his first service & bowing his body to his holinesse , as to the pope of this other world . witnesse the ( (q) ) unparalleld monstrous feast of george ne●…ell archbishop of yorke , the greatest that england ever knew or heard of ; the particulars whereof you may read at large in godwins catalogue , with others , which i pretermit , of which antiqui●…tes 〈◊〉 brit : godwin , and sir george paule in the life of archbishop whitgift , can informe you . and it is so farre from being their meate and drinke , that it is their least thought and care , their least desire and endeavour , their greatest trouble , paine and purgatory to preach gods word , and doe his will and worke , as christ our saviour did . fourthly , our saviour christ was so poore , and so ill stored with moneves , that hee had not so much as a didrachma ( about fiften pence of our money to pay tribute money for himselfe and his followers , but was enforced to send peter to the sea to borrow it of a poore fish , for want of a friend to lend him so much , hee and his whole retinue , not being able to make up so small a summe among them : math. 17. 27. but lordly prelates , borne-not to a didrachma , have not only their hundreds and thousands by the yeare , ( and yet doe none , or little spirituall worke for it , most of them all put together , not preaching halfe so often as a poore sti●…endiary curate that hath but eight or ten pound by the veare : ) yea their hundreds or thousands lying by them in their bagges , besides , and yet are not contented . so like are they to our saviour i●… this particular . fifthly , our saviour christ , and his apostles too , went about on foote from village to village , preaching the gospell throughout all galilee and iudea . math. 4. 23. c. 51. 2. c. 10. 5 , 6 , 7 , 9. 10. 14. c. 12. iohn . 4. 6. marke 1. 38 , 39 , luke 9. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. c. 10. 3. to . 12. acts 10. 38. math. 14. 13. marke 6. 33. acts 20. 13. and when hee rode ( in state ) into ierusalem ( which was but once ) hee rode but on an asse . math. 21. 1. to . 16. but our prelates when they goe abroad to visit or preach before the king ( for they seldome preach in any countrey village in an age ) or when they have any businesse to court , to parliament or any citie , yea when they goe to their cathedralls , or a church that is necre them , are so farre from going a foote , that they seldome ride on horsebacke , ( and then on a stately palfray ) but in a coach or chariot drawne with foure or six pampred horses , with many horses , horsemen and footmen environing them ; and if they meete a poore cart or wagon by the way ( or a lighter meete their barges on the watter , where they ride in pompe to ) if they stirre not presently out of the way to give their lordships passage , they will lay the poore carters and lighter-men by the heeles for their paynes ( as * some of thē have lately done : ) so like are they to our saviour . and here i cannot pretermit a merry story . ( (p) ) a certaine germain clowne or boare ( as they terme him ) seeing the bishop of colen ride in state with a greate traine of horsemen before and after him , stood gaping on the bishop as he passed by and smiled to himselfe ; the bishop perceiving it , made a stand , and demanded of the boare why he thus smiled , bidding him speake the truth freely without feare , for he should sustayne no dammage , wherevpon the boare replied , that he smiled to thinke with himselfe , whether st. martin ( patron and first bishop of ●…olen ) ever rode in such state as he did now : the bishop herevnto answered , that he was an ignorant silly fellow , for he did not ride in his state , as he was arch-bishop of colen , but as he was the cheife prince elector of germany : where upon he wittily retorted ; suppose ( said he ) my lord , the divell should come and fetch away the prince elector , i pray what would become of the bishop , i feare me he would to hell too : at which the bishop being confounded went his way . our prelates may apply it to themselves without my helpe . 6. our saviour christ was meeke and lowlie in heart , full of compassion and mercy , and gaue rest to mens soules and bodies . math. 11. 28 , 29. c. 9. 36. luke 10. 33. heb. 5. 2. ephes. 4. 32. our prelates ( like men exalted from law degree ) are for the most part feirce chollerick , furious , proud , haughty , insolent , arrogant , malicious , revengefull , implacable , full of mercilesse and barbarous inhumanity , vexing and disquieting both the bodies and consciences of godly ministers and people ; as the booke of martirs , and experience testifie . take but this one remarkeable fresh instance in leive of many . this last pestilentiall somer , the lord brooke his lady , was delivered of a child ●…t dallam in suffolke within bishop wrems d●…ocesse of norwich . the earles of bedford doncaster , & 3. or 4. lords more , were here upon invited to the christning ; which being solemnized on the lords day afternoone , these lords earnestly pressed the lord brooke , that they might have a sermon then preached upon this extraordinary occasion . he therevpon desired one mr. ash , his houshold chaplaine to preach ; who knowing the bishops perversnesse , was vnwilling to doe it , till at last upon his lords commaund to preach , he condesc●…nded , and preached accordingly . bishop wren h●…aring of it , some two dayes after sends his apparitor with a citation , to somon mr. ash to appeare before him : who being rode that morning to cambridge , the appa●…itor after he had beene courteously entertained at my lords house , defired to speake with my lord brooke himselfe , who comming to him ; he acquainted his lorship , that he had a citation for his chaplaine , who it seemed was rode abroad & therefore he would leave the citation with his lordship , to serve it on his chaplaine when he returned : my lord therevpon , demaunded of him , whether he tooke him to be an apparitor , or intended to make him one ? he replied , that the bishop commaunded him to leave it with his lordship , in case his chaplaine was not within , and if is lordship would not receive it , he would sue out an excommunication against his chaplain and have it published in the church the next lords day . vpon which he tooke the citation ; and upon his chaplaines returne rode over with him to the bishop : who fitting in state like a great lord , or demy pope , my lord brooke acquainted him , how his apparitor had left a citation with him against his chaplaine , and that he and his chaplaine were therevpon both come together to his lordship to know what the businesse was , and what his lordship could object against him ; his lordship therevpon answered , that his chaplaine had openly affronted him in his diocesse in daring to presume to preach therein without his speciall license , and that on the lords day afternoone , when he had expressely prohibited all sermons within his iurisdiction : telling mr. ash , that he would make him an example to all others , and that if he could not punish him sufficiently in his owne court , he would bring him into the * high commission for this insolency , unto which my lord brooke answered , that his chaplaine was vnwilling to preach , and that therevpon h●… commaunded him to doe it upon this spe●…iall occasion , being importuned by the earkes and nobles then present ; defiring his lordship not to be offended with his chaplaine , for obeying his commaund , upon such an extraordinary occasion . the bishop replied , that his lordship did very ill to offer to maintaine his chaplaine in this ; that no lord of england should affront him in his diocesse in such a manner , and if he did his majesty stould know of it , & that he would make his chaplaine an example . my lord brooke demaunded , whether his lordship could take any exception either against his chaplaines l●…fe or doctrine ? he answered no : then my lord , said he , i hope the offence is not great , there being no law of god , or the realme , nor canon of the church , that inhibits ministers to preach on the lords day afternoone . ( to which he might have added that the very declaration for sports , much vrged by the bishop on the ministers of his diocesse , as his majesties , allowes of sermons every where in the afternoone ; since it prescribes no sports to be used but after the end of diuine service , and afternoone sermon : as bishop white confesseth in his examination of a and b. p. 131. and p. 9. of the declaration : our pleasure is , that the bishop and all other inferior church-men shall for their parts be carefull and diligent , both to instruct the igno●…ant , and co●…vince and reforme them that are m●…led in religion &c. therefore that bishops and ministers sho●… preach on the lords day afternoone , as well as in the forenoone ; & not be questioned , but commended for doing it : ) the bishop demaunded of mr. ash , how he durst presume to preach in his diocesse , without his special license ? ( though his 〈◊〉 could preach at cambridge , as they say , in paris his pulpit , without his license : ) mr. a●… answered , that he had a metropoliticall license fro●… the arch bishop to preach over all his province : the bishop bad him produce it : my lord , said he , i have it not about me ; no , replied the bishop , nor any such license , and for ought i know you are no minister : where are your letters of order ? my lord , said he , i durst not be so bold or dishonest to informe you i had such a license , were i not able to produce it ; and had i no letters of order , or were no lawfull minister , i presume my lord would not have entertained me for his chaplaine : m●… lord , both my license and orders are at home , and i use not to carry them alwayes with me in my pocket . my lord brooke int●…ed his lordship to dismisse his chaplaine and prosecute him no further , all would not doe ; he would make him an example , and so after many threatning speeches to him and my lord , they departed . the bishop presently proceedeth with all violence against mr. ash in his owne court , no mediation of lord and friends would pacify him ; till at last the earle of doncaster told him , that if he would not dismisse him his court , he would complaine to the king against him , since he preached only upon my lord brookes commaund , and his and other earles importunity : hereupon the bishop leaving the chaplaine , falls upon the churchwardens of the parish for permitting him to preach without his license ; fines them ( quo iure i know not ) forty shillings a pi●…ce , enjoynes them to doe publike pennance in the church with a white wand and a paper in their hands ; to aske god , and his lordship forgivenesse , to confesse , that their censure was just , and to desire all others to take example by them , not to offend in like manner ; all which the poore men were enforced to doe . o pride ! o tyrannie . 7. christs very yoake is easie , and his burthen light . math. 11. 30. lord prelates yoakes exceeding heavy and intollerable ; witnesse those under which the whole kingdome now lie groaning & languishing , with their many late new invented ceremonies , oathes , articles , injunctions and innovations . 8. christ , whiles he was on earth , went about continually doing good , and healing all that were oppressed with the divell . acts 10. 38. lord prelates when they ride about in circuite , or their vifitations , ( not foot it , as our saviour did , ) doe no good at all , but only mischiefe ; silence ministers , set up altars and new popish ceremonies , pill and poll both ministers and p●…ople with new extorted fees & procurations disquiet a●… good men , and insteed of healing , wound and further oppresse those like divels that were spiritually oppressed by the divell before , by exactions , suppressing gods ordinances especially powerfull pr●…aching , which should cast out the divels that spiritually possesse & take them captives at their wills . 9. our saviour christ went about all the countrey preaching in every synagogue where he came , math. 4. 23. mark. 1. 38 , 39. our bishops ride sometymes about the country in their trienniall visitations , to fill their guts and purses , and at other times hawking , hunting , feasting , and recreating themselues , but seldome or never goe or ride thus abroad to preach in any one church or synagogue ; inhibiting those ministers that would , to doe it . 10. our saviour preached daily and constantly in the temple , beginning early in the morning , and continuing untill evening ( and so preached morning and evening ) luke 19. 47. c. 21. 37 , 38. iohn 8. 2. but yet wee finde not that ever hee read any common prayers or homilies in the temple or any other synagogue . our lordly prelates are so farre from preaching dayly in our temples , that few of them preach monthly , or quarterly ; some of them , scarce yearely ; some , not once in three or foure yeares , yea in ten or twelve yeares together ; and other not at all ; and so farre are they from preaching , or approving morning and evening sermons even on the lords owne sacred day , much lesse on others ; that they have suppressed the lords day early morning lectures in london , and all afternoon●… sermons on the lords day in many diocesse in the countrey , making it an high offence , deserving both suspension and excommunication , to preach on the lords day after dinner . yea they are not ashamed to license shelfords sermon of uncharitrble charity , against often preaching , in direct opposition to our saviours example , and the very established ●…omely of the right use of the church . p. 3. 4. to which he & themselves have subscribed . such undoubted sons disciples and followers are they of our saviour in this particular . 11. our saviour christ when he preached , read only his text , and then closed the booke and gave it againe to the minister , & sate down & preached without book . luke 4. 17. to . 22. our prelates , when ever they chance to preach , commonly read not onely their texts , but their who●…e sermons too , if not their very prayers ; being so dull of memory , that whereas our stage-players can get their parts by heart though they act every day of the weeke , yet their stupid block-headed lordships cannot conne one sermon by heart in a yeare or two ; their doctrine being so far from sinking into their owne hearts , that it never so much as enters into their heads when they preach it , but onely into their books , where they leave & shut it up close prisoner into their lips , which presently vent it out againe : are they not then very deuout preachers , very much in ●…oue with gods word , with which they will neither trouble their braines nor hearts ; sweet followers of our sauiours steps , in this particular ? 12. our sauior christ with fasting , praying , weeping & preaching was so leane , that he might tel al his bones . psal. 22. 17. our lord prelates with feasting , lording , laughing , sleeping & loytering are so fat & plumpe ( for the most part ) that they or others can neither tell nor feele their bones . 13. our sauiour christ was full of grace , goodnes and truth iohn 1. 14. lord prelates are cōmonly ●…ul of gracelesnes , profanenesse , malice , enuy , pride , ambition , couetousnes , idlenes , di●…imulation , and hypocrisy , hauing little reall , but only meere titular grace to adorne them . 14. our sauior christ made both the deafe to heare , the blind to see , and the dumbe to speake : math. 9. 33. c. 12. 22. c. 15. 30. 31. our lord prelates make the hearers of gods word deafe for want of preaching , the seing blinde through ignorance and our preaching ministers dumbe , by silencing and suspending them . 16. christ sent forth his disciples , not to read homilies , or divine service ( which every clowne or schoole boy can doe as well as the learnedst minister ) but to preach the gospell , math. 10. 7. 10. 14. luke 9. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. c. 10. 2. to . 15. and that as well in mens private houses as the publicke synagogues , ibid. and acts 5. 42. c. 20. 20. which now ( for sooth ) our lordly prelates condemne and censure for a conventicle : yea hee bid and commanded his disciples goe into all the world and preach the gospell to every creature , teaching them to observe all things that hee had commanded them . math. 28. 19. 20. m●…rke . 16. 15. yea he enjoyned them earnestly to seed his flocke and lambes . iohn 21. 15 , 16 , 17. our lord prelates silence and suspend christs faithfull ministers , prohibiting them ( not only in private houses but in churches to ) to preach the gospell to their people , send them about only to read divine service and homilies ; and command them to observe and subscribe to whatsoever canons , orders , articles , ceremonies , and injunctions they shall prescribe them , though con●…rary to christs ; charging them ; not to feed , but fleece their lambes and sheepe ; and are they not then good pastors ? 16. our saviour christ was the goo●… sheopard that laid downe his life for his sheep●… ; hee knew his sheepe , and was knowne againe of them , and they heard and knewe his voyce iohn 10. 6. 11. to 16. lord prelates are rather wolves then sheopards , reddier to take away theire sheepes lives then to lay downe their lives for their sheepe ; many of them being so farre from knowing their sheepe by name , that they never so much as saw them , the most of their sheepe never so much as seeing or knowing their faces , much l●…sse hearing or knowing their voyces in the pulpit , many of them ( though they have thousands by the yeare , of purpose to preach to their sheepe ) not so much as bestowing on sermon on them in 3. or 4. yeares space ; receiving above 3. or 4000. pounds for every sermon they preach , too greate a rate sor so little w●…rke ; yt thesemen were tankard-bearers and should sell their watter at that rare they take for their sermons , our water certainely would be far●…e dearer then the richest wine ; yet many of their sermons for which they take so much , are scarce so good as ditch watter . 17. our saviour christ , though he were equall with god the father , yet he made himselfe of no reputation , but tooke upon him the forme of a servant , & was made in the likenesse of men , ●…ubling himselfe for farre , that he became obedient to death even to the dreath of the crosse phil. 2. 6 , 7 , 8. our lord prelats , though equal comonly in birth to the meanest peasants , yet ( in doubt in imitation of our sauiour ) make themselves of so greate reputation , that they take upon them not only the forme and title , but the pompe and state of lords and petty princes , not servants ; and as if they were not made in the likenesse of men , but borne princes , angels or demy gods ; they become disobedient to all lawes of god and man ; and insteede of humbling themselves to death , and the crosse for christs sake , they tyrannically humble their brother ministers and other christians to the prison , the pillary , the crosse , & stocks for christ. witnesse our bookes of martires , and late experience . 18. our saviour christ , though he were rich , yet for our sakes he became poore , that we through his poverty might be made rich . 2. cor. 8. 9. our lord prelates , though poore and beggarly at first , yet for christs sake they are content to become greate and rich ; that so others through their power , riches , avarice , tyranny , and extortion may be made poore , to enrigh themselves the more . 19. our saviour , when peter drew his sword to cut of malchas eare therewith , immediately healed it againe , commanding him to put up his sword into the scabbard . iohn . 18. 10 , 11. luke 22. 50 , 51. math. 26. 51 , 22. our lord prelates now ingrosse both swords into their sacred hands , and insteede of putting them into the scabbard , draw them out like valiant men , smiting off some mens eares and noses with it , and now threaten to maine and mangle more in like manner , insteede of curing those allready maymed by them : such swashbucklers and gladiaters are they growne . yf we have warres with spayne , we hope his majestie will send these hacksters packing to those warres to mangle and hackle off the spainards eares and noses , insteede of his loyall subjects . 20. our saviour christ , after he began to preach , refused to inter meddle with secular affaires , or to devide the inheritance betweene the too brethren ; refused the kingdomes , pomde and glory of this world ; affirming openly , that he and his kingdome were not of his world math. 4. 8 , 9 , 10. luke 12. 13 , 14. ioan. 6. 15. c. 17 , 16. c. 18. 36. our lord prelates , after they become lords ( forgetting their primitive base originall and pedigree , with that vow they made to god in baptisme , to forsake the divell and all his workes , the vayne pompe & glory of the world with all covetous desires of the same , and al carnall desires of the flesh , so that they will ●…ot follow nor be ledd by them ; and that 〈◊〉 of st. iohn . 1. iohn . 2. 15 , 16. love not the world nor the things of the world , if any man love the wor●…d , the love of the father , is not in him . for all that is in the world , ( the lust of the flesh , the lust of the eye , and pride of life ) is not of the father but is of the world ) intangle themselves in worldly , secular state affaires and off●…s , become lords t●…mporall insteed of spirituall ; ●…meddle with all 〈◊〉 affaires , hunt after the kingdomes , goverment , honour , pompe , state , and pleasures of this world with all greedinesse and diligence , i●…steed of preaching the gospell and converting soules to god : ing●…sse all power and temporall iurisdiction into their hands , smite with both swords at once like madde-men on every side , and though they pretend their lordly calling to bee of god , y●…t they and it are plainely of this world , and ●…ot o●… christ , as their actions manifest . 21. c●…rist both 〈◊〉 , and administred the sacrament to his disciples , in his ordinary apparell , sitting at a table , and that standing in the midst of the ●…me , math. 26. 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. mar●… 14. 18. 22 , 23 24. luke 22. 14. to : 21. i●…n 13. 4. 25. 28. ●…or . 10. 21. c. 11. 23 , 24 , 25. yea , when he sent abroad his disciples to preach he sent them in their usuall 〈◊〉 , expressely ●…hibiting them , to provide them , either silver or gold in their purses , or to take or weare two coates math. 10. 9. 10. marke 8. 8 , 9. luke 9. 3 , 4 , 5 c. 10. 4. ( therefore certainely they wore no cass●…cks , hoods , gownes , coates or surpluses ( alias surplusages ) or rochets on their backs , or any such new , massing , masking vestments , as our prelates have since invented and prescribed , under the severest penalties , for ministers to preach , to administer the sacraments and read their divine service in ) our lord prelates when they preach , or administer the sacrament themselves , or by others , preach and ad●…inister it in their pontificalibus , coapes , surplusses , hoods , cassocks , gownes , rochets , with other disguized extraordinary apparell ; yea , they administer the lords supper in these holy vestments , only at an altar standing at the east wall not a table , in the * midst of the q●…ire , as of of old , commanding all to receive the sacrament of christs supper , kneeling , not sitting , ( and why not baptisme then as well as it ? ) the betrer to adore the eucharist ; condemning christs and the apostles gesture of sitting , as irreverend , unmannerly , and undecent ; adoring the very altar , and bowing to it even to the ground . when as they have the consecrated bread & wine in their hands , as if it were more honorable and worshipfull then that , for which they say they bow unto it . all , which antichristian popish vestments ceremonies and ●…opperies thom●…s becan hath learnedly refuted , in his display of the popish masse , to which i shall referre you ; only i shall answer a scripture or two , which they alledge for their white rochets and surplesses ; to wit , revel . 3 , 4 , 5. 18. c. 6. 11. c. 7. 9. 13. c. 19. 11. where the saints and martyrs , are said to be clothed in white linnen robes ; therefore bishops ought toweare white rechets , and ministers white surplesses . a learned argument if well prosecuted . 1. for , these white linnen robes and garments mentioned in these texts , were no rochets or surplesses ( as these fond men dreame , ) but the spotlesse white robes of christs owne merits and innocency , wherewith these saints ( who had put on the lord iesus christ , and made their robes white in his precious bloud ) were inuested , as is obedient by rev. 19. 18. c. 3. 18. 4. 5. c. 7. 13. 14. compared with pom. 13. 14. ephes. 5. 26 , 27. which kinde kinde of sacred white rochet or surplesse , few lord prelates ever yet wore upon their backes , o●… gown●… eves . 2. these white robes were not worne only by bishops , ministers , clergie , & cathedrall men as rochets and surplesses are , but by all the saints and martirs of christ alike . yf these tipes then prove any thinge , it is only this . that all men ought to weare rochets and surplesses not bishops and church men only . 3. these white robes were their ordinary daylie garments which they never put of upon any occasion , no not when they rode in ●…riumph upon white horses , ●…ev . 19. 14. therefore no argument fo●… rochets and surplesses wh●…ch are put on only upon speciall occasions and not ever worne as ordinary apparell , these lordly prelates perscribing only blacke gownes and garments , wearing none but such out of the church and their supplisses & rochets ( to testify their spotlesse purity and holinesse ) for the most part only in the church , to testify that they are only white saints in shew whiles they are in the church and quier , but blacke friendes and divells for the most part in all places else , in thei●… lives and actions . the true significant reason , as i conceive , why they weare white robes and rochets only in the church in time of diuine services ( where they commonly leave and put them off with all their seeming purity and holinesses with their surplesses ) but black coates & vestments under them and in all places else . a thing worthy observation . 4. these robes were not worne by these , or the martyrs , on earth , whiles they lived ; but put upon them in heaven , after they were dead . therfore no argument for , but against the wearing of rochets and surplesses here . 5. the disciples and apostles when they were sent to preach had c●…rtainely but o●…e coate and garment on the them , and that vndoubtedly no white rochet , nor surp●…esse ; these scriptures therefore make nothing for both , or either of them . 6. these saints are said , to ride upon white horses only , and in these their white linnen garments . revel . 19. 14. i may therefore better argue hence ; that bishops and ministers ought ever to ride upon white ho●…ses and no other , and that in their rochets and surplesses , not th●…ir canonicall coates cloakes or halfe-gownes ; then they thence inf●…r : that they ought to preach & read prayers in their surplesses . but of these surplesages enough and too much : i proceed . 22. christ professeth of himselfe , that he came into the world , of purpose for to preach the gospell , mark. 1. 38. luke 4. 18. lord prelates professe , that they were not ordayned lords or bishops , to preach gods word , but to rule , governe , and lord it over their fellow brethren and their diocesse : 23. our saviour christ maketh continuall prayer & intercession to his father for all his chosen people , rom. 8. 34. heb. 7. 25. our lord prelates , as they seldome preach , so they earely or never contend earnestly or make interc●…ssion unto god in earnest hearty fervent prayer for their people that they may be saved and converted : yea some of them ( as bishop wren ) contrary to the practise of all former ages , begin to prohibit ministers under paine of suspension and excommunication , to make any conceived prayers before or after their sermons , suspending , and excommunicating them if they doe it ; ounparalleld impiety ! o atheisticall novelty ! wee know that moses , david , salomon , ezra , ieremiah , daniell , with the saints and prophets in the old testament used conceived , but no set formes of prayer , that we read of , the like did christ and his apostles in the new t●…stament ; prayer being a speciall gift of gods spirit , given to all his children , upon all their severall necessities and occasi●…ns . 1 kings 8. 38. 45. 49. 54. neh. 1. 6. 11. ps. 102. 7. ps. 141. 2 ezeh . 12. 10 , 11. acts 1. 14. c. 6. 4. c. 10. 31. c. 12. 5. 1 cor. 7. 5 phil. 1. 4. 2 cor. 1. 11. col. 4. 2 iam. 5. 15. 16. ephes. 6. 18. rom. 8. 15. 26 , 27. iude 20. thus did the ministers & preachers of gods word in iustin martyrs and tertullians dayes , ( as appeares by both their 〈◊〉 ) both 〈◊〉 and after their sermons & love-feastes : thus did the fa●…ers , as appeares b●… th●…ir works ; & the primitive christians and martyrs vpon all occ●…sions , as ecclesiasticall historians 〈◊〉 . thus did our martyrs of old witnes m. fox his acts and m●…uments . yea , archbishop sandes of yorke , be●…ore & after his sermons ; & b. pilkington of durham before and after his sermons on nehemiah , obadiah , &c. with other of our bishops used conceived pray●…rs o●… different for●…es , according to the variety of their texts , & the 〈◊〉 occasions ; wh●…ch the●… published in print , for others imitation . thus have all our ministers , generally done in all ages and places , especially from the beginning of reformation to this present , till a ge●…eration of upstart unpraying lordly pre●…ates and lasy docto●…s , ( who know not how to pray , or mak a conceived prayer out of their owne heades and hearts upon any occasion , no more then a child that is newly borne , ) have cryed downe all extemporary conceived prayers , ( as well as studied sermons and frequent preaching , ) endevoring utterly to extinguish this most heavenly gift of prayer , not only in all private christians , but also in all those godly ministers whom god hath endowed with this eminent faculty , by confining them only to the very words of the canon ; which are no more a prayet then the creed or ten commandements , ( which many ignorant people mumble over , as good prayers ) and hath made many great doctors unable for to pray without the helpe of a common-prayer booke , upon any urgent occasion . for proofe whereof , i shall instance only in two late examples . when the earle of castle haven was to bee beheaded , there came two great learned deanes & doctors of divinity , to his lodging , to pray with him before his death . where calling for a common-prayer booke they read over the letanie to him , ( which was all the prayers ( they could make ) and so concluded their deuotions . the earle much grieved and discontented therewith , brake forth into these speeches . alas , what doe these doctors meane to trouble themselves , or mee , in praying to god , to deliver me , from lightning and tempest , from plague , pestilence and famine , from battle and murther , and from sudden death , who am now presently to die and lose my head ? or , what doth their praying , to preserve all that travell by land or by water , all women laboring with child , all sicke persons and young children , &c. concerne either me or my present condition , who am now ready to perish and bee destroyed ? miserable comforters are they . this hee spake with teares in his eyes ; and there upon desired the company there present with him to goe with him from these deanes into another roome , where hee made such an heavenly fervent extemporary prayer , pertinent to his present dying condition , as ravished all the auditours , and drew rivers of teares both from their eyes and hearts , which these non-praying doctors letany could not doe . when the honorable religious lord veere some two yeares since , was sodainely strucke with death arrow at sr. henry v●…ne his table at white-hall , as he sate at dinner , and caried from thence into a with-drawing chamber adioyning where he dyed , a grand dr. of diuinity ( one of his majesties chapplaines being there present , was upon this unexpected occasion desired to kneele and pray with the company . the dr. hereupon calls for a common-prayer-booke , and answer being madde that there was none present ; he replied , that he could not pray without a booke . whereupon a knight there present tooke him by the gowne , and forced him to kneele downe telling him , that my lord was dying , and he must needes say some prayer or other ; vpon this he begins pater noster , for other prayer could he none : which the knight hearing , bads him hold his peace , for my lord was dead , and he was but a dead divine . who knew not how to pray . such woodden doctors & prelates have we now adayes , that know not how to pray upon any sodaine occasion ; because ( like little children ) they ever confine themselves to a set forme of prayer , proceeding neither from their heads nor hearts but their lips only , which every schoole-boy can read with as much devotion , as they . so vnlike are they to our saviour christ and his apostles , who who were able to pray ex tempore , with all mann●…r of supplications , and prayers upon all occasions , and would have all ministers and priuate christians , to be thus able too . ephes. 6. 18. 1. tim. 2. 1 , 28. phil , 4. 6. 1. pet. 4. 7. iam. 1. 5. 6. c. 5. 14. 24. finally , our saviour christ whiles he was on earth , suspended , silenced , deprived , censured , imprisoned , and close imprisoned no ministers or christians , whiles he was on earth : ( yea , he was so farre from this , that he was anoynted and sent by the spirit of the lord god , to binde up the broken-hearted , to proclaime liberty to the captiues and the opening of the prison to them that are bound . isay. 61. but lord prelates silence , suspend , deprive , censure , imprison , and close imprison both ministers and good christians at their pleasures ; but never binde up the broken-hearted , or proclaime liberty to the captiues , or the opening of the prison to them that are bound , take him iaylor . catch him pursuiuant ; away with him to the fleet , the clinke or gate-house ; i set a thousand pounde fins upon his head ; &c. bring their vsuall mercy , language , & lordly tone . christ had no prisons , counters , gate-houses , cole houses , to imprison and mue up christians or ministers in , for discharging a good consciences , or obeying god rather then men , or refusing to take an vnlawfull ex officio oath : no consistory or high-commission to conuent men in , no visitation or ex officio oaths articles , procurations , dispensations , tot-quots , licenses to preach or keepe schoole ; no deanes , archdeacons , vicars generall , chancellours , commissaries , surrogates , officials , registers , pursuiuants . apparitors , informers , but only 12. preaching disciples attending on him . lord prelates have all and every of these , and would not thinke themselves bishop without them . christ thought his written word & precepts , sufficient to gouerne and instruct his church , to the end of the world , without any prelates canons . math. 28. 19. 20. lord prelates thinke not so , but deeme their owne canons and injunctions without his word , the only lawes whereby to governe and direct the church . christ was persecuted , imprisoned , scoffed at , crucified by the high priests , and yet prayed for his enemies , leaving us an example , that we should follow his steps ephes. 4. 32. 1. pet. 2. 21 , 23. luke 23 , 24. lord prelates are not thus persecuted , imprisoned , scoffed at , and crucified , but persecute , imprison , scoffe at , crucify , and burne others for christs sake ; and insteede of following christs foot-steps in praying for their enemies , they excommunicate , banne , curse , anathematize them to the very pit of hell , with bell booke and candle , and sometimes offer this vnchristian violence to their very ashes , bones , and v●…ines ; as our booke of martires manifests . since therefore lord prelates in these and infinite other particulars are so contrary opposite , & vnlike to our saviour iesus christ , i may safely conclude them to be none of his institution , sonnes , or followers : for hee that is truly christs , and saith that he abideth in him , ought himselfe also to walke even as christ walked 1. iohn . 2. 6. but lord prelates walked but directly contrary to him in all these particulars : therefore they are none of his , and abide not in him what euer vaunts they make to the contrary : and if they be none of christs institution , sonnes , disciples or followers , then certainely none of his apostles ( the next thing i shall succinctly illustrate . the opposition and contrariety betweene christs apostles and lordly prelates . first our saviours apostles yea peter ( the prince of all the rest , as the papists vaunt ) had neither silver nor gold acts 3. 6. lord prelates have plenty of both : yea doe little or no worke for it , and lesse good with it , vnlesse it be out of a vaineglotious humor to get themselues applause by some pontificall stately structure , or monument of their ambicion pompe and pride . 2. these apostles were poore , and vet made many rich , as having nothing and yet possessing all thing 2. cor , 6. 10. lord prelates are rich , and yet by their oppression , tyranny injustice , great fines , imprisonments , extortions and griping officers make many ministers and good christians poore ; they have all things their hearts can wish , and yet through covetous ambicion and desire of more , and il●… use of what they have , truly possesse nothing . 3. the apostles were made a spectacle unto the world unto angells , and to men 1. cor. 4. 9. lord prelates are not made but make others such for christs sake . 4. the apostles to their dying dayes , did both hunger & thirst & were naked , buffeted , despised , accounted fooles , defamed , reviled and persecuted , yea they were made the very silth of the world and the ofscouring of all things for christs sake , being in stripes often , in imprisonments , perills , and death often , in watchings often , in labours more abundant for christ 1. cor. 4. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. 2. cor. 6. 5 , c. 11. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. lord prelates are in no such condition at all , they sustayne no such hardship for christ ; but they eate and drinke of the best , are gorgeously clad , courted , yea flattered , honoured and accounted great lords , praysed above measure , feasted , promoted and made the greatest peeres the most swaying overruling lord controllers of the world , & primates of all others for christs sake ; being never in stripes &c. but only in voluptuous pleasures , stately palaces , princes courts , downe beds , and lazy idlenesse for christ ; and when persecution or affliction for the gospell come ; they either turne chiefe persecutors , or turne-coates , rather then they will vndergoe any stripes , imprisonments , perrills , or deaths for christ , by whom they enioye so much honour , pompe , wealth and worldly pleasures . 5. the apostles had no certayne dwelling place and laboured , working whith their owne handes , and yet never gave over preaching for want of maintenance 1. cor. 4. 11 , 12. acts 20. 34. 1. thess. 2. 9 , 2. thess. 3. 8. lord bishops have divers certaine palaces , sees , mannors , & pontificall mansions ; their hundreds and thousands by the yeare ; neuer labour with their hands ( and seldowne with their tongues or braines ) to get their livings ; and yet preach not so oft in 2. or 3. yeares , as paul and other apostles did in a weeke , when they labored to . 6. the apostles were troubled on every side , for christ , yet not distressed ; perplexed , but not in despaires persecuted , but not forsaken ; cast downe , but not destroyed ; alwayes bearing about in the body the marke ; of the lord iesus , and being alwayes delivered unto death for iesus sake : 2 cor. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. lord prelates never were in such extremities , never suffered such things , as all or any of these for christ , but have usually brought others into the apostles condition far specified for christs sake ; as the booke of martyrs , and experience manifest . 7. the apostles were called from the receipt of custome , from all other secular imployments , and seperated for the gospell of christ ; forsaking all other things to preach and propagate it alone as soone as they were called to bee christs apostles and disciples , math. 4. 18. to . 23. c. 9. 9. marke 10. 28 , 29. rom. 1. 1. acts 13. 2. lord prelates when they are made such , intrude themselves into secular offices and imployments , call themselves back againe to the receipt of custome shouldring themselves into lord treasurerships lord chancellorships & other such great temporall offices , tosupport and maintaine their part , power and antichristian throne ; erect popery and romish superstition , and rule all things at their pleasures : yea they almost wholly seperate themselves from christ , and the preaching of his gospell , lay aside and give over their ministry , &c. preaching , that so they may wholely addict themselves to the world , the pleasures honours and preferments of it , to court and state affaires , and lord it over all men both in church and state. 8. christs apostles , were all equall among themselves , and lorded it not one over the other , nor yet over their fellow brethren , or the lords inheritance never pursevanting , imprisoning , fining , banishing or depriving of them like pagan princes , they being expressely prohibited so to doe , math. 20. 25. 26. 27 luke 22. 25 , 26. 2. cor. 1. 24. 〈◊〉 . pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. lord prelates lord it one over another and are not equall among themselves , witnesse their popes , their patriarkes , cardinall , bishops , metropolitanes , arch-bishops , bishops , and bishops suffragans , al subordinate unto another ; they clayme a superiority iure diuino over their fellow presbiters ( their equalls , and all one with themselves by diuine law & institution acts 26. 17. 28. phil. 1. 〈◊〉 . 1. 7 ●…m . 3. 1 , 2 , 3. c. 5. 17. titus 1. 5 , 7. 1. pet. 5. 1 , 2 , 3. math. 20. 25 , 26 , 27 , c. 28. 19 : 20. ) yea they lord and tyrannize it over their fellow ministers , diocesse , and the lords inheritance suspending , silencing , excommunicating , pursevanting , fining , imprisoning reviling , depriving them , prescribing new ceremonies , injunctions , articles , oathes , orders , and fining and punnishing them for the violation of them at their pleasures , like absolute popes , kings , monarks , parliaments , against all lawes of god , and the realme ; as ancient , and ( above all others ) present experience testifieth ; so like are their lordly sanctities to the apoftles , or rather to their holy-father the pope & divell . 9. the apostles preached daylie the lord iesus , and his gospell , to the people , because christ , & god himselfe enioyned them to doe it , notwithstanding the high priests & whole counsels suspencions inhibitiōs , threats , imprisonments , and scourgings to hinder and deterre them acts 4 & 5. 1. thess. 2. 15 , 16 , 17. lords prelates ( on the contrary ) are so farre from imitating their examples , that they every where against the lawes of god and the realme , yea contrary to the very booke of ordination and charge there given them when they were ordavned , ) suspend & prohibit ministers from preaching christ & his gospell to the people , that they may be saved , threatning to imprison deprive and ruine them if they doe it ; notwithstanding christ and his apostles have expresly commanded them , ( and their lordships to if christs ministers , or their successors ) to doe it under payne of eternal woe ( which bishop wren commaunded to be blotted out of a church wall in ipswich mat. 28. 19 20. mark. 16. 15. acts. 20. 281. cor. 9. 16 , 17. 1. tim. 4. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 1 tim. 4. 13. c. 5. 17. the very highth of al iniquity and impiety 1. thess. 2. 15 , 16. yea , money base fainthearted ministers forgetting this president of the apostles , set now silence under these illegall impious suspensions , and some of them , like hirelings f●…e from their flocks , and leave them to be devo●…vred of these raging wolves , as full experience manifests , whereas if they were true sheopards and faithfull ministers , they would rather lay downe their lives then flie or give over preaching upon such vngodly , vnjust suspentious , meerely void in law , which of common , civill , canon or diuine . 10. the apostles dayly in the temple ; and in every howse ( which now fotsooth were a conventicle ) ceased not to teach and preach iesus christ acts 5. 42. ( and that notwithstanding all the high priests inhibitions , suspensions and imprisonments ) nay s. paul as he spread and preached the gospell of christ almost over all the world ever from ierusalem round about to illyricum and where christ was not once so much as named before , rom. 15. 19. 20. so hee disputed and preached daily in the schoole of one tyrannus for two yeares space , acts 19. 9. 10. yea for three yeares space together , he ceased not day and night to warne every one at ephesus , with teares , teaching them publikely and from house to house , ( now a dangerous unlawfull conventicle in our lord prelates judgement ) acts 20. 20. 21. 31. he , and the rest of the apostles , by their daily preaching and holy lives , converting thousands unto god & planting and watering many eminent churches ; as the acts and epistles of the apostles , witnesse . our lordly prelates are so farre from not ceasing thus to preach dayly , themselves , that few of them preach monthly , or quarterly , and it is much if they preach annually , and then only at court : others of them ( as our great archprelates ) not in three or foure yeares space or more ; some not at all , ( as the dumbe bishops of oxford , landaffe , and others : ) yea , they doe all they can to preach , write and cry downe frequent preaching , as hurtfull and superfluous ; suppressing all or most weeke●…day lectures , with sermons on lords dayes afternoone in many diocese , ( o impiety ! ) inhibiting all painfull , godly ministers from preaching , some totally , other at least halfe so often as they desire to doe , or more : and , ( which is a thing almost incredible , and most impious ) suppressing lectures and preaching in all infected places , and that on the solemne fast-day , as a meanes to spread the pestilence , even then , when all former ages , and an eminent ancient popish councell , have cried them up as most necessary and usefull ; the sicke having farre more need of spirituall physicke and physitians , then the whole : math. 9. 12. 13. as for preaching from house to house ( bee it by a minister in his owne parish only ) our holy lord prelates are so farre from practising or approving it , though apostolicall , that they most unchristinaly prohibit , most impiously condemne , most severely punish it , and the repetition of sermons for a dangerous conventicle , deserving imprisonment , excommunication , fining , deprivation and what not , is a clowd of late examples testify . such holy successors of christs apostles are these ghostly lords spirituall ; i will not say , carnall , worldly , and diabolicall , as some too truly stile them : this being one of satan the great dragon his * principall instructions to the heard-men of his goates , bishops and archbishops ; to see that they hate , despise and blaspheme both the word of god , and the true preachers and lovers thereof , and not to suffer the truth and freedome of gods law to be knowne , but to keep it under as much as they can : to suffer no true preachers to abide in their diocesses , but quickly to bring them into great thraldome , charge and penury ; and never to cease till they have driven them away and set up in their roomes and places doctor ignorance domine drunkard , sir iohn lacke-latin , with sir william wilde-oathes that hunteth after whores , and such also as can play dissembling hypocrites , whereby the divels empire of darkenesse doth exceedingly flourish , which much decayed in all places by the true and frequent preaching of gods word . as for their planting or watering of churches , and converting store of soules to god , by their diligent frequent zealous preaching and pious lives , alas , which of our great archprelates can truly say , that hee ever yet truly converted one soule to god by his life or doctrine ? which of all our lordly loyterers can shew mee one man that he thoroughly convetted to christ or reduced to an holy life since he became a prelate ? ( scarce one or two , i feare , of the whole paeke . ) or what men are they this day living in england who can say with comfort , that a lord bishop was the meanes of their true conversion ? such converts doubtlesse are so rare , that all their names , i feare , ( like the good roman emperors ) may bee ingraven in one ring ; whereas the soules they have murthered and tumbled into hell by their ill examples , unjust , ungodly , tyrannicall , atheisticall lives , supressing of preaching lectures , godly ministers , repetition of sermons , private fasts , and christian private assemblies in all places ; declamations against purity , puritans , piety and precisenesse , making and countenancing ungodly , unworthy scandalous ministers ; stirring men up to prophane the lords owne day by dancing sports , &c. as wofull experience witnesseth past all deniall . o that these unprofitable lord prelates would consider that excellent saying of pope gregory the first . pensemus ergo &c. let us therefore diligently consider , who have ever been converted by our preaching ; who being reprehended for their perverse actions , have repented upon our reprehension : who out of our instruction hath for saken his luxury ; who declined his covetousnesse , who his pride ? let us consider what gaine wee have brought into god , who receiving a talent are sent by him to negociate with it . for he saith ; occupis till i come . behold hee now commeth ; behold hee requireth gaine out of our negotiation what gaine of soules shall wee shew unto him out of our negociation ? how many sheaves of soules shall wee bring before his sight out of the croppe of our preaching ? let us set before our eyes that day of so great distresse , wherein the iudge shall come and exact a strict account of those servants to whom he hath committed talents . there , shall peter appeare with converted iudaea , which hee hath drawne after him : there , paul , leading , that i may so speake the converted world . there , also andrew shall lead achaia after him ; there , iohn asia , thomas india converted by them , and present them to the view of the iudge . there all the rammes of the lords flocke shall appeare with the gaines of soules , who by their holy sermons draw a converted subdued flocke after them . when therefore so many shepheards shall come thus with their severall flockes before the presence of the eternall shepheard , what shall wee poore wretches ( what shall cur unpreaching , unprofitable lord prelates ) say , who after our negociation returne empty to our lord ; who have the name of pastors , and yet have no sheep at all to shew whom we have nourished and converted . here were wee are called shepheards , and yet thus we lead no flocke at all●… therefore we shall then be reputed 〈◊〉 hireling and murtherers , not as pastors . a speech which should make all our lordly prelates humble and give over their lording , loytering and secular imployments , to fall a preaching & winne some soules to god. 11. paul , ( christs most laborious apostle ) preached not only in the morning , but also in the evening on the lords day , and continued his sermon untill midnight . acts 20. 7. our godly devout lord prelates , not onely give over preaching themselues on lords day evenings , but professedly prohibit it as vnlawfull , by their printed visitation articles , suspending those that dare to preach , ( though they catechize also ) on the lords day evening , that so the profane vulgar may haue more liberty , and spend that time in dancing and playing , which this apostles spent in preaching . and are they not then his vndoubted successors . 12 finally , the apostles had no quadrangular ca●…s for their round pates , no stately miters for their heads , no rochets , surplesses , stoles , or other pontificall disguised vestments for their backs or armes , no rings or crosiers for their hands and fingers , no altars for their sacrament of the lords supper no tapers , vestment images , crucifixes altar clothes , organs , or arras hangings , singing men , cheristers , prebends , petty canons , canōs , deanes or chapters for their cathedralls or priuate chappell 's ( which they wanted ) no vicars generall , commissaries , officialls , registers , purseuants , high commissions , visitation oathes , articles , orders , injunctions , canon lawes or canonists for their diocesse , no coaches , chariots , pamper●… palfreys , footmen , horsmen , cookes , butlers , keepers hunters falkners , & traine of attendants for their pleasure , state , iournies , or hospitallity ; no cringings and bowings to altars , tables , crucifixes , or the name of iesus , no standing up at gloria patri , athanacius and the nicene creede , no kneeling at the sacrament , no procurations ; letters of ordination , licenses to preach , or keepe scholes , probate of wills , commissions of administration , seales of armes , tit'es of your grace , your lordship , your holynesse , your father hood , primate , patriarke , metropolitan , arch-bishop , most reverend father in god &c. alas poore silly fishe●…s and michaniks , they neither had , nor knewe , nor euer dreamed of all these pontificall inuentions , ceremonies , vestements , ornaments , titles , which our lord prelates claime , enioye , enforce by diuine authority as their successors , in which they place the very honour , luster , life and essence of their episcopalities and lotdlyresse ; they ; poore men , thought the canon of the scripture ( as did their master christ ) sufficient to rule and guide the church to the end of the world math. 28. 19 , 20 , gal. 6. 16. sufficient to make them wise to salvation , to build them up , to give them an inheritance among them that are sanctified , and to bring them safe to heaven acts 20. 32. gal. 6. 16. 2 tim. 3. 15. yea all sufficient for doctrine , reprooffe , correction , instruction inrighteounesse , that the man of god may be perfect throughly furnished unto all good workes 2. tim. 3. 16 , 17. without any other canons , decretalls , articles , injunctions &c. lord prelates are of a quite contrary faith and judgment . they , poore silly creatures , in their first generall counsell at ierusalem , would impose no ceremonies at all upon the gentiles , nor lay no other but these necessary things , as a burthen on them , to abstayne from fornication , and from bloud , and things strangled acts 25. 28 , 29. and paul himselfe , without expresse commaund from god , would not enjoyne or single vnmarried life to any , but only advise it , yet so , as to leave every man to his owne free liberty and discretion 1. cor. 7. 8. 9. 25. 26. 27. 28. to 40. yea else where ; hee beates downe all humane traditions and constitutions as no wayes obligatory in diuine , or ecclesiasticall matters . col. 2. 20. 21. 22. 1. cor. 7. 23. 1 tim. 4. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. gal. 1. 10. c. 2. 9. to 20. c. 3. 1. 2. c. 5. 1 , 2. but our lordly prelates farre wiser and statelier then they , who were no lords nor peeres , of their severall divided heads without advise of kings and parliament , by their owne lordly authorities in their owne names , can forge , prescribe enioyne , and that upon oath and subscription , many hundred unnecessary ceremonies , articles and injunctions , not any where commanded by christ ; and impose them upon ministers and people under paine of suspension , excommunication , imprisonment , deprivation , and what other penalties their royall papall majesties please , to inflict , enforcing church-wardens ( contrary to gods law , by the very rhemists owne doctrine ) to present the infringers of them upon oath , ( whereas they enioyne them not to present the violaters of gods owne ten commandements , or any of christs , or his apostles precepts ( as they are such upon oath , which god himselfe never enforced to b●… enquired or presented upon oath ; a thing considerable ) such gods , popes , kings , tyrants , and absolute lords are they now growne over mens consciences , soules , bodies and estates , all now made captive to their more then divine , imperiall , papall , pleasures ; as experience every where testifieth to our griefe and payne . iudge now even you lordly prelates , and all ye people of the realme , by all the premised parallels ; wheither these great lords and th●…ir prelacie bee of diabolicall or divine institution , wheither they are of christ or the divell ; the impes and spurious beats of the one ; or sonnes and genuine children of the other ; the successors and followers of the i●…wish high priests , or of the apostles : iudge , i say , of these things , not with passion or affection , but with imparciallitie and conscience ; not by opinion or fancie , but by experience and truth ; not with malice or prejudice eyther way , but with downe-right sincerity , as you desire christ shall iudge you at the day of iudgement , and as your selves then shall judge . and when you have done his , then let our lordly prelates give up that verdict of themselves and others of them , as their soules and consciences shall sincerely dictate ; and then i doubt not , but their pretended ius diuin●…m for their lordly hierarchie , will be a non est inuentus , and all their lordlynesse , pompe , power , state , pride , canons , articles , oathes , ceremonies , titles , innovations , suspensions , and present fore-specified practises , cast and sentensed for ever to the pit of hell , from which they sprung , if my poore weake iudgment doth not misinforme me . iohn rupescissa ( a bold propheticall preaching friere ) told the ro●…ish cardinals and prelates some 300. yeares since , that they were the peacocke whom all the birdes had enriched with their feathers , whereby shee was growne so proud , that shee would never know herselfe , till the kings and princes of the earth that had decked and enriched her , should come , and taking every one of them his owne feather , leaue her as bald and naked as they found her , and then as their pride & wealth was the begining of all the errors , schismes and corruptions in religion that troubled the world , so their humiliation and fall should be the end of them . i may apply his prophecie to our lordly prelates now : they are the only proud peacockes of the world so adorned and swolne with worldly honour , power wealth , pompe , pride and greatnesse , that they will ne-ver know either god or themselves till the king & temporall lords who have decked and enriched them with these gorgeous plumes , shall come , and taking euery one of them his owne feather , leave them as bald and naked as they found them . and then as their pride , pompe , lordlinesse , powre and worldy wealth hath beene the errors , schismes , innovations , corruptions in religion that have troubled our church and the whole world ; ( yea , of all the grievances , oppressions , tallayes , and mischeifes , that have insteed our state of later yeares ) so their humiliation and fall shall bee the end of them . vp therefore o most gracious soveraigne lord king charles , & all yee english nobles , without more delayes , and unp●…ume these luciferian proud peacocks of all those royall lordly feathers , they have unjustly stollen and usurped from you : and since they claime all of them from a divine right and title , ( without any shadow or ground of truth , as i have been demonstrated in the preceeding parallels , beyond all contradiction , ) and will no longer enjoy or claime them as from your grace and bounty , leave them not one feather more to hide their nakednesse , but what gods word hath clearly indowed them withall ; then certainely they will be so bald and naked , that they will never play the divels , lords or high priests more . and that this dunghill generation of lordly peacockes may no more inf●… either our church or state ; beseech you , follow the counsell , that one curghesis once gave to the king of meth , when hee demanded of him , hom hee might destroy certaine noysome birdes then lately came into ireland , where they did much harme to the countrey ? nidos eorum ubique destruendos : let their nests bee every where destroyed , i meane , their pompous , papall unprofitab●…e , unuseful sees and cathedralls , ( now their very chaires of pestilence , the seminaries of popery , superstition , idolatry , pride , lasines , nonresidency , epicurisme and prophanesse , ) or else turned to some better uses , as were our abbies , priories , monasteries , nunneries and chauntries hertofore ; else though they be cast out for a time , yet they will ( as popery now doth ) creep in againe by degrees , and hatch more lordly peacockes , ravens , rookes noysome birdes , as bad , as ravenous and pernicious as themselves , to the utter subversion both of our church and state , which now lie gasping out their last breath under their papall pride and tiranny without some speedy rescue . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10189-e150 (a) in his works p. 217. 211. (b) page 284. 198. (c) in his workes p. 116. (d) practise of popish prelates p. 343. (e) obedience of a christian man p. 114. 138. 135. * why it is ; that b. put downe preaching . (f) acts and monuments edi . 1610. pag. 462. 463. notes for div a10189-e520 the epifile of lucifer , to the proud prelates of the popes clergie . to difference betwene the bishops of primitive church & of the latter church humilitie edifieth . pride destroyeth . placing of all mischiefe . thechurch never well governed since the divells ●…ere taken of the church-men . pride in prelates noted . popish pre lates neither give to god no●… caesar that which belongeth to god and caesar. thedouble iurisdiction of the popes tw●… s●…ords cometh of lucifer . dominus . sanctus . sanctijimus . the lasciuious and 〈◊〉 life of the romish clergie . vhe whorish latter church of rome . pope successor not of simon peter , but of simon magus . wicked & vnworthie ministers admitted in the popes church vnworthy bestowing of benefices . extorsion . perverting of iustice . acception of person . bribery . love of lucre . dstructio of true faith . the life of papists contrary to their teaching . the pope increaseth hell . antichrist the pope a fained procurer of peace between princes . simony the popes nurse promoting of provd and rich cardinals cloked holinesse . wresting of scripture . tyranny and cruelty by the p pe . ex registro hereford . notes for div a10189-e2030 (a) william bishop of rochester his first sermon before k. iames at hampton court sept. 21. 1606. b. downham his consecration sermon and the defēce thereof : with b. bancrofts sermon & others . b. mountague in his appeale to cesar : b. white in ●…rabounces 〈◊〉 . godwins catalogue of bishops : the acts of english votaries by bale centur . mag. 4. 10. 13. c. 7. & 10. (b) balaeus & platina de vitis pontificum . see bishop whites treatise of the sabbath : 7. 266. pocklington , heylyn , & others . math. 25 ●…6 . 42. 〈◊〉 . 1. ●…7 . 〈◊〉 see b. l●…timers sermon of the plough . (g) see bishop ●…rens b. mountagues b. laudes . bishop perces oathes & printed visitation a●…icles . * see fox acts and monuments p. 114. (h) see bishop whites treatise of the sabbath , epistle dedicatory . (k) ier. 4. 22. (h) rev. 2. 5. 6. (i) hose●… . 7. 4. 6. (k) a coale from the altar . printed an. 1636. (l) isay. 6. 6. 7. (m) iob. 6. 5. see pocklingtons sunday no sabbath . (n) acts and monuments . edit . 1631 vol. 3. p. 85. 95. 497. (o) shelford his sermon of the church sunday no sabbath . p. 46. ●…heeue , & others . (p) dan. 3. 5. 6. 7. (q) math. 15. 9 (r) math. 15. 9. (s) 2. sam. 14. 2. to 22. (t) 〈◊〉 : and dr. iohn white his epistle dedicative to k. iames before his de●…te of the way . (v) shelford his sermon of gods house a co●…e from the altar . p. 1. 2. 3. &c rheene his communion booke 〈◊〉 expounded epi●… . dedicatory p. 20. &c. * so dr. corbet b. bwrens chancellor iately termed preaching and said he had scripture for it . (x) gen. 3 1. 2. 3. 4. * see this answer to the great turkes letter an●… 1542. & bale de vitis pontificium . (y) mr. tyndall his practise of popish prelates . p. 350. (z) platina & bale de vitis pontificum . dr. ioh. wite his way to the true church . sect. 57. n. 9. 10. (a) p. 368. antiqu. ecclesiae brit. in the life of arch-bishop warh . p. 357. 3. 358. (b) foote out of the same london 1624. p. &c. (c) of the perill of idolatri p. 41. 42. 61 , it is wickednes for a christian to erect such an image to god in a temple , &c. * see looke about you . m. henry burton d. burges , m. white , and others . * oh that a man had but the view of hell ; ( saith ●…ather latymer in his sermons , hee should see on one side of it a row of unpreaching prelates in their square caps as farre as betweene this and dover , i warrant you , as farre as betweene this and dover . * it is reported of his arch-grace of canterbury , that when he was a poore scholler in oxford hee dreamed , that he should first be a bishop , then archbishop of canterbury , and a great persecutor of gods ministers and people : ( which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉 ) and that at last hee si●…cke do●…ne into hell , 〈◊〉 he awaked , and then and since oft related this dreame enough to terrify and a●…ake his lordship , if true , in the midst of his present furious ●…ersecutions . * see how these disloyall officers most vniustly lay the blamt of all their tiranny , oppression , innovations & iniustice upon his maiesty : to rob him of his peoples hearts and affections . (h) acts. 22. 1. 2. witnes m. henry burton now charged by them , with sedition : with many others , as was b. latimer , and all our martyrs of old . iudges of england resolved in one smipsons case 42. eliz. (p) antiq. ecclesiae brit. p. 350. 351. 352. godwins catalog . p. 167. (q) godwi . p. 611. to 614. * his archgrace of canterbury . (p) in an old booke in h. the 8. his daies of the difference betweene christs & antichrists bishops . * the court our bishops now abuse to set up their owne papall hierarchie , and enforce their unlawfull commands . * septem diaconi subliuior gradu caeteris proxime circa aram dei quasi columniae altaris assisterent i●…dor , & concilium aquisgra●…se . ibidem . * an answer unto a letter sent by the great turke &c. compiled & imprinted by iohn mayler , an . 1542 , if thou bee put to an oath to accuse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they ought to doe , or to utter any innocent man , to gods enemies and his , thou oughtest to refuse such unlawfull oeaths : but if thou have not constancy and courage so to doe , yet know , that such oathes binde not at all in conscience and law of god , but may and must bee broken under payne of damnation . for to take such vowes or oathes is one sinne and to keep them is another farre greater . rhenists notes on acts 23. v. 12. a shrod blow to all visitation and ex officio oathes . the consecration and succession, of protestant bishops justified, the bishop of duresme vindicated, and that infamous fable of the ordination at the nagges head clearly confuted by john bramhall ... bramhall, john, 1594-1663. 1658 approx. 289 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 123 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29194 wing b4216 estc r24144 12116438 ocm 12116438 54322 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29194) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54322) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 759:30) the consecration and succession, of protestant bishops justified, the bishop of duresme vindicated, and that infamous fable of the ordination at the nagges head clearly confuted by john bramhall ... bramhall, john, 1594-1663. 239, [1] p. by john ramzey, gravenhagh : 1658. errata: p. 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in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy. bishops -england. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-07 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the consecration and succession , of protestant bishops justified . the bishop of duresme vindicated . and that infamous fable of the ordination at the nagge 's head clearly confuted . by john bramhall , d. d. bishop of derry . necesse est ut lancē in libra ponderibus impositis deprimi , sic animum perspicuis cedere . gravenhagh , by john ramzey , anno 1658. chap. i. the occasion of this treatise . the fairest eares of corne are soonest blasted , so the more conspicuous the church of england was among the reformed churches , ( as not being framed according to the brainsicke dictates of some seditious oratour , or the giddy humours of a tumultuous multitude , but with mature deliberation , and the free consent and concurrence of all the orders of the kingdome , ) the more it was subjected to the envie and groundless calumnies of our country men of the roman communion . but of all the slanderous aspersions cast upon our church , that liyng fable of the nagge 's head ordination doth beare the bell away . those monstrous fictions of the cretian bulles and minotaures , ( devised by the athenians to revenge themselves upon minos king of creete , who had subdued them in a just warre , and compelled them to send their sons to him for hostages , ) were not more malicious , nor that shamelesslie of kentish long tailes more ridiculous . the first deviser of it doth justly deserve the character of a man of a brasen forhead and leaden hearie . if the unpartiall reader after he have perused this treatise , thinke i doe him wrong . i do willingly submitte my self to his censure . this prodigious fable received its deathes wound from mr. masons penne , and hath remained ever since for the space of thirty yeares buried in deepe oblivion . and those assaies which it maketh now to get wing againe , by the assistence of two ignatian fathers , are but the vaine attempts of a dying cause . neither would i have troubled the reader or my self to bring owles to athens , or to confute a cause which hath bene so demonstratively confuted to my hand , but for two new additions lately spread abroad . the one by orall tradition which concerneth my self . that father t. and father b. had so confuted the bishop of derry in the presence of the king , that he said he perceived his father had made me a lord , but not a bishop , and that afterwards , by my power i had procured those two iesuits to be prohibited that presence . so that whereas father talbot used to be the interpreter in the spanish treaties , now he was not admitted , and don iohn would admitte no other . so the bishop of derry is accused not onely to have bene publickly baffeled , but also to have bene a disturber of publick affaires . yet i know nothing of all this , which concerneth myself . i never heard of any such conference , or any such words , i never knew that father talbot was designed to that imploiment . i was never guilty of having any such power , muchlesse of any endevour to turne out any man. if the fathers seemed too pragmaticall to those who were intrusted , or to involue the interest of their religion into civill treaties , what is that to me ? if it were true they may thanke themselves . if it were false , they may thanke them who did it . whether true or false i never had an hand , nor so much as a little finger in it . all the truth that i know is this . hearing that these two fathers , had spoken largely in the courte of the succession of our english bishops , but never in my presence , i sought out father b , and had private conference with him about it in the iesuits college at bruges , and afterwards some discourse with father t. and him together in mine owne chamber . whatsoever they did say , they put into writing to which i returned them an answer , shewing not onely that there was not , but that it was morally impossible there should be any such ordination at the nagges head . from that day to this i never heard any thing of it , that concerned myself . now if a man should search for an authour of this fabulous relation , he shall be sure to have it fathered upon some very credible persōs , without names , who had it from iohn an okes whilest he was living , and he had it from iohn a stiles , and he had it from no body , but feined it himself out of a good intention , according to that case theology which he had learned of machiavell , to advance the credit of religion by all meanes possible true or false . the other addition concerneth the learned and reverend bishop of duresme one of the ancientest bishops this day living in the christian world , being 95 yeares old at least . that he owned and justified the nagges head ordination in publick parliament , in the house of the peeres : it is very well , we can not desire a better place where to have it spoken , then the house of parliament . nor better witnesses then the lords spirituall and temporall . we have no man of the episcopall order , whose memory can reach so neare those times , or in whose integrity we doe more confide , then the bishop of duresme . he might heare many things either from the persons praetended to have bene then consecrated , or from the notaries or witnesses who were then present at that imaginary consecration . or at least he might receive the tradition of that age from such as were eiewitnesses of what passed . let it be put to his testimony if they thinke fitte , ( without doubt he is the same man he was then ) or to the testimony of any other of his age and reputation , whom they can produce . we refuse no sort of proofe but onely vaine hear say , which as our english proverbe saith is commonly , and in this case most undoubtedly a lier . nay we would not refuse the testimony of mr. neale himself , though a professed enemy , who was the onely founder of this silly fable , so he might be examined upon oath , before equall iudges , but compell him either to shame the divell , and eate his owne words , or to runne himself into such palpable absurdities contradictions and impossibilities , that no man of reason how partiall soever , could give any credit to him . my first taske shall be , before i meddle with the fable it self to vindicate the bishop of duresme , and the truth which is wounded through his sydes , with this intimation to the reader , that if this branch of the legend be proved apparently to be false , which is pretended to have bene publickly acted in a full house of the peeres of the realme , we can expect no truth from the voluntary reporte of one single meane malicious enemy , to his own party . and with all a confessed spie , of what was done at the nagge 's head . breake ice in one place , and it will crack in more . chapt . ii. the vindication of the bishop of duresme . to vindicate the bishop of duresme , i shall first set downe the relation of this passage in the words of the fathers themselves . in the beginning of the late parliament some presbiterian lordes presented to the upper house a certeine booke , proving that the protestant bishops had no succession or consecration , and therefore were no bishops , and by consequence had no right to sitte in parliament . hereupon doctor morton pretended bishop of durrham who is yet alive , made a speech against this booke in his owne and all the bishops behalfe then present . he endeavoured to prove succession from the last catholick bishops , who ( said he ) by imposition of hands ordeined the first protestant bishops at the nagge 's head in cheap syde , as vvas notorious to all the vvorld . therefore the afore said booke ought to be looked upon as a groundless libell . this vvas told to many by one of the ancientest peeres of england , praesent in parliament vvhen morton made his speech . and thesame he is ready to depose upon his oath . nay he cannot believe that any vvill be so impudent as to denie a thing so notorious , vvhereof there are as many vvitnesses living , as there are lords and bishops that vvere that day in the upper house of parliament . here are three passages . one concerning a booke presented to the upper house , against the successiō of english bishops , by some presbiterian lords . the second concerning the pretended refutation of this booke by the bishop of duresme . the third the proofe of both these allegations by the testimony of an ancient peere of england , first for the booke , it is most true there was a booke written about that time by a single lord against episcopacy , and dedicated to the members of both houses of parliament . no wonder . how often have the parliaments in the reignes of queene elisabeth and king iames bene troubled with such requests and representations . it is no strange thing that a weake eie should be offended with the light of the sun . we may justly ascribe the reviving of the aerian heresy in these later daies to the dispensations of the courte of rome who licensed ordinary priests to ordeine , and confirme , and do the most essentiall offices of bishops so their scholes do teach us , a preest may be the ex●raordinary minister of priesthood , and inferiour orders by the delegation of the pope . againe the pope may conferre the power of confirmation upon a simple priest. by such exorbitant practises as these they chalked ou● the way to ●nnovators . and yet they are not able to produce one president of such a dispensation throughout the primitive times , a good christian ought to regarde more what the whole christian world in all ages hath practised , then what a few conceited persons in this last age have fancied . among all the easterne southern and northerne christians , who make innumerable multitudes , there neither is nor ever was one formed church that wanted bishops . yet these are as farre from submitting to the exorbitant power of the roman bishop as we . among all the westerne churches and their colonies , there never was one formed church for 1500. yeares , that wanted bishops . if there be any persons so farre possessed with prejudice , that they chuse rather to follow the private dictates of their owne phrensy , then the perpetuall and universall practise of the catholick church , enter not into their secrets o my soule . thus farre we agree , but in all the rest of the circumstances , ( though they be not much materiall ) the fathers do pittifully mistake themselves , and vary much from the testimony of their witness , and much more from the truth . first the authour of this booke was no presbyterian lord ▪ much less a company or caball of presbiterian lords in the plurall , but my lord brookes , one that had as little favour for presbytery as for episcopacy . secondly the booke was not praesented to the upper house . it might be brought into the house privately , yet not be praesented to the house publickly . if it had bene publickly praesented , the clerkes of the parliament or some of them must needes have known of it and made an act of it , but they know no such thing . the lords spirituall and temporall could not all have forgotten it , but they remember no such thing , as by their respective certificates praesently shall appeare . thirdly as the authour is mistaken , and praesentation mistaken . so the subject likewise is mistaken . sit liber iudex , let the booke speake for it self ▪ thus an able freind certifieth me . i have got my lord brookes booke which he wrote against the bishops with much labour , and perused it with no less patience . and there is not in it the least shadow of any argument , that the bishops ought not to sitte in parliament , because they had no succession or consecration . what did my lord brookes regard succession or consecration or holy orders , who had a coachman to be his preacher . the less canonicall the ordination had bene , the more he would have applauded it . time and place and forme and all were agreeable to that christian liberty which he dreamed of , it was not wante of consecration , but consecration it self which he excepted against , as all men knew who knew him . and in this quarrell he lost his life , after a most remarkable and allmost miraculous manner , at the siege of lichfield church , upon st. ceaddas anniversary day , who was the founder of that church and bishop of it . i know the fathers will be troubled much , that this which they have published to the view of the world , concerning the bishop of durrham , as a truth so evident which no man can have the impudence to denie , should be denied , yea denied positively and throughout , denied not onely by the bishop of durrham himself , but by all the lords spirituall and temporall that can be met with , denied by some lords of their owne communion , who understand them selves as well as any among them , though their names are not subscribed , to the certificate , denied by the clerkes of the parliament , whose office it is to keepe a diary of all the speeches made in the house of the peeres for proofe hereof first i produce the protestation of the bishop of duresme him self , attested by witnesses in the praesence of a publick notary . take it in his owne words . vvhereas i am most injuriously and slanderously traduced , by a nameles authour , calling himself n. n. in a booke said to be printed at rouen 1657. intituled [ a treatise of the nature of catholick faith and haeresy ] , as if upon the praesenting of a certein booke to the upper house in the beginning of the late parliament , prouing as he saith the protestant bishops had no succession nor consecration , and therefore were no bishops , and by consequence ought not to sit in parliament , i should make a speech against the said booke in my owne and all the bishops behalfs , endevouring to prove succession from the last catholick bishops as he there stiles them , ) who by imposition of hands ordeined the first protestant bishops , at the nagges head in cheapsyde , as was notorious to all the world , &c. i do hereby in the praesence of almighty god solemnely protest and declare to all the world , that what this authour there affirmes concerning me is a most notorious untruth and a grosse slander . for to the best of my knowledge and remembrance , no such booke as he there mentions was ever presented to the upper house in that or any other parliament , that ever i sate in . and if there had , i could never have made such a speech as is there pretended , seeing i have ever spokē according to my thoughts , and alwaies believed that fable of the nagge 's head consecration to have proceded from the father of lies ; as the authentick recordes of the church still extant , which were so faithfully transcribed , and published by mr. mason , do evidently testifie . and whereas the same impudent libeller doth moreover say , that what he there affirmes was told to many , by one of the ancientest peeres of england , praesent in parliament , when i made this praetended speech : and that he is ready to depose the same upon his oath : and that he can not believe any will be so impudent , to denie a thing so notorious , whereof there are as many witnesses living , as there are lords and bishops that were that day in the upper house of parliament &c. i answer , that i am very unwilling to beleeve any peere of england should have so little sense of his conscience and honour , as either to sweare or so much as affirme such a notorious untruth . and therefore for the justification of my self and manifestation of the truth in this particular , i do freely and vvillingly appeale ( as he directs me ) to those many honourable persons , the lord spirituall and temporall yet alive , vvho sate in the house of peeres in that parliament , or to as many of them as this my protestation shall come to , for a true certificate of vvhat they knovv or believe concerning this matter . humbly desiring them and charging it upon their soules , as they vvill ansvver it to god at the day of iudgment , that they vvill be pleased to testifie the truth , and nothing but the truth herein , to the best of their knovvledg and remembrance , vvithout any favour or affection to me at all . i cannot reasonably be suspected by any indif●erent man , of denyng any thing that i knovv or believe to be true , seeing i am so shortly in all probability to render an account to the searcher of hearts of all my words and actions , being now ( at the least ) upon the ninetyfifth yeare of my age . and i acknowledge it a great mercy and favour of god , that he hath reserved me thus long , to cleare the church of england and my self of this most notorious slander , before he takes me to himself . for i can not imagine any reason , why this shamelesse writer might not have cast the same upon any of my reverend brethren as well as me , but onely that i being the eldest , it was probable i might be in my graue , before this untruth could be taken notice of in the world . and now i thanke god i can cherefully sing my nunc dimittis , unlesse it please him to reserve me for the like service hereafter : for i desire not to live any longer upon earth , then he shall be pleased to make me his instrument to defend the truth , and promote his glory . and for the more solemne and full confirmation of this my free and voluntary protestation and declaration i have hereunto set my hand and seale , this seventeenth day of iuly . anno domini 1658. thomas dvresme . signed sealed published and declared , in the presence of tho : sanders sen : , tho : sanders iun : , iohn barwick clerke , r : gray , evan davies . i tobias holder publick notary , being requested by the right reverend father in god thomas lo. bishop of duresme , at the house of thomas sanders esquire , in the parish of flamstead , in the county of hartford , in the yeare of our lord moneth and day above specified , was then and there personally present , where and vvhen the said reverend bishop did signe publish and declare this his protestation and declaration above vvriten , to be his act and deed , and did cause his authentick episcopall seale , to be there to affixed , in the presence of the vvitnesses vvhose names are there to subscribed . and did there and then likevvise signe publish and declare as his act and deed , another of the same tenor vvritten in paper , vvhich he signed vvith his manuall seale , in the presence of the same vvitnesses . all this i heard , saw , and therefore knovv to be done . in testimony vvhereof i have subscribed and thereto put my usuall and accustomed notaries signe . tobias holder . publick notary . how doth this so solemne protestation agree with the former relation of the fathers , that the bishop of durham affirmed publickly in the upper house that the first protestant bishops were consecrated in the nagge 's head , that they were not consecrated at lambeth , that this was notorious to all the world , that it is not credible that any will be so impudent as to denie it , that all the rest of the bishops approved his assertion by their silence , and were glad to have such a retiring place against the presbyterians , that none of the bishops did give credit to mr. masons new found registers ? even as light and darknesse , or truth and falshood , or two contradictory propositions do agree together . this is the first witnesse whom any of that party hath adventured to cite publickly and directly for that infamous story whilest he was living . and they see the successe of it . i hope they will be wiser hereafter , then to cite any more living witnesses . but it may be that they who do not stick to suppose that our arch-bishops make false certificates , may object this is but the testimony of the bishop of durham in his owne cause . let us see whether the other bishops dissent from the bishop of duresme . take the testimony of them all , who sate in that parliament , which are now lining except the bishop of bangor , whose absence in wales is the onely reason why he is not a subscriber with the rest . whereas we the surviving bishops of the church of england , who sate in the parliament begun at westminster the third day of november 1640 , are required by our reverend brother the lord bishop of duresme , to declare and attest the truth , concerning an imputation cast upon him in the pamphlet of that namelesse author , mentioned in his protestation and declaration here prefixed . and whereas we are obliged to performe what he requesteth , both for the justification of the truth , and for the clearing of our selves of another slanderous aspersion , which the same authour casteth upon us , as if we had heard our said reverend brother make such a speech as is there pretended , and by our silence had approved , what that libeller falsely affirmeth was delivered in it . vve do hereby solemnely protest and declare before god and all the world , that we never knew of any such booke presented to the house of peeres , as he there pretendeth , nor believe any such vvas ever presented : and therefore could never heare any such speech made against it , as he mentioneth , by our said reverend brother or any other , much lesse approve of it by our silence . and if any such booke had bene presented , or any such speech had bene made , there is none among us so ignorant or negligent of his duty in defending the truth , but vvould have bene both able and ready to have confuted so groundlesse a fable , as the pretēded consecration of bishops at the nagge 's head , out of the authentick and knovvne registers of the church still extant , mentioned and faithfully trāscribed and published by mr. mason so long before . for the confirmation of which truth , and attestation of what our said reverend brother hath herewith protested and declared , we have hereunto set our hands . dated the 19th . day of iuly anno domini 1658. london . m. eli . br . sarum . bath . & wells . jo. roffens . oxford . if all these proofes seeme not satisfactory to the fathers , they shall have more . let them take the testimony of the principall peeres now living , who sate then in parliament . vve of the lords temporall whose names are here under written , who sate in the parliament begun at westminster the third day of november 1640 , being desired by the bishop of duresme to testify our knowledge concerning an imputation cast upon him , about a speech pretended to be made by him in that parliament , more particularly mentioned and disavowed in his prefixed protestation , doe hereby testify and declare , that to the best of our present knowledge and remembrance , no such booke against bishops as is there mentioned , was presented to the house of peeres in that parliament . and consequently , that no such speech as is there pretended , was or could be made by him or ony other against it . in testimony whereof we have signed this our attestation with our owne hands . dated the nineteenth day of iuly anno domini 1658. dorchester . rvtland . lincolne . cleveland . dover . lindsey . sovthamton . devonshire . monmovth . to this proofe nothing remaineth that can be added , but onely the testimony of the clerke of the parliament , who after a diligent search made in the booke of the lords house , hath with his owne hand written this short certificate , in the margent of one of your bookes pag. 9. over against your relation , vpon search made in the booke of the lords house , i do not find any such booke presented , nor any entery of any such speech made by bishop morton . henry scobel clerk ▪ of the parliament ▪ and now methinkes i heare the fathers blaming of their owne credulity , and rashnesse , and over much confidence . they had forgotten epictetus his rule , remember to distrust . i judge them by my self , homo sum , humani a me nihil alienum pu●o . one circumstance being either latent or mistaken , may change the whole drift and scope of a relation . but though we would be contented to lend a skirt of our coate , to cover the fault of them who calumniate our church : yet this relation can never be excused in any man from a most grievous mistake , where both the person , and the whole scope of his discourse is altogether mistaken . this is almost as great a mistake as the nagge 's head ordination it self , where a confirmation dinner was mistaken for a solemne consecration . but those who cherish such mistakes for advantage , and deck them up with new matter , and publish them to the world for undoubted truths , can not be excused from formall calumnie . the last thing to be considered in this first part of this discourse , being the vindication of the reverend bishop of duresme , is concerning the witnesse , whom as the fathers do forbeare to name , so shall i. of whom they say foure things , ● that he is one of the ancientest ▪ peeres of england , that he was present in parliament when morton made this speech , that he will take his oath of the truth of it , and that he can not believe that any will be so impudent to denie it . we have no dispute concerning the antiquity of peerage , let that passe : but i am confidēt whatsoever his present judgement had been either of the speaker or of the speech , your witness would have abstained from uncivill language , as to stile the reverend bishop of duresme a pretended bishop , and plaine morton , without either welt or garde he would not have forgotten all his degrees both in the church and in the scholes . he will not charge all them with downe right impudence , who tell him that he was doubly mistaken : nor call that no●orious to all the world , which he himself acknowledgeth that he never heard of before in his life . he is not guilty of those inferences , and eo nomine● which you have added . i do not beleeve that he doth , or ever did know the bishop of duresme ▪ so well as to sweare this is the man : nor doth take himself to be so exact an analyser of a discourse , as to be able to take his oath what was the true scope of it , pro or contra ; especially whē some thing is started that doth quite divert his attention , as the sound of the market bell did the philosophers auditours . this is my charity . and my ground for it is this . when i had once conference with him about this relation , he told me the name of the naggeshead did surprise him , and he betooke himself to inquire of another what it meant . and when i urged to him , that it was incredible that any protestant bishop should make such a speech , unlesse he used it onely by way of supposition , as argumentum ad hominem , a reason fitte for my lord brookes , that such a consecration as that was , agreed well enough with his principles , he told me he knew not that , the bishop might answer so for himself . to conclude , i have heard the bishop of lincolne did once mention the fable of the nagge 's head in a speech in parliament , but with as much detestation of it , as our ancestours used to name the devill . why might not the mistake both of the person , and of the drift or scope of his speech , be the occasion of this relation ? i had rather out of charity run into two such right handed errours , then condemne a noble gentleman of whose ingenuity i never had any reason to doubt , of a malicious lie . take it at the very best , the mistake is great enough , to mistake both the person of the speaker , and the scope of his speech . i hope they will all do that which in conscience they are obliged to do , that is acquitte the bishop of duresme , and crave his pardon for their mistake . if they do not , the world will acquitte him , and condemne them . but the greatest mistake of all others was , to publish such a notorious untruth to the world , so temerariously without better advise . chap. iii. three reasons against the nagges head consecration , 1. from the contradictions of the relaters , 2. from the latenesse of the discovery , 3. from the strictnesse of our lavves . now having beaten downe the pillar about their eares , which they had set up to underproppe their nagge 's head ordination , it remaineth next to assault the maine fable it self , as it is related by these fathers . having told , how the protestant doctors who were designed for bishopricks in the beginning of queene elisabeths reigne , had prevailed with anthony kitchin bishop of landaffe , to give them a meeting at the nagged head in cheapesyde , in hope ●he would ordeine them bishops there . and how the bishop of landaffe through bishop bonners threatenings refused , ( all which shall be examined and laid open to the view of the world in due order , how it is stuffed with untruth and absurdities . ) they adde , that being thus deceived of their expectation , and having no other meanes to come to their desires ( that is , to obteine consecration ) , they resolved to use mr. scories helpe , an apostate religious priest , who having borne the name of bishop in king edward the sixths time , vvas thought to have sufficient povver to performe that office , especially in such a strait necessity as they pretended . he , having cast of together vvith his religious habite all scruple of conscience , vvillingly vvent about the matter , vvhich he performed in this sort . having the bible in hand , and they all kneeling before him , he laid it upon every one of their heads or shoulders , saying , take thou authority to preach the world of god sincerely . and so they rose up bishops of the nevv church of england . this narration of the consecration at the nagge 's head ( they say ) they have taken out of holywood , constable , and dr. champneys workes . they might as well have taken it out of aesops fables , and with as much credit or expectation of truth on our partes . so the controversy betweene them and us is this . they say that arch bishop parker and the rest of the protestant bihops , in the beginning of queene elisabeths reigne , or at the least sundry of them were consecrated at the nagge 's head in cheapesyde together , by bishop scory alone , or by him and bishop barlow jointly , without sermon , without sacrament , without any solemnity , in the yeare 1559. ( but they know not what day , nor before what publick notaries , ) by a new phantastick forme . and all this they say upon the supposed voluntary report of mr. neale ( a single malicious spie , ) in private to his owne party , long after the businesse pretended to be done . we say arch bishop parker was consecrated alone , at lambeth , in the church , by foure bishops , authorised thereunto by commission under the great seale of england , with sermon , with sacrament , with all due solemnities , upon the 17 day of december anno 1559. before foure of the most eniment publick notaries in england ; and particularly by the same publick notary who was principall actuary both at cardinall poles consecration and arch bishop parkers . and that all the rest of the bishops were ▪ consecrated at other times , some in the same moneth but not upon the same day , some in the same yeare but not the same moneth , and some the yeare following . and to prove the truth of our relation and falshood of theirs , we produce the registet of the see of canterbury , as authentick as the world hath any , the registers of the other fourteene sees then vacant , all as carefully kept by sworne officers as the recordes of the vatican it self . we produce all the commissions under the privy seale and great seale of england : we produce the rolles or recordes of the chancery ; and if the recordes of the signet office had not been unfortunately burned in king iames his time , it might have been verified by those also : we produce an act of parliament express in the pointe , within seven yeares after the consecration : we produce all the controverted consecrations published to the world in printe anno 1572 ▪ three yeares before arch bishop parkers death , whilest all things were fresh in mens memories . these bright beames had bene able to dasell the eies of mr. neale himself , whilest he was living , and have made him recant his lewd lie , or confess himself starke blinde . the first reason which i bring against this ridiculous fable , it taken from the palpable contradictions , and grosse absurdities and defects of those roman catholick writers , who have related this silly tale of a tub , and agree in nothing but in their common malice against the church of england . it is no strange matter for such as write upon hearesay , or relie upon the exact truth of other mens notes or memories , to mistake in some inconsiderable circumstance : as to set downe the name of a place amisse , which may be the transcribers faulte , or the printers , as well as the authours : or to say two suffragans for one , when there were two named in the commission , and but one present at the consecration . such immateriall differences which are so remote from the heart of the cause , about indifferent circumstances , may bring the exactnesse of the relation into question , but not the substantiall truth of it . such petty unsignificant variations , do rather prove that the relations were not made upon compact or confederacy . especially where there are originall recordes taken upon the place by sworne notaries , whose names , and hands , and acts are as well known to every man versed in the recordes of those times , as a man knoweth his owne house . to which all relaters and relations must submitte , and are ready to submitte as to an infallible rule . but he who should give credit to such a silly senslesse fable as this is , which is wholy composed of absurd , improbable , incoherent , inconsistent , contradictory fictions , had need to have a very implicite faith . the greatest shew of any accord among them is about the consecrater , yet even in this they disagree one from another . the common opinion is that bishop scory alone did consecrate them . but mr. constable one of their principall authours supposeth , that bishop● barlow might joine with him in the consecration . and sanders , whose penne in other cases useth to runne over , one who had as much malice as any of them , and had reason to know the passages of those times better then all of them , leaveth it doubtfull , when , or where , or by whom they were ordeined , quomodocunque facti sunt isti pseudo-episcopi ; by what meanes soever they were ordeined . but they disagree much more among themselves , who they should be that were ordeined . first mr. waddesworth ( whose ingenuity deserveth to be commended ) doth not say that any of our bishops were actually consecrated there , but onely that there was an attempt to consecrate the first of them , that was arch-bishop parker . but that which destoyeth the credit of this attempt is this , that it is evident by the recordes , that arch-bishop parker was not personally present at his confirmation in bowes church , or at his confirmation dinner at the nagge 's head , which gave the occasion to this merry legend : but was confirmed by his proctor nicholas bullingham doctor in the lawes , upon the ninth of december anno 1559. a man may be confirmed by proxie , but no man can be ordeined by proxie . it is a ruled case in their owne law , non licet sacramentum aliquod praeter matrimonium absenti administrare . so if there was an attempt to consecrate any man at the nagge 's head , it must be doctor bullingham , it could not be arch bishop parker . others say there was more then an attempt , that one or more of them were actually ordeined there : but they name none . others name some , but they accorde not one with another in naming of them . some say , iewell , sands , horn , grindall ; where was arch bishop parker ? others say , parker , grindall , horne , sands . lastly others say , they were all ordeined there , who were named to bishopricks , and number fifteen of them . these fathers speake indefinitely , parker and his fellowes . but they seeme to extend this word fellowes as farre as doctor champneys fifteene : for they tell us , that they all kneeled downe before him , and he laid the bible upon every one of their heads or shoulders . thus these cadmean brethren , like those false witnesses which testified against christ , destroy one another with their mutuall contradictions . thirdly , the time is a principall circumstance in all consecrations , and is evermore most punctually recorded by the actuaries , or publick notaries . but in this fabulous relation the time is concealed . it seemeth the forger was no good actuary , and either did not know how materiall that circumstance was , or had forgotten it . onely doctor champney telleth us , that it was before the ninth of september anno 1559. but this is not precise enough for an act : and moreover , it is most apparently false and impossible . for whereas there are two commissions under the greate seale of england , for the confirmation and consecration of arch bishop parker , both recorded in the rolles ; the one which was not executed , dated the said very ninth day of september ; and the other which was executed , dated the sixth day of december following : if doctor champney said true , arch bishop parker was consecrated before he was confirmed , yea before there was any commission out , either for his consecration or confirmation ; which is one of the drowsiest dreames that could droppe from an english penne . lastly , every consecration must be performed before one or more publick notaries . ( we shall shew them notaries enough of great eminence , beyond all exception , for arch-bishop parkers true consecration . ) and indeed what could a consecration availe any man , without a publick notary to recorde it , to make an authentick certificate of it under the seale of the principall consecrater ? now who recorded the nagges head consecration ? who drew it up into acts ? who certified it ? no body , because the silly forger did not understand what things were requisite to a consecration . onely as the athenians sometimes said of metiochus , metiochus grindes the corne , metiochus bakes the bread , metiochus mendes the high-waies , metiochus doth all , an evill yeare to metiochus : so we may say of mr. neale ; mr. neale was the spie , mr. neale was the witness , mr. neale was the publick notary , mr. neale was the chiefe eugenier or forger , mr. neale was all , what honours are due to mr. neale ? qui tot sustinuit , qui tanta negotia solus . so they feine a consecration without a publick notary , or ( which is all one ) no man ever knew who that publick notary was ; at a time impossible , or els no man knoweth at what time ; without any certeinty who consecrated , whether scory alone , or scory and barlow together , or god knoweth who ; and yet with much lesse certeinty who were consecrated , whether none at all , but onely an attempt was made , or one , and who that one was ; or some indefinitely , without naming who they were , or how many they were ; or foure expressly , but dissenting one from another who those foure were . here is a story composed altogether of uncerteinties and contradictions , like a man and no man , ●it a bird and no bird , on a tree and no tree , with a stone and no stone . to make this uncerteine , groundless , contradictory rumour , to be the touchstone of truth , and to overballance all the authentick recordes of the kingdome , in a matter of such publick concernment : is just to make the parish clock goe truer then the sun , because the clerke who settes it is our freind . my second reason against this senseless fable , is the late discovery of it to the world , and the long concealing of it in ▪ holes and corners before they durst adventure present it to the view of the world , can any man who is in his right wittes be so stupide as to imagine , that the nagge 's head ordination happened in the yeare 1559 , and ( if these fathers say truely ) was notoriously knowne to all the world ; and that it should never once peepe into the light for almost a whole age after it was pretended to have been done , that is till after the yeare sixteen hundred ? we use to say a monster is but nine daies wonder : but this ugly monster was not taken notice of in the world untill after forty yeares . the reason is evident ; either it was then but newly hatched , or it had bene kept all that time at dry nurse in a closet . if it had bene so notorious to all the world from the yeare 1559 as the fathers feine , all the windowes in the nagge 's head would have been full of it , and the roome would have been shewed to all their guests , where such a prodigious pageant had bene acted . i dare appeale to the judgments of these fathers themselves , whether it be credible , that this story should be notoriously knowne to the world in the beginning of queene elisabeths reigne , and yet neither stapleton , nor harding , nor bristow , nor alan , nor reynoldes , nor parsons , nor any one of all their roman catholick writers , should so much as mention it for forty yeares ensuing ; especially writing so much as they did upon that very subject , the validity or invalidity of our ordination . how could their silence have bene excused from betraying of their cause , to lose such an egregious advantage ? was it peradventure out of affection to us , to conceale the defects of the protestāts ? no , they had will enough , but they durst not avouch such a monstrous untruth in earnest , ( if ever they did heare of such a vain rumour , which i can not easily beleeve , ) so contrary to the knowledg of that age . especially let them tell me how it commeth to passe , that nicolas sanders , who professeth to write the ecclesiasticall history of england , from the one and twentieth yeare of henry the eighth , untill the eight and twentieth yeare of queene elisabeth then current , in his three bookes of the originall and progresse of the english schisme , hath not one syllable of the nagge 's head ordination ? he was never accused of partiality for the protestants , ( but as malicious against the protestants as any man could wish ) : nor of concealing truths to their advantage , but of devising fables to their prejudice . he having related the forme of our english consecrations , partly true and partly false , proceedth to this first ordination of protestant bishops , in the beginning of queen elisabeths reigne ; alleging that the catholick bishops refused to impose hands upon them , and that they had not of themselves two or three bishops , or so much as one metropolitan . what a shameless untruth is this , that there were not two or three protestant bishops , when the queenes commission under the great seale of england , recorded in the rolles , is directed to seven protestant bishops , expresly by their names and titles ? he addeth , that they were very instant with an irish arch bishop to have presided at their ordination , but he would not . he mistaketh the matter altogether , they might have had seven irish arch bishops and bishops if they had needed them ; where the procedings were not so rigorous , where the old bishops complied and held their places , and joined in such ecclesiasticall acts , untill they had made away to their kindred , all the lands belonging to their sees . we found one bishoprick reduced to five markes a yeare by these temporisers , another to forty shillings a yeare , and all of them to very poore pittances for prelates . but by this meanes there wanted no ordeiners . never did any man question the ordination of the first protestant bishops in ireland untill this day . then he telleth , how being thus rejected by the catholick bishops and the irish arch bishop , they applied themselves to the lay magistrate in the ensuing parliament for a confirmation , from whence they were called parliamentary bishops . by whom were they called so ? by no man but himself and his fellowes . how many ordinations were passed over , one after another , before that parliament ? was there any thing moved in this parliament , concerning any the least essentiall of our episcopall ordination ? not at all , but onely concerning the repealing and reviving of an english statute . english statutes can not change the essentialls of ordination , either to make that consecration valid which was invalid , or that invalid which was valid . the validity or invalidity of ordination , dependeth not upon humane law , but upon the institution of christ. neither did we ever since that parliament change one syllable in our forme of ordination . then what was this confirmation which he speakes of ? it was onely a declaration of the parliament , that all the objections which these men made against our ordinations , were slanders and calumnies : and that all the bishops which had been ordeined in the queenes time , had bene rightly ordeined , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england , and the lawes of the land. these men want no confidence , who are not ashamed to cite this statute in this case . but we shall meete with this parliament againe . in all this impertinent discourse , where is the fable of the nagge 's head ordination ▪ it had bene a thousand times more materiall then all this iargon . and you may be sure it had not been missing , if there had bene the least graine of truth in it , or is there had but been any suspicion of it when that was written . it was not then full thirty yeares after arch-bishop parkers consecration , and there were store of eye-witnesses living to have hissed such a senselesse fable out of the world , and therefore sanders very prudently for himself , after so many intimations , passeth by their ordination in a deepe silence , which was the onely worke he tooke in hand to shew . qualescunque fuerint aut quo modocunque facti sint isti pseudo-episcopi &c. vvhat manner of persons soever these false-bishops were , or after what manner soever they were ordeined &c. if bishop scory had ordeined them all at the naggeshead , by layng a bible upon their heads , and this forme of wordes , take thou authority to preach the word of god sincerely , m. sāders needed not to have left the case so doubtfull , how they were ordeined . and if there had bene the least suspicion of it , he would have blowen it abroad upon a silver trumpet : but god be thanked there was none . the universall silence of all the romish writers of that age , when the naggeshead ordination is pretended to have been done , in a case which concerned them all so nearely , and which was the chiefe subject of all their disputes ; is a convincing proofe to all men who are not altogether possessed with prejudice , that either it was devised long after , or was so lewde a lie , that no man dared to owne it , whilest thousands of eyewitnesses of arch bishop parkers true consecration at lambeth were living . a third reason , against this ridiculous libell of the nagge 's head consecration , is taken from the strictness of our lawes , which allow no man to consecrate or be consecrated but in a sacred place , with due matter and forme , and all the rites and ceremonies prescribed by the church of england . no man must be consecrated by fewer then foure bishops , or three at least , and that after the election of the deane and chapiter is duely confirmed , and upon the mandate o● commission of the king under the great seale of england ; under the paine of a premunire , that is , the forfeiture of lands , and goods , and livings , and liberty , and protection . they allow not consecration in a taverne , without due matte : and forme , without the ceremonies and solemnity prescribed by the church , without election , without confirmation , without letters patents , by one single bishop , or two at the most ; such as they feine the nagges head ordination to have been . who can beleeve , that two arch-bishops and thirteen bishoppes , having the reputation of learning and prudence , should wilfully thrust themselves into an apparent premunire , to forfeite not onely their arch bishopricks and bishopricks , but all their estates and all their hopes , for a phantastick forme , and scandalous consecration : when the queene and kingdome were favorable to them , when the forme prescribed by the church did please them well enough , when there were protestant bishops of their owne communion enough to consecrate them , when all the churches in the kingdome were open to them ; unlesse it had been midsummer moone in december ▪ and they were all starke mad , and then it is no matter where they were consecrated ? in criminall causes , where things are ●retended to be done against penall lawes , ●uch as this is , the proofes ought to be clea●er then the noone day light . here is no●hing proved , but one single witnesse named ●nd he a professed enemy , who never testi●●ed it upon oath , or before a iudge , or so much as a publick notary , or to the face of a protestant , but onely whispered it in corners ( as it is said by adversaries ) among some of his owne party . such a testimony is not worth a deafe nut , in any cause betweene party and party . if he had bene a witnesse beyond all exception , and had beē duly sworne and legally examined ▪ yet his testimony in the most favourable cause had been but halfe 〈◊〉 proofe , though an hundred did testifie it from his mouth , it is still but 〈◊〉 single testimony : and as it is , it i● plaine prittle prattle . and ought to be va●lued no more then the shadow of an asse ▪ to admit such a testimony , or an hundred such testimonies , against the publick authentick recordes of the kingdome were to make our selves guilty of more madness , then they accuse the bishops of● if st. paul forbid timothy to recei●● an accusation against a single presbyter under two or three witnesses , he would no● have us to condemne fifteen bishops of such a penall crime , upon a ridiculous rumour contrary both to the lawes and record● of the kingdome . the severity of ou● lawes doth destroy the credit of this fable . chap. iii. the fourth and fifth reasons against this improbable fiction , from the no necessity of it , and the lesse advantage of it . my fourth plea is , because there was no need to play this counterfeit pageant . we use to say necessity hath no law . that is , regardeth no law . in time of warre the lawes are silent , but this was a time of peace . first there could be no necessity why they should have a clandestine consecration , without a register or publick notary , when they might have had an army of publick notaries ready upon their whistle , evē under their elbowes at bowes church , out of the courtes of the arches , and the audience , and prerogative . secondly , there was no necessity why they should anticipate the queenes letters patents for their consecration , by whose gracious favour they were elected , and of the accomplishmēt whereof in due time they could not doubt ; unlesse they would wilfully destroy their owne hopes , by such a mad pranke as this had been , that is , unlesse they would themselves hew downe the bough where upon they stood . thirdly , there was no necessity that they should chuse a common taverne for the place of their consecration , when the keies of all the churches in the kingdome were at their command , fourthly , there could be no necessity why they should deserte the forme of ordination prescribed by the law , which was agreeable both to their judgements , and to their desires , and to their duties ; and to omitte the essentialls of ordination , both matter and forme , which they knew well enough , to be consecrated after a new brainsick manner . then all the necessity which can be pretended , is want of a competent number of ordeiners . suppose there had bene such a necessity 'to be ordeined by two bishops , or by one bishop , this very necessity had bene a sufficient dispensation with the rigour of the canons , and had instified the act. as st. gregory pleadeth to augustine ▪ in the english church wherein there i● no other bishop but thy self , thou can● not ordeine a bishop otherwise then alone ▪ and after this manner , our first english bishops were ordeined . and so migh● these protestant bishops have bene validely ordeined , if they received the essentialls of ordination . but what a remedy is this , because they could not have a competent number of bishops , according to the canons of the church , and the lawes of england , therefore to reject the essentialls of ordination , for a defect which was not essentiall , and to cast of obedience to their superiours , both civill ād ecclesiasticall ? this had bene just like little children which because they cā not have some toy which they desire , cast away their garments , and whatsoever their parēts had provided for them , wante of three bishops might in some cases make a consecration illegall or uncanonicall , but it could not have rendered it invalide , as this silly pretēded ordinatiō had . but now i come up close to the ground worke of the fable , and i denie positively that there was any such want of a competent number of bishops , as they pretend . and for proofe hereof , i bring no vaine rumours or uncertein conjectures , but the evident and authentick testimony of the great seale of england , affixed to the queenes leuers patents , for authorising the confirmation and consecration of arch-bishop parker , dated the sixth day of december , anno 1559. directed to seven protestant bishops , namely anthony bishop of landaffe , william barlow sometimes bishop of bath and welles , and then elect bishop of chichester , iohn scory sometimes bishop of chichester , then elect bishop of hereforde , miles coverdale sometimes bishop of exceter , iohn suffragan bishop of bedford , iohn suffragan bishop of the●ford , and iohn bale bishop of ossory in ireland . three are a canonicall number , if there were choise of seven , then there was no wante of a competent number to ordeine canonically . i adde , that if it had bene needfull , they might have had seven more out of ireland , arch bishops and bishops , for such a worke as a consecration . ireland never wanted store of ordeiners . nor ever yet did any man object , want of a competent number of consecraters , to an irish protestant bishop . they who concurred freely in the consecration of protestant bishops at home , would not have denied their concurrence in england , if they had been commanded . which makes me give no credit to that vaine reporte ▪ of an irish arch bishop prisoner in the tower , who refused to complie with the desires of the protestant bishops , for his liberty and a large rewarde . but the arch bishop wanteth a name , and the fabl● wanteth a ground ; the witnesses and persuaders are all unkowne . and if there had bene a grane of truth in this relation ; yet in this case one man is no man , one mans refusall signifieth nothing . against the evident truth of this assertion , two things may be opposed out of the relation of these fathers . the first is particular , concerning the bishop of landaffe , that he was no protestant , but a roman catholick untill his death . so they say indeed , that he was the onely man of all the catholick bishops , that tooke the oath of supremacy . observe how prejudice and partiality doth blindfold men of learning and partes ; they confess he tooke the oath of supremacy , and yet esteeme him a good roman catholick . i see censures go by favour , and one may steale an horse , better then another looke over the hedge . i am well contented , that they reckon him for so good a catholick . they adde , that he knew parker and the rest which were to be ordered bishops to be hereticks , and averse from the doctrine of the roman catholick church , which he constantly adhered unto , ( the supremacy onely excepted ) during his life . and a little after they tell us , that he desired to be numbred among catholicks . now what if the bishop of landaff after all this should prove to be a protestāt ? then all the fathers story is quite spoiled . and so he was . if he knew parker and the rest , to be heretickes , he knew himself to be one of their brother hereticks . his daily masse was the english leiturgy , as well as theirs , he adhered constantly to a protestant bishoprick during his life , as well as any of them , and if he did not hold it as long as any of them , it was deaths fault , and none of his fault . they say they prevailed with him to give them a meeting at the nagge 's head in cheapeside , where they hoped he would ordeine them bishops , despairing that ever he would do it in a church , because that would be too great and notorious a scandall for catholicks . they were too modest . they might easily have prevailed with him , or have had him commanded to joine in their consecration in a church , after a legall manner . he who did not stick at renouncing the pope , and swearing an oath of supremacy to his prince , would not have stucke at a legall ordination , upon the just command of his prince . but to desire him to do it in a taverne , in a clandestine manner , without the authority of the greate seale , before their election was confirmed , was to desire him out of curtesy to run into a premunire , that is to forfeit his bishoprick of landaffe , his estate , his liberty . is it become a more notorious scandall to catholicks , to ordeine in a church , then in a taverne , in the judgment of these fathers ? there may be scandall taken at the former , but notorious scandall is given by the later . here bishop bonner steppeth upon the stage , and had well neare prevented the whole pageant , by sending his chaplein to the bishop of landaffe , to forbid him under paine of excommunication to exercise any such power of giving orders in his diocesse , where with the old man being terrified , and other wise moved in conscience refused to proceed . bishop bonner was allwaies very fierce which way soever he went : if acworth say true , he escaped once very narrowly in rome , either burning or boiling in scalding leade , for being so violent before the assembly of cardinalls , against the pope , on the behalf of henry the eight , if he had not secured himself by flight . afterwards he made such bonefires of protestants , and rendered himself so odious , that his prison was his onely safeguard from being torne in pieces by the people . but that was , dum stetit iliam & ingens gloria teucrorum , whilest he had his prince to be his second . now he was deprived , and had no more to doe with the bishoprick of london , then with the bishoprick of constantinople , he had the habituall power of the keies , but he had no flock to exercise it upon . if he had continued bishop of london still , what hath the bishop of london to do with the bishop of landaffe ? par in parem non habet potestatem . thirdly , bowes church which is neare the nagges-head , wherein the ecclesiasticall parte of this story , so farre as it hath any truth in it , was really acted , ( that is the confirmation of arch bishop parkers election ) though it be in the city of london , as many churches more , is not in the diocesse of london , but a peculiar under the iurisdiction of the arch-bishop of canterbury . lastly , the fathers say that when parker and the rest see that he had refused , they reviled the poore old man , calling him doating foole , and some of them saying , this old foole thinketh that we can not be bishops , unlesse we be greased . the contrary is evident by the recordes of the confirmation , that arch bishop parker was not present in person : so this whole narration is composed of untruthes , and mistakes , and incongruities , and contradictions . but that which discovereth the falsity of it apparently to all the world is this , that the bishop of landaff lived and died a protestant bishop , in the reigne of queene elisabeth , as he had bene formerly in the reigne of king edward , for proofe whereof i produce two of their owne authours . the one is sanders , but the bishops , who had bene created out of the church in those most wicked times , who had now repented from their hearts of their schisme , being not contented wiih this common dispensation and confirmation , did each of them particularly crave pardon of their former grievous fault from the see apostolick , and confirmation in their bishopricks , excepting the bishop of landaffe , who omitting it rather out of negligence then malice , did onely relapse into schisme in the reigne of queene elisabeth , as we interprete it by the just judgement of god . he acknowledgeth , that he became a protestant againe , that is in their language , relapsed into schisme . the other is cited by doctor harding , we had onely one foole among us , ( we see whose livery the foole was , ) who now i know not by what entisements is become yours , being unworthy the name of a lord and a bishop , whose learning is very little , and his credit by this action much lost . thus writeth doctor harding of the bishop of landaffe , about the fifth yeare of queene elisabeth , at which time he was living , and continued protestant bishop of landaff . a second objection against the truth of that which hath bene said of the competent number of our protestant bishops to make a canonicall ordination , is an exception against all the seven bishops named in the letters patents , that they were no true bishops , because all of them were ordeined in a time of schisme , and two of them in king edwards time , according to a new forme of ordination , and consequently they could not ordeine . that ordination which was instituted by edward the sixth was judged invalide by the catholicks , and so declared by publick judgment in queene maries reigne , in so much as leases made by king edwards bishops , though confirmed by deane and chapiter were not esteemed available , because they were not ( saith the sentence ) consecrated , nor bishops . to the first part of this objection , that our consecraters were ordeined themselves by schismaticks or in a time of schisme , i answer three waies . first this argument is a meere begging of the quaestion . the case in briefe is this . if those branches of papall power which we cast out of england by our lawes at the reformation , were ●laine usurpations , then our reformation 〈◊〉 but a reinfanchisement of our selves , and ●he schisme lieth at their dore , then they may question the validity of their owne ordination upon this ground , not ours : but we are ready to mainteine to all the world ●hat all those branches of papall power , which we cast out by our lawes at the re●ormation , were grosse usurpations , ●irst introduced into england above ele●en hundred yeares after christ. so this ●art of the objection concerneth them 〈◊〉 us . ●econdly these fathers know wel enough , ●●d can not but acknowledg , that according to the principles of the catholick church and their owne practise , the ordination not onely of schismaticks , but o● hereticks , if it have no essentiall defect i●●valide , and the persons so ordeined ough● not to be reordeined , but onely reconciled ▪ many orthodox christians had their holy orders from hereticall arrians . if cra●mer , and latimer , and barlow , and hodgkins , were no true bishops , because the● were ordeined in a time of schisme then gardinar , and bonner , and tu●●stall , and thurleby , &c. were no true bi●shops , for they were ordeined in a tim● of schisme likewise ; then cardinall pol● and bishop watson , and christophers ▪ and all rest of their bishops were no tru● bishops who were ordeined by these . 〈◊〉 to put out one of our eies ( like the envio● man in the fable ) they would put out 〈◊〉 their owne . thirdly i answer , that it was not we 〈◊〉 made a discrimination betweene our ●●●shops and their bishops , as to the poi●● of ordination , but the marian bisho● themselves , who made a mutuall co●●pact , one and all , that none of them shoul● impose hands upon any new elect● bishops ; thinking vainely , there could other consecraters have bene found out , and that by this meanes they should both preserve their bishopricks , and bring the queene to their bent : but they found them selves miserably deceived . many bishops who had bene chased out of their bishopricks in queene maries daies , did now returne from exile , and supplie the place of consecraters . then conjurationis eos penituit , the bishops repented of their conspiracy . multi ad judices recurrunt , &c. many of them ran to the iudges , confessed their obstinacy , and desired leave to take the oath of supremacy . thus writeth acworth an author of good account in ▪ those daies . if this foolish conspiracy had not bene . we had had no difference about our consecrations . to the second part of this objection , that the forme of ordeining used in king edwards daies , was declared invalide in queene maries daies , i answer , first , that we have no reason to regarde the iudgment of their iudges in queene maries dayes , more then they regard the judgment of our iudges in queene elisabeths daies . they who made no scruple to take away their lifes , would make no scruple to take away their holy orders . secondly i answer that which the father● call a sentence , was no sentence . the word is dicitur , it is said or it is reported , not decretum est , it is decreed . neither were queene maries lawes proper rules , nor queene maryes iudges at common law the proper iudges , of the validity of an episcopal consecration , or what are the essentialls of ordination , according to the institution of christ. they have neither rules , no● grounds for this in the common law . thirdly i answer that the question i● queene maries daies was not about the validity or invalidity of our orders , bu● about the legality or illegality of them , not whether they were conformable to the institution of christ , but whether they were conformable to the lawes o● england . the lawes of england can neither make a valide ordination to be invalide ▪ nor an invalide ordination to be valide , because they can not change the institutio● of christ. in summe king edwards bishop● were both validely ordeined according to the institution of christ , and legally ordeined according to the lawes of englād . 〈◊〉 queene mary changed the law , that the forme of ordeining which had beē allowed in king edwards daies should not be allowed in her daies . notwithstanding queene maries law , they continued still true bishops , by the institution of christ , but they were not for that time legall bishops in the eie of the law of england , which is the iudges rule . but when queene elisabeth restored king edwards law , then they were not onely true valide bishops , but legall bishops againe . that corollary which the fathers adde , in so much as leases made by king edwards bishops though confirmed by the deane and chapiter were not esteemed available , because they were not consecrated or bishops , that is in ●he eie of the english law at that time , signi●ieth nothing at all . leases concerne the be●efice of a bishop , not the office of a bishop . a bishop who is legally ordeined , though ●e be invalidely ordeined , may make a lease ●hich is good in law . and a bishop ●hich is validely ordeined , if he be ille●ally ordeined , may make a lease which is ●oide in law . concerning bishop bonners conscience , ●hat he lost his bishoprick for his con●ience , and therefore it is not proba●●e that he would make himself guilty of so much sacrilege , as to declare king edwards forme of ordination to be invalide for the profit of new leases , it belongeth not to me to judge of other mens consciences . but for bishop bonners conscience i referre him to the testimony of one of his freinds , nicolas sanders , who speaking of bishop gardiner , bishop bonner , bishop tunstall and the bishops of worcester and chichester , concludeth with these words . t●●mide ergo restiterunt pueri regis prima●● spirituali , imo simpliciter subscripseru● , & in omnes caeteras innovationes , quae ne● videbantur ipsis continere apertam haer●●sim , ne episcopatus & honores perderent ● vel ul●ro , vel comra conscientiam coa● consenserunt . therefore they resisted the sp●●rituall primacy of the king being but a boy fairly , yea they subscribed to it simply , and they consented to all the rest of the innovations , whic● did not seeme to them to conteine manifest heresy either of their owne accord , or compelled agai● conscience , least they should lose their bishopricks and honours . we see they had no grea● reason to bragge of bishop bonners conscience , who sometimes had bene a grea● favorite of cranmer and crumwell . he g●● his bishoprick by opposing the pope , a●● lost his bishoprick by opposing his prince ▪ but if reordination be such a sacrilege , many romanists are guilty of grosse sacrilege , who reordeine those proselites whom they seduce from us , with the same essentialls , matter and forme , imposition of hands , and these words receive the holy ghost ; wherewith they had been formerly ordeined by us . lastly i answer , ( and this answer alone is sufficient to determine this controversy , ) that king edwards forme of ordination was judged valide in queene maries daies by all catholicks , and particularly by cardinall pole then apostolicall legate in england , and by the then pope paul the fourth , and by all the clergy and parliament of england . the case was this . in the act for repealing all statutes made against the see of rome , in the first and second yeares of philip and mary , the lords spirituall and temporall in parliament assembled , representing the whole body of the realme of england , presented their common request to the king and queene , that they would be a meanes to the legate to obteine some settlements by authority of the popes holiness , for peace sake , in some articles where of this is one . that institutiōs of benefices and other promotions ecclesiasticall , and dispensations made according to the forme of the act of parliament might be confirmed . institutions could not be confirmed , except ordinations were confirmed . for the greatest part of the english clergy had received both their benefices and their holy orders , after the casting out of the popes usurped authority out of england . and both benefices and holy orders are comprehended under the name of ecclesiasticall promotions . this will appeare much more clearely by the very words of the cardinalls dispensation , ac omnes ecclesiasticas seculares seu quorumvis ordinum regulares personas , quae aliquas impetrationes , dispensationes , concessiones , gratias & indulta , tam ordines quam beneficia ecclesiastica , seu alias spirituales materias , pretensa authoritate supremitatis ecclesiae anglicanae , licet nulliter & de facto obtenuerint , & ad cor reversae ecclesiae unitati restitutae fuerint , in suis ordinibus & beneficiis , per nosipsos seu a nobis ad id deputatos misericorditer recipiemus , prout jam multae receptae fuerunt , secumque super his opportune in domino dispensabimus ; and we vvill graciously receive ( or interteine ) by our selves or by others deputed by us to that purpose , ( as many have already been received ) in their orders and in their benifices , all ecclesiasticall persōs as well secularas regular of whatsoever orders , vvhich have obteined any suites , dispensations , grants , graces , and indulgences , as vvell in their ecclesiasticall orders , as benefices and other spirituall matters , by the pretended authority of the supremacy of the church of england , though ineffectually and onely de facto , so they be penitent , and be returned to the unity of the church . and vve vvill in due season dispense vvith them in the lord for these things . here we see evidently , that upon the request of the lo●ds spirituall and temporall and commons , being the representative body of the church and kingdome of england , by the intercession of the king and queene , the popes legate did receive all persons , which had been ordeined or beneficed , either in the time of king henry or king edward , in their respective orders and benefices , which they were actually possessed of , at the time of the making of this dispensation or confirmation , without any exception or condition , but onely this , that they were returned to the unity of the catholick church . neither was there ever any one of them who were then returned , either deprived of their benefices , or compelled to be reordeined . from whence i argue thus , either king henry the eighths bishops and priests , and likewise the bishops and priests ordeined in king edward the sixths time , had all the essentialls of episcopall and priestly ordination , which were required by the institution of christ ; and then they ought not to be reordeined , then ( in the judgement of these fathers themselves ) it is grievous sacrilege to reordeine them : or they wanted some essentiall of their respective ordinations , which was required by the institution of christ ; and then it was not in the power of all the popes and legates that ever were in the world , to confirme their respective orders , or dispense with them to execute their functions in the church . but the legate did dispense with them to hold their orders , and exercise their severall functions in the church , and the pope did confirme that dispensation . this doth clearely destroy all the pretensions of the romanists against the validity of our orders . it may perhaps be objected , that the dispensative word is recipiemus , we will receive , not we do receive . i answer , the case is all one ; if it were unlawfull to receive them in the present , it was as unlawfull to receive thē in the future . all that was done after , was to take a particular absolution or confirmation from the pope or his legate , which many of the principall clergy did , but not all ; no not all the bishops , not the bishop of landaff , as sanders witnesseth , yet he injoied his bishoprick , so did all the rest if the clergy , who never had any particular confirmation . it is not materiall at all , whether they were confirmed by a generall or by a speciall dispensation , so they were confirmed or dispensed with at all , to hold all their benefices , and to exercise their respective functions in the church , which no man can denie . secondly it may be objected , that it is said in the dispensation , licet nulliter & de facto obtenuerint , although they had obteined their benefices and promotions ineffectually and onely in fact without right : which doth intimate that their orders were voide and null , before they had obteined this dispensation . i answer , that he stiled them voide and null , not absolutely but respectively , quoad exercitium , because by the roman law they might not be lawfully exercised without a dispensation : but not quoad characterem , as to the character . if they had wanted any thing necessary to the imprinting of the character , or any thing essentiall by the institution of christ , the popes dispensation and confirmation had been but like a seale put to a blanke piece of paper . and so the cardinalls dispensation in generall , and particularly for benefices and ecclesiasticall promotions , dispensations , and graces given by such order as the lawes of the realme allowed and prescribed , in king henries time and king edwards time , was then and there ratified by act of parliament . lastly , that this dispensation was afterwards confirmed by the pope , i prove by the confession of sanders himself , though a malicious enemy . he ( that is cardinall pole , in a publick instrument set forth in the name and by the authority of the pope ) confirmed all bishop which had bene made in the former schisme , so they were catholick in their judgment of religion , and the six new bishopricks which king henry had erected in the time of the schisme . and this writing being affixed to the statute , was published with the rest of the decrees of that parliament , and their minds were pacified . all which things were established and confirmed afterwards , by the letters of pope paul the fourth . we have seene , that there were a competent number of protestant bishops beyond ' exception to make a consecration : and so the necessity , which is their onely basis or foundation of the nagge 's head consecration , being quite taken away , this prodigious fable having nothing els to support the incredibilities and inconsistencies of it , doth melt away of it self like winter ice . the fifth reason is drawen from that well known principle in rethorick , cui bono ? or what advantage could such a consecration , as the nagge 's head consecration is pretended to have been , bring to the consecraters or the persons consecrated . god and nature never made any thing in vaine . the haire of the head , the nailes upon the fingers ends , do serve both for ornament and muniment . the leafes defend the blossomes , the blossomes produce the fruite , which is natures end . in sensitives , the spider doth not weave her webbes , nor the silly bee make her celles in vaine . but especially intellectuall creatures have alwaies some end of their actions . now consider , what good such a mock consecratiō could doe the persons so consecrated ? could it helpe them to the possession of their bishopricks by the law of england ? nothing lesse . there is such a concatenation of our english customes and recordes , that the counterfeiting of of any one can do no good , except they could counterfeite them all , which is impossible . when any bishops see becommeth voide , there issueth a writ out of the exchequer to seise the temporalties into the kings hand , as being the ancient and well knowne patron of the english church ; leaving the spiritualties to the arch bishop or to the deane and chapiter , according to the custome of the place . next the king granteth his conge d'eslire or his license to chuse a bishop , to the deane and chapiter ; upon the receite of this license , the deane and chapiter , within a certein number of daies , chuse a bishop , and certifie their election to the king , under the common seale of the chapiter . upon the returne of this certificate , the king granteth out a commission under the great seale of england to the arch bishop , or in the vacancy of the arch bishoprick to so many bishops , to examine the election : and if they find it fairely made to confirme it , and after confirmation to proceed to the consecration of the person elected , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england . this commission or mandate must passe both through the signet office and chancery , and be attested by the clerkes of both those offices , and signed by the lord chanceller and lord privy seale , and be inrolled . so as it is morally impossible there should be any forgery in it . vpon the receite of this mandate , the bishops who are authorised by the king , do meete first at bowes church in london , where with the assistence of the chiefe ecclesiasticall judges of the realme , the deane of the arches , the iudges of the prerogative and audience , with their registers to actuate what is done , they do solemnely in forme of law confirme the election . which being done , and it being late before it be done , the commissioners and iudges were and are sometimes invited to the nagge 's head to a dinner , as being very neare bowes church , and in those daies the onely place of note , this meeting led mr. neale ( a man altogether unacquainted with such formes , ) into this fooles paradise ; first to suspect , and upon suspicion to conclude , that they were about an ordination there , and lastly to broach his brainsick conceites in corners ; and finding them to be greedily swallowed by such as wished them true , to assert his owne drowsy suspicion for a reall truth . but the mischief is , that doctor parker who was to be consecrated , was not present in person , but by his proxie . after the confirmation is done , commonly about three or foure daies , ( but as it happened in arch bishop parkers case nine daies , ) the commissioners proceed to the consecration ; for the most part out of their respect to the archbishop in the chappell at lambeth , with sermon , sacrament , and all solemnity requisite , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england ; in the presence of publick notaries or sworne officers , who reduce every thing that is done with all the circumstances into acts , and enter them into the register of the see of canterbury . where they are carefully kept by the principall officer in a publicke office , as recordes , where every one who desireth may view them from time to time , and have a copy of them if he please . and it is to be noted , that at any consecration , especially of an arch-bishop , great numbers of principall courtiers and citisens are present : so as it is no more possible to coun●erfeite such a consecration , then to walke ●nvisible upon the exchange at noone day . after the consecration is done , the per●on consecrated is not presently admitted to his bishoprick , first the arch bishop maketh his certificate of the consecration with all the circumstances of it , under his arch-episcopall seale : thereupon the king taketh the new bishops oath of fealty ●nd commands that he be put into the actuall possessiō of his bishoprick : then he is ●nthroned , and at his inthronisation his or●ination is publickly read : then he injoieth ●is spiritualties : then issueth a writ out ●f the exchequer to the sherif , to restore ●im to the temporalties of his bishoprick . this custome is so ancient , so certein , so generall , that no englishman can speak● against it . here we see evidently how al things 〈◊〉 pursue one another , and what a necessary and essentiall connexion there is betwee● them . so as the stealing of an electio● or the stealing of a consecration , can ge● no man a bishoprick , as mr. neale dreamed . he that would advantage himsel● that way , must falsifie all the record● both ecclesiasticall and civill . he mu●● falsifie the recordes of the chancery , 〈◊〉 the signet office , of the exchequer , 〈◊〉 the registries , of the bishop , of the de●●ne and chapiter . he must counterfeit th● hands and seales of the king , of the arch● bishop , of the lord chanceller , the lo●● privy seale , of the clerkes and public● notaries , which is not imaginable . 〈◊〉 mr. neale , who first devised this drow● dreame ( or somebody for him ) had 〈◊〉 more experience of our english lawes 〈◊〉 customes , he would have feined a mo●● probable tale , or have held his peace fo● ever . answer me , they who are calumniate to have had their consecration at the n●●ges head , did they meane to conceale it 〈◊〉 have it kept secret ? then what good could it do them ? de non existentibus & non apparentibus eadem est ratio : if it were concealed , it was all one a● if it had never bene . or did they meane to have it published ? such an ordination had bene so farre from helping them to obteine a bishoprick , that it had rendred them uncapable of a bishoprick for ever : and moreover subjected both the consecraters and the consecrated to deprivation , and degradation , and a premunire or forfeiture of their lands goods and liberties , and all that were present at it to excommunication . rome is a fitte place wherein to publish such ludibrious fables as this ; where they can perswade the people , that the protestants are stupid creatures , who have lost their re●igion , their reason , and scarcely reteine their humaine shapes . it is too bold an attempt , to obtrude such counterfeit ware●●n england . chap , iiii. the sixth and seventh reasons , that all the records of england are diametrally opposite to their relation , and do establith our relation . hitherto we have beene taking in the out workes : now i come directly to assault this castle in the aire , that which hath bene said already is sufficient to perswade any man , who is not brimme full of prejudice and partiality : the other five reasons which follow next , have power to compell all men , and command their assen●● ▪ my sixth reason is taken from the diametrall oppositiō which is betweene this fabulous relation of the nagge 's head ordinatio● ▪ and all the recordes of england , both ecclesiasticall and civill . first for the time . the romanists say , that this ordination was before the ninth of september ann. 2559 : 〈◊〉 it is apparent by all the recordes of the chancery , all the distinct letters paten●● or commissions for their respective confirmations , and consecrations , whereupo● they were consecrated , did issue out lo●● after ; namely , arch bishop parkers lette●● patents ( which were the first ) upon the sixth day of december following . next th● commissions for grindall , cox and sands , then for bullingham , iewel , and davis . then for bentham and barkley : and in the yeare following for horn , alley , scambler , and pilkinton . he that hath a mind to see the copies of these commissions , may find them recorded verbatim both in the rolles of the arch bishops register , and in the rolles of the chancery . to what end were all these letters patents , to authorise so many confirmatiōs and consecrations , if the consecrations were done and past long before ? no mans election can be confirmed in england , but by virtue of the kings letters patents . therefore the letters patents must precede the confirmation and consecration , not follow after ●t three moneths , or foure moneths , or six moneths , and in some of thē above a yeare . and as by the recordes of the chancery , ●o their relation is proved to be a notorious fable , by all the ecclesiasticall recordes ; first of their severall and distinct confirmations , which pursued their commissions punctually ; then of their severall and distinct consecrations which pursued their confirmations punctually . he who desireth ●o see these , may finde authentick recordes of them all , both confirmations and consecrations , in the register of the arch bishop of canterbury . it is not the forging of one recorde that would serve the turne : either all these recordes must be forged , o● the nagges head ordination is a silly senslesse fable . lastly after the consecration followeth the installement or inthronisation , which is to be found in the register of the dea●● and chapiter : and the restitution of the new bishop to his temporalties by virt●● of the kings writ , mentioning the confirmation and oath of fealty to the king , 〈◊〉 being temporall things . observe ho● every one of these do pursue another● arch bishop parkers commission issue● december the sixth , his confirmation followed december the ninth , his consecration december the seventeenth , his inthronisation forthwith , and the restitution 〈◊〉 his temporalties the first of march ensu●●ing , that is , at the later end of the ver● next terme : but by their relation , th● consecration was long before the electio● was confirmed , which can not be ; th● letter patents to license the confirmation and consecration , come out three moneth● after the consecration was done , which 〈◊〉 incredible . as for the confirmation , m● neale who was their contriver , knew not what it was . the installement followed three moneths after the consecration , and the restitution to the temporalties six moneths after ; which have no probability . thus for the time , next for the place . their lying relation saith , the elected bishops were consecrated at the nagge 's head : all the ecclesiasticall recordes say they were consecrated at lambeth . the kings commission injoineth a legall consecration according to the forme prescribed by law : such a legall consecration ours at lambeth was ; such a legall consecration theirs at the nagge 's head was not , neither for the place , nor for the rites , nor for the essentialls of consecration . and without good assurance that the consecration was legall , neither the person consecrated could have bene inthroned , nor made his oath of fidelity to the king , nor have bene restored to his temporalties : but he was inthroned , and did his fealty , and was restored to his temporalties , that is as much as to say , that his consecration was legally performed at lambeth , not illegally at the nagge 's head . thirdly for the consecrater . that fa●ulous relation feineth that there was but one consecrater , or at the most two : the authentick recordes of the church of england testifie , that there were foure consecraters . the letters patents require that there should be four consecraters , and without an authentick certificate that there were four consecraters , the king● writ for restitution had not issued . they feine that they imposed hands m●tually , scory upon them and they upo● scorie : but the recordes witnesse that scor●● was solemnely ordeined bishop in king edwards time , the thirteenth day of augu●● anno. 1551 , by the arch bishop of canterbury , the bishop of london and the susfragan bishop of bedford ; and needed no● to be reordeined at the nagge 's head . lastly , for the persons consecrated so● of them feine that all the elected bishops and all of them say that many of them , we●● consecrated together at one time wi●● arch bishop parker : but all the record● both civill and ecclesiasticall do testifieth contrary , that they had severall commissions , severall confirmations , severall consecrations , upon severall daies , in severa● moneths , in several yeares , severall co●●secraters ; as appeareth most evidently 〈◊〉 onely by the authentick recordes of the s● of canterbury , but also by the record● of the chancery , and particularly by the severall commissions directed expresly to archbishop parker , as a bishop actually consecrated , for the consecration of all the rest , the three first of which commissions or letters patents beare date the eighteenth of december an : 1559 , that is the very next day after archbishop parkers consecration ; for the confirmation and consecration of grindall , coxe , and sands , three of those elected bishops . he that doubteth of the truth of these letters patents , may find them recorded verbatim , both in the arch-bishops registry , and in the rolles . if they were confirmed and consecrated by arch-bishop parker , then they were not consecrated together with arch-bishop parker , as in that lyng relation is affirmed . and with this their subsequent installements and restitutions do exactly agree . either all the recordes of england must be false , or this silly fable of the nagge 's head is a prodigious forgery . thus we have seene how the recordes of england , civill and ecclesiasticall , do contradict this tale of a tub . my seventh reareason sheweth how the same recordes do confirme and establish our relation . we say first ( that the see of canterbury being voide by the death of cardinall pole , ( who died as some say the very same day with queene mary , others say the day following , ) the queene granted her conge d'es●ire to the deane and chapiter of canterbury to chuse an arch-bishop . this is clearl● proved by the authentick copy of the cong● d'eslire itself in the rolles . regina dilect● sibi in christo decano & capitulo ecclesiae m●tropoliticae cantuariensis saluiem &c. examinatur richard broughton . secondly we say , that the deane and chapiter having received this license , did chuse doctor mathew parker for their arch-bishop . this is apparent by the queenes commission for his confirmation and restitution , wherein there is this clause and the said deane and chapiter , by vir●●● of our license , have chosen our beloved in christ mathew parker professor of theology , for arch-bishop and pastour to them and the aforesaid church , as by their letters . patent● directed to us thereupon it appeareth more fully . thirdly the queene accepting this election , was graciously pleased to issue out two commissions for the legall confirmation of the said election , and consecrating of the said arch-bishop . the former dated the ninth of september anno 1559 , directed to six bishops , cuthbert bishop of durham , gilbert bi●hop of bath , david bishop of peterburough , anthony bishop of landaff , william barlow bishop , and iohn scory bishop , in these words . elisabet● dei gratia angliae &c. reverendis in christo patribus cuthberto episcopo dunelmensi , gilberto bathoniensi episcopo , davidi episcopo burgi sancti petri , anthonio landavensi episcopo . vvillelmo barlo episcopo , & iohanni scory episcopo , salutem . cum vacante nuper sede archi-episcopali cantuariensi per mortem naturalem domini reginaldi pole cardinalis , ultimi & immediati archi-episcopi & pastoris ejusdem , ad humilem petitionem decani & capituli ecclesiae nostrae cathedralis & metropoliticae christi cantuariensis , eisdem per literas nostras patentes licentiam concesserimus alium sibi eligendi in archiepiscopum & pastorem sedis praedictae . ac iidem decanus & capitulum vigore & obtentu licentiae nostrae praedictae , dilectum nobis in christo magistrum matthaeum parker sacrae theologiae professorem sibi & ecclesie praedictae elegerint in archiepiscopum & pastorem , prout per literas suas patentes sigillo eorum communi sigillatas , nobis inde directas , plenius liquet & apparet . nos electionem illam acceptantes , eidem electioni regium nostrum assensum adhibuimus pariter & favorem , & hoc vobis tenore praesentium significamus . rogantes , ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus eundē magistrum matthaeum parker in archepiscopum & pastorem ecclesiae cathedralis & metropoliticae , christi cantuariensis praedictae , sic ut praefertur electum , electionemque praedictam confirmare , & eundem magistrum matthaeum in archiepiscopum & pastorem ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , caeteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbant officio pastorali , juxta formam statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum , velitis cum effectu . in cujus rei testimonium &c. teste regina apud redgrave , nono die septembris anno regni elisabethae angliae &c. primo . per breve de privato sigillo . examinatur ri : brovghton . now if any man desire a reason why this first commission was not executed , the best account i can give him is this , that it was directed to six bishops , without an [ aut minus , or at the least foure of you ] : so as if any one of the six were sick or absent , or refused , the rest could not proceed to confirme , or consecrate . and that some of them did refuse , i am very apt to beleeve , because three of them not long after were deprived . but the reader may note , first that there were three protestant bishops in that first commission . they who were such punctuall observers of the law of england , that they would not proceed to consecrate without a fourth , in the vacancy of both the archiepiscopall sees , certeinly would never give way to a private profane ordination at the nagge 's head , by one single bishop . and secondly , that for all their pretended intelligence , our english romish writers are great strangers to the true passages of those times , knowing nothing but what they heare at rome , or rhemes , or doway . if it were otherwise we should have heard of this commission sooner . the second letters patents which were executed , were dated the sixth of december following , directed to anthony bishop of landaff , william barlow sometimes bishop of bath , now elect bishop of chicester , iohn scory sometimes bishop of chichester , now elect bishop of hereford , miles coverdale sometimes bishop of exceter , richard suffragan bishop of bedford , iohn suffragan bishop of the●ford , and iohn bale bishop of ossory in ireland , in these words . regina &c. reverendis in christo patribus anthonio landavensi episcopo , willelmo barlow quondam bathoniensi episcopo , nunc cicestrensi electo , iohanni scory quondam cicestrensi episcopo , nunc electo herefordiensi , miloni coverdale quondam exoniensi episcopo , richardo bedfordensi , iohanni thedfordensi , episcopis suffraganeis , iohanni bale ossoriensi episcopo , salutem . cum vacante nuper sede archiepiscopali cantuariensi per mortem naturalem domini reginaldi pole cardinalis , ultimi & immediati archiepiscopi & pastoris ejusdem , ad humilem petitionem decani & capituli ecclesiae nostrae cathedralis & metropoliticae christi cantuariensis , eisdem per literas nostras . patentes licentiam concesserimus alium sibi eligendi in archiepiscopum & pastorem sedis praedictae , ac iidem decanus & capitulum vigore & obtentu licentiae nostrae praedictae , dilectum nobis in christo magistrum matthaeum parker sacrae theologiae professorem , sibi & ecclesiae praedictae elegerunt in archi-episcopum & pastorem , prout per literas suas patentes nobis inde directas plenius liquet & apparet . nos electionem illam acceptantes , eidem electioni regium nostrum assensum adhibuimus pariter & favorem , & hoc vobis tenore praesentium significamus . rogantes ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus vos aut minus quatuor vestrum , eundem matthaeum parker in archi-episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae cathedralis & metropoliticae christi cantuariensis praedictae sicut praefertur electum , electionemque praedictam confirmare , & eundem magistrum matthaeum parker in archi-episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , caeteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbant officio pastorali , juxta formam statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum , velitis cum effectu . supplentes nihilominus suprema authoritate nostra regia , ex mero motu & certa scientia nostris , si quid aut in his quae juxta mandatum nostrum praedictum per vos fient , aut in vobis , aut vestrum aliquo , conditione , statu , facultate vestris , ad praemissa perficienda desit aut dèerit eorum , quae per statuta hujus regni nostri aut per leges ecclesiasticas in hac parte requiruntur , aut necessaria sunt , temporis ratione & rerum necessitate id postulante . in cujus rei &c. teste regina apud vvestmonasteriū sexto die decembris , anno regni reginae elisabeth angliae &c. secundo . examinatur . ri : broughton . before i proceed further , to prevent cavills , i must acquainte the reader , that the suffragan bishop of bedford is misnamed richard in the rolles ; by what mistake or errour , after so long time it is folly to inquire . we may conjecture how it might easily , and most probably did come to passe : but to say positively how it did come to passe , whether it was the errour of the transcriber , or the mistake of him who gave the instructions , or it was no faulte at all , ( he might have two names , as many have had , and many have and owne them severally , ) is not possible . in the ecclesiasticall register of the church , he is alwaies stiled by his right name iohn , throughout all the acts of the confirmation and consecration of arch bishop parker . once his name had been written richard , but it was corrected , and my friend assureth me , that it is the onely word in that long narration which is expunged or interlined ; so exact is that recorde . this is certeine , his right name was iohn , as it is in the register . to this the recordes of his own consecration , and twenty other recordes do beare witnesse . but as to the validity of the act or ordination , it is not materiall whether his name were iohn or richard , or both , or neither . so he was truely ordeined himself , and did truely concurre in ordeining , it is no matter how he is stiled in the commission , or in the register . regall commissions are no essentialls of ordination ▪ notariall acts are no essentialls of ordination . the misnaming of the baptise● in a parish register doth not make voide the baptisme . when popes do consecrate themselves , ( as they do sometimes ) , they d● it by the names of paul , or alexander o● vrbanus , or innocentius : yet these are not the names which were imposed upon them at their baptismes , or at their confirmations , but such names as themselves have been pleased to assume . but to come to more serious matter . there are two differences betweene these two commissions . the first is an [ aut minus , or at the least foure of you ] , which clause is prudently inserted into all commissions , where many commissioners are named , least the sicknesse , or absence , or neglect of any one or more , might hinder the worke . the question is , why they are limited to foure , when the canons of the catholick church require but three . the answer is obvious , because the statutes of england do require foure in case one of the consecraters be not an arch bishop , or deputed by one . three had bene enough to make a valide ordination , yea to make a canonicall ordination ; and the queene might have dispensed with her owne lawes : but she would have the arch bishop to be ordeined both according to the canons of the catholick church , and the known ●awes of england . the second difference betweene the two commissions is this , that there is a supplen●es in the later commission , which is not in the former . [ supplyng by our soveraigne authority all defects either in the execution , or in ihe executers of this commission , or any of them ] . the court of rome in such like instruments have ordinarily such dispensative clauses , for more abundant caution , whether there be need of them or not , to relaxe all sentences censures , and penalties inflicted either by the law or by the iudge . but still the question is , to what end was this clause inserted ? i answer , it is en● enough , if it serve ( as the court of rome useth it , ) for a certeine salve to helpe any latent impediment , though there be none ▪ a superfluous clause doth not vitiate 〈◊〉 writing . some thinke it might have reference to bishop coverdales syde woollo● gowne , which he used at the consecratio● toga lanea talari utebatur . that was uncanonicall indeed , and needed a dispensation fo● him that used it , not for him who was consecrated . but this was so slender a defe●● and so farre from the heart or essence o● ordinatiō ; especially where the three othe● cōsecraters , ( which is the canonicall number ) where formally and regularly habite● that it was not worth an intimation und●● the great seale of england . this miles coverdale had been both validely and legally ordeined bishop , and had as much power to ordeine as the bishop of rome himself . if he had been roman catholick in his ●udgment , he had been declared by cardinall pole as good a bishop , as either bon●er , or thirleby , or any of the rest . others thinke , this clause might have relation to the present condition of bishop barlow and bishop scory , who were not yet inthroned into their new bishopricks . it might be so , but if it was , it was a great mistake in the lawiers who drew up the commission . the office and the benefice of a bishop are two distinct things ; ordination is an act of the key of order , and a bishop uninthroned may ordeine as well as a bishop inthroned . the ordination of suffragan bishops , who had no peculiar bishoprickes , was alwaies admitted and reputed as good in the catholick church , ( if the suffragans had episcopall ordination , ) as the ordination of rhe greatest bishops in the wolrd . but since this clause doth extend ir self both to the consecration and the consecraters , i am confident that the onely ground of it was that same exception , o● rather cavill which bishop bonner did afterwards make against the legality of bishop hornes consecration ; which is all that either stapleton or any of our adversaries ha● to pretend against the legality of the ordination of our first protestant bishops ▪ that they were not ordeined according to the praescript of our very statutes . i have set downe this case formerly in my replication to the bishop of chalcedon ▪ but to avoide wrangling , i will put i● downe in the very wordes of the statute ▪ king edward the sixth in his time by authority of parliament , caused the booke of common praier and administration of sacraments and other rites and ceremonies in the church of england , 〈◊〉 be made and set forth , not onely for or● uniforme order of service , commō prayer , and administration of sacrament● to be used whithin this realme , but also did adde and put to the said booke , a very godly order manner and forme , ho● arch-bishops , bishops , priests , deacons and ministers , should from time to time be consecrated , made , and ordered , within this realme . afterwards it followeth , that in the time of queene mary , the severall acts and statutes made in the secōd , third , fourth , fifth and sixth yeares of king edward , for the authorising and allowing of the said booke of common praier and other the premisses , were repealed . lastly the statute addeth , that by an act made in the first yeare of queene elisabeth , entituled an act for the uniformity of common prayer and service in the church , and administration of sacraments , the said booke of common praier and administration of sacraments , and other the said orders rites and ceremonies before mētioned , and all things therein conteined , is fully stablished and authorised to be used in all places within the realme . this is the very case related by the parliament . now the exception of bishop bonner , and stapleton , and the rest , was this . the booke of ordination was expresly established by name by edward the sixth , and that act was expresly repealed by queene mary : but the booke of ordination was not expresly restored by queene elisabeth , but onely in generall termes under the name and notion of the booke of common praiers and administration of sacraments , and other orders rites and ceremonies . therefore they who were ordeined according to the said forme of ordination in the beginning of queene elisabeths time , were not legally ordeined . and those bishops which had bene ordeined according to that forme in king edwards time , though they were legally ordeined then , yet they were not legall bishops now , because quee●● maries statute was still in force , and was not yet repealed . is this all ? take courage reader , here is nothing that toucheth the validity of our ordination , but onely the legality of it ▪ which is easily satisfied . first i answe● that queene maries statute was repeale● sufficiently , even as to rhe booke of ordination ; as appeareth by the very word of the statute which repealed it . a● that the said booke , with the order of service 〈◊〉 of the administration of sacraments rites 〈◊〉 ceremonies , shall be after the feast of st. 〈◊〉 baptist next in full force and effect , any thing 〈◊〉 queene maries statute of repeale to the contrary in any wise not withstanding . that the booke of ordination was a part of this booke , and printed in this booke in king edwards daies , besides the expresse testimony of the statute in the eighth of queene elisabeth we have the authority of the canons of the church of england , which call it singularly the booke of common praier , and of ordering bishops priests and deacons . it is our forme of praier upon that occasion , as much as our forme of baptising , or administring the holy eucharist , or our forme of confirming , or marryng , or visiting the sick . secondly , it is also a part of our forme of administration of the sacraments . we denie not ordination to be a sacrament , though it be not one of those two sacraments , which are generally necessary to salvation . thirdly , although it were supposed that ordination were no sacrament , nor the booke of ordination a part of the booke of common praier : yet no man can denie that it is a part of our ecclesiasticall rites and ceremonies , and under that notion sufficiently authorised . lastly , ejus est legem imerpretari cujus est condere . they who have legislative power to make a law , have legislative power to expound a law . queene elisabeth and her parliament made the law , queene elisabeth and her parliament expounded the law , by the same authority that made it ; declaring that under the booke of common praier , the forme of ordination was comprehended and ought to be understood . and so ended the grand cavill of bishop bonner and doctor sapleton and the rest , of the illegality of our ordination ; shewing nothing but this , how apt a drowning cause is to catch hold of every reed , that the supplentes or this dispensative clause had relation to this cavill , ( which as it did breake out afterwards into an open controversy , so it was then whispered in corners , ) is very evident by one clause in the statute : that for the avoiding of all questions and ambiguities that might he objected against the lawfull confirmations , investing , and consecrations of any arch-bishops , bishops &c. the queene in her letters patents had not onely used such words as had bene accustomed to be used by king henry and king edward , but also diverse other generall wordes , whereby her highness by her supreme power and authority , hath dispensed with all causes and doubts of any imperfection or disability that could be objected . the end of this clause and that statute was the same : and this was the onely question or ambiguity which was moved . yet although the case was so evident , and was so judged by the parliament , that the forme of consecration was comprehended under the name and notion of the booke of common praier &c : yet in the indictment against bishop bonner , i do commend the discretion of our iudges , and much more the moderation of the parliament . criminall lawes should be written with a beame of the sun , without all ambiguity . lastly , before i leave this third consideration , i desire the reader to observe three things with me . first , that this dispensative neither hath , nor can be construed to have any reference to any consecration that was already past , or that was acted by bishop scory alone ; as that silly consecration at the nagge 's head is supposed to have been . secondly , that this dispensative clause doth not extend at all to the institution of christ , or any essentiall of ordination , nor to the canons of the universall church : but onely to the statutes and ecclesiasticall lawes of england . si quid desit aut deerit eorum quae per statuta hujus regni nostri , aut per leges ecclesiasticas requiruntur . thirdly , that the commissioners authorised by these letters parēts to cōfirme and consecrate arch bishop parker , did make use of this supplentes or dispensative power in the confirmation of the election , which is a politicall act , ( as by the words of the confirmation in the next paragraph shall appeare , ) but not in the consecration , which is a purely spirituall act , and belongeth meerely to the key of order . fourthly we say , that by virtue of these letters patents of december the sixth , foure of the commissioners therein named did meete in bowes church , upon the ninth day of the same moneth : and then and there with the advise of the chiefe ecclesiasticall lawiers of the kingdome , the deane of the arches , the iudges of the prerogative and audience , did solemnely confirme the election . this is proved by the recorde of the confirmation or definitive sentence it self , in these words . in dei nomine , amen . nos willelmus quondam bathonienfis & vvellensis episcopus nunc cicestrensis electus , iohannes scory quondam cicestrensis episcopus nunc electus herefordensis , milo coverdale quondam exoniensis episcopus , & iohannes bedford episcopus suffraganeus , mediantibus literis commissionalibus illustrissimae reginae fidei defensatricis &c. commissionarij , cum hac clausula videlicet [ unae cum iohanne the●fordensi suffraganeo & iohanne bale ossoriensi episcopo ] , et etiam cum hac clausula [ quatenus vos aut ad minus quatuor vestrum ] , nec non & hac adjectione [ supplentes nihil ominus &c. ] specialiter & legitime deputati , &c. idcirco nos commissionarii regii antedicti , de & cum assensic iurisperitorum cum quibus in hac parte communicavimus , praedictam electionē suprema authoritate dictae dominae nostrae reginae nobis in hac parte commissa confirmamus ▪ supplētes ex suprema authoritate regia , ex mero principis motu & certa scientia nobis delegata , quicquid in hac electione fuerit defectum . tum in his quae juxta mandatum nobis creditum a nobis factum & processum est , aut in nobis aut aliquo nostrum , conditione , statu , facultate ad haec perficienda deest aut deerit . tum etiam eorum quae per statuta hujus regni angliae , aut per leges ecelesiasticas in hac parte requisita sunt aut necessaria , prout temporis ratio & rerum praesentium necessitas id postulant , per hanc nostram sententiam definitivam , sive hoc nostrum finale decretum &c. i cite this the more largely , that our adversaries may see what use was made of the dispensation , whieh they cavill so much against : but in the consecration which is an act of the key of order , they made no use at all of it . this is likewise clearly proved by the queenes mandate for the restitution of arch bishop parker to his temporalties , wherein there is this clause . [ cui quidem electioni & personae sic electae regium assensum nostrum adhibuimus & favorem , ipsiusque fidelitatem nobis debitam pro dicto archi-episcopatu recepimus . ] fifthly , we say that eight daies after the confirmation , that is to say the 17. of december anno 1559 , the same commissioners did proceed to the consecration of arch bishop parker , in the archi-episcopall chappell at lambeth , according to the forme prescribed by the church of england , with solemne praiers and sermon , and the holy eucharist ; at which great numbers of grave persons communicated with him at that time , [ frequens gravissimorum hominum caetus . ] this is proved evidently by the authentick recordes of the consecration , as they are still and alwaies have been to be seen , in the publick registry of the archi-episcopall see of canterbury . registrum reverendissimi in christo pa●ris & domini , domini matthaei parker &c. principio sacellum tapetibus ad orientem adornabatur , solum vero panno rubro insternebatur , &c. and so first setting downe both how the chappell was adorned for the consecration , and what habit and garments as well the consecraters as the person who was to be consecrated did weare , both at the praiers and sermon , as likewise at the holy sacrament and consecration , it proceedeth to the consecration itself . finito tandem evangelio , herefordens●● electus , bedfordensis suffraganeus , & milo coverdale . archiepiscopum coram cicestrensi electo apud mensam in cathedra sedente his verbis adduxerunt , reverende in deo pater hunc virum pium pariter atque doctum tibi offerimus atque praesentamus , ut archiepiscopus consecretur . postquam haec dixissent , proferebatur ilico regium diploma sive mandatum pro consecratione archiepiscopi , quo per dominum doctorem yale legum doctorem perlecto , sacramentum de regio primatu sive suprema ejus authoritate tuenda , juxta statuta primo anno regni serenissimae reginae nostrae elizabethae edita & promulgata , ab eodem archi-episcopo exigebatur . quod cum ille solemniter tactis corporaliter sacris evangeliis , conceptis verbis praestitisset , cicestrensis electus populum ad orationem hortatus ad letanias decantandas choro respondence se accinxit . quibus finitis , post questiones aliquot archi-episcopo per cicestrensem electum propositas , & post orationes & suffragia quaedam juxta formam libri authoritate parliamenti editi apud deum habita , cicestrensis , herefordensis , suffraganeus bedfordensis , & milo coverdallus , manibus archi-episcopo impositis , dixerunt , accipe spiritum sanctum , & excitare memineris gratiam dei quae in te est per manuum impositionem . dedit enim nobis deus spiritum non timoris , sed potestatis , charitatis , & sobrietatis , &c. this is so evident that our adversaries have nothing to say , but to crie the recordes are forged . forgery of recordes is a grievous crime , and ought to be manifestly proved , or the accuser to suffer for his calumny . let them tell us who forged them , and when and where they were forged . but they know nothing of it . did any of the succeding proto-no●aries complaine that they were forged ? or so much as an under clerke of the office , or any man that had once occasion to view them , and afterwards found some change in them ? no such thing . examine all the officer● and notaries and clerkes living , whether ever they observed any change in them during their remembrance ; and they will all answer , no. and so would all their predecessors since arch-bishop parkers time have answered , if they had beē put to their oathes . who are they then that accuse them of forgery ? they are the adversaries of the church of england , who neve● read one word of them , nor know muc● what belongeth to such recordes : bu● they wish if they be not forged , that they were forged . what would you have 〈◊〉 do ? if they could answer them otherwise they would ; but they can not , and the●●fore they crie them downe as forged . it is possible to forge private acts 〈◊〉 in a corner : but to forge a consecratio● done publickly at lambeth , in queene e●●●sabeths time , and to forge it so early as th●● was published to the world , is incredibl● surely these fathers do not know the c●●stomes of the church , that all things whi●● are done at publick consecrations , are p●●●sently drawne into acts by principall n●●taries , and kept in publick registries , 〈◊〉 the custody of them committed to swo●● officers . and this practise was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in england upon this occasion , but ●●th beē observed throughout both provin●●s for time immemoriall . i should not 〈◊〉 one penfull of inke upon an english ●an , who either doth know or ought to ●●ow what credit the law of england doth 〈◊〉 to these recordes : but for the satis●●●tion of strangers who are misled by 〈◊〉 bold calumnies , i will take leave for 〈◊〉 to prove that , which like the common ●●●nciples of artes , ought to be taken for ●●anted , and de quo nefas est dubitare . 〈◊〉 us trie whether they can say more for 〈◊〉 vatican recordes , then we can for 〈◊〉 . for the present , i produce six grounds 〈◊〉 convince all those who gainsay them . 〈◊〉 first is that value and respect which 〈◊〉 lawes of the kingdome do give them , 〈◊〉 is to allow them to be authentick ●●ofes ; especially in cases of this nature , ●●●cerning spirituall acts belonging to 〈◊〉 key of order . if a clerke have lost 〈◊〉 letters of orders , a certificate out 〈◊〉 this registrie , under the seale of the ●●ch-bihop , or the hand of the protono●●● , is an authentick proofe . shall 〈◊〉 or three adversaries , who are strangers and know little of our affaires , altogethe● unacquainted with our lawes and recordes , dare without any ground to defa●● that for forged , which the lawes of 〈◊〉 kingdome do allow for authentick ? eithe● these recordes are authentick , or christendome never had an authentick ecclesiasticall record . the very act● of our synods or convocations are 〈◊〉 more undoubted , then these are . my second proofe is taken from 〈◊〉 credit of the publick notaries , who 〈◊〉 testifie this individuall consecration , 〈◊〉 draw it up into acts. the testimony 〈◊〉 two publick notaries , for matter of 〈◊〉 maketh full proofe over all europe : but 〈◊〉 at least foure publick notaries we●● present at this consecration , and testif●●●he truth of these acts ; whereof two 〈◊〉 them were the principall publick notari●● in england , that is , anthony huse proto●●●tary of the see of canterbury , and 〈◊〉 argall registerer of the prerogative 〈◊〉 assisted in actuating this consecration 〈◊〉 thomas willet and iohn iucent publick n●●taries . who can make doubt of a m●●●ter of fact so attested ? but is it further observable that these foure publick notaries were the same who did draw cardinall poles consecration into acts , and attest them . either let ●hese fathers denie that cardinall pole was consecrated , or let them grant that arch-bishop parker was consecrated , aut u●ramque negate , aut u●rumque conced●●e . there are the same proofes for the one and for the other . there needeth no more to be done to satisfie any man that hath eyes in his head , but to compare the one register with the other , we owe a third ground to the queenes extraordinary care , who was so solicitous least some circumstance in the politicall part might be defective in some punctilio of law , by reason of the frequent change of the statutes in the reignes of her father , brother , sister , and her self , that she caused the letters patents to be carefully perused by six of our most eminent lawiers , who all with one unanimous consent did certifie , that the commission was good in law , and that the consecraters might proceed legally to consecration upon it ; which certificate subscribed with their owne hands is preserved in the recordes . so if these recordes be forged not onely the acts of the principall no●●ries of england , but also the hands of the principall lawiers of england 〈◊〉 be forged for company , which is incredible . the fourth ground is irrefragable , taken from the testimony and authority 〈◊〉 the parliament of england , in the eight● yeare of queen elisabeth , that was about six yeares after this consecration wa● acted ; which speaking of the great car● was taken in and about the elections , confirmations , and consecrations of arch-bishop parker , and the rest of those fir●● bishops in queene elisabeths time , for proofe thereof referreth us to these very recordes , [ as the recordes of her majesties said fathers and brothers time , and also her owne time , will mo●● plainly testifie and declare ] . doth the parliament referre subjects to recordes which are forged ? you see the contrary , that it mentioneth them as authentick , undoubted , undeniable proofes of what was really done . to this unanswerable reason , these fathers pretend to give two answers : but they are such as are able to satisfie any man , that no answer is to be expected . the first answer is in their printed booke pag. 16 , that the word recordes is but a generall terme . as if truth ought not to be regarded in generalls ; as well as in particulars . yet the termes which are added to recordes , that is , [ of her fathers time , her brothers time , and her time ] , are no generall but restreining termes . they adde , that it is a word of course , which men do rather suppose then examine , when they mention things that have been practised in former times . what latitude these fathers may allow their confitents in case theology for words of course , i do not now examine ; but what have words of course to do in a printed law ? they might as well tell the parliament in plaine termes , that they lied , or that they spake they knew not or regarded not what : as tell them that their words were but words of course . if these wordes of course were not true , why did not ●hey confute them then , when all things were fresh in mens memories ? no man can beleeve that they did forbeare out of affection to the parliament , but because they could not then oppose so evident truth . yet they conclude it to be evident , that there were no such recordes of parkers consecration . this is more then words of course , to charge the parliament directly with an untruth . but how is it evident that there were no such recordes ? because they were never produced to those roman catholick doctors , who desired to see some evidence of parkers consecration . this is wonderfull , they were cited in printe , they were alleged by the parliament in the publick lawes of the kingdome , of which no man can pleade ignorance ; and yet they tell us they were never produced . but to satisfie their very pretensions . their exception● in those daies were of another nature , either against our english ordinall , or against the legality of our bishops ; which later exception hath been answered already , and the former shall be answered i● due place . the reason why bishop iewell , and bishop horne , and others did not ci●● these recordes more expressely , was no dread at all least they should be found to be counterfeit , but because they had no need to cite them , to answer any thing that was objected against them . either the roman catholick writers of those daies were false to their owne interest , to smother a thing which ( if it had been true ) had been so much to their advantage ; which no rationall man can imagine : or the nagges head ordination was altogether unknowne and unheard of in those daies ; which is most certeine . but now the fathers change their note , could they not be forged as well in queene elisabeths time as in king iames his reigne ? this is to blow hote and cold with the same breath . before they demanded , how it was possible they should be extant then and not produced ? now they tell us , they might be extant then , and yet forged : nay , such a dexterity they have in turning all which they touch into gold , that they make this very supposition that they were extant then , to be a proofe against us that they were forged . therefore they were not produced , because in queene elisabeths time many were living , who would have proved them to be forged . observe first , what honour and respect our countrymen do beare to our princes and parliaments united . before they did as good as gave them the lie , and now they make them at the least accessaries to forgery , so farre as to avouch and justifie forged recordes . secondly observe , with what confidence and conscience they say that these recordes were never produced : and yet confesse that they were cited in printe , and alleged in our very statutes . if bishop iewell and bishop horne had cited them , ( as they would have cited them if they had had occasion ) , they could have done no more then was done . did any man upon this publication go about to convince them of forgery ? no i warrant you , the case was too plaine to be convinced . the parliament , and the booke of the life 's of the seventy arch bishops of canterbury printed by iohn day anno 1572. have spoiled the fathers arguments , [ they were not produced , therefore they were forged ] ▪ and furnished us with a demonstrative proofe of the contrary . they were produced and cited in printe , and neither convinced , nor so much as accused of forgery ; therefore they were not forged . it seemeth this answer did not satisfie the fathers themselves : and therefore the one of them hath addeth a second answer in the margent , with his penne , in these words ; the act of parliament relates onely to the recordes of the queenes letters patents , and not to the recordes of the bishops consecration or ordination . they say that glosse is accursed which corrupteth and contradicteth the text , as this glosse doth egregiously . the statute speaketh expresly , of the recordes of elections and confirmations and consecrations , which are all of them ecclesiasticall acts , and none of them recorded in the rolles of chancery , or any other civill court of recordes , but onely in the ecclesiasticall registers of the arch-bishops , deanes and chapiters respectively . this answer is a groundlesse evasion . my fifth ground to prove that these recordes were not forged , is taken from that booke of the life 's of the seventy succeding arch-bishops of canterbury , printed in london in the yeare 1572 ; wherein the authour , ( that was arch bishop parker himself , ) having described the confirmations and consecrations of bishop grindall , bishop sands , bishop iewell , bishop horne , and all the rest of those first protestant bishops , he addeth in the margent , hae confirmationes & consecrationes in registris apparent : these confirmations and consecrations de appeare in the registers . then the registers were then extant , and not onely extant but publickly printed , whilest all things were fresh in mens memories , yet no man did or durst except against the truth of them ; so free they were not onely from corruption , but from suspicion . the sixth and last ground to prove that the recordes were not forged , is taken from the agreement and concurrence of our civill recordes ( which no man ever doubted of ) with our ecclesiasticall registers . we have seene the queenes letters patēts , directed to seven other bishops , for the confirmation and consecration of arch-bishop parker , dated the sixth of december anno 1559 ; therefore upon the sixth of december 1559 he was neither confirmed nor consecrated . we have seene the ecclesiasticall recordes , how by virtue of those very letters patents , he was confirmed upon the ninth day , and consecrated upon the seventeenth day of the same moneth . we find three other letters patents , directed to arch-bishop parker himself as a consecrated bishop , for the confirmation and consecration of other bishops ; namely richard coxe , edmund grindall , and edwin sandes , dated the eighteenth of december , that is the very next day after his consecration : therefore he was then consecrated . and this agreeth exactly with the ecclesiasticall register . elisabeth dei gratia angliae &c. reverendissimo in christo patri & domino , matthaeo archi-episcopo cantuariensi , totius angliae primati & metropolitano , &c , salutem . rogantes , ac in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter praecipiendo mandantes , quatenus eundem magistrum edmundum grindall in episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae cathedralis divi pauli london praedictae sic ut praefertur electum , electionemque praedictam confirmare , & eundem magistrum edmundum grindall in episcopum & pastorem ecclesiae praedictae consecrare , ceteraque omnia & singula peragere , quae vestro in hac parte incumbunt officio pastorali &c. teste regina apud west monasterium , decimo octavo die decembris , anno reginae elizabeth angliae &c. secundo . examinatur per rich : broughton . consimilia brevia ( eisdem forma & verbis , mutatis solummodo mutandis ) directa sunt cidem mattbaeo archi-episcopo cantuariensi , pro confirmatione electionis , & consecratione richardi cox sacrae theologiae professoris in episcopum eliensem , et edwini sands sacra theologiae professoris in episcopum vvigornensem , omnia sub dato praedicto & in rotulo supradicto . examinatur per richardum broughton , there cannot be a clearer proofe in the world , to prove that arch-bishop parker was neither confirmed nor consecrated upon the sixth of december anno 1559. and that he was both confirmed and consecrated , and commanded to consecrate others , upon the eighteenth of the same moneth . neither doth the king , or church , or lawes of england , take notice of any man as a true arch-bishop or bishop , untill hands be imposed upon him , but alwaies with this addition [ elect ] as in the booke of ordination , ego i n. ecclesiae atque sedis n. elecius episcopus profi●eor ▪ and in the letany , te rogamus ut huic fratri nostro electo episcopo benedicionem & gratiam ●uam largiri digneris . lastly , by the lawes of england , a bishop can not be admitted to do his homage or sweare fealty for his bishoprick , nor be restored to his temporalties , untill he be legally consecrated : but it is apparent by the queenes letters patents , dated the one and twentieth day of march following , ( that was at the end of hilary terme , as speedily as could be ) he had done his homage , and was then restored to his temporalties . which proveth clearly , that he was legally consecrated , that is to say , according to the register . such a perpetuall agreement there is , between our ecclesiasticall-recordes and our civill recordes . chapt . v. the eighth ninth and tenth reasons against that fabulous relation , from the authority of our statute , the booke of the life 's of the arch-bishops of canterbury , and all sorts of witnesses . the eighth reason to prove the nagges-head ordinatiō to be a fable , is takē frō the authority of the statute in the eighth yeare of queene elisabeth , which is thus entituled . an act declaring the manner of making and consecrating of the arch-bishops and bishops of this realme , to be good lawfull and perfect . [ an act declaring ] not enacting or making ; [ the manner of making and consecrating the arch bishops and bishops of this realme , ] that is , those in the beginning of queene elisabeths time , as appeareth by the whole body of the act ; [ to be good lawfull and perfect . the title of the statute alone is sufficient to confute this fable : but there is much more in the body of the statute ; as where it approveth the making and consecrating of the same arch bishops and bishops to be duely and orderly done , according to the lawes of this realme . if it was done duely and orderly according to the lawes of this realme , then it was not done at the nagge 's head , nor after such a silly ridiculous manner , as these fathers do relate it . that forme differeth from our forme in all things . in the consecrater , or minister of the consecration : we must have three bishops at the least , there was but one . in the matter : our matter is imposition of handes , their matter was the laying the bible upon the head or shoulders of the person consecrated . in the forme : our forme is receive the holy ghost &c , their forme was , take thou authority to preach the word of god sincerely . the statute proceedeth , that they were elected made and consecrated arch bishops and bishops , according to such order and forme , and with such ceremonies in and about their consecrations , as were allowed and set forth by the said acts statutes and orders , annexed to the said booke of common praier before mentioned . this is plaine enough . if the parliament say truely , then they were consecrated in a church , not in a taverne ; not according to the brainsick whi●sies of a self conceited foole , or rather the ludibrious devise of an archenemy , but according to the forme prescribed by the church and kingdome . the parliament had more reason to know the truth then these fathers , for there were personally present both the persons who did consecrate , and the persons who were consecrated , and many lords and gentlemen who were eye witnesses of the consecration . chuse reader , whether tho● wilt trust the tale of a single , obscure , malicious spie , tatling in a corner : or the asseveration of the parliament of england , i● the face of the sun , published to the world in print . the parliament testifieth further , that i● is and may be very evident and apparent that no cause of scruple ambiguity or doubt 〈◊〉 or may justly be objected , against the said elections confirmations or consecrations . do they thinke the parliament would have give● such a testimony for the nagge 's head consecrations . and so they conclude , th● all persons which had been or should be orde●● or consecrated , after the forme and order presc●●bed in the said english ordinall , wer● very deed , and by authority of parliament were declared and enacted to be rightly ordered and consecrated . the scope of the parliament and of this act , was to confirme the consecration of arch bishop parker and the rest of the bishops , and to free them from ca●ills and objections : but they confirme no ordination at the nagge 's head , neither can their words be extended any way to such a ridiculous consecration : therefore the ordination of arch bishop parker and the rest , was no nagges head ordinatiō . my ninth reason to prove that nagges-head relation fabulous and counterfeit , is taken from the testimony of that book formerly mentioned , of the life 's of the seventy ar●h bishops of canterbury ; wherein the consecrations of arch bishop parker and all the rest are particulary related . that which was published to the world in print , above thirty yeares before the death of queene elisabeth , was not lately forged : but the legall ordinations of arch-bishop parker and the rest , according to the register , was published to the world in print , above thirty yeares before the death of queene elisabeth . againe , that which was published to the world in print with the allowance of arch bishop parker , or rather by arch bishops parker himself , was not intended by arch bishop parker to be smothered o● concealed . men do not use to publish their forgeries in print ; especially so soone , and of such publick actions , whilest there are so many eye witnesses living . that the relation was not confuted , that the authour was never called to an account for it , that no man stood up against the registers , nor on the behalf of the nagg●●head ordination in those daies , that 〈◊〉 neale was so tame to endure the lie in prie● and all his party so silent , at that tim● when the truth might so easily have bee● discovered , as if it had bene written with ● beame of the sun , ( as it was indeed ) ; is 〈◊〉 evident proofe that our relation is undeniable , and the relation which thei● fathers make is but a drowsy dream● , which could not indure the light of the sun . the tenth and last reason to prove on relation true and theirs fabulous , is taken from all sortes of witnesses , ours and theirs indifferently . mr mason reckoned up seven of our writers , who had justi●●ed the legality of our ordinations , and ●ited our registers as authentick recor●es , before himself ; bishop iewell , bishop hall , bishop goodwin , doctor ●ollings , mr , camden , mr. shelden , ●nd one who was then living when this ●uestion was so hotely debated in king ●unes his time , and had been an eye-wit●esse of arch bishop parkers consecra●●ons at lambeth , that was the earle of ●ottingham . one that was , well stored ●ith our english writers in queene elisabeths time , might adde many more : ●ut that can not well be expected from me 〈◊〉 this distance . we may produce as many of theirs , ●ho have confessed or been convinced of 〈◊〉 truth of arch bishop parkers conse●●ation . first mr. clerke , whose father ●as register to cardinall pole in his le●●ntine courte , and he himself an actu●●y under him , when theophilus higgins 〈◊〉 out of england to st. omars , or ●●oway , ( i remember not well whether ) . ●here he met with this mr. clerke , ●ho falling into discourse with him ●●ncerning his reasons why he had forsaken the church of england , mr higgins told him , that one of them 〈◊〉 that saying of st. hierome , it is no church which hath no priests ; reflecting upon thi● nagges head consecration . mr. clerke approved well of his caution , because 〈◊〉 dubiis tutior pars sequenda : but withall 〈◊〉 wished , that what their authours had written concerning that point , could be ma● good ; confessing that he himself was 〈◊〉 england at that time , ( the witnesse do●● not positively remember whether at t●● consecration or not . ) but mr , cler●● said that he himself was present when 〈◊〉 advocate of the arches , whom the quee● sent to peruse the register after the consecration , and to give her an account whether it was performed canonically , retur●● her this answer , that he had peruse the register , and that no just excepti●● could be made against the consecration but ( he said ) something might h●● been better , particularly that bish●● coverdale was not in his rochet , 〈◊〉 he assured her , that could make no ●●●fect in the consecration . here 〈◊〉 have , if not an eye witnesse , yet at least 〈◊〉 eare witnesse in an undoubted manner , of●● legall consecration ▪ and of the truth of the register , and of the judgement of the advocate of the arches , concerning the canonicalnesse of the consecration . thus much mr. higgins was ready to make faith of whilest he was living , and mr. barwick a person of very good credit , from him of at this present . the second witnesse is mr. higgins himself , who comming afterwards into england had a desire to see the register , and did see it , and finding those expresse words in it [ milo vero coverdallus non nisi togalanea talari ●●ebatur , ] and remembring withall what mr. clerke had told him , whereas the canonicall garments of the rest of the bishops are particularly described : he was so fully satisfied of the truth of the consecration , and lawfull succession of our english bishops , that he said he never made doubt of it afterwards . my third witnesse is mr. hart , a stiffe roman catholick , but a very ingenuous person , who having seene undoubted copies of doctor reynolds his ordination by bishop freake , and of bishop freakes consecration by arch bishop parker , and lastly of arch bishop parkers owne , consecration : he was so fully satisfied with it , that he himself did rase out all that part of the conference betweene him and doctor reinoldes . my fourth witnesse is father oldcorne the iesuit . this testimony was urged by me in my treatise of schisme in these words . these authentick evidences being upon occasion produced , out of our ecclesiasticall courtes , and deliberately perused and viewed by father oldcorne the iesuit , he both confessed himself clearly convinced of that whereof he had so long doubted , ( that was the legitimate succession of bishops and priests in our church ) and wished heartily towards the reparation of the breach of christendome , that all the world were so abundantly satisfied as he himself was ; blaming us as partly guilty of the grosse mistake of many , for not having publickly and timely made knowne to the world , the notorious falshood of that empty , but farre spread aspersion against our succession . to this the bishop of chalcedon , who was better acquainted with the passages of those times in england , then any of those persons whom these fathers stile of undoubted credit , makes this confession . that father oldcorne being in hold for the povvder treason , and judging others by himself , should say , those registers to be authentick , is no marvell , a fifth witnesse is mr. wadsworth , who in an epistle to a freind in england doth testifie , that before he left england he read the consecration of arch bishop parker in our registers . this made him so moderate above his fellowes , that whereas some of them tell of five , and the most of them of fifteen , which were consecrated at the nagge 's head , he saith onely that the consecration of the first protestant bishop was attempted there , but not accomplished ▪ if it were onely attempted not accomplished , then the nagge 's head ordination is a fable . but it falleth out very unfortunately for mr wadsworths attempt , that of all those first protestant bishops , whose elections were all confirmed at bowes church about that time , ( and it might be all of them , it is very probable ●undry of them had a confirmation dinner at the nagge 's head ) not one was confirmed in person , but all of them by their proxies : arch bishop parker by doctor bullingham , bishop barlow and bishop scory by walier iones bachelour of law , bishop grindall by thomas hink doctor of law , bishop cox by edward gascoine , bishop sands by thomas bentham , &c ; as appeareth by the authentick recordes of their confirmation . bishops are ordinarily confirmed by proxie , but no man was ever consecrated , no man was ever attempted to be consecrated by proxie . the four next witnesses are mr. collimo● ▪ mr. laithwait , mr. faircloth , and mr. leake , two of them of the same order with these fathers ; to whom the archbishop of canterbury caused these recordes to be shewed , in the presence of himself , the bishops of london , durham , ely , bath and welles , lincolne , and rochester . they viewed the register , they turned it over and over , and perused it as much as they pleased , and in conclusion gave this sentence of it , that the booke was beyond exception . to say , that afterwards they desired to have the recordes into prison , to peruse them more fully , is ridiculous . such recordes may not goe out of the presence of the keeper . but these fathers may see them as much as they list in the registri● , if they seeke for satisfaction , not altercation . lastly bishop bonner had a suite with bishop horne , and the issue was whether bishop horne were l●gally consecrated bishop ; upon that ●c●uple , or rather cavill , which i have formerl● mentioned . if mr. neale who they say was bishop bonners chaplein , and ●ent on purpose to spie what the ●ishops did , could have proved the ordination of bishop horne at the nagge 's head , he might not onely have cleared his master , but have turned bishop horne deservedly out of his bishoprick . but he was loath to forfeit his cares , by avouching such a palpaple lie . the nagge 's head ordination was not talked of in those daies . how should it , before it was first devised ? mr. sanders dedicated a booke to archbishop parker , which he called the rock of the church : if the nagges head ordination had bene a serious truth , how would he have triumphed over the poore arch-bishop ? to conclude , ●f faith ought to be given to concurring recordes ecclesiasticall and civill , of the church and kingdome of england , if a full parliament of the whole kingdome deserve any credit , if the testimony of the most eminent publick notaries in the kingdome , if witnesses without exception , if the silence , or contradiction , or confession of knowne adversaries , be of any force , if the strongest presumtions in 〈◊〉 world may have any place , that men in their right wittes will not ruine themselves willfully ▪ without necessity , or hope of advantage , if all these grounds put together do over ballance the clandestine relation of a single malicious spie , without either oath , or any other obligation : then i hope every one who readeth these grounds will conclude with me , that the register of the church of england is beyond all exception , and the malicious relation of the nagge 's head ordination , a very tale of a tub , and no better ; so full of ridiculous folly in it self , that i wonder how any prudent man can relate it without laughter . who told this to bluet ? neale . who told this to haberley ? neale . who told it to the rest of the prisoners at wisbich ? neale . onely neale . who suggested it to neale ? the father of lies . neale made the fable , neale related it in corners , long after the time it was pretended to be acted . if his maister bishop bonner had knowne any thing of it , we had heard of it long before . that the arch-bishop should leave lambeth to come to london to be consecrated ; that he should leave all those churches in london , which are immediately under his owne iurisdiction , to chuse a common taverne , as the fittest place for such a worke ; that bishop bonner being deprived of his bishoprick , and a prisoner in london , should send neale from oxford , and send a command by him to one over whom he never had any iurisdiction ; that the other bishop being then a protestant should obey him being a roman catholick , when there were so many churches in the city to performe that worke in , where the bishop of london never pretended any iurisdiction ; that these things should be treated , and concluded , and executed all at one meeting ; that bishop bonner did foresee it would be so , and command his servant to attend there untill he see the end of that businesse . that the bishops being about such a clandestine worke , should suffer a knowne enemy to stay all the while in their company , is incredible . if neale had feined that he had heard it from one of the drawers boies , it had deserved more credit , then this silly , improbable inconsistent relation ; which looketh more like an heape of fictions made by severall authours by starts , then a continued relation of one man , quicquid ostendas mihi sic incredulus odi . chapt . vi. the nagg●s head ordination is but a late devise . of the earle of nottingham , bishop bancroft , doctor stapleton ▪ the statute 8. el. 1. and the queenes disp●nsation . now having laid our grounds , in the next place let us see what the fathers have to say further for themselves . this stor● of the nagge 's head was first cno●radicted b● mason in the yeare 1613 : yet so weakly and family that the a●ten●ive reader may easily perceive he feared to be caught in a lie . first , the fathers seem to argue after this manner ; many athenian writers did mention the cretan bulls and minotaurs and labyrinth , but no cretan did write against them , therefore those ridiculous fables were true . rather , the cretans laughed at their womannish ●evenge , to thinke to repaire themselves for a beating , with scolding and lying : such ridiculous fictions ought to be entertained with scorne and contempt , spreta exolescunt , si irascaris agnita videmur . secondly , it might be ( for any thing i know to the contrary ) mr. mason was the first who dissected this lie , and laid the falsity of it open to the world : but he was not the first who avouched and justified the canonicall consecration , and personall succession of our protestant bishops , which is the same thing in effect ; the bishop of hereford did it before him , and doctor reynolds before the bishop of hereford , and he that writ the life of arch-bishop parker before doctor reynolds , and the parliament before him that writ arch bishop parkers life , and the publick registers of the church before the parliament . thirdly , they would make us believe that this fable was ancient , and published to the world from the beginning of queen elisabeths time in print , and unanswered by the protestants untill the 13 , of king iames : but there is no such thing . for their credit , let them produce one authour that mentioneth it in the beginning of queen elisabeths time , or if they cannot doe that , for forty yeares after , that is , before the yeare 1600 : or otherwise the case is plain that it is an upstart lie , newly coined about the beginning of king iames his time ; the fathers would not have us answer it before it was coined , or before it was known to us . where they say that mr , mason did handle this controversy weakly and faintly , they know they doe him wrong : he hath so thrashed their authours , fusherbert , and fitz-simon , and holywood , and constable , and kellison , and champney , that the cause hath wanted a champion eversince , untill these fathers tooke up the bucklers . but whereas they adde , that mr. mason vvas affraid to be convinced by some aged persons that might then be living , and remember vvhat passed in the beginning of queen e●isabeths reign ; is so farre from truth , that mr. mason nameth a witnesse beyond all exception , that was invited to arch bishop parkers consecration at lambeth , as being his kinsman , and was present there , the earle of notting●am lord high admirall of england . why did none of their authors goe to him , or imploy some of their friends to inquire of him ? the case is cleare , they were more affraid of conviction , and to be caught in a lie , then mr. mason : who laid not the foundation of his discourse upon loose prittle-prattle , but upon the firm foundation of originall records . they say , in the yeare 1603 , none of the protestant clergy durst call it a fable , as some now doe . i am the man , i did call it so , i do call it so . such a blind relation as this is , of a businesse pretended to be acted in the yeare 1559 , being of such consequence , as whereupon the succession of the church of england did depend , and never published untill after the yeare 1600 , as if the church of england had neither friends nor enemies ; deserveth to be stiled a tale of a tub and no better . they adde , bancroft bishop of london being demanded by mr. vvilliam alabaster , hovv parker and his collegues vvere consecrated bishops ? ●nsvvered , he hoped that in case o● ne●essity a priest ( alluding to scory , might ordein bishops . this answer of his was objected in print by holywood , against him and all the english clergy in the yeare 1603 ▪ not a word replied , bancroft himself being then living . and why might not holywood be misinformed of the bishop of london , a● well as you yourselves were misinformed of the bishop of durham ? this is certain he could not allude to bishop scory , wh● was consecrated a bishop in the reign of edward the sixth , as by the records of those times appeareth ; unlesse you have a mi●● to accuse all records of forgery . if you have any thing to say against bishop sc●ryes consecration , or of any of them who joined in ordeining arch bishop parker , spare it not , we wil not seek help of 〈◊〉 act of parliament to make it good . in summe , i doe not believe a word 〈◊〉 what is said of bishop bancroft , sub mod●● it i● here set down , nor that this accusation did ever come to the knowledge of 〈◊〉 prudent prelate ; if it did , he had great●● matters to trouble his head withall , the● mr. holywords bables : but if ever such a a question was proposed to him , it may be after a clear answer to the matter of fact he might urge this as argumentum ad hominem ; that though both bishop scory and bishop coverdale had been but simple priests , ( as they were complete bishops ) , yet joining with bishop barlow and bishop hodgskings , two undoubted bishops ( otherwi●e gardiner and bonner and tunstall and thurleby and the rest were no bishops , ) the ordination was as canonicall , as for one bishop and two mitred abbats to consecrate a bishop ( which you allow in case of necessity ) , or one bishop and two simple presbyters to consecrate a bishop by papall dispensation . so this question will not concern us at all , but them very much , to reconcile themselves to themselves . they teach that the matter and form of ordination are essentialls of christs own institution , they teach that it is grievous sacrilege to change the matter of this sacrament , they teach that the matter of episcopall ordination is imposition of hands of three bishops , upon the person consecrated : and yet with them one bishop and two abbats , or one bishop and two simple priests extraordinarily by papall dispensation , may ordein bishops . the essentialls of sacraments doe consist in indivisibili , once essentiall alwaies essentiall , whether ordinarily , or extraordinarily whether with dispensation or without . so this question whether a priest in case of necessity may ordein bishops , doth concern them much , but us not at all . but for my part i believe the whole relation is feined , for so much as concerneth bishop bancroft . they adde , or the one of them , i have spoken vvith both catholicks and protestants , that remember neare 80. yeares , and acknovvledge that so long they have heard the nagges head story related as an undoubted truth . where i wonder ? sooner in rome or rhemes or doway , then in england , and sooner in a corner then upon the exchange . you have heard from good authors of the swans singing , and the pellicans pricking of her breast with her bill : but you are wiser then to believe such groundlesse fictions . i produce you seven of the ancient bishops of england , some of them neare an 100. yeares old , who doe testify that it is a groundlesse fable : yet they have more reason to know the right value of our ecclesiasticall records , and the truth of our affaires , then any whom you convers● withall ▪ the authours proceed , this narration of the consecration at the nagge 's head , have i taken out of holywood , constable , and doctor champnies vvorkes . they heard it from many of the ancient clergy , vvho vvere prisoners for the catholick religion in wysbich castle , as mr. blewet , doctor watson , bishop of lincoln , and others . these had it from the said mr. neale and other catholicks present at parkers consecration in the nagge 's head , as mr. constable affirmes here is nothing but hearsay , upon hearsay , such evidence would not passe at a tryall for a lock of goats wooll . holywood and the rest had it from some of the wisbich prisoners : and the wisbich prisoners heard it from mr. neale and others . what others ? had they no names ? did bishop bonner send more of his chapleins then one to be spectators of the consecration , and they who were to be consecrated permit them being adversaries to continue among them , during the consecration , supposed to be a cla●de●●ine action . it is not credible , without a pl●● between neale and the host of the nagge 's head , to put him and his fellowes for that day into drawers habits , least the bishops should discover them . here , is enough said to disgrace this narration for ever , that the first authors that published it to the world , did it after the yeare 1600 ; untill then it was kept close in lavander , bishop wa●son lived splendidly with the bishops of ely and rochester , at the time of arch-bishop parkers consecration , and a long time after , before he was removed to wisbich castle . if there had been an● such thing really acted , and so notoriously known , as they pretend , bishop wa●s●● and the other prisoners , must needs ha●● known it long before that time , when mr. neale is supposed to have brought the● the first newes of it . the who●e story 's composed of inconsistences . that which quite spoileth their story , is that arch bishop parker was never present at any 〈◊〉 these consecrations , otherwise calle● confirmation dinners : but it may be 〈◊〉 merry host shewed mr. neale docto● bullingham for arch bishop parker , and told him what was done in the withdrawing roome , which ( to gaine more credit to his relation ) he feigued that he had seen , out of pure zeale . howsoever , they say the story was divulged to the great griefe of the newly consecrated , yet being so evident a truth they durst not contradict it . we must suppose that these fathers have a privilege to know other mēs hearts , but let that p●sse . let them tell us how it was divulged by word or writing , when and where it was divulged whilest they were newly consecrated , who divulged it and to whom ? if they can tell us none of all this , it may passe for a great presumption , but it cannot passe for a proofe , but they say , that not onely the nullity of the consecration , but also the illegality of the same was objected in print against them not long after , by that famous writer doctor stapleton and others . we looke upon doctor stapleton , as one of the most rationall heads that your church hath had since the seperation : but speake to the purpose fathers , did doctor stapleton print one word of the nagge 's head consecration . you may be sure he would not have balked it , if there had been any such thing , but he did balke it because there was no such thing . no , no , doctr. stapletons pretended illegality was upon another ground , because he dreamed that king edwards statute was repealed by queen mary , and not restored by queen elisabeth , for which we have an expresse act of parliament against him in the point : and his supposed invalidity was because they were not consecrated ritu romano . if you think doctor stapleton hath said any thing that is materiall , to prove the invalidity or nullity of our consecration , take your bowes and arrowes and shoote over his shafts againe , and try if you do not meet with satisfactory answers , both for the institution of christ , and the canons of the catholick church , and the lawes of england . you say , parker and the rest of the protestant bishops , not being able to answer the catholick arguments against the invalidity of their ordination &c. words are but wind . the church of england wanted nor orthodox sonnes enough to cope with stapleton and all the rest of your emissaries : nor to cry down the illegall and extravagant manner of it at the nagge 's head , how should they cry down , that which never had been cryed up in those daies ? we condemne , that form of ordination which you feign to have beē used at the nagge 's head , as illegall , and extravagant , and ( which weigheth more then both of them ) invalid , as much as yourselves . they were forced to begge an act of parliament , whereby they might enjoy the temporalities , not withstanding the known defects of their consecration &c. o ingenuity ! whither art thou fled out of the world ? say , where is this petition to be found , in the records of eutopia ? did the parliament ever make any such establishment of their temporalties , more then of their spiritualties ? did the parliament ever take any notice of any defects of their consecration ? nay , did not the parliament declare their consecration to have been free from all defects ? nay , doth not the parliament quite contrary , brand these reports for slanderous speeches , and justify their consecrations to have been duely and orderly done , according to the lawes of this realm : and that it is very evident and apparent , that no cause of scruple ambiguity or doubt , can be justly objected against their elections confirmations or consecrations . yet they give a reason of what they say , for albeit edward the sixths rite of ordination was reestablished by act of parliament in the first yeare of queen elisabeth : yet it was notorious that the ordination at the nagge 's head was very different from it , and formed extempore by scoryes puritanicall spirit &c. i take that which you grant out of sanders , that king edwards form of ordination , was reestablished by act of parliament 1. elisabethae ; wherein you doe unwittingly condemne both bishop bonners and stapletons plea of illegality . the rest which you say is partly true and partly false . it is very true that there is great difference between the english form of ordeining , and your nagge 's head ordination , as much as is between the head of a living horse and the sign of the nagge 's head , or between that which hath a reall entity and an imaginary chim●ra ( mr. mason was the bellerephon that destroyed this monster ) : but that the form of the nagge 's head ordination was framed extempore by scoryes puritanicall spirit , is most false ; that posthumus brat was the minerva or issue of mr. neales brain , or some others who fathered this rapping lie upon him . then they repeat the words of a part of the statute , and thence conclude , by which act appeares that not onely king edwards rite , but any other used since the beginning of the queeens reign , upon her commission was enacted for good , and consequently that of the nagge 's head might passe . cujus cōtrarium verum est . the contrary to what these fathers inferre , doth follow necessarily from these words which the fathers cite . the words of the act are these , [ by virtue of the queens letters patents or commission ] : every one of the letters patents is extant in the rolles , not one of them did ever authorise any form but that which was legally established ; that is , the form of edward the sixth . first , the queens letters patents or commission hath an aut minus in it , or at the least three or foure of you : but to justify the nagges head ordination , the aut minus must be altered to at the least one or two of you . secondly , the queens letters patents have alwaies this clause in them : iuxta formam & effectum statutorum in ea parte editorum & provisorum ; according to the form and effect of the statutes in that case made and provided : but the statutes allow no lesse number then four , or at the least three to ordein , at the nagges head ( you say there was but one ordeiner . our statutes prescribe imposition of hands as the essentiall matter of ordination , and these words , receive the holy ghost as the form of ordination : but your nagge 's head ordination is a mere phantasm , without matter or forme ; our statutes allow no such fanaticall and phantasticall formes , as your form of the nagge 's head . and so your consequence , [ consequently that of the nagge 's head might passe ] , is foundered of all four , and can neither passe nor repasse , unlesse you can rase these words [ by virtue of the queens letters patents ] out of the statute , and insert these [ without the queens letters patents ] : and likewise rase these words out of the commission [ according to the form and effect of the statutes ] , and insert these [ contrary to the form and effect of the statutes ] . a single falsification will doe your cause no good . two poisons may perchance help it at a dead lift . it is in vain to tell us , that mr mason see this over clear to be denied , who know better that mr. mason did not onely deny it over and over again , but sqeesed the poore fable to durt . i have shewed you particularly what was the end of the queens dispensations , the same which is the end of papall dispensations , to meet with latent objections or cavills . i have shewed you what that cavill was ; which needed no dispensation in point of law , but onely to stop the mouths of gainsaiers . but where you adde , that the queens dispensation was given , not in conditionall but in very absolute termes : you are absolutely mistaken . the queens dispensation was both in generall termes , which determin nothing , ( not like the popes dispensations , a quibusvis excommunicationis suspensionis & interdicti sententiis ) : and also in these conditionall terms , si quid &c. desit aut deerit eorum quae per statuta hujus regni nostri , aut per leges ecclesiasticas in hac parte requiruntur : if any thing is or shall be wanting , which are required by the lawes civill or ecclesiasticall of this kingdome . you see it is conditionall and hath reference onely to the lawes of england . they goe on , the truth is , all the world laughed at the nagge 's head consecration , and held it to be invalid , not so much for being performed in a tavern , as for the new form invented by scory . if all the world did laugh at it in those dayes , they laughed in their sleeves , where no body could see them laugh . it had been too much to laugh at a jeast before it was made , nay before it was devised . the reader may well wonder , how all the world came to get notice of it so early as the beginning of queen elizabeths reign , and we onely in england should heare nothing of it for above 40 yeares after ? but assoone as we did heare of it , we laught at it as well as they , and held it as invalid as they could doe for their hearts ; but they laught at it as bishop scoryes invention , and we laught at it as theirs . cap. vii . of bishop bonner , the reordination of our clergy , the quality of their witnesses , mr. fitzherberts suspicions , the testimony of their doctors , and the publishing of our register before mr. mason their next instance is in bishop bonners case , who was indited by mr. horn , one of the first protestant bishops consecrated by mr. parker , or together with him , for refusing to take the oath of supremacy . the first errour might be pardoned , as being onely a mistake in a word , to say that bishop bonner was indited by mr. horn , where as he was onely signified by bishop horn : but the second mistake is fatall , that after all this confidence , and this great notoreity of the nagge 's head ordination to all the world , these fathers themselves are still uncertain , whether bishop horn were consecrated by archbishop parker , or at the same time with him ; that is as much as to say , they know not certainly what was done at the nagge 's head , but they wish that if the confirmation dinner were not a consecration , it had been one . it could never end better , for mr. neale to feign an ordination , without an actuary to record what was done . bishop wa●son and mr. bluet and the rest were much to blame , that ( since he had the fortune to weare gyges his ring and walk invisible ) they did not cause him to play the publick notary himself , and draw that which was done there into acts ; then we might have known as certainly as he could tell us , whether dr ▪ parker had been consecrated there by his proctor dr bullsngham . it may be , some very credulous reader , who like the old lamiae , could take out his eyes and put them in again when he pleased , would have given more credit to mr neales pleasant fable , then to the publick rolles and registers of the kingdome . i have handled bishop bonners case before : and th●se fathers themselves have unwittingly given sentence in it against him ; that king edwards forme of ordination , was reestablished by act of parliamant in the first yeare of queen elisabeth . but finall sentence there was never any given , untill the parliament gave a finall sentence in it , that bishop horn and all the rest were legall bishops . to admit a plea to be tryed by a iury , and the veredict of the iury , are two very distinct things . they tell us , he was a man specially shot at . rather he was a man graciously preserved by the queens mercy , from the rage of the common people against him . if they had shot at him , they could have found waies enough to have tendered the oath of supremacy to him , without bishop horn. i professe i am no great patron of such oaths , men have more dominion over their actions then over their judgements : yet there is lesse to be said for bishop bonner , then for other men . he who had so great a hand in framing the oath , he who had taken it himself , both in king henryes time , and king edwards time , and made so many others to take it , he who had been so great a stickler in rome for the kings supremacy , who writ that preface before bishop gardiners booke de vera obedientia : if he had suffered by the oath of supremacy , he had but been scourged with a rod of his own making . their next reason to prove the nullity of our holy orders , is taken from the constant practice of the romane catholicks , to reordein protestant ministers , not conditionally but absolutely , which they call an evident argument of our mere laity . a doughty argument indeed , drawn from their own authority . can any man doubt , that that they which make no scruple of taking away our lifes , will make conscience of taking away our orders ? this is that which we accuse them of , and they doe fairly begge the question . if reordination be sacrilege ( as they say it is ) , we are ready to convince them of grosse sacrilege , or iterating all the essentialls of ordination , the same matter and the same form that is for episcopacy , the same imposition of hands by three bishops , and the same words receive the holy ghost &c. some were of the same mind with these fathers in queen maries time : but paul the 4. and cardinall poole were wiser , who confirmed all ordinations in edward the sixths time indifferently , so the persons professed but their conformity to the roman religion . how doth this consist with your pretended nullity ? they say , our records were produced by mr ▪ mason in the yeares 1613 , fifty yeare● after they ought to have been shewed . they forget that they were published in print in arch bishop parkers lifetime , that they were justified by the parliament 8. elisabethae , that all of them goe hand in hand with our civill records , he saith , it cannot be testified by any lawfull witnesses ( produced by us ) that they were 〈◊〉 forged . this is their method , first to ●ccuse us of forgery , and then to put us to prove a negative ; where learnt he this form of proceding ? by all lawes of god and man the accuser is to make good his accusation : yet we have given him witnesses beyond exception . they say , there can not be a more evident mark of forgery , then the concealment of registers , if they 〈◊〉 usefull and necessary to the persons in whose custody they are . the proofe lieth on the other hand . tell us how they were concealed , which were published to the world in print , by a whole parliament , by private persons , and were evermore left in a publick office , where all the world might view them from time to time , who had either occasion or desire to doe it ? that our adversaries did insult and triumph over us , is but un empty flourish without truth or reality , as we shall see presently . they say , it is not worth refuting which some modern protestants say , ye have no witnesses of the story of the nagge 's head &c. but roman catholicks , we value not their testimony , because they are known adversaries . this answer they term ridiculous , and paralell it with the answer of an officer in ireland . you will not find this answer so ridiculous , upon more serious consideration . protestants know that some exceptions in law , do destroy all credit , and some other exceptions do onely diminish credit . an adversaries testimony may be admitted in some cases , but it is subject to exception and makes no full proofe , especially in cases favourable in the law ; as the case of persons spoiled , ( which is your irish case ) . such witnesses may be admitted , an●e omnia spoliatus restitui debet : but then they ought to make up in number what they want in weight . but you mistake wholy , our answer is not , that you produce no witnesses for the story of the nagge 's head but roman catholick● : our answer is that you produce no witnesses at all , neither roman catholicks nor others . for first one witnesse is no witnesse in law , let him be beyond exception duely sworn and examined , yet his testimony makes but semiplenam probationem , half a proofe ; especially in criminall causes such as this is , it is nothing . one witnesse shall not rise up against a man for any iniquity or any sinne , at the mouth of two witnesses or at the mouth of three witnesses shall the matter be stablished . which law is confirmed by our saviour . they were never yet able to pretend any eye witnesse by name , but mr. neale , or some body that had no name , because he had no being in the nature of things : all the rest had it from mr. neales single testimony , because they cannot testify what was done , but what mr. neale said . secondly , mr. neale testifieth nothing , as a single witnesse ought to testify . he was never sworn to speake the truth , he never testified it before a publick notary , he was never examined before a competent iudge , 〈◊〉 was never produced before the face of a protestant . is this the manner of the romans now a daies , to condemne whole churches upon the ver●all testimony of a single witnesse , before ●e be brought face to face with those whom ●e accuseth ; and such a testimony which 〈◊〉 clogged with so many improbabilities ●nd incongruities , and incoherences , 〈◊〉 no rationall impartiall man 〈◊〉 trust one syllable of it ? whereas in such a case as this , against the third estate of the kingdome , against the records civill and ecclesiasticall , against the testimony of a parliament , an hundred witnesses ought not to be admitted . we regard not mr. fitzherberts suspicions at all . what are the suspicions of a private stranger , to the well known credit of a publick register ? his suspicions can weigh no more then his reasons , that is just nothing . he saith this exception is no new quarrell , but vehemently urged to the english clergy in the beginning of the queens reign , 〈◊〉 shew how and by whom they were made priests bishops &c : you have said enough to confute yourselves , but you touch not us . if they had known that they were consecrated at the nagge 's head , as well as you would seem to know it , they needed not to urge it so vehemently to shew how and by whom they were ordeined ; they would have done that for them readily enough : unlesse perhaps you thinke that they concealed the nagges head ordination out o● favour to the protestants . but i see you are mistaken in this as in all other things ▪ there was an old objection indeed , that ou● consecraters were not roman catholiks and that our consecration was not ri●● romano , or that we were not ordeined by papall authority : but the nagge 's head ordination is a new question . what might be whispered underhand , in the eares of credulous persons of your own party in corners , we do not know : but for all your contrary intimations , none of all your writers did dare to put any such thing in print , for above fourty yeares after arch bishop parkers consecration . if silent witnesses in such circumstances prove more then others , as you affirm , then all your writers are our witnesses . but none of all your doctors did ever urge any such thing , as required that we should cite the registers in prudence , as by a cleare answer to all your testimonies shall appeare . the water did not stop there in those dayes : yet even in arch bishop parkers life time the consecration of our bishops was published to the world in print ; either shew us as much for your nagge 's head ordination , or hold your peace for ever . bishop andrews the learned bishop of winchesters absurdities falsities and lies , are easily talked of , men may talke of black swans : but he who hath laid your greatest champions in the dust , requires another manner of discoverer then mr. fitzherbert . but these fathers are resolved to confute themselves , without the help of an adversary . they tell us , that no mention was ever made of registers testifying parkers consecration at lambeth , untill mr. mason printed his booke . this is not true , they were mentioned by the parliament , mentioned in print , i think before mr. mason was born ▪ what though lambeth were not mentioned , if the legality of his consecration were mentioned ? this is enough to answer your objection ; this is enough to confute your romance of the nagge 's head . yet thus much you yourselves confesse , in the same paragraph , that in a booke printed in the yeare 1605 ( that is eight yeares before the yeare 1613 , wherein you say that mr , mason printed his booke ) called antiquitates britanniae , there is a register of the protestant bishops of england : thē there was a register of the consecration of protestant bishops extant , before mr. mason did write of that subject . you say , that register doth not mention any certain place or form of their consecration . it was not needfull ; the law prescribeth the form , and the place was indifferent , so it were a consecrated place , which the law doth likewise prescribe . but you tell us further , that thi● register was forged or foisted in , and that your learned but namelesse friend , see the old manuscript of that booke , wherein there is no mention of any such register , which you tell us in your friends words , that all the world may see how this register was forged . why are all the world bound to believe your friend ? how should we give credit to a man who tells us three notorious untruths in foure lines ? first , that it is pretended that archbishop parker was made a bishop by barlow scory and three others , by virtue of a commission from queen elisabeth : he was made a bishop by barlow scory and two others . secondly , that this work was acted on the 17. day of september , an : 1559 , which was acted on the 17. day of december 1559. thirdly , that we had no form then or order to doe such a businesse ; whereas you yourselves confesse , that edward the sixths rite of ordination , was reestablished in the first yeare of queen elisabeth : and archbishop parkers ordination was in the second of queen elisabeth . he who stumbles so thick and three fold , may erre in his viewing the manuscript as well as the rest . but to gratify you , suppose it was foisted in , what good will that doe you ? it must of necessity be foisted in before it was printed , it could not be foisted in after it was printed , and it must be foisted in by a protestant , for no roman catholick would foist it in . so still you see a register of protestant bishops , was published to the world in print , eyght yeares before mr. mason published his booke . your friend saith , that this printed booke of parkers antiquitates britanniae , is the first that mentioneth any such pretended consecration of him and the rest . so it might be well when it was first printed , that was not in the yeare 1605 , but in arch-bishop parkers life time , three yeares before his death , an. 1570. so much you might have learned from the very title-page of the booke , printed at hannovv ; historia antehac non nisi semel , nimirum londini in aedibus iohannis day anno 1572. excusa : that this history vvas printed formerly at london in the house of iohn day in the yeare 1572. this doth utterly destroy the credit of your friends relation , that he had viewed the manuscript of that booke . there needed no manuscript , where they had a printed booke for their copy , ( as the title-page telleth us they had ) ▪ and that printed above sixty yeares before your friend writ , it is probable before his birth . if there be any thing of foisting in the case , there is rather something foisted out of the former edition , then foisted in ; namely , archbishop parkers life untill that time , with the particular consecrations of our first bishops , which were in the london edition , and are omitted in this edition of hannow . this is cleare enough by the very title , an history of 70. archbishops , and there are in this edition but 69. archbishops , because the life of archbishop parker is wanting ; which neverthelesse is promised in the life of archbishop warham pag. 312. [ ut in matthaei parker cantuariensis archiepiscopi vi●a inferius di●emus : as we shall say hereaf●er in the life of mathew parker archbishop of canterbury . you see how infortunate you are in accusing others of forgery . your authour proceedeth , any man reading the printed booke , will manifestly see it is a meerly foisted and inserted thing , having no connexion correspondence or affinity , either vvith that which goeth before , or followeth it . say you so ? there was never any thing more fitly inserted . the author undertaketh to write the life 's of 70. succeeding archbishops of canterbury , from austin to matthew parker , and having premitted some generall observations concerning the antiquity of christian religion in britany , with the names of some arch-bishops of london , and the originall and changes of episcopall sees in england , and some other generalities concerning the privileges of the see of canterbury , and the conversion of kent ; iust before he enter upon the life of st. austin the first archbishop , he presenteth the reader with a summary view of the archbishoprick of canterbury , at that time when the booke was first printed , in the yeare 1572 , with the names of all the bishops of the province at that time , their countries , their armes , both of their sees and of their families , their respective ages , their vniversities , their degrees in schooles , with the times of their severall consecrations , if they were ordeined bishops , or confirmations , if they were translated from another see. it is hardly possible for the wit of man to contriue more matter into a lesser roome . then , he settes downe a like table for the province of yorke : and lastly an alphabeticall catalogue of the bishops whose lifes were described in this booke , and among the rest , archbishop parker , whose life ( if you call it foisting ) is foisted out of this hannow edition . if this hath no connexion or affinity with that which goeth before , and followeth after , i know not what connexion or affinity is . your friends last exception against the authority of that booke called antiquitates britanniae , is , that it conteineth more things done after matthew parker had written that booke . so you confesse that archbishop parker himself ( about whom all our controversy is , ) was the author of that booke ; wherein i agree with you . the conclusion of the preface , and many other reasons invite me to doe so . surely this author meant that there is something conteined in this register , which is not within the compasse of the following lifes in the hannow edition . ( that may well be because matthew parkers life is foisted out in this edition : ) but there is nothing which was not in the london edition , much more largely then it is in this register , especially for the confirmations and consecrations of our protestant bishops : there is nothing after the time when this register was made , which is prefixed in the frontispice of it in the hannow edition , with m p for matthew parker . matthew parker died may the 27 , anno 1575 : he printed his booke at london three yeares before his death , without the authours name , in the yeare 1572. i appeale to the ingenuous reader , ( let him be of what communion he will , or never so full of prejudice ) , whether it be credible , that arch bishop parkers own booke should be printed in london , by the queens printer , in his life time , and have any thing foisted into it contrary to his sense . here then we have a register of protestant bishops , with their confirmations and consecrations , published to the world in print at london , by arch bishop parker himself , ( who was the principall person and most concerned in that controversy , ) as if it should dare all the adversaries of our church to except against it , if they could ▪ registers cannot be concealed , being alwaies kept in the most publick and conspicuous places of great cities , whither every one hath accesse to them who will. they need no printing , but this was printed ( a work of supererogation ) . they who dared not to except against it then , when it was fresh in all mens memories , ought not to be admitted to make conjecturall exceptions now . now the fathers come to shew , how their doctors did object to our protestant clergy , the nullity and illegality of their ordination . if their doctors give a cause or reason of their knowledge , we are bound to answer that : but if they object nothing but their own iudgement and authority , we regard it not ; their judgement may weigh some thing with them , but nothing at all with us . this is not to make themselves advocates , but iudges over us , which we do not allow . if i should produce the testimonies of fourscore protestant doctors , who affirm that we have a good succession , or that their succession is not good , what would they value it ? the first is doctor bristow ; consider what church that is , whose ministers are but very laymen , unsent , uncalled , unconsecrated , holding therefore amongst us when they repent and return , no other place but of laymen , in no case admitted , no nor looking to minister in any office , unlesse they take orders which before they had not . here is doctor bristows determination , but where are his grounds ? he bringeth none at all , but the practise of the roman church , and that not generall . paul the 4 , and cardinall poole , and the court of rome in those dayes were of another iudgement , and so are many others : and so may they themselves come to be , when they have considered more seriously of the matter , that we have both the same old essentialls . that which excuseth their reordination from formall sacrilege ( for from materiall it cannot be excused upon their own grounds , ) is this , that they cannot discover the truth of the matter of fact , for the hideous fables raised by our countrymen . but where is the nagge 's head ordination in dr. bristow ? then had been the time to have objected it , and printed it , if there had beē any reality in it . either dr. bristow had never heard of this pageant , or he was ashamed of it . here we meet with dr. fulke again , ād what they say of him shall be āswered in its proper place their next witnesse is mr. reinolds , there is no heardman in all turky , who doth not undertake the government of his heard , upon better reason and greater right order and authority , then these your magnificent apostles . &c. and why an heardsman in turky , but onely to allude to his title of calvino turcismus ? an heardsman in turky hath as much right to order his heard , as an heardman in christendome ; unlesse perhaps your dr. did think , that dominiō was founded in grace , not in nature . this is saying , but we expect proving . it is well known that you pretend more to a magnificent apostolate , them we . if the authority of the holy scripture ( which knoweth no other essentialls of ordination ; but imposition of hands ād these words receive the holy ghost , ) if the perpetual practise of the universall church , if the prescription of the ancient councell of carthage , and above 200. orthodox bishops , with the concurrent approbation of the primitive fathers be sufficient grounds , we want not sufficient grounds for the exercise of our sacred functions . but on the contrary , there is no heardman in turky who hath not more sufficient grounds or assurāce of the lawfulnesse of his office , then you have for the discharge of your holy orders , upon your own grounds . the turkish heardman receives his maisters commands without examining his intention : but according to your grounds , if in ●n hundred successive ordinations , there were but one bishop who had an intention not to ordein , or no intention to ordein , or but one priest who had an intētiō notto bap●●ise , or no intention to baptise any of these bishops , then your whole succession commeth to nothing . but i must aske still where ●s your nagge 's head ordination in all this ? ●r . reinolds might have made a pleasāt pa●●lell between the nagge 's head ordination ●nd the ordination of the turkish mufti , and wanted not a mind mischievous enough against his mother the church of england , if he could have found the least pretext : but there was none . you seek for water out of a pumice . their third witnesse is dr. stapleton , in his counterblast against bishop horn. to say truely , you are no lord winchester , nor elsvvhere , but onely mr robert horn. is 〈◊〉 not notorious that you and your collegues vvere not ordeined ▪ according to the prescript , i vvill not say of the church , but even of the very statutes ? hovv then can you challenge to your self the name of the lord bishop of winchester ? you are vvithout an● consecration at all of your metropolitan , himself pooreman being no bishop neither . this was a loud blast indeed● but if dr stapleton could have said any thing of the nagge 's head ordination , he would have given another manner of blast , tha● should have made the whole world ech● again with the sound of it . in vain you see● any thing of the nagge 's head in your writers , untill after the yeare 1600. for answe● dr. stapleton raiseth no objection fro● the institution of christ , whereupon an● onely whereupon , the validity or invalidity of ordination doth depend : but onely from the lawes of england . first for the canons , we maintein that our form of episcopall ordination hath the same essentialls with the roman : but in other things of an inferiour allay it differeth from it . the papall canons were never admitted for binding lawes in england , further then they were received by our selves , and incorporated into our lawes : but our ordination is conformable to the canons of the catholick church , which prescribe no new matter and form in priestly ordination . and for our statutes , the parliament hath answered that objection sufficiently , shewing clearly , that the ordination of our first protestant bishops was legall , and for the validity of it , we crave no mans favour . their last witnesse is dr. harding , who had as good a will ( if there had been any reality in it ) to have spoken of the nagge 's head ordination as the best , but he speaketh not a syllable of it more then the rest : and though they keep a great stirre with him , he bringeth nothing that is worth the weighing . first he readeth us a profound lecture , that sacerdos signifieth both a priest and a bishop . let it signify so , and in st. hieroms sense , what will he inferre from thence ? next , he askes bishop iewell of bishoply and priestly vocation and sending . what new canting language is this ? could he not as well have made use of the old ecclesiasticall word of ordination ? thirdly he taxeth the bishop , that he answereth not by what example hands were laid on him , or who sent him . what doth this concern any question between them and us ? hands were laid on him by the example of christ , of his apostles● , of the primitive and modern church : so christ sēt him , the king sēt him , the church sent him , in severall respects . he telleth us , that when he had duely considered his protestant ordination in king edwards time , he did not take himself for lawfull deacon in all respects . if his protestant ordination were a nullity ( as these mē say ) , thē he was a lawfull deacon in no respect . pope paul the 4. and cardinall poole were of another mind . then follow his two grand excepitons against our ordination , wherein you shal find nothing of your nagge 's head fable the former exceptiō is , that king edwards bishops who gave orders , were out of orders themselves , the second is , that they ministred not orders according to the rite ād manner of the catholick church . for the former exception , i referre him to the councell of carthage in st. austins time , and for both his excepitons to cardinall ●oles confirmation of king edwards bishops and priests , and paul the 4. ratification of his act. if any man have a mind to inquire further into the validity of our form of ordination , let him leave these fables and take his scope freely . to all this they say , that bishop iewell answers with profound silence , yet they adde , onely he sayes without any proofe , that their bishops are made by form and order , and by the consecration of the arch bishop and other three bishops , and by admission of the prince . i expected profound sile●ce , but i find a profound answer ; this is the first time i learned how a man can both keep profound silence ●nd answer so pertinently all at once . how doth dr. harding goe about to take away ●his answer : for bishop iewell was the defendent , and the burthen of the proofe did ●ot rest upon him ? first i pray you how was ●our archbishop consecrated ? if dr. harding did not see his consecration , he might have ●een it if he would . he askes further , what ●ree bishops were there in the realm to lay hands ●pon him ? ask the queens letters patents , ●●d they will shew you seven . what a ●●eake socraticall kind of arguing is this , ●ltogether by questions , without any infe●ence ? if dr. harding could have said it justly , ( and he could have said it if it had been so ) , he should have confuted him boldly , and told him your metropolitan was consecrated in the nagge 's head , by one single bishop , in a fanaticall and phantasticall manner : but he did not , he durst not do it , because he knew it to be otherwise , and it was publickly known to be otherwise . all his exception is against our form , if you had been consecrated after the form and order vvhich hath ever been used , you might have had bishops out of france or at home in england . it is the forme established in king edwards time , and restored in queen elisabeths time which doctr. harding impugneth , not tha● ridiculous form which they father upon bishop scory : and their cheife objection against that form , was that vain cavill that it was not restored by act of parliament , which since hath been answere● abundantly by an act of parliament . here upon he telleth bishop iewell , that his metropolitan had no lawfull consecration . thoug● his consecration had not been lawfull , y●● it might have been valid , but it was bot● legall and valid . this is all that docto● harding hath , which a much meane schollar then that learned prelate might have adventured upon , without feare of burning his fingers . their next proofe against our records , is taken from the contradictions of our writers , mr. masons registers and records , disagree with those that mr. goodwin used in his catalogue of bishops , sometimes in the day sometimes in the moneth , sometimes in the year . and againe , mr. mason sutcliffe and mr. butler , all speaking of mr. parkers consecration , doe all differ one from another in naming his consecraters ; mr. mason saith it was done by barlow , scory , coverdale ▪ and hodgskins . mr. sutcliffe saith , besides the three first there vvas tvvo suffragans . m butler saith , the suffragan of dover vvas one . vvho is not named in the commission . so as these men seem to have had three disagreeing registers . i answer , first that it is scarcely possible to avoid errours in transcribing and printing of bookes , in the authors absence , especially in names and numbers . to keep a balling and a stirre about these errata of the pen or of the presse , is like the barking of little curres , which trouble the whole vicinage about the mooneshining in the water . such were the most of these . secondly supposing that some very few of these were the reall mistakes of the authors , yet innocent mistakes , which have no plot in them or design of interest or advantage , which conduce neither pro nor contra to any controversy that is on foot , they ought not to be exaggerated or pressed severely ; it is the wisdome of a wise man to passe by an infirmity . such are all these petty differences . whether arch-bishop parker was consecrated by three city bishops and two suffragan , or by three city bishops and one suffragan bishop , and whether this one suffragan were suffragā of bedford or suffragan of dover , cōduceth nothing to any controversy which is on foot in the church , and signifieth nothing to the validity or invalidity , legality or illegality , canonicalnesse or uncanonicalnesse of his ordination . all memories are not so happy , to remember names and numbers , after a long distance of time , especially if they entered but by the ●are ▪ and were not oculis subjecta fidelibus . i● any man should put me to depose ( wanting my notes and memorialls , ) what priests did impose hands upon me with archbishop mathews at my priestly ordination , or what bishops did joine with my lord primate of ireland at my episcopall ordination , i could not doe it exactly . i know there were more then the canons doe require , at either ordination ; and referre my self to the register . whether two suffragans or one suffragan , is an easy mistake . when there were two in the commission , and but one at the consecration : so is the suffragan of dover for the suffragan of bedford . thirdly , whether these were the faults of the pen or the presse or the authour : yet after retractation it ought not to be objected . it is inhumane to charge any man with that fault , which he himself had corrected and amended . bishop goodwin corrected all these errours himself , without any monitor , and published his correction of his errours to the world in print long since , in a new edition of his booke . likewise dr. sutcliffe acknowledged his mistake and gave order to mr. mason to publish it to the world , as he did . to ground exceptions upon the errours of the presse , or the slips of the tongue or pen or of the memory , after they have been publickly amended , is like flies to delight in sores , and neglect the body when it is sound . i have the same errour crept into a booke of mine , of [ five ] for [ four ] , how it came i know not , for the booke was printed in my absence : but i have corrected it in mine own copy and in many copies of my friends , where i meet with the booke . lastly , there is no danger in such petty differences , so long as all parties doe submit themselves to the publick registers of the church , as all these writers doe ; although is may be some of them were better acquainted with polemick writers , thē with registers , or the practicall customes of the church of england . the very reference or submission of themselves to the register , is an implicit retractation of their errours . as in a city the clocks may differ , and the peoples iudgements of the time of the day , but both clocks and clerkes must submit to the sun dyall when the sun shineth out : so all private memorialls must be , and are submitted to the publick register of the church . where these fathers talk of plurality of registers , they erre because they understand not our customes . every bishop throughout the kingdome hath one registry at least , every dean and chapter hath a registry . the ordinations of priests and deacons , and the institution of clerkes to benefices , are recorded in the registries of the respective bishops , in whose diocesses they are ordeined and instituted . the elections of bishops and inthronisations and installations , in the registry of the respective deans and chapiters : and the confirmations and consecrations of bihops , in the registry of the archbishop where they are consecrated ; except th● archbishop be pleased to grant a commission to some other bishops , to consecrate the elected and confirmed bishop in some other place . but the same thing can not be recorded originally but in one registry . cap. viii . dr. vvhitaker and dr. fulke defended , bishop barlowes consecration justified , of iohn stowes testimony , and the earle of notinghams &c. here the fathers take upon them the office of iudges or censors rather then of advocates . mr. mason ought to have answered as mr. whitaker and mr. fulke , ( they were both eminent drs. in the schooles ) who had reason to be better informed of the records then he . how ? nay nor half so well . they were both contemplative men , cloistered up in st. iohns college , better acquainted with polemick writers , then with records , they were both ordeined deacons and priests legally , canonically , according to the form prescribed by the church of england : and were no such ill birds to defile their own nests . if the records of their ordination will ●atisfy you , that they were no enthusiasts , ( as you imagin , ) you may quickly receive satisfaction : but if they had said any thing contrary to our lawes and canons , you must not thinke to wrangle the church of england out of a good possession , by private voluntary speculations . let us see what these doctrs say as you allege them , for i have not their bookes in present . mr. whitaker saith , i would not have you thinke we make such reckoning of your orders , as to hold our own vocation unlawfull without them . you see doctor whitaker justifieth our ordination in this very place as lawfull , and much more plainly elswhere in his writings . that though our bishops and ministers be not ordeined by papisticall bishops , yet they are orderly and lawfully ordeined : again , the romanists account none lawfull pastors , but such as are created according to their form or order . these are your two main objections against our ordination , that we are not ordeined by bishops of your communion . that we are not ordeined according to the roman form. in both of these doctor whitaker is wholy for us against you , that which he maketh no reckoning of , is your form of ordination , as it is contradistinct from ours , as it is in many things , especially in your double matter and form in priestly ordination . you say mr. fulke speakes more plainly let us heare him . you are highly deceived if you thinke we esteem your offices of bishops priests and deacons better then laymen : and with all our heart we defie , abhorre , detest , and spit at your stinking , greasy , antichristian orders . this is high enough indeed , and might have been expressed in more moderate termes : but it is to be expounded , not of the invalidity of your ordination , as if it wanted any essentiall , but partly in respect of the not using or abusing these sacred offices , and partly in respect of the lawes of england . excesses may make an ordination unlawfull , although they do not make it invalid . holy orders are an excellent grace conferred by god for the conversion of men : but if those who have them , instead of preaching truth do teach errours to his people , and adulterate the old christian faith by addition of new articles , they are no longer true pastors , but wolves which destroy the flock , and so they are not onely no better , but worse then lay men , corruptio optimi pessima . in this respect they tell you , that your priests and bishops are no true priests and bishops , as marcellus told his soldiers that they were no true romans ( who were naturall romans ) because they wanted the old roman virtue . lastly you have habituall power to exercise these offices , but you want actuall power in england , by reason of the not application , or rather the substraction of the matter by our lawes : so you are no legall bishops or priests there . this i take to have been the sense of these two doctors . now are we come to their grand exception , against bishop barlow , who was one of the consecraters of archbishop parker , whose consecration is not found in the archbishops register , and there fore they conclude that he was never consecrated . if this objection were true , yet it doth not render archbishop parkers consecration either invalid or uncanonicall , because there were three other bishops who joined in that consecration besides bishop barlow , which is the full number required by the canons . but this objection is most false . bishop barlow was a consecrated bishop above 20 yeares before the consecratiō of archbishop parker . they should have done well to have proposed this doubt in bishop barlows lifetime , and then they might have had the testimony of his consecraters under an archiepiscopall or episcopall seale , for their satisfaction , the testimony of the archi-episcopall register , is a full proofe of consecration affirmatively , but it is not a full proofe negatively ; such a bishops consecration is not recorded in this register , therefore he was not consecrated . for first , the negligence of an officer or some crosse accident might hinder the recording . secondly fire or thieves or some such casualty might destroy or purloin the record . thirdly though it be not recorded in this register , it may be recorded in another , the arch bishop may , and arch bishop cranmer usually did delegate or give commission to three other bishops for consecration . and though the work be ordinarily performed at lambeth , because of the place , where they may have three bishops alwaies present without any further charge : yet they are not obliged by any law to consecrate them there . and if there be a sufficient number of bishops near the cathedrall which is to be filled , or if the person who is to be consecrated do desire it , they may be consecrated either in that , or any of their own churches . the bishops of the province of yorke , by reason of the former convenience are usually consecrated at lambeth , yet i have known in my time bishop sinewes of carlile consecrated at yorke upon his own desire , by the archbisop of yorke , and the bishops of durham , chester , and mā a man might seek long enough for his consecration in the archbishop of canterburies register and misse it , but it is to be found in the register at yorke . so the omission of it in that register though it be no full proofe , yet it is a probable proofe that bishop barlow was not consecrated there , but it is no proofe at all that he was not consecrated elswere . and this i take to have been the case both of bishop barlow and bishop gardiner : and although the effluxion of above an hundred yeares since , hath rendered it more difficult to find where it was done , yet by the help of those records which are in the court of faculties , i should not despaire of finding it yet . but there are so many evident proofes that he was cousecrated , that no ingenuous person can have the face to deny it . the first reason is , his actuall possession of 4. bishopricks one after another , st. assaph , st. davids , bath and wells and chichester , in the reigns of three princes . they feign some pretenses why archbishop parker was not consecrated canonically ▪ because there wanted a competent number of bishops , though it were most false : but what can they feign why bishop barlow was not consecrated in henry the eighths time ? was henry the eighth a baby to be jeasted withall ? in archbishop parkers case , they suppose all the bishops to have been stark mad , to cast themselves down headlong from a precipice , when they had a faire paire of stairs to descend by : but in bishop barlowes case they suppose all the world to have been asleep ; except there had been such an vniversall sleep it had been impossible for any man in those dayes to creep into a bishoprick in england without consecration . to say he is actually possessed of a bishoprick therefore he is consecrated , is as clear a demonstration in the english law , as it is in nature to say the sun shineth , therefore it is day . but it may be objected , that he held all these bishopricks as a commendatory , no● in title , as an vsufructuary not as a true owner . it is impossible , vsufructuaries are not elected and confirmed , but bishop barlow was both elected and confirmed . the conge d'eslire to the dean and chapter , the letters patents for his confirmation , the commission for the restitution of his temporalties , do all prove that he was no vsufructuary but a right owner , this is a second reason . thirdly , the same letters patents that doe authorise bishop barlowes confirmation , did likewise command the archbishop with the assistence of other bishops to consecrate him himself . or to give a commissiō to other bishops to consecrate him , which if they did not perform within a prescribed time , or perform after another manner thē is prescribed by the law , it was not onely a losse of their bishopricks by the law of england , but a premunire or the losse of all their estates , their liberties , and a casting themselves out of the kings protectiō 25 , hen : 8. c. 20. no mē in their right wits would r●n such a hazard , or rather evidētly ruine thēselves and all their hopes without any need , without any ēd in the whole world . fourthly , by the same law no man could be acknowledged a bishop in england , but he who was consecrated legally , by three bishops with the consent of the metropolitan , but bishop barlow was acknowledged to be a true bishop ; the king received his homage for his bishoprick ; the king commāded him to be restored to his temporalties , which is never done untill the consecratiō be passed . king henry sent him into scotland as his ambassadour with the title of bishop of st. davids ; and in his restitution to the temporalties of that see , the king related that the arch bishop had made him bishop and pastor of the church of st. davids . this could not be if he had not been consecrated . thirdly , he was admitted to sit in parliament as a consecrated bishop : for no man can sit there as a bishop before he be consecrated , but it is plain by the records of the house of the lords that he did sit in parliament many times in the 31 of henry the 8. in his episcopall habit , as a consecrated bishop ; and being neither a bishop of one of the five principall sees , nor a privy counseller , he must sit and did sit according to the time of his consecration , between the bishops of chichester and st , assaph . what a strange boldnesse , is it to question his consecration now , whom the whole parliament , and his consecraters among the rest , did admit without scruple then as a cōsecrated bishop . sixthly , there is no act more proper or essentiall to a bishop then ordination , what doth a bishop that a priest doth not ( saith st. hierom ) except ordination ? but it is evident by the records of his own see , that bishop barlow did ordein priests and deacons frō time to time , and by the arch bishops register that he , joined in episcopall ordination , and was one of those three bishops who imposed hands upon bishop buckley feb. 19. 1541 , seventhly , there is nothing that ●●inth a bishops title to his chuch more then ●he validity and invalidity of his leases . if bishop barlow had been unconsecrated , all the leases which he made in the see of st. davids , and bath and wells , had been voide , and it had been the easiest thing in the whole world for his successour in those dayes , to prove whether he was consecrated or not , but they never questioned his leases ; because they could not question his consecration . lastly , an unconsecrated person hath neither antecessors nor successors , he succeedeth no man , no man succeedeth him . if a grant of any hereditaments be made to him and his successours , it is absolutely void● , not worth a deaf nut ; if he alien any lands belonging to his see from him and his ▪ successours , it is absolutely void : but bishop barlow● received the priory of br●cknock from the crown , to him and his successors bishops of st. davids , and in king edwards reign being bishop of bath and wells , he alienated from him and his successours to the crown much land , and received back again from the crown to him and his successours equivalent lands . if he had been unconsecrated all these acts had been utterly void . in summe , whosoever dreameth now , that all the world were in a dead sleep then , for twenty yeares together , whilest all these things were acting , is much more asleep himself . to these undeniable proofes i might adde as many more out of the records of the chancery , if there needed any to prove him a consecrated bishop . as. a grant to the said william barlow bishop of st. davids , to hold in commendam with the said bishoprick the rectory of carewe in the county of pembrooke , dated octob. the 29. anno 38. hen. 8. a commission for translation of william barlow bishop of st. davids to the bishoprick of bath and vvels , dated . 3. feb. 2. edv. 6. a commission for the consecration of robert farrer to be bishop of st. davids , per translationem vvillelmi barlow &c. dated 3. iul. anno 2. edv. 6. a commission for the restitution of the temporalties of the said bishoprick to the said robert farrer , as being void per translationem willelmi barlow . dated 1. augusti anno 2. edv. 6. in all which records and many more he is alwaies named as a true consecrated bishop . and lastly , in bishop goodwins booke de praesulibus angliae pa. 663. of the latin edition printed at london anno 1616. in his catalogue of the bishops of st. assaph num . 37. he hath these words . gulielmus barlow canonicorum regularium apud bisham prior consecratus est . feb. 22. anno 1535 ; aprili deinde sequente meneviam translatus est . vvilliam barlow prior of the canons regulars at bisham was consecrated the two and twentieth day of february , in the yeare 1535 , and in aprill follovving vvas translated to st. davids . which confirmeth me in my former conjecture , that he was consecrated in wales , which bishop goodwin by reason of his vicinity , had much more reason to know exactly then we have . they say mr. mason acknowledgeth that mr barlow was the man who consecrated parker , because hodgskins the suffragan of bedford was onely an assistent in that action : and the assistents in the protestant church doe not consecrate . by the fathers leave , this is altogether untrue . neither was bishop barlow the onely man who consecrated archbishop parker ; neither was bishop hodgskins a meere assistent in that action ; thirdly , who soever doe impose hands are joint consecraters , with us as wel as them ; lastly , mr. mason saith no such thing as they affirm , but directly the contrary , that all the foure bishops were equally consecraters , all imposed hands , all joined in the words , and this he proveth out of the register it self , l. 3. c. 9. n. 8. & l : 3. c. 10. n. 9. they object he might as well be proved to have been a lawfull husband , because he had a woman ▪ and diverse children , as to have been a consecrated bishop because he ordeined . and discharged all acts belonging to the order of a bishop . what was bishop barlowes woman pertinent to his cause . are not governants , and devotesses , besides ordinary maidservants , women ? all which pastours not onely of their own communion , but of their own society , are permitted to have in their houses . let themselves be ●udges whether a woman a wife , or a woman a governant or a devotesse , be more properly to be ranged under the name or notion of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such women as were prohibited to cohabit with clerkes by the councell of nice . but to leave the hypothesis and come to the thesis , as being more pertinent to the present case . if a man have cohabited long with a woman as man and wife in the generall estimation of the world , and begot children upon her , and dies as her husband without any doubt or dispute during his life and long after , though all the witnesses of their marriage were dead , and the register lost , this their conjugall cohabitation and the common reputation of the world during his life uncontroverted , is in law a sufficient proofe of the marriage : but all the world nemine contradicente esteemed bishop barlow as the undoubted bishop and spouse of his church . they adde , ridley hooper farrer were acknowledged and obeyed as bishops in king edwards time , yet were iudged by both the spirituall and temporall court not to have been consecrated . they mistake , they were not judged not to have been consecrated , ( for their consecrations are upon record , ) but not to have been consecrated ritu romano , after the roman form. and who gave this iudgement ? their open enemies , who made no scruple to take away their lifes , whose unjust judgement we doe not value a rush : but paul the 4. and cardinall pole ; more authentick iudges of their own party , gave a later iudgemēt to the cōtrary . they aske , how it is possible that barlowes cōsecration should not be found recorded ( if ever it was ) , as well as his preferment to the priory of bisham , and election and confirmation to the bishoprick of st. assaph . i answer it is very easy to conceive . i have shewed him sundry wayes how it might be , and one probable way how it was . i desire the reader to observe the extreme partiality of these fathers , they make it impossible for the acts of one consecration to be lost or stollen , and yet accuse us of forging fifteen consecrations . it is easier to steale fifteen , then to forge one act. we have often asked a reason of them , why the protestants should decline their own consecrations ? they give us one , the truth is , that barlow as most of the clergy in england in those times were puritans , and inclined to zuinglianisme , therefore they contemned and rejected consecration as a rag of rome , and were contented with the extraordinary calling of god and the spirit , as all other churches are , who pretend reformation . it is well they premised the truth is , otherwise there had not been one word of truth in what they say . first how do they know this ? it must be either by relation , but i am confident they can name no author for it : or by revelation , but that they may not doe : or it is ( to speake sparingly ) their own imagination . it is a great boldnesse , to take the liberty to cast aspersions upon the clergy of a whole nation . secondly , how commeth bishop barlow , to be taxed of puritanism ? we meet him a prior and a bishop , we find him in his robes , in his rochet , in his cope , officiating , ordaining , confirming . he who made no scruple to ordein and consecrate others gratis , certainly did not forbeare his own consecration with the apparent hazard of the losse of his bishoprick , out of scruple of conscience . thirdly , this aspersion is not well accommodated to the times , for first zuinglianisme was but short heeled in those dayes when bishop barlow was consecrated , who sate in parliament as a consecrated bishop 31. henr. 8 : and the first sermon that ever zuinglius preached as a probationer , was in zurick in the yeare 1510. that was in the 10. or 11. yeare of hēry the eighth . if there were any one zuinglian in those dayes , upon their grounds , it is most likely to have been bishop gardiner , for his consecration doth not appeare more then bishop barlowes . but there is yet a greater mistake in it ; it is the anabaptists who reject ordination , and content themselves with the extraordinary calling of the spirit , not the zuinglians . in the writings of zuinglius we find a letter of him and ten other of the principall helvetian theologians , to the bishop of constance ; beseeching him in all humility and observance , to favour and help forward their beginnings , as an excellent work and worthy of a bishop ; they implore his clemency , wisdome , learning , that he would be the first fruits of the german bishops ; they beseech him by the common christ , by that fatherly affection which he owes unto them , to looke graciously upon them &c ; they court him to shew himself a father , and grant the request of his obedient sonnes , zuinglius and the zuinglians liked bishops well enough , if he could have had them . but the bishop of constance of another communion was their bishop . here meanderlike they make a winding from st. asaph back again to cheapside , from bishop barlowes consecration to archbishop parkers . they say , that if there had been any other consecration of archbishop parker then that of the nagge 's head , iohn stow would not conceale it in his annales ; who is so diligent in setting down all that passed in and about london , and professeth personall respect to him , he having related the consecration of cardinall pole with so many particulars . they adde out of dr. champney , that iohn stow acknowledged to many persons that the story of the nagge 's head was true . their store is very low , when they are forced to produce iohn stow , who scarce knew what a consecration was . but what saith he in his chronicles ? not a word , either of the feigned consecration at the nagge 's head , or of the true consecration at lambeth . but he told it to many persons by word of mouth , that the story of the nagge 's head was very true . if he did , he lied notoriously to many persons , but we acquit him of that calumny : let it rest upon them , who think it a meritorious act , to advance religion by any means true or false , we are too well acquainted with their hearsay reports . they who dare wrest his printed workes , ought not to be trusted what he spake by word of mouth , to some body , whom no body knowes . their authour saith to some persons , they say to many persons , thus this snowball increaseth . iohn stowe is now dead , and dead men do not bite : yet let us know to whom he said it ? doctor champney tells us , they are ●imorous and would not be named . good reason , for they have no names : so iohn stow is a silent witnesse , and they are namelesse witnesses . so much for the man : now for the thing i give three answers ; first if iohn stow were a lover of the truth , he should rather have set down the nagge 's head ordination ( if there was any such thing ) then the lambeth ordination . men would suppose the lambeth ordination of themselves , where nothing is said to the contrary , it is presumed for the law : but the nagge 's head consecration , had been such a consecration , as never was before , never will follow after . secondly , their authours wrest iohn stow abhominably . he was no profest writer of ecclesiasticall annales . it is true he mentioneth the consecration of cardinall pole , whether it was his respect to his eminence , as being a neare kinsman to the queen , a cardinall , the popes legate , and his grand minister for the reconciliation of england , or because a toy tooke him in the head : but not with so many particulars as the fathers intimate ; all he saith is this , the 21 of march dr. cranmer archbishop of canterbury was burnt at oxford , the same day cardinall pole sang his first masse at greenwich in the friars church , on sunday next he was consecrated archbishop of canterbury ( here was speedy worke ) , and the 25 of march received the pall with the usuall ceremonies at bowes church in cheape . here is another nagge 's head meeting ; where he was consecrated , by whom , after what form , he leaveth the reader to presume : but of all the other consecrations performed in queen maries time , this diligent authour mentioneth not so much as one ; of all the consecrations in queen elizabeths time , i think not one ; of all the consecrations in england since the conquest , not one , or so rarely that they are not to be taken notice of . if the argument of these fathers were of any value iohn stow mentioneth not his consecration at lambeth , therefore he was not consecrated there , we never had a consecration in england , since the conquest , but cardinal ' poles : for he mentioneth none but that which i remember , i am sure if he mention any it is most rarely . if the fathers argument were good , archbishop parker was never elected , nor confirmed , because his election and confirmation are not recordsd by iohn stow : but all our records civill as well as ecclesiasticall do testify the contrary . lastly , if the fathers would lay aside their prejudice , there is enough in iohn stowes annales , to discover the falshood of their lying fable of the consecration at the nagge 's head . by their account the nagges head consecration was september 7. anno 1559 , but after this in relating the solemne obsequies kept in st. pauls church , for the french king , iohn stow calleth him , dr. parker arch-bishop of canterbury elect , therefore the nagges head consecration is a lying fable ; if he was still elect , he was not then consecrated . but afterward speaking of his death may 17. 1575 , which is the next time i find him mentioned , he stileth him the right reverend father in god matthew parker dr. of divinity archbishop of cāterbury . here is no more the word elect , for after confirmation and consecration , the word elect ceaseth , here he is complete archbishop of canterbury . they say , they who make no conscience to falsify scrip●ure will forge records : and how notoriously the english clergy have falsified scripture , is demonstrated by gregory martin . i hope none of us did ever attempt to purge st. pauls epistles , because there were in them , quaedam male sonamia , something 's that sounded not well , in the point of iustification . we desire good words , untill they be able to prove their allegation . rather then be accounted falsifiers of scripture , we are contented to stand to the vulgar latin , in any controversy between them and us . but who is the man doth accuse us of so many falsifications ? one gregory martin , one of their fellowes , whose censure we do not weigh a button . this is a new inartificiall kind of arguing , from the authority of their own writers . but they use it much , so it followeth in the next words , it is want of charity to think that stapleton , harding , bristow and the rest of the english catholick doctors , who did forsake all at home for conscience sake , would publish to the world in print , the nullity of parkers ordination ; thereby engaging posterity to commit so many damnable sacrileges , in reordeining those who had been validly ordeined already , without due examination of the matter . this plea is much like that of the old roman , that his adversary , did not receive the wound with his whole body , that he might have killed him fairly . they would have us rather put up the losse of our holy orders , then the skill of their doctors should be questioned . if reordinatiō be damnable sacrilege , the authority of your own doctors may be a fit medium to convince yourselves of sacrilege , not us of the invalidity of our ordination . i hope stephen the sixth and sergius the third , two popes , were other manner of men then your english doctors , and did both pretend to examine the matter as duely , and to be as a verse from damnable sacrilege as you , yet they decreed publickly , and most unjustly , ( as you yourselves doe now confesse ) that all the holy orders received from formosus were void , and compelled all those who had been ordeined by him , to be reordeined . bell. de rom. pont. l. 4. cap. 12. mr. mason cited the testimony of a witnesse beyond all exception , charles howard earle of nottingham , lord high admirall of england , who acknowledged archbishop parker to be his kinsman , and that he was an invited guest at his cōsecration at lambeth . to this the fathers reply , if this were true , it proves onely that there was a good dinner at lambeth , which might well be to conceale the shamefull consecration at the nagge 's head . it proves there was a good consecration , as well as a good dinner , the words are to honour his consecration , and the solemnity thereof with his presence . it had been something uncivill , to encumber the tavern with a consecration , and not stay dinner there . the earle was invited to the consecration , at lambeth , therefore it was at lambeth , the earle was not at the nagge 's head ; mr. neale himself , who see more then ever was acted , or so much as thought of , did not see that . is it the custome when one is invited to a consecration , to come after it is done to dinner : or to invite a nobleman to a consecration in one place , and then be consecrated in another ? this had been so farre from concealing the shamefulnesse of such a brainsick consecration , that it been a ready meanes to divulge it to all the world . they adde , besides we must take the earles friends word for the earles testimony , and mr. masons word for his namelesse friend . that is none of mr. masons fault , but mr. holywoods , mr. constables , mr. sacroboscoes , dr. champneys , mr. fitz herberts , mr fitz-simons , who first broached this odious fable . mr. mason published this relation to the world in print while the earle was yet living , on purpose that they might enquire and satisfy themselves ; if they did not , they can blame no body but themselves ; if they did by themselves or their friends , ( as it is most likely they did ) it is evident the answer did not content them , and so we never heard more of them since . it had been the greatest folly in the world to allege the testimony of such a noble man in his life time , contrary to his own knowledge , which might have been disproved from his own authority , and so have easily laid mr. mason flat upon his back . you may remember your own case with the bishop of durham . but it was too true to be contradicted then , and too late to be contradicted now . they say , they bring more then one witnesse of the nagge 's head consecration . pardon me , you never produced one yet , and which is lesse then producing , you never so much as named a witnesse , whilst he himself was living . in or about the yeare 1603. you first named mr. neale and innocent iohn stow , when they were both dead ; you might as well have named the man in the moone as iohn stow. onely i confesse you named the bishop of durham in his life time , and you see what is the issue of it : and if you had named the others in their life times , you must have expected a like issue , either the perpetuall infamy of your witnesse , or the utter confusion of your cause . you speake much of the learning , and virtue , and judgement of your hearsay witnesses , who knew how to distinguish between an episcopall consecration , and a banquet . i hope you doe not meane that the earle of nottingham did not know , how to distinguish between a banquet and a consecration , if he did not , the high admiralship of england was ill committed to him : or that he had not as much regard to his honour and conscience , as any of your priests . we meddle not with their learning and virtue , but we are no more obliged to take their testimonies upon hearsay , then they would take our testimonies . they have givē an account to god , and know before this time whether they have done well or ill . they proceed , the priests and iesuits , to whom the recordes were shewed in king iames his time , protested against them as forged and improbable , as appeareth by the testimony of men yet living , whose honesty cannot be called in question . father faircloth , one of the imprisoned iesuits , testified so much to many by word of mouth and in writing . where is the writing ? where is the protestation ? why are they not produced ? still here are no proofes but upon hearsay . one eye witnesse is worth an hundred such , who can sweare to no more but that they heard it , and god knowes through how many hucksters hands . i hope the bishop of durhams case will make them more wary for the future . but they are angry with some protestants , who endeavour to make this well grounded story a meer fable , and thereby call many persons of much more learning , virtue , and prudence then themselves fooles or knaves . we are plain macedonians , who call a fable a fable , without either welt or gard : yea , so notorious a fable , that ( but that you tell us the contrary ) , we could not believe that any one of you did ever give any credit to it your selves ; any more then the athenians did believe those monstrous fables of bulls and minotaures , which themselves had raised , because some of their eminent citizens had devised it or related it : but we call no men fooles or knaues , that langguage is too unmannerly for civill writers . what new topick is this , because we cannot beleeve a ●mans relation or his iudgement , do we straightway call him foole or knave ? excuse me , there are credulity , and prejudice , and mistakes , and pious frauds in the world , and none of these will willingly weare the livery of knaves or fooles . we are not of the same mind with pope stephen and pope sergius , for the reordeining of those , who had been ordeined by formosus , yet we do not call them knaves or fooles . we cannot beleeve what you yourselves have related of my lord of durham , yet we are not guilty of such extravagant expressions . cap. ix . the fathers insist too much upon the authority of their ovvn party , vvhy consecration is not mentioned at restitution , the exactnesse of our records justified . it seemeth to me , that the fathers insist too much upon the honesty , and virtue , and learning of their own party ▪ in dispute with an adversary , virtue is like fire , which preserveth it self by being covered with ashes : but spread abroad by ostentation , it is quickly extinguished ; especially comparisons are odious , and beget altercation . we say , there is not a hill so high in lincolnshire , but there is another within a mile as high as it : take you the reputation of learning and prudence , so you leave us the better cause ; and we shall be able to defēd it well enough against you . but the maine defect in this part of your discourse is this , the bishop of chalced●● confesseth of mr. oldcorn , one of your order , that he acknowledged these records to be authentick , and the rest of the imprisoned priests , who viewed the records , are charged publickly in print to have done the same , by bishop goodwin , by mr. mason ; every thing ought to be unloosed the same way it is bound . they were all schollars and could write , if this charge were not true , they ought to have published a protestation to the world in print to the contrary , whilest their adversaries were living , whilest the witnesses were living : but now after they and their adversaries , and the witnesses are all so long dead , to talke of a verball protestation to some of their friends , upon hearsay , signifieth nothing . now we must make another winding , and return to bishop barlow : but i hold to the clue , in hope at length to get out of this fictitious labyrinth . henry the 8. letters patents , vvhereby bishop barlow vvas installed in ( they would say restored to ) the temporalties of his bishoprick , make mention of his acceptation and confirmation , but none of his consecration . why should this last be omitted , if he were really consecrated ? this objectiō sheweth nothing , but the unskilfulnesse of the fathers in our english customes and forms . let them compare all the restitutions of their friends to their temporalties in england , as cardinall poles , bishop gardiners and the rest , and they shall find the form the very same with bishop barlowes ; i hope they will not conclude thence that none of them were consecrated . the reason of the forme is very prudent , in a restitution to temporalties , they take no notice of any acts that are purely spirituall , as consecration is : but onely of such acts as are temporall , as acceptation and confirmation . but if he was restored to his temporalties not being consecrated , he might also sit in parliament without consecration . the assumtion is understood , but bishop barlow was restored to his temporalties without consecration ; which is most false . from the conversion of the nation untill this day , they are not able to produce one instance , of one bishop , who was duely elected , duely confirmed , and duely restored to his temporalties by the kings mandate , without consecration , or did sit in parliament without consecration . he must sit in parliament in his episcopall habit , but that cannot be before consecration . it seemeth they think that bishops sit in parliament , as temporall barons : but it a great mistake , bishops sate in the great councells of the kingdome , before the names of parliament or barons were heard of in england . they bring an argument from the exactnesse of our records , and that connexion that is between records of one court and another . the first thing necessary to obtein a bishoprick in england , is the kings conge d'eslire ; that appears in the rolles . next , the actuall election ; that appeares in the records of the dean and chapiter . thirdly , the kings acceptation of the election , and his commission to the archbishop , or four bishops in the vacancy , to confirm the election and consecrate the person elected and confirmed legally ; that appeares in the letters patents enrolled . fourthly , the confirmation of the election before the dean of the arches , but by the archbishops appointment , ( this is performed alwaies in bow church , except extraordinarily it be performed elswhere by commission ) ; this appeares in the records of the archbishop . fifthly , the consecration it self by the archbishop and other bishops , or other bishops without him by virtue of his commission ; this appeares in the records of the protonothary of the see of canterbury . lastly the restitution of the temporalties ; which appeares in the rolles , and his enthronisation in the records of the dean and chapiter . every one of these takes another by the hand , and he who will enjoy a bishoprick in england , must have them all . the chapiter cannot elect without the kings conge d'eslire . the king never grants his letters patents for confirmation and consecration , untill he have a certificate of the deā and chapiters electiō . the dean of the arches never confirms , untill he have the kings commission . the archbishop never consecrates untill the election be confirmed . and lastly the king never receiveth homage for the bishoprick , or giveth the temporalties , nor the deā and chapiter enthrone , untill after consecration . he that hath any one of these acts , must of necessity have all that goe before it in this method : and he that hath the last , hath them all . but this was more then mr. neale , or whosoever was inventer of that silly fable , did understād , otherwise he would have framed a more possible relatiō . hence they argue , the records being so exact , how is it possible that no copies of barlowes consecration do appeare in any court or bishoprick of england ? they mistake the matter wholy , the consecration ought not to appeare in any court but one , that is that registry where he was consecrated , which being not certainly known , at so great a distance of time , is not so easily found , and i believe was neversought for yet further thē lambeth . but all the other acts doe appeare in their proper courts ; the kings license , the dean and chapiters election , the kings letters patents , the confirmation of the dean of the arches , which all goe before consecration : and his doing homage , and the restitution of him to his temporalties , and his enthronisation , all which do follow the consecration , and are infallible proofes in law of the consecration : as likewise his sitting in parliament , his ordeining of priests , his consecrating of bishops , his letting of leases , his receiving of heriditamēts to him and his successours , his exchanging of lands ; all which are as irrefragable proofes of his consecration , as any man hath to prove that such persons were his parents , either father or mother . and whē the right register is sought , which must be by the help of the court of faculties , i doubt not but his consecration will be found in the proper place , as all the rest are . mr. mason alleged , that bishop gardiners consecration was not to be found in the register of lambeth , any more then bishop barlowes : yet no man doubted of his ordination . they answer first , that mr. mason did not seek so solicito●sly or diligently for bishop gardiners consecration , as for bishop barlowes . then why do not they whom it doth concern , cause more diligent search to be made ? without finding the records of bishop gardiners consecration , they cannot accuse bishop barlow of want of consecration , upon that onely reason . secondly they answer , that if gardiners consecration , were as doubtfull as barlowes and parkers , they would take the same advise they give us , to repaire with speed to some other church of undoubted clergy . yes , where will they find a more undoubted clergy ? they may goe further and fare worse . rome itself hath not more exact records , nor a more undoubted succession , then the church of england . there is no reason in the world to doubt either of archbishop parkers consecration , or bishop gardiners , or bishop barlowes . neither doth his consecration concern us so much , at the fathers imagine : there were three consecraters ( which is the canonicall number ) besides him . it is high time for the fathers to wind up , and draw to a conclusion of this argumēt . that which followeth next is too high and can scarcely be tolerated ; to accuse the publick records and archives of the kingdome , and to insimulate the primates and metropolitans of england of forgery , upon no ground but their own imaginatiō . i doubt whether they durst offer it to a widow woman . as to the impossibility of forging so many registers , in case there be so many , it is easily answered , that it is no more then that the consecraters and other persons concerned , should have conspired to give in a false certificate , that the consecration was performed with all due cerimonies and rites , and thereby deceive the courts or make them dissemble . should any man accuse the generall of their order , or one of their provincialls , or but the rector of one of their colleges , of forgery and counterfeiting the publick records of the order ; how would they storm , and thunder , and mingle heaven and earth together and cry out . no moderate or prudent persons can suspect that such persons should damne their soules , that so many pious learned divines should engage themselves and their posterity , in damnable sacrileges , without feare of damnation . if a man will not believe every ridiculous fable , which they tell by word of mouth upon hearsay , they call persons of more virtue learning and prudence then themselves , fooles and knaves : but they may insimulate the principall fathers of our church , of certifying most pernicious lyes under their hands and seales , not for a piece of bread , which is a poore temptatiō , but for nothing , that is to make them both fooles and knaves . is not this blowing hot and cold with the same breath ? or to have the faith of our lord iesus christ with respect of persons ? compare the politicall principles of the church of england with your own , and try if you can find any thing so pernicious to mankind and all humane society , in ours more then in yours . compare the case theology of the church of england , with your own , and try if you can find any thing so destructive to morality , to truth , and iustice , and conscience , as might lead us to perpetrate such crimes more then yourselves . we are not affraid of a paralell . you professe great endeavours to make proselites ; we do not condemne zeale , yet wish you had more light with it : even in prudence , which you yourselves extoll , this is not your right course , to follow those birds , with noise and clamour , which you desire to catch . in summe , your answer or solution is full of ignorant mistakes . it confoundeth civill rolles and ecclesiasticall registers . it supposeth that our records are but transcriptions , one out of another ; whereas every court recordeth its own acts , and keeps itself within its own bounds . it taketh notice but of one consecrater : where as we have alwaies three at the least , many times five or six . it quite forgetteth publick notaries , which must be present at every consecration with us , to draw up what is done into acts ; with us every one of these notaries when he is admitted to that charge , doth take a solemne oath upon his knees to discharge his office faithfully , that is , not to make false certificates . secondly , it is absurd and unseasonable , to enquire how a thing came to passe that never was : you ought first to have proved , that our records were forged , and then it had been more seasonable to have enquired modestly , how it came to passe . thirdly , it is incredible , that persons of such prudence and eminence , should make false certificates under their hands and seales , to the utter ruine of themselves and all that had a hand it , and no advantage to any person breathing . it is incredible that those records should be counterfeited in a corner , which were avowed publickly for authentick by the whole parliament of england in the 8 yeare of queen elisabeth ; which were published to the world in print by the person most concerned , as if he dared all the world to except against them : and yet no man offered to except against them then . fourthly , it is impossible to give in a false certificate of a consecration which was never performed in england , ( especially at lambeth ) before lesse then thousands of eye witnesses : and that at lambeth , in the face of the court and westminster hall. surely they thinke we consecrate in closets , or holes , or hay mowes . they may even as well say that the publick acts of our parliaments are counterfeited , and the publick acts of our synods are counterfeited , and all our publick monuments counterfeited . it is none of the honestest pleas , negare factum , to deny such publick acts as these . fifthly , this answer is pernicious to mankind , it is destructive to all societies of men , that bishops of so great eminence , should conspire with publick notaries , to give in false certificates , in a matter of such high consequence as holy orders are , without any temptation , without any hope of advantage to them selves or others . it affordeth a large seminary for jealousies and suspicions . it exterminateth all credit and confidence out of the world , and instructeth all men to trust nothing , but what they see with their eyes . lastly , it is contradictory to themselves ; they have told us , i know not how often , and tell us again in this paragraph , that if the nagge 's head consecration had been false , they might have convinced it by a thousand witnesses : here they make it an easy thing , for the consecraters and other persons concerned , to conspire together to give in a false certificate , that the consecration was performed with all due ceremonies and rites , and thereby deceive the courts or make them dissemble . if the world will be deceived so , it is but right and reason that it be deceived ; to be deceived by a false certificate , that may be convinced by a thousand witnesses , is selfdeceit . but they say , this is more possible and more probable , then that all the clergy should conspire not to produce the same registers , when they were so hardly pressed by their adversaries . these are but empty pretenses , there was no pressing to produce registers , nor any thing objected that did deserve the production of a register . that which was objected against our orders in those dayes was about the form of ordination published by edward the sixth , and the legality of our ordination in the time of queen elisabeth ; the nagge 's head consecration was never objected in those dayes . besides , registers are publick enough themselves , and need no production ; and yet our registers were produced , produced by the parliament 8 elisab . who cited them as authentick records , produced and published to the world in print , that was another production . they adde , or that so many catholicks should have been so foolish to invent or maintein the story of the nagge 's head , in such a time when if it had been false , they might have been convinced by a thousand witnesses . feare them not , they were wiser then to publish such a notorious fable in those dayes ; they might perchance whisper it in corners among themselves , but the boldest of them durst not maintain it , or object it in print , for feare of shame and disgrace . it was folly to give any eare to it , but is was knavery to invent it : and to doe it after such a bungling manner , ( whosoever was the inventer ) was knavery and folly complicated together . if the fathers write any more upon this subject , i desire them to bring us no more hearesay testimonies of their owne party ; whatsoever esteeme they may have themselves , of their judgment , and prudence , and impartiality . it is not the manner of polemick writers to urge the authority of their owne doctors to an adversary , or allege the moderne practise of their present church . we have our owne church and our owne doctors as well as they . if we would pinne our faith to the sleeues of their writers , and submit to their judgments , and beleeve all their reportes , and let all things be as they would have it , we needed not to have any more controversy with them : but we might well raise a worse controversy in our selves with our owne consciences . cha. xi . of our formes of episcopall and priestly ordination , of zuinglianisme , of arch bishop lavvd , of ceremonies . our assurance of our orders . we have done with the nagge 's head for the present . that which followeth next doth better become schollers , as having more shew of truth and reality in it . they object that in all the catholick ritualls , not onely of the west but of the east , there is not one forme of consecrating bishops , that hath not the word bishops in it , or some other words expressing the particular authority and power of a bishop distinctly . but in our consecration , there is not one word to expresse the difference and power of episcopacy . for these vvordes [ receive the holy ghost ] are indifferent to priesthood and episcopacy , and used in both ordinations . i answer , that the forme of episcopall ordination used at the same time when hands are imposed , is the same both in their forme and ours , [ receive the holy ghost ] , and if these words be considered singly in a divided sense from the rest of the office , there is nothing either in our forme or theirs which doth distinctly and reciprocally expresse episcopall power and authority . but if these words be considered coniointly in a compounded sense , there is enough to expresse episcopall power and authority distinctly , and as much in our forme as theirs . first two bishops present the bishop elect to the arch-bishop of the province , with these words , most reverend father in christ , we present to you this godly and learned man to be consecrated bishop . there is one expression . then the arch-bishop causeth the kings letters patents to be produced and read , which require the arch bishop to consecrate him a bishop . there is a second expression . thirdly the new bishop takes his oath of canonicall obedience . i a b elected bishop of the church and see of c. do professe and promise all reverence and due obedience to the arch bishop and metropoliticall church of d. and his successours . so god help me &c. this is a third expression . next the arch bishop exhorts the whole assembly ▪ to solemne praier for this person thus elected and presented , before they admit him to that office ( that is the office of a bishop , ) whereunto they hope he is called by the holy ghost , after the example of christ before he did chuse his apostles , and the church of antioch before they laid hands upon paul and barnabas . this is a fourth expression . then followeth the litany , wherein there is this expresse petition for the person to be ordeined bishop , we beseech thee to give thy blessing and grace to this our brother elected bishop , that he may discharge that office whereunto he is called diligently to the edification of thy church . to which all the congregation answer , heare us o lord we beseech thee . here is a fifth expression . then followeth this praier wherewith the litany is concluded . allmighty god , the giver of all good things , which by thy holy spirit hast constituted diverse orders of ministers in thy church , vouchsafe we beseech the to looke graciously upon this thy servant , now called to the office of a bishop . this is a sixth expression . next the arch-bishop telleth him he must examine him , before he admit him to that administratiō whereunto he is called , and maketh a solemne praier for him , that god who hath constituted some prophets , some apostles &c. to the edification of his church , would grant to this his servant the grace to use the authority committed to him , to edification not destruction , to distribute food in due season to the family of christ , as becommeth a faithfull and prudent steward . this authority can be no other then episcopall authority , nor this stewardship any other thing then episcopacy . this is a sevēth expressiō . then followeth imposition of hands , by the arch-bishop and all the bishops present , with these words receive the holy ghost &c : and lastly the tradition of the bible into his hands , exhorting him to behave himself towards the flock of christ , as a pastour , not devouring but feeding the flock . all this implieth episcopall authority . they may except against christs owne forme of ordeining his apostles if they will , and against the forme used by their owne church : but if they be sufficient formes , our forme is sufficient . this was the same forme which was used in edward the sixths time , and we have seen how cardinall pole and paul the fourth confirmed all without exception , that were ordeined according to this forme ; so they would reunite themselves to the roman catholick church . they bring the very same objection against our priestly ordination , the forme or words whereby men are made priests must expresse authority and power to consecrate , or make present christs body and blood , ( whether with or without transubstantiation is not the present controversy with protestants . ) thus far we accorde , to the truth of the presence of christs body and blood ; so they leave us this latitude for the manner of his presence . abate us transubstantiation , and those things which are consequents of their determination of the manner of presence , and we have no difference with them in this particular . they who are ordeined priests , ought to have power to consecrate the sacrament of the body and blood of christ , that is , to make them present after such manner as they were present ar the first institution ; whether it be done by enunciation of the words of christ , as it is observed in the westerne church , or by praier , as it is practised in the easterne church ; or whether these two be both the same thing in effect , that is , that the formes of the sacraments be mysticall praiers and implicite invocations . our church for more abundant caution useth both formes , as well in the consecration of the sacrament , as in the ordination of priests . in the holy eucharist , our consecration is a repetition of that which was done by christ , and now done by him that consecrateth in the person of christ : otherwise the priest could not say this is my body . and likewise in episcopall consecration , homo imponit manus , deus largitur gratiam , sacerdos imponit supplicem dex●eram , deus benedicit potente dex●era : man imposeth hands , god conferreth grace , the bishop imposeth his suppliant right hand , god blesseth with his almighty right hand . in both consecrations christ himself is the chiefe consecrater still , then if power of consecratiō be nothing els but power to do that which christ did , and ordeined to be done , our priests want not power to consecrate . they adde , in all formes of ordeining priests , that ever were used in the easterne or westerne church , is expresly set downe the word priest , or some other words expressing the proper function and authority of priesthood &c. the grecians using the word priest or bishop in their formes , do sufficiently expresse the respective power of every order . but our reformers did not put into the forme of ordeining priests , any words expressing authority to make christs body present . i answer , that if by formes of ordeining priests , they understād that essentiall forme of words , which is used at the same instant of time whilest hands are imposed , i denie that in all formes of priestly ordination , the word priest is set downe either expresly or aequivalently . it is set downe expresly in the easterne church , it is not set downe expresly in the westerne church . both the easterne and westerne formes are lawfull , but the westerne commeth nearer to the institution of christ. but if by formes of ordeining , they understand ordinalls or ritualls , or the intire forme of ordeining : both our church and their church have not onely aequivalent expressions of priestly power , but even the expresse word priest it self , which is sufficient both to direct and to expresse the intention of the consecrater . vnder that name the arch deacon presēteth them , right reverend father in christ , i present unto you these persons here present , to be admitted to the order ef priesthood . vnder that name the bishop admitteth them , well beloved brethren , these are they whom we purpose by the grace of god this day to admit [ cooptare ] into the holy office of priesthood . vnder this name the whole assembly praieth for them , almighty god , vouchsafe we beseech thee to looke graciously upon these thy servants , which this day are called to the office of priesthood . it were to be wished , that writers of controversies would make more use of their owne eyes , and trust lesse other mens citations . secondly i answer , that it is not necessary , that the essentiall formes of sacraments should be alwaies so very expresse and determinate , that the words are not capable of extension to any other matter : if they be as determinate and expresse , as the example and prescription of christ , it is sufficient . the forme of baptisme is , i baptise the in the name of the father , and of the son , and of the holy ghost : not i baptise the to regeneration , or for remission of sins . there are many other kinds of baptismes or washings , besides this sacramentall baptisme : yet this forme is as large as the institution of christ. and these generall words are efficacious both to regeneration and remission of sinnes , as well as if regeneration and remission of sins had bene expresly mentioned . in this forme of baptisme , there is enough antecedent to direct and regulate both the actions and intentions of the minister : so there is likewise in our forme of ordination . thirdly i answer , that in our very essentiall forme of priestly ordination , priestly power and authority is sufficiently expressed ; we need not seeke for a needle in a bottle of hay . the words of our ordinall are cleare enough . first receive the holy ghost , ( that is the grace of the holy ghost ) to exercise and dicharge the office of priesthood , to which thou hast been now presented , to which thou hast been now accepted , and for which we have praied to god , that in it thou maiest disscharge thy duty faithfully and acceptably . secondly , in these words , whose sins thou doest remit they are remitted , that is not onely by priestly absolution : but by preaching , by baptising , by administring the holy eucharist , which is a meanes to applie the alsufficient sacrifice of christ , for the remission of sinnes . he who authoriseth a man to accomplish a worke , doth authorise him to use all meanes which tend to the accomplishment thereof , that which is objected , that laymen have power to remit sinnes by baptisme , but no power to consecrate , signifieth nothing as to this point . for first their owne doctors do acknowledge , that a lay man can not baptise solemnely , nor in the presence of a priest or a deacon , nor in their absence , except onely in case of necessity . saint austin gives the reason , because no man may invade another mans office . lay men may , and are bound to instruct others in case of necessity : yet the office of preaching and instructing others is conferred by ordination . the ordinary office of remitting sinnes , both by baptisme and by the holy eucharist , doth belong to bishops and under thē to priests . thirdly , this priestly power to consecrate is conteined in these words , be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word of god , and sacraments . and afterwards , when the bishop delivers the holy bible into the hands of those who are ordeined priests , have thou authority to preach the word of god , and administer the sacraments . we do not deny , but deacons have been admitted to distribute and minister the sacraments , by the command or permission of priests , or as subservient unto them : but there is as much difference between a subserviēt distributiō of the sacrament , and the dispensing or administring of it , as there is betweene the office of a porter who distributeth the almes at the gate , and the office of the steward who is the proper dispenser of it . looke to it gentlemen ; if your owne ordination be valide , ours is as valide , and more pure . they make the cause of these defects in our forme of ordination , to be , because zuinglianisme and puritanisme did prevaile in the english church in those daies . they bele●ved not the reall presence : therefore they put no word in their forme expressing power to consecrate . they held episcopacy and priesthood to be one and the same thing : therefore they put not in one word expressing the episcopall function . this is called leaping over the stile before a man comes at it , to devise reasons of that which never was . first prove our defects , if you can : and then find out a● many reasons of them as you list . but to say the truth ; the cause and the effect are well coupled together . the cause , that is the zuinglianisme of our predecessours , never had any reall existence in the nature of things , but onely in these mēs imaginations : so the defects of our ordinalls are not reall but imaginary . herein the fathers adventured to farre , to tell us that we have nothing in our formes of ordeining , to expresse either the priestly or episcopall functiō : when every child that is able to reade can tell them , that we have the expresse words of bishops and priests in our formes , over and over againe , and mainteine to all the the world that the three orders , of bishops priests and deacons , have been ever from the beginning in the church of christ. this they say is the true reason , why parker and his collegues were contented with the nagge 's head consecration , ( that is to say , one brainsick whimsey is the reason of another ) : and why others recurred to extraordinary vocation in queene elisabeths time . say what others ? name one genuine son of the church of england if you can ? doctor whitakers , and doctor fulke , who are the onely two men mentioned by you , are both professedly against you . doctor whitakers saith we do not condemne all the order of bishops , as he falsely slanders us , but onely the false bishops of the church of rome . and doctor fulke , for order and seemely goverment among the clergy , there was allwaies one principall , to whom the name of bishop or superintendent hath been applied , which roome titus exercised in crete , timothy in ephesus , others in other places . adding , that the ordination , or consecration , by imposition of hands , was alwaies principally committed to him . the fathers proceed , if mr. lawd had found successe in his first attempts , it is very credible , he would in time have reformed the forme of the english ordination . that pious and learned prelate wanted not other degrees in church and schooles , which they omit . he was a great lover of peace , but too judicious to dance after their pipe , too much versed in antiquity to admit their new matter and forme , or to attempt to correct the magnificat for satisfaction of their humours . but whence had they this credible relation ? we are very confident , they have neither authour nor ground for it , but their owne imagination . and if it be so , what excuse they have for it in their case divinity , they know best : but in ours we could not excuse it from down right calumny . they have such an eye at our order and uniformity , that they can not let our long cloakes and surplesses alone . we never had any such animosities among us about our cloakes , as some of their religious orders have had about their gownes : both for the colour of them , whether they should be black , or white , or gray , or the naturall colour of the sheep ; and for the fashion them , whether they should belong or short &c , in so much as two popes successively could not determine it . if mr. mason did commend the wisedome of the english church , for paring away superfluous ceremonies in ordination , he did well . ceremonies are advancements of order , decency , modesty , and gravity in the service of god , expressions of those heavenly desires and dispositions , which we ought to bring along with us to gods house , adjuments of attention and devotion , furtherances of edification , visible instructers , helps of memory , excercises of faith , the shell that preserves the kernell of religion from contempt , the leaves that defend the blossomes and the fruite : but if they grow over thick and ranke , they hinder the fruite from comming to maturity , and then the gardiner ▪ pluckes them of . there is great difference between the hearty expressions of a faithfull friend , and the mimicall gestures of a fawning flatterer : betweē the unaffected comelenesse of a grave matrone , and the phantasticall paintings , and patchings , and powderings , of a garish curtesan . when ceremonies become burthensome by excessive superfluity , or unlawfull ceremonies are obtruded , or the substance of divine worship is placed in circumstances , or the service of god is more respected for humane ornaments then for the divine ordinance ; it is high time to pare away excesses , and reduce things to the ancient meane . these fathers are quite out , where they make it lawfull at some times to adde , but never to pare away : yet we have pared away nothing , which is either prescribed or practised by the true catholick church . if our ancestors have pared away any such things out of any mistake , ( which we do not beleeve , ) let it be made appeare evidently to us , and we are more ready to welcome it againe at the foredore , then our ancestours were to cast it out at the backdore . errare possumus haeretici esse nolumus . to conclude , as an impetuous wind doth not blow downe those trees which are well radicated , but causeth them to spread their rootes more firmely in the earth : so these concussions of our adversaries , do confirme us in the undoubted assurance of the truth , and validity , and legality of our holy orders . we have no more reason to doubt of the truth of our orders , because of the different judgment of an handfull of our partiall countrymen , and some few forreine doctors misinformed by them : then they themselves have to doubt of the truth of their orders who were ordeined by formosus , because two popes stephen and sergius one after another , out of passion and prejudice , declared them to be voide and invalide . but supposing that which we can never grant , without betraying both our selves and the truth , that there were some remote probabilities , that might occasion suspicion in some persons prepossessed with prejudice , of the legality of our orders : yet for any man upon such pretended uncerteinties , to leave the communion of that church wherein he was baptised , which gave him his christian being , and to apostate to them , where he shall meet with much greater grounds of feare , both of schisme and idolatry ; were to plōge himself in a certein crime , for feare of an uncertein danger . here the fathers make a briefe repetition of whatsoever they have said before in this discourse , ( either out of distrust of the readers memory , or confidence of their owne atchievements , ) of the nagge 's head , and mr. neale , and the protestant writers , and bishop bancroft , and bishop morton and the other bishops that sate with him the last parliament , ( which being the onely thing alleged by them in the authours life time , and proved so undeniably to be false , is enough to condemne all the rest of their hearesay reports , for groundlesse fables ) of our registers , of king edwards bishops , of bishop barlow , and of the forme of our ordination ; directing him who will cleare all those doubtes , what he hath to do , as if we were their iournymen . let them not trouble themselves about that , they are cleared to the least graine . but if they will receive advise for advise , and pursue a prudentiall course which they prescribe to others ; if they regard the present face of the skie , and looke well to their owne interest , and the present conjuncture of their affaires : they have more need and are more ingaged in reputation to defend themselves , then to oppugne others . so they conclude their discourse with this short corollary , how unfortunately was charles the first late king of england , misinformed in matter of his bishops and clergy ? what scruple could he have had , if he had known the truth , to give way to the parliament , to pull downe parliament bishops , who were so farre from being de jure divino , that they were not so much as de jure ecclesiastico ? we thanke you gentlemen for your good will , the orthodox clergy of england are your feare . and you know what commonly followeth after feare , hate , oderunt quos metuunt . what pitty it is that you were not of king charles his councell , to have advised him better ? yet we observe few princes thrive worse , then where you pretend to be great ministers . if you had counsailed him upon this subject , perhaps you might have found him too hard for you ; as another did whose heart he burst with downe right reason . if ever that innocent king had a finger in the blood of any of that party , that was it , to choake a man with reason : but certeinly that wise prince would not have much regarded your positive conclusions , upon hearsay premisses . we hold our benefices by human right , our offices of priests and bishops both by divine right and humane right . but put the case we did hold our bishopricks onely by humane right , is it one of your cases of conscience , that a soveraigne prince may justly take away from his subjects any thing which they hold by humane right ? if one man take from another that which he holds justly by the law of man , he is a thief and a robber by the law of god. let us alter the case a little , from our bishoprickes to their colleges or their treasures : if any man should attempt to take them from them , upon this ground because they held them but by humane right , they would quickly cry out with ploiden , the case is altered . be our right divine , or humane , or both , if we be not able to defend it against any thing the fathers can bring against it , we deserve to lose it . finis . errata . p. 14. l. 9. r. that the. p. 15. l. 22. r. as to . p. 18. l. 9. and p. 19. l. 10. r. tob●e , p. 20. l. 20. r. requested . p. 23. l. 2. d. present . p. 30. l. 2 r. chapel . p. 37. l. 23. r. to present . p. 40. ma●g ▪ lib. 3. p 47. l. 1. r. chap. 4. and in like manner correct the number of the chapter , till chap. ●1 . p. 63. l. 21. r. temporal , and commons in p. 76. l. 20. r. 1599. p. 77. l. 8. rolles r. acts. p. 82. l. 20. r. ac i●dem decanus & capitulum &c. and p. 86. ad l. 24. marg. add . rot. par . 14.2 . e●●zab . p. 101 l. 10 r. commissaru . l. 19. assensu . r. consilio p. 104. l. ● . marg. add . regist. parker . tom. 1 sol . 10. l ▪ 12. r. per thomam yale l. 25. r. se adju●●it . p. 105 l. 7. r. dix erunt anglico . take &c. as in the preface , p. 108. l. 25. r. john incent , p. 117. l. 11. r. metropolitano salutem , &c. p. 127. l. 7. d. of . p. 154. l. 1. d. that . p. 162. l. 14. r. 1572. p. 168. l. 14 r● . r. merry and for w. r. we . p. 188. l. 7. r. fif●ly p. 190. l. ult . r. 31. iul. p. 191. l. 12. r. num . 27. p. 200. l. 19. r. september 9. p. 211. l. 10. p. 212. l. 12. and p. 213. l. 10. for dean of the a●ches r. archbishop or his comm●ssioner . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29194-e240 treatise of the nature of catholick faith and haeresy c. 2. p. 9. notes for div a29194-e1280 the first reason . seeond reason . de schism . angl. c. 3. p. 400. edit rom. the third reason . 25. h. 8. c. 20. notes for div a29194-e2700 resp. int. 8. august . rot. 14. pars 2. elisab . acworth cont . monar . sander . l. 6. p. 195. sand. de schism . l. 2. p. 350 confut. apol. parte 6. c. 2. brookes novel , cafes placit . 493. ace worth . cont . sander . l. 2. pag. 197. de schismate l. 2. p. 282 edit . rom. cardinall poles dispensation . de schism . l. 2. p. 305. de schism . l. 2. p. 350. a fifth reason notes for div a29194-e4810 rot● pars 1 4.2 . el. reg. cran. fol. 334. the seventh reason . the seventh reason . rot. pa. 6.1 . elis. ro : pars 2.1 . elis. can. 36 8. elc. cap. 1. rot. pars 14.2 . el. reg. park . t. 1. f. 2. 8. el. c. 1. notes for div a29194-e8450 the eighth reason . the tenth reason . survey c. 9. p. 122. in ep. ad ami . n. 5. notes for div a29194-e9900 8. elis. cap. 1. notes for div a29194-e11910 deut. 19.15 . mat. 18.16 . pa. 10. notes for div a29194-e18240 bell. de sac. bapt. l. 1. c. 7. in praefa●ione . de eccles . cont . 2. q. 5 c. 3. in titum c. 1 clavi trabales, or, nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes confirming the kings supremacy, the subjects duty, church government by bishops ... : unto which is added a sermon of regal power, and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance : also a preface by the right reverend father in god, the lord bishop of lincolne / published by nicholas bernard ... bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. 1661 approx. 339 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 99 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a27494 wing b2007 estc r4475 12019772 ocm 12019772 52606 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a27494) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52606) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 884:12) clavi trabales, or, nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes confirming the kings supremacy, the subjects duty, church government by bishops ... : unto which is added a sermon of regal power, and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance : also a preface by the right reverend father in god, the lord bishop of lincolne / published by nicholas bernard ... bernard, nicholas, d. 1661. [40], 152 p. printed by r. hodkginson, and are to be sold by r. marriot ..., london : 1661. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. errata: p. [39] (from t.p.) i. two speeches of the late lord primate ushers, the one of the kings supremacy, the other of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities -ii. his judgment and practice in point of loyalty episcopacy, liturgy and constitutions of the church of england -iii. mr. hookers judgment of the kings power in matters of religion, advancement of bishops &c. -iv. bishop andrews of church-government &c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said primate -v. a letter of d'hadrianus saravia of the like subjects. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ussher, james, 1581-1656. church of england -government. church and state -great britain. episcopacy. 2005-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion clavi trabales ; or , nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes . confirming the kings supremacy . the subjects duty . church government by bishops . the particulars of which are as followeth i. two speeches of the late lord primate ushers . the one of the kings supremacy , the other of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities . ii. his judgment and practice in point of loyalty , episcopacy , liturgy and constitutions of the church of england , iii. mr. hookers judgment of the kings power in matters of religion , advancement of bishops &c. iv. bishop andrews of church-government &c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said primate . v. a letter of dr hadrianus saravia of the like subjects . unto which is added a sermon of regal povver , and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance , also a preface by the right reverend father in god , the lord bishop of lincolne . published by nicholas bernard , doctor of divinity , and rector of whit-church in shropshire . si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret , ut quid quam moliret adversus regiam majestatem , ego tamen deum 〈◊〉 & ordinatum ab eo regem offendere temere non auderem . bern. ep. 170. ad ludovicem regem . an. 11●0 london , printed by r. hodkginson , and are to be sold by r. marriot , at his shop in st. dunstans church-yard in fleetstreet . 1661. the preface . these two learned speeches of the late lord primate usher have been by some prudent persons judged seasonable to be thus published together . the one , of the kings supremacy , may not only be instructive to those of the church of rome , but to some of our own communion , who have been and are too scanty in the acknowledgment of it . the other , of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities , was occasioned by the slowness in ireland of contributing to the king , for the maintenance of the army , continued there for their own defence , the great imprudence of which parsimony , we felt , to our own loss not many years after ; wherein that distinction in point of loyalty , made between those descended of the antient english race ( though differing from us in point of religion ) and those of the meer irish ( which is there much enlarged ) may be now worthy of observation . the whole speech is full of loyalty , prudence and learning , for which , as he had his late majesties ( of blessed memory ) gracious thanks , so he had as little from others , who were then as backward in assenting to the like propositions here , conceiving he had pressed their duty too high in that point . both these speeches thus tending to the defence of regal power , and the duty of subjects , hath ( in submission to the judgments of those whom i much reverence ) occasioned the putting forth a sermon of mine upon the like subject , which i have the rather adventured so near this eminent primate , as having had his approbation occasioned by the censure of some at dublin , anno 1642. when it was first delivered ; of which more is said in an advertisement before it . hereupon i have been further induced unto a vindication of the said most eminent prelate not only of his judgment in this subject , but in point of episcopacy , liturgy , and constitutions of the church of england , from the various misapprehensions of such , who being of different opinions , the great respect given him by the one , hath been a scandal to the other : but by this impartial relation of his judgment and practice in each , it may be hoped that both sorts will be so fully satisfyed as to unite in the exemplary observance of that piety , loyalty , conformity , and humility found in him . and whereas some do much appeal to that accommodation of his in relation to episcopacy ( wherein he was not single ) proposed anno 1640. ( which then they did not hearken unto ) they are herein remembred what was that which caused it , even the pressing violence of those times , threatning the destruction of the whole , with the sole end of it , a pacification , whose readiness in yielding up so much of his own interest then , for the tranquility of the church ( like jonas willing to be cast overboard for the stilling of the tempest ) would be worthy of all our imitations now . the appeale here is from that storm , unto what his practice was in calme and peaceable times , which if followed , would give a check to most of those disputes which have of late taken up so much time amongst us . the fruite expected to be reaped from this declaration ( besides the satisfaction of mine own mind , which was not at rest without it ) is the due honor of him , for whose i am oblieged to sacrifice mine own . that as he is admired abroad , so he may not want that love and general esteem he hath deserved at home . and as the peace and unity of the church was studied by him in his life time , so there might not be the least breach continued by a misapprehension of him after his death . and surely if such of us who think him worthy of being our copy , would but now upon the sight of this , writ after him the arke of our church would cease to be tossed too and fro in this floating uncertain condition , and immediately rest upon firm ground . heretofore , having an occasion to vindicate this most learned primate in point of doctrine ( so unhappy often are persons of his eminency , as after their deaths to be challenged patrons to contrary partyes ) i had an. 1658. a letter of thanks from the late reverend bishop of durham ( bishop morton ) in these wordes , viz. i acknowledge hereby my obligation of thankfulness to you , not only for the book it self , but especially for your pains , in vindicating that admirable saint of god , and starr , primae magnitudinis , in the church of god , the primate of armagh , &c. in which high esteem of the primate , the now reverend bish. of durham succeeds him , who hath often signified it , in divers of his letters which i receiued from paris to that purpose . hereunto two other treatises have been thought fit to be added ( mentioned in the foresaid vindication ( but then not intended to be published ) which the eminent primate had a hand in . the one , mr. hookers judgment of regal power , in matters of religion , the advancement of bishops , and the kings exemption from censure &c. left out of the common copyes inlarged and confirmed by the primate , all the marginal notes of the quotations out of the fathers , being under his own hand , are noted with this mark* the other a treatise of the form of church government before and after christ , &c. the main aime of it is to shew , that the government of the christian church established by the apostles under the new testament was according to the pattern of that in the old , then which scarce any book in so little , speaks so much , for the preheminency of episcopacy . it first appeared anno 1641. under the title of the rude draughts of bishop andrews , ( which though i was in doubt of , by the contrary opinion of an eminent person , ( heretofore near unto him ) yet i am confirmed in it by what i find written by that learned bishop in answer to peter de moulin , wherein is found not only the substance , but the very words that are used both within this treatise , and the emendations . vid. resp . ad 3. epist. p. 193. 194. vis arcessam adhuc altius , vol è veteri testamento , atque ipsâ adeò lege divinâ ? facit hieronymus , & ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas ex veteri testamento , quod aaron , & filii ejus , atque levitae in templo fuerunt , hoc sibi episcopi , presbyteri , atque diaconi vendicant in ecclesiâ ▪ facit ambrosius , utrobique , in 1. co. 12. & 4. ad ephes , de judaeis loquens ; quorum , inquit , traditio ad nos tranfitum fecit , aaronem mitto ne quasi christi typum rejicias . filiis ejus sacer dotibus nonne in singulis familiis suus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est praelatus , sive ut alibi dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. episcopus ? gersonitis , num. 3. 24. kaathitis v. 30. meraritis , v. 30 ? nonne vivente adhuc patre suo , eleazar ibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas praelatus praelatorum v. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas archiepiscopus , sunt ergo in lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in evangelio apostoli , septuaginta duo , septem illi , act. 6. in apostolorum praxi de duohus illis sumpta , episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi . again it hath been assured me by a reverend bishop , that the abovesaid rude draught was wrote by the hand of bishop andrews own secretary , and that the said bishop did deliver it himself to the primate , anno 1640. who , though it came in that imperfect condition , yet finding so many excellent observations wrought out with very great industry , he judged it forth with , as it was , worthy of the press : but afterwards upon a further review , he added his strength to the perfecting of it , which i found amongst his papers done throughout with his own hand , and with it a manuscript of the same , corrected accordingly by him . and in the conclusion of that , a very learned hand had contributed to it also , signifying by markes refering to several pages , what he would have added , altered , or further enquired into , now whether the author of that be bishop andrews , or some other learned person , i shall not determine , only seeing it was his custom in what he published ( as i am assured ) first to write a rough draught , then after some distance of time to take a review , and a third before it passed his hand , this might be the second , and the third supplyed by the lord primate , wherein the last desire of the author hath been satisfied , he not only inquiring into , but clearing those difficulties in chorography and chronology , which i have in their due places inserted , with the learned additions before mentioned . so that whether the whole be the labour of those two eminent prelats ( the one laying the foundation , the other building upon it ) or be a three fold cord , it is here faithfully presented without any dimunition or addition , even where there seemed to be some small imperfection which in a few places do occurre , all which some years agon doctor brounrigg the late bishop of exeter , upon the view of gave me his judgment for the publishing of them . i have only this to add , that for every particular passage in the whole , i have no warrant to intitle the primates judgment to it . only it is apparent by his great pains in the double correction , and supply made by himself in some specialties , he had a very great valew of it . the primates annotations are noted with this marke* . and the supposed authors additions and changes are noted with this mark [ ] though in some omitted . lastly , finding among the said primates papers a letter of d. hadrianus de saravia to the ministers of the isle of garnsey , ( which i cannot hear was ever published . ) i have thought fit to add also , the subject being so near a kin to the former , concerning both the kings power , episcopacy , and the constitutions of the church of england , whose advice to them many years agon , may be of good use to others now . i have no more , but to wish that the judgment of these eminent authors may be so prevalent with others , much inferior to them , that they may be moved accordingly to study quietness , and seek those ways of peace , which of latter years we have not known . the bishop of lincoln's preface to the reader . courteous reader , the four authors of these scattered ( and some of them imperfect ) pieces , by the care and diligence of the learned publisher gathered up , preserved from perishing , and presented to the world here altogether in one view , were all of them men famous in their times , and of so high esteem , that common opinion had set them up ( which is not alwaies the lot of worth and vertue ) above the reach of calumny and envy , even whilst they were yet living , much reverence every where paid , not to their persons only , but to their very names : their writings carried authority with them , as well as weight ; and the evidence of truth ( which hath a marvelous strength to cast down every imagination that exalteth it self there against ) shining forth in their works , subdued all men ( that had not to serve interests laid aside their reason ) to their judgments , insomuch as the adverse party finding themselves not so well able to stand upon their own bottom , nor likely to hold up the reputation they had gained among the vulgar without a juggle , have been sometimes put to the pittifull shift of setting forth suppositious pamphlets in favour of their cause , under the counterfeit names of other men of known piety and parts , whose former writings having been entertained with general approbation abroad in the world , their very names ( they thought ) would give some countenance to any cause which they could seem in any degree to own . so sometimes poor mens bastards are fathered upon those that never begat them ; only because it is known they are well able to maintain them . this is one of their piae fraudes or godly cheats , a practice common to them with the jesuites , as many other of their practises ( ey and of their doctrines too ) are . such an unhappy fatal coincidence , not seldom there is of extreams . thus dealt they with the reverend primate of armagh , printing in his name , and that in his life time too , ( such was their modesty and tenderness of conscience ) two severall pamphlets , the one called vox hiberniae , and the other , a direction to the parliament , &c. see pag. 151. and sure , if they had the forehead to make thus bold with him , when he was alive , able to complain of the injury done him , and to protest against it : we cannot doubt but that if need were , they would make at least as bold with him and his name after he was dead , when they might doe it with greater security and less fear of controll . see pag. 60. they that betake themselves to these un worthy arts , though they may please themselves for a while with an imagination , that by this means the people will fall to them apace , and thereout they shall suck no smal advantage to their cause and party ; yet as it mostly cometh to pass , such their rejoycing is but short : for the imposture once discovered ( nor is it often long before that be done ; for a lying tongue is but for a moment ) the imposters are forced to lye down in sorrow , and that ( if they could be found out ) with shame enough . for , such discovery once made , wisemen fall off faster from them , then ever fools came on ; concluding the cause to be desperately crazy , that must be beholding to such weak props as these to shore it up , and support it . how they that are guilty of such foul play will be able to make answer for their insincerity before the tribunal of the great judge at that his day ( if yet they that do such things can really believe there is any such thing as a day of judgment to come ) i leave to their own judgments in this their day to consider . as for us qui leges colimus severiores , as we profess our utter abhorrency of all forgery and other like un worthy & unchristian attempts in any person of whatsoever perswasion he be , or for what soever end it be done , so we hold our selves religiously obliged to use all faithfulness and sincerity in the publishing of other mens works ; by suffering every author to speak his own sense in his own words , nor taking the boldness to change a phrase or syllable therein , at least not without giving the reader , both notice where , and some good account also why we have so done . such faithfulness and ingenuity the learned publisher of these treatises professeth himself to have used , in setting them forth , neither better nor worse , but just as he found them in the reverend primate's paper , some perfect , and some imperfect , according as they were , and still are in the copies which are in his custody , and which he is ready upon all occasions to shew , if need shall require . the primates two speeches , and dr. saravia's letter , are set forth perfect , according as they are in the original copies to be seen . the treatise of the form of church-government heretofore published , and ( very probably ) supposed to have been some collections of the most learned and reverend bishop andrews , but whereunto the author had not put to his last hand , is a piece though little in bulk , yet of huge industry , and such as neither could the materials thereof have been gathered without very frequent reading , and attent observing of the sacred text , nor being gathered could they have been easily contrived or digested into any handsome form so compendiously without the help of a methodical and mature judgment ; which doubtless had the author polished and finished according to his own mind , abilities , and exactness in other things , would have given very much satisfaction to the impartial reader , and done good service to the church of god. yet rather then a tract of so much usefulness should not be publickly known to the world , the publisher in order to the publick good , thought fit ( notwithstanding whatsoever defects it may have for want of the authors last hand thereunto ) to joyn it with the rest in this edition , especially the learned primate having had it under his file , as by the notes and other additions written with the primates own hand ( which i have seen and can testifie ) doth plainly appear . the same also is to be said of the three pieces of the renowned hooker , and of what is written with the same hand in the margent of the manuscript copie , whereof some account is given , pag. 47. great pity it is , if it could be holpen , that any thing which fell from the pen of any of these four worthies should be lost . but where the entire work cannot be retrived ; it is pity but ( as in a shipwrack at sea , or scath-fire by land ) so much of it should be saved as can be saved , be it more or lesse . those men have been always thought to have deserved well of the commonwealth of learning , that have bestowed their pains in collecting out of the scholiasts , grammarians , lexicons , and other antient authors , the fragments of ennius , lucilius , cicero , the dramatike poets , and of other learned , though but heathen writers , whether greek or latine . how much more then ought the very imperfest fragments and relikes ( so they be genuine ) of such excellent persons , that tend so much to the advancement , not of the knowledge only , but of the power also of christianity , and of godliness as well as truth , be acceptable to all those that are true lovers of either ? of gold quaevis bracteola , the very smalest filings are precious , and our blessed saviour , when there was no want of provision , yet gave it in charge to his disciples , the off-fall should not be lost . the more commendable therefore is , and the more acceptable to the men of this generation should be , the care of the reverend preserver and publisher of these small but precious relikes of so many eminent persons , men of exquisite learning , sober understandings , and of exemplary piety and gravity , all concurring in the same judgment , as concerning those points ( factious spirits in these latter times so much opposed ) of regal soveraignty , episcopal government , and obedience in ceremonialls . what the reverend doctor hath added of his own , as touching the learned primates judgment in the premises , and confirmed the same by instancing in sundry particulars under those three generall heads ; and that , from his own personal knowledge , and long experience ( having for divers years lived under or near him ) is in the general very well known to my self and many others , who have sundry times heard him , as occasion was given , deliver his opinion clearly in every of the aforesaid points , which were then grown to be the whole subject ( in a manner ) of the common discourse of the times . but one particular i shall mention , which above the rest i perfectly remember , as taking more special notice of it when it was spoken then of the rest , because i had never heard it observed by any before , and having my self oftentimes since spoken of it to others upon several occasions ; which for that it hath given satisfaction to some , i think it my duty to make it known to as many others as i can , by acquainting the reader with it , and it concerneth the ceremony of the cross after baptisme , as it is enjoyned by law , and practised in the church of england . the use of this ceremony had been so fully declared , and ( as to the point of superstition where with some had charged it ) so abundantly vindicated , both in the canons of the church , and other writings of learned men , that before the beginning of the long parliament , and the unhappy divisions that followed thereupon , there were very few in the whole nation ( scarce here and there one ) either of the ministers that made scruple to use it , or of the people that took offence at it . but after that some leading men of the house of commons in that parliament , for the better driving on the design they had upon the king , had let all loose in the church , whilst some few stood fast to their honest principles ( and were most of them undone by it ) the greatest part of the clergy ( to their shame be it spoken ) many for fear of loosing their own , more in hope to get other mens livings , and some possibly out of their simplicity beguiled with the specious name of reformation , in a short space became either such perfect time-servers as to cry down , or such tame complyers with the stronger side , as to lay down ere they needed , the use of the whole liturgy , and of all the rites and ceremonies therein prescribed . but among them ail none in the whole bunch so bitterly inveighed against , nor with such severity anathematized , as this of the cross , as smelling ranker of popery & superstition then any of the rest , as it is even at this day by the managers of the presbyterian interest represented as of all other , the greatest stone of offence to tender consciences , and the removal of it more insisted upon , then of all the other ceremonies , by such men , as having engaged to plead in the behalf of other mens tender consciences , do wisely consider withall , that it will not be so much for their own credit , now to become time-servers with the laws , as it was some years past for their profit to become time-servers against the laws . these out-cries against a poor ceremony , to us ( who were not able to discerne in it any thing of harme or superstition , worthy of so much noise ) afforded sometimes , when two or three of us chanced to meet together , matter of discourse . it hapned upon a time , that falling occasionally upon this theme , the learned primate among other things said to us that were then casually present with him , that in his opinion the sign of the cross after baptisme , as it is appointed in the service-book , and taken together with the words used there withall , was so far from being a relike of popery , that he verily believ'd the same to have been retained in the church of england at the reformation , of purpose to shew that the custom used in the church of rome , of giving the chrisme to infants immediately after their baptisme , was in their judgments neither necessary to be continued in all churches , nor expedient to be observed in ours . which his opinion , as it is most certainly true in the former , so to me it seemeth very probable in the latter branch thereof . for first , how can that be with any truth affirmed , or but with the least colour of reason suspected to be a popish custom , or a rag or relike of rome , that hath been for above a hundred years used ( and that use by law established ) in the protestant church of england , but is not at all used , nor ( for ought i can learn ) ever was used by the papists in their churches , nor is it by any order or authority of the church of rome enjoyned to be used in any church in the world that professeth subjection thereunto . true it is , that in the office of baptisme , according to the romane ritual , the signe of the cross is very often used , from first to last , at least twenty times ( viz. in the benediction of the salt , in the exorcismes , in the formal words of administration , and otherwise ) yet as luck would have it , that signe is not made , nor by the ritual appointed to be made upon the childs forehead , as with us is used : nor are those very words therewithal used , nor other words to the like purpose by the said ritual appointed to be so used ( shewing what the intent , meaning and signification of that sign is ) as in our service book is done . and true it is also ( for i wil not , as i think iought not dissemble any thing that i can imagine might be advantagiously objected by an adversary ) that according to the romane order the minister as soon as he hath finished the baptisme ( ego baptizo te &c. ) is in the next place to annoint the infant cross-wise , with a certain prayer ( or benediction rather ) to be said at the same time , as by the ritual printed at antwerp , an. dom. mdclii . pag. 23. may appear . but so far distant is that rite of theirs from this of ours in many respects , as may also by comparing their ritual with our service book appear ; that ours cannot with any congruity be thought to have been drawen by that patterne , or to have been borrowed or taken from their practice . for first , 1. theirs is actus immanens , a material annointing and so leaveth a real effect behind it , the visible form or figure of a cross , to be seen upon the childs head , after the act is done . but ours is a meer transient act , an immaterial sign of a cross made in the aire , without any sensible either impression or expression remaining when the act is over . 2. theirs is done upon the top or crown of the head ( in summitate capitis . ritual p. 23. ) which is else where expressed by vertex ( see pag. 49. & 51. & 56. ) which sure must needs have some other signification , if it have any , then ours hath . which is done upon the childs forehead , the proper seat ( by the common judgment of the world , and according to the grounds of phisiognomy ) of shamefastness and boldness , and so holdeth a perfect analogy with that which the church intended to signifie by it in token that he shall not be ashamed &c. 3. their cross belongeth precisely to the annointing with the chrisme , whereunto it relateth , and hath such a dependance thereupon , that supposing there were no such chrisme used in the church of rome , there would be no place left for the cross in all that part of the office that followeth after the formal words of baptisme , as from the frame and order of their ritual is most evident . it cannot therefore be the same with the cross used in our church , where the chrisme is not at all used , but thought fit rather at the reformation to be ( i dare not say condemned as unlawful and superstitious , but ) laid aside , as at least unnecessary and useless , as many other ceremonies ( still retained in the church of rome ) were , because , though some of them were guiltless , yet they were grown so burdensome by reason of their multitude , that it was fit the number of them should be abated . and yet secondly there might be , and ( in the primates judgment ) probably there was a more peculiar reason why after baptisme our church did substitute the signe of the cross with the words thereto appertaining , in stead of the chrisme and the cross attending it , used in the church of rome . the ceremony of giveing the chrisme to infants in all likelihood came into the church about the same time , when ( through the misunderstanding of a passage in john 6. 53. ) the opinion of the necessity of administring the lords supper to infants had obtained in the christian church . and that ( as it seemeth ) to supply in some sort the want of confirmation wherein the like ceremony of annointing with the chrisme was used ) of which young children were not capable , and which yet was in all reason to precede the receiving of the lords supper . that opinion in time vanished as an error , and with it the practise of communicating infants ceased . but still the custom of giving them the chrisme continued , as a kind of initial confirmation ( if i may so call it ) as if by it were conferred some degree of that grace , which in their account ) is the proper effect of the sacrament of confirmation , to wit , the grace of spiritual strength , to fight against the spiritual enemie of the soul , the flesh , the world and the divel : now to prevent the imagination of any such efficacious vertue in the chrisme , and to shew that by baptisme alone ( which is sacramentum militare ) without the addition of the chrisme , the person baptized receiveth all that benefite of grace and strength , whatsoever it be , which he should do , if the chrisme were joyned with it ( for by baptisme he is not only received into the church as a member of christ , but matriculated also into the militia as a soldier of christ ) it might very well be thought convenient , laying aside the annointing with the chrisme ( per modum crucis ) cross-wise , that the minister as soon as he hath baptized the child , should in express words signifie to the congregation , that he is now become the soldier of jesus christ , as well as a member of his church , with the sign of the cross also used there withall as a significant ceremony in token that the person so baptized being now the soldier of christ , should not be ashamed of his profession , nor behave himself cowardly therein . this is the substance of what the learned primate declared to us to be his judgment concerning the use of this ceremony , and the place it hath in our liturgy . in the setting down whereof , if for the readers fuller satisfaction i have allowed my self a good liberty of enlargement , either for the farther confirming , or the better clearing of ●is opinion : i hope none will therefore charge me to have misrepresented it , having gone all along upon his grounds , and perfectly to his sense . this story , of what discourse we had with the primate at that time ( as i had to others heretofore , so ) i told very lately to the reverend doctor , the publisher of these treatises , who told me back again , that himself had also heard him declare his opinion to the same effect as aforesaid , and remembreth particularly ( which i here publish , having the doctors warrant so to do ) that he so declared it in a publick speech ( mentioned pag. 63. ) before a great auditory at drogheda in ireland , when he first confirmed children there . i am unwilling , having gone thus far already to weary the reader or my self with proceeding any farther , nor indeed is it needful i should . for ( since only by pride commeth contention , prov. 13. 10. if all men that pretend to be wise and honest would be humble ( and truly he that is not so , is neither honest nor wise ) and make that their business which is certainly their duty : that is to say , if they would study quietness more , and parties less , bear a just reverence to antiquity and to their betters , allow as favorable a construction to things established as they are capable of , suspect their own judgment , wherein it differeth from the publick , submit to reason , and yield when they are convinced , obey cheerfully where they may , and where they dare not , suffer without noise , a little saying and writing would serve the turn . but when men are once grown to this , to make it their glory to head or hold up a party ; to study wayes how to evade when they are called to obey ; to resolve to erre , because they have erred , and to hold their conclusion in despite of all premises ; to preferre their private opinions before wiser mens judgments , and their reputation with the vulgar before obedience to superiors ; in a word , to suffer themselves to be swayed with passions , parties , or interests ; all the writing and saying in the world , as to such men ( untill it shall please god to put their hearts into another frame ) is to no more purpose , then if a man should go about to fill a seive with water , or to wash a blackamore white . when we have tried all the ways and conclusions we can , we shall in the end find the best expedient for peace , and the best service we can do the church , our selves , and our brethren , to be our constant and instant prayers to almighty god ( with our subservient endeavors ) that he would give to every one of us , a discerning judgment to see the truth , and a willing mind to embrace it , conscience to do what we ought , and patience to suffer what wee must , humility to acknowledge our own , and charity to bear with other mens infirmities , that so we may keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , and fulfil the law of christ , which is the unfeigned hearty wish of london aug. 10. mdclxi . the unworthy servant of jesus christ ro. lincoln . the contents of each treatise . i. of the oath of supremacy . the distinct power of the sword and keys . that the sword is not restrained to temporal causes only . that there is a civil government in causes spiritual , and a spiritual government in causes civil . the right sense of the oath . four arguments against the bishop of romes title , to an universal supremaey . king james his gracious thanks to the primate for it . ii. of the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities . the pretensions of spain to the kingdom of ireland . the distinction in point of loyalty between those of the ancient english race , and the meer irish. the hatred shewn by the latter to the former in the colledges abroad . the moderating and answering objections on both sides , for and against the contribution propounded . divers records produced as presidents for it his iudgment , as a divine , in the ●ase , not to be an arbitrary act , but a matter of duty and conscience . that the denying of the king what is necessary for the support of his kingdom , is no less a robery of him then a subtracting of tithes and oblations is called a robbery of god by the prophet . iii. of the late lord primate ushers judgment and practice . 1. in point of loyalty . the occasion of his writing of that book of the power of the prince , &c. his joy or sorrow , according to the success of his majesties affairs . his compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his majesty . 2. in point of episcopacy . his writing for it . exercise of the iurisdiction of it . the occasion and end of those proposals concerning it , an. 1641. his censure upon the omission of the form of words used by the bishop in the ordination of the church of england . his sufferings for it . the right sense of that gradual superiority of a bishop above a presbyter . his confirmation of books tending to the preheminency of episcopacy . 3. of the liturgy . his dayly observing of the book of common-prayer . at drogheda the service sung upon sundays before him , as in cathedrais of england . his observing of the ceremonies and causing them so to be . his pains in reducing and satisfying the scrupulous . his constancy in the above-mentioned to the last . the falsehood of some pamphlets since his death . some specialties observed in him as to decency and reverence in the church at publick prayer , &c. 4. the constitutions and canons , &c. his subscription to the 3. articles in the 36. cap. of the book of the canons of england . the severity , put in with his own hand , in the first canon of ireland against such as should refuse to subscribe to the articles of england , observation of the annual festivals , good-friday , &c. confirmation of children , church catechisme . canonical decency of apparrel in the clergie . consecration of churches , &c. iv. mr. hookers judgment confirmed by the primate . 1. the kings power in matters of religion . 2. of his power in advancement of bishops to their rooms of prelacy . 3. the king exempt from censure and other iudicial power . v. bishop andrews judgment , ( as it is conceived ) of church government before and after christ , &c. confirmed and enlarged by the primate . in the old testament . 1. before the law. 2. under moses . 3. among the priests . 4. under joshua , 5. under david ( where is much added by the primate . ) 6. under nehemiah . a recapitulation of the whole , &c. with some new enlargements by the supposed author , answering the objections made against having the like government now , and giving reasons why it may be now . in the new testament . 1. in the time of our sáviour . 2. in the dayes of the apostles and after . of deacons , evangelists , priests and bishops . of the persons executing those offices . of the promiscuous use of their names . the use of the bishops office , and the charge committed to him . the choice of persons to their callings . vi. a letter of dr. hadrianus de saravia to the island of garnzay . of the first reformation in the island . subjection to episcopal iurisdiction . difference in the case , between them and france and the low-countries . their synodicall meetings not justifiable . the kings power in making of a law. of ordination otherwise then by bishops . of the scotch reformation . d. hadr. saravia with other learned mens subscriptions to the articles , and liturgy of the church of england . a pamphlet printed under the name of the late archbishop of armagh coucerning the liturgy and church government , declared to be none of his . as he hath been also injured and is still by another book intituled , a method of meditation , or a manual of divine duties , which though by his own direction in his life time 1651. i did in his name declare , to be none of his , but falsly put upon him , and have done so twice since his death , yet is still reprinted , and sold up and down as his , to the great injury of him . the late lord primate ushers iudgment of the signe of the cross in baptisme , confirmed by the bishop of lincoln in his preface . vii . the contents of the sermon regal power of gods ordination that of 1 pet. 2. 13. submit your selves to every ordinance of man &c. answered , sauls election not by the people : difference in religion quits not the due of obedience . the novelty of the doctrine of resistance . the pharisies the first among the iews the arguments for it , taken out of bellarmine and the jesuites , which many other writers of the church of rome do contradict . the antient fathers loyalty to the worst of emperors 1. constantly praying for them tertullian , &c. 2. not giving the least offence in word or writing , st. hillary nazianzen &c. 3. not stirring up the people in their own defence . st. augustines commendation of the christians under julian , tertullians under severus . st. ambrose , athanasius and others . that evasion viz. that the christians then wanted power to resist , cleared out of eusebius , tertullian , st. ambross , theodoret . rebellion always found the ruine of the actors . the speech of rodolphus upon his mortal wound in taking up armes against the emperor . a conclusive application . an animadvertisement . such of the bishops and clergy as by gods mercy escaped with their lives to dublin , in that bloody rebellion in ireland anno 1641. and 1642. did conceive fitting at a so great , though sad meeting , to have somewhat like a commencement in that university . the doctors part ( pro gradu ) was the concio ad clerum . the text rom. 13. 2. was taken out of the epistle appointed for the day , being the tuesday after the fourth sunday after the epiphany . the day ( according to that account ) of the late kings ( of blessed memory ) murder . the doctrine delivered , was then so offensive to some potent persons newly landed , that he was forced to send a copy to the l. primate usher , who gave his approbation of it . and upon the thirtieth of ianuary last , 1660. ( the day of humiliation for the abovesaid murder ) it was preached in english at the honorable society of grayes-inn london . the intention was to have published it in that language it had its first being , but by the printers experiment of the slowness of the sale in that , as the better suiting with these other tracts , and that the profit intended would be of a farther extent , the latter was resolved of . errata . page 24. line 29. read the. p. 25. l. 8. r. 2. marg . l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 27. l. 3. r. him . l. 4. thee p. 29. l. 19 r. thus . p. 31. 10. jehu . p. 39. marg . l. 1. r. julianus l. 5. r iniquus . p. 40. marg . l. 27. r. fletibus . l. 35. r. injuriam . p. 45. marg . l. 6. r. pontisicumque . p. 43. l. 24. dele for . marg . l. 8. r. per regiam . 52. l. 31. r. waited . p. 56. l. 20. r. calls . p. 60. l. 9. r. commendam . p. 81. 6. r. consecratus . l. 7. r. gratias . p. 90. l. 9. r. scarce . l. 10. r. inexcusablae . p. 95. 11. r. potiphera job . 1. 5. 42. 8. p. 96. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 97. 16. r. fisties . l. pen. merari . l. ult . after these r. the. p. 100. l. 14 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 101. l. 5. r. camp . l. 15. r. asher . p. 102. l. 12. r. further. p. 103. l. 9. r. gibethon . p. 105. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 107. l. 22. r. gershon . l. 23. r. ethan . l. ult . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 109. l. 12. r. benaiah . l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 112. l. 7. r. governors of the. p. 113. l. 25. r. priest. p. 114. l. 3. dele the. l. 20. r. are . l. 30. dele , p. 115. l. 24. r. they . p. 116. l. 19. r. of this mind . l. ult . dele ut . p. 117. l. r. degrees . p. 122. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 128. l. 6. r. scythia . p. 130. l. 26. r. these . p. 132. l. 26. r. pam . l. ult . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 133. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in marg . p. 134. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — p. 150. l. 12 dele 2. p. 147. l. 2. r. christi . recensui librum cui titulus , clavi trabales . imprimatur tertio nonas sext. 1661. ma. franck . s. t. p. reverendo in christo patri episcopo londinesi à sacris domesticis . a speech delivered in the castle-chamber at dublin . 22. of november , anno 1622. at the censuring of some officers who refused to take the oath of supremacy . by the late lord primate usher then bishop of meath . what the danger of the law is for refusing this oath hath been sufficiently opened by my lords the judges , and the quality and quantity of that offence hath been agravated to the full , by those that have spoken after them . the part which is most proper for me to deal in is the information of the conscience , touching the truth and equity of the matters contained in the oath ; which i also have made choice the rather to insist upon , because both the form of the oath it self requireth herein a full resolution of the conscience ( as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof ; i do utterly testifie and declare in my conscience &c. ) and the persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same have alledged-nothing in their own defence , but only the simple plea of ignorance . that this point therefore may be cleered , and all needless scruples removed out of mens minds : two maine branches there be of this oath which require special consideration . the one positive , acknowledging the supremacy of the government of these realms in all causes whatsoever , to rest in the the kings highness only ; the other negative , renouncing all jurisdictions and authorities of any forraigne prince or prelate within his majesties dominions . for the better understanding of the former we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that exhortation of st. peter , submit your selves unto every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be unto the king , as having the preheminence , or unto governors as unto them that are sent by him , for the punishment of evil doers , and for the praise of them that do well . by this we are taught to respect the king , not as the only gove nor of his dominions simply ( for we see there be other governors placed under him ) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as him that excelleth , and hath the preheminence over the rest , that is to say ( according to the tenure of the oath ) as him that is the only supream governor of his realms . upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion , that whatsoever power is inetdent unto the king by vertue of his place , must be acknowledged to be in him supream , there being nothing so contrary to the nature of soveraignty , as to have another superior power to over-rule it . qui rexest , regem ( maxime ) non habeat . in the second place we are to consider , that god for the better setling of piety and honesty among men , and the repressing of prophaneness and other vices hath establisted two distinct powers upon earth , the one of the keys committed to the church , the other of the sword committed to the civil magistrate , that of the keys is ordained to work upon the inner man , having immediate relation to the remitting or retaining of sins . that of the sword is appointed to work upon the outward man , yielding protection to the obedient , and inflicting external punishment upon the rebellious and disobedient . by the former the spiritual officers of the church of christ are enabled to govern well , to speak , and exhort , and rebuke with all authority , to loose such as are penitent , to commit others unto the lords prison until their amendment , or to bind them over unto the judgment of the great day ) if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacie . by the other , princes have an imperious power assigned by god unto them , for the defence of such as do well , and executing revenge and wrath upon such as do evil , whether by death or banishment , or confiscation of goods or imprisonment , according to the quality of the offence . when st. peter that had the keys committed unto him , made bold to draw the sword , he was commanded to put it up , as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withall ; and on the other side , when uzziah the king would venture upon the execution of the priests office ; it was said unto him it pertaineth not unto thee uzziah to burn incense unto the lord , but to the priests the sons of aaron , that are consecrated to burn incense . let this therefore be our second conclusion , that the power of the sword and of the keys are two distinct ordinances of god , and that the prince hath no more authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the priests function , then the priest hath to intrude upon an● part of the office of the prince . in the third place we are to observe that the power of the civil sword , ( the supreame managing whereof , belongeth to the king alone ) is not to be restrained unto temporal causes only , but is by gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all spiritual and ecclesiastical things and causes ; that as the spiritual rulers of the church do exercise their kind of government in bringing men unto obedience , not of the duties of the first table alone , ( which concerneth piety and the religious service which man is bound to perform unto his creator ) but also of the second ( which respecteth moral honesty , and the offices that man doth owe unto man : so the civil magistrate is to use his authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first table , as well as against the second , that is to say as well in punishing of an heretick or an idolater or a blasphemer , as of a thief , or a murtherer , or a traytor , and in providing by all good means , that such as live under his government may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all piety and honesty . and how soever by this means we make both prince and priest to be in their several places custodes utriusque tabulae . keepers of both gods tables , yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their offices together ; for though the matter wherein their government is exercised , may be the same , yet is the form and manner of governing them alwayes different , the one reaching to the outward man only , the other to the inward ; the one binding or loosing the soul , the other laying hold on the body , and the things belonging thereunto : the one having speciall reference to the judgment of the world to come , the other respecting the present , retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of this life . that there is such a * civil government as this in causes spiritual and ecclesiasticall no man of judgment can deny ; for must not heresie ( for example ) be acknowledged to be a cause meerly spirituall or ecclesiasticall ? and yet by what power is an heretick put to death : the officers of the church have no authority to take away the life of any man , it must be done therefore per brachium seculare , and consequently it must be yeelded without contradiction , that the tempor all magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his civil government in punishing a crime that is of its own nature spiritual or ecclesiasticall . but here it will be said , the words of the oath being generall that the king is the only supreme governor of this realm , and of all other his highness dominions and countries . how may it appear , that the power of the civil sword is only meant by that government , and that the power of the keys is not comprebended therein ? i answer , first that where a civil magistrate is affirmed to be the governor of his own dominions and countries ; by common intendment this must needs be understood of a civil-government , and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerly of another kind . secondly , i say , that where an ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an oath , it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the oath was ministred . now in the case , it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority , that no other thing is meant by the government here mentioned but that of the civil sword only . for in the book of articles agreed upon by the arch-bishop and bishops , and the whole clergie in the convocaetion holden at london ▪ anno 1562. thus we read . where we attribute to the queens majesty the chief government ( by which titles we understand the minds of some standrous folkes to be offended ) we give not to our princes the ministring either of gods word or of the sacraments ( the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by elizabeth our queen , doth most plainly testifie ) but that only prerogative which we see to have been given alwayes to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himself , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiasticall or temporall , and restrain with the civil sword the stubbornand evill doers . if it be here objected , that the authority of the convocation is not a sufsicient ground for the exposition of that which was enacted in parliament : i answer that these articles stand confirmed , not only by the royall assent of the prince ( for the establishing of whose supremacy , the oath was framed ) but also by a speciall act of parliament , which is to be found among the statutes , in the thirteenth yeer of queen elizabeth , cap. 12. seeing therefore the makers of the law have full authority to expound the law , and they have sufficiently manifested , that by the supream government given to the prince , they understand that kind of government only which is exercised with the civil sword : i conclude that nothing can be more plaine then this , that without all scruple of conscience the kings majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only supream governor of all his highness dominions and countrys , as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes , as temporal , and so have i cleered the first main branch of the oath . i come now unto the second which is propounded negatively : that no forreign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate hath or ought to have any jurisdiction power , superiority , preheminence or authority , ecclesiastical or spiritual within this realm . the forreiner that challengeth this ecclesiastical or spiritual jurisdiction over us is the bishop of rome : and the title whereby he claimeth the power over us , is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world , because he is st. peters successor for sooth . and indeed if st. peter himself had been now alive , i should freely confess that he ought to have spiritual authority , and superiority within this kingdom , but so would i say also if st. andrew , st. bartholomew , st. thomas , or any of the other apostles had been alive , for i know that their commission was very large , to go into all the world , and to preach the gospel unto every creature . so that in what part of the world soever they lived , they could not be said to be out of their charge , their apostleship being a kind of an universal bishoprick . if therefore the bishop of rome , can prove himself to be one of this rank , the oath must be amended ; and we must acknowledge that he hath ecclesiastical authority within this realm . true it is that our lawyers in their yearly books , by the name of the apostle do usually designe the pope . but if they had examined his title to that apostleship , as they would try an ordinary mans title to a piece of land , they might easily have found a number of flaws and main defects therein ; for first it would be enquired , whether the apostleship was not ordained by our saviour christ , as a special commission , which being personal only was to determine with the death of the first apostles . for howsoever at their first entry into the execution of this commission , we find that matthias was admitted to the apostleship in the roome of judas ; yet afterwards when james the brother of john was slain by herod , we do not read that any other was substituted in his place . nay we know that the apostles generally left no successors in this kind : neither did any of the bishops ( he of rome only excepted ) that sate in those famous churches wherein the apostles exercised their ministry , challenge an apostleship or an universal bishoprick by vertue of that succession . it would secondly therefore be enquired what sound evidence they can produce , to shew that one of the company was to hold the apostleship , as it were in fee , for him and his successors for ever , and that the other eleven should hold the same for term of life only . thirdly , if this state of perpetuity was to be cast upon one , how came it to fall upon st. peter , rather then upon st. john , who outlived all the rest of his fellows , and so as a surviving feoffee , had the fairest right to retain the same in himself and his successors for ever ; fourthly if that state were wholy setled upon st. peter , seeing the romanists themselves acknowledge , that he was bishop of antioch before he was bishop of rome ; we require them to shew , why so great an inheritance as this , should descend unto the younger brother ( as it were by borough-english ) rather than to the elder ( according to the ordinary manner of descents ) especially seeing rome hath little else to alledge for this preferment , but only that st. peter was crucifyed in it , which was a slender reason to move the apostle so to respect it . seeing therefore the grounds of this great claime of the bishop of rome appear to be so vain and frivolous , i may safely conclude that he ought to have no ecclesiastical or spiritual authority within this realme , which is the principal point contained in the second part of the oath . king james his gracious letter of thanks to the primate for his speech . james r. right reverend father in god , and right trusty and well beloved counsellor we greet you well , you have not deceived our expectation , nor the gracious opinion we ever conceived both of your abilities in learning , and of your faithfulness to us and our service ; whereof as we have received sundry testimonies both from our precedent deputys , as likewise from our right trusty and well-beloved cousin and counsellor the viscount falkland , our present deputy of that realm , so have we now of late in one particular had a farther evidence of your duty and affection well expressed by your late carriage in our castle-chamber there , at the censure of those disobedient magistrates , who refused to take the oath of supremacy , wherein your zeale to the maintenance of our just and lawfull power , defended with so much learning and reason , deserves our princely and gracious thanks , which we do by this our letter unto you , and so bid you farewel , given under our signet at our court at white-hall the eleventh of january 1622. in the twentieth year of our reign of great brittain , france and ireland . to the right reverend father in god , and our right trusty and well-beloved councellor the bishop of meath . a speech delivered by the lord primate usher before the lord deputy and the great assembly at his majesties castle in dublin , april the last 1627. my lord , the resolution of these gentlemen in denying to contribute unto the supplying of the army sent hither for their defence , doth put me in mind of the philosophers observation , that such as have respect unto a few things , are easily misled ; the present pressure which they sustain , by the imposition of the soldiers , and the desire they have to be eased of that burthen , doth so wholly possess their minds , that they have only an eye to the freeing of themselves from that incumbrance , without looking at all to the desolations that are like to come upon them by a long and heavy war , which the having of an army in readiness might be a means to have prevented . the lamentable effects of our last wars in this kingdom , doth yet freshly stick in our memories . neither can we so soon forget the depopulation of our land , when besides the combustions of war , the extremity of famine grew so great , that the very women in some places by the way side , have surprised the men that rode by to feed themselves with the flesh of the horse or the rider ; and that now again here is a storm towards wheresoever it will light , every wise man will easily foresee , which if we be not carefull to meet with in time , our state may prove irrecoverable , when it will be too late to think of . had i wift . the dangers that now threaten us are partly from abroad , and partly from home ; abroad , we are now at odds with two of the most potent princes in christendom , and to both which , in former times the discontented persons in this country have had recourse , proffering the kingdom it self unto them , if they would undertake the conquest of it . for it is not unknown unto them that look into the search of those things , that in the days of king henry the eighth , the earl of desmond made such an offer of this kingdom to the french king , ( the instrument whereof yet remain's upon record in the court at paris ) and the bishop of rome afterwards transferred the title of all our kingdoms unto charles the fifth , which by new grants was confirmed unto his son phillip , in the time of queen elizabeth , with a resolution to settle this crown upon the spanish infanta ; which donations of the popes , howsoever in themselves , they are of no value , yet will they serve for a fair colour to a potent pretender , who is able to supply by the power of the sword whatsoever therein may be thought defective . hereunto may we adde that of late in spain , at the very same time when the treaty of the match was in hand . there was a book published , with great approbation there , by one of this countrey birth phillip o sullevan , wherein the spaniard is taught , that the ready way to establish his monarchy ( for that is the only thing he mainly aimeth at , and is plainly there confessed ) is first to set upon ireland , which being quikcly obtain'd , the conquest of scotland first , of england next , then of the low-countreys , is foretold with great facility will follow after . neither have we more cause in this regard to be afraid of a forreign invasion , than to be jealous of a domestick rebellion , where lest i be mistaken , as your lordships have been lately , i must of necessity put a difference betwixt the inhabitants of this nation ; some of them are descended of the race of the antient english , or otherwise hold their estates from the crown , and have possessions of their own to stick unto , who easily may be trusted against a forreign invader , although they differ from the state in matter of religion ; for proof of which fidelity in this kind , i need go no further than the late wars in the time of the earl of tyrone wherein they were assaulted with as powerfull temptations to move them from their loyalty as possibly hereafter can be presented unto them for at that time , not only the king of spain did confederate himself with the rebels , and landed his forces here for their assistance , but the bishop of rome also with his breves and bulls , solicited our nobility and gentry to revolt from their obedience to the queen ; declaring that the english did fight against the catholick religion , and ought to be oppugned as much as the turks , imparting the same favours to such as should set upon them , that he doth unto such as fight against the turk , and finally promising unto them that the god of peace would tread down their enemys under their feet speedily ; and yet for all the popes promises and threatnings which were also seconded by a declaratian of the divines of salamanca and valledolid , not only the lords and gentlemen did constantly continue their allegiance unto the queen , but also were encouraged so to do , by the priests of the pale , that were of the popish profession who were therefore vehemently taxed by the traytor o sullevan , for exhorting them to follow the queens side , which he is pleas'd to term insanam & venenosam doctrinam & tartareum dogma , a mad and venemous doctrine , and a hellish opinion ; but besides these , there are a great number of irish , who either beare a secret grudge against the english planted among them , or having nothing at all to loose upon the first occasion , are apt to joyn with any forreign invader , for we have not used that policy in our plantations , that wise states have used in former times . they when they setled new colonys in any place , did commonly translate the antient inhabitants to other dwellings ; we have brought new planters into the land , and have left the old inhabitants to shift for themselves , who being strong in body , and daily increasing in number , and seeing themselves deprived of their means and maintenance , which they and their ancestors have formerly enjoyed , will undoubtedly be ready when any occasion is offered to disturb our quiet , whether then we cast our eyes abroad , or look at home , we see our danger is very great . neither may you , my lords and gentlemen , that differ from us in point of religion , imagine that the community of profession , will exempt you more then us from the danger of a common-enemy ; whatsoever you may expect from a forraigner you may conjecture by the answer which the duke of medina sidonia gave in this case in 88. that his sword knew no difference between a catholique and a heretique , but that he came to make way for his master ; and what kindness you may look for from the countrey-men that joyn with them , you may judge as well by the carriage which they ordinarily use towards you and yours , both in the court , and in the colledges abroad , as by the advice not long since presented by them unto the councel of spain , wherein they would not have so much as the irish priests and jesuites that are descended of english blood to be trusted , but would have you and all yours to be accounted enemys to the designs of spain . in the declaration publisht about the beginning of the insurrection of james fitz-morice in the south , the rebels professed it was no part of their meaning to subvert , honorabile anglorum solium . their quarrel was only against the person of queen elizabeth , and her government ; but now the case is otherwise , the translating of the throne of the english to the power of a forreigner , is the thing that mainly is intended , and the re-establishing of the irish in their antient possessions , which by the valour of our ancestors were gained from them . this you may assure your self , manet alta mente repostum , and makes you more to be hated of them than any other of the english nation whatsoever . the danger therefore being thus common to us all , it stands us upon to joyn our best helps for the avoiding of it , only the manner how this may be effected is in question . it was wont to be said , iniquum petas ut aequum feras , and such perhaps might be the intent of the project , the other day propounded unto you ; but now i observe the distaste you have conceived against that , hath so far possossed you , that you can hardly be drawn to listen to any equal motion . the exceptions taken against the project , are partly general , made by all ; partly special that toucheth only some particulars , of the former there are two , the quantity of the sum demanded , and the indefiniteness of the time , which is unlimited ; for the proportion required for the maintenance of five thousand foot and five hundred horse you alledge to be so great , and your means so small , that in undertaking that which you are no ways able to perform , you should but delude his majesty , and disappoint the army of their expected pay . and although the sum required were far less , and for a time able to be borne by you , yet are you fearful that the payment being continued for some number of years , may afterwards be continued , as a constant revenue to his majesties exchequer with which perpetual burden you are unwilling to charge your posterity . the exceptions of the second kind are taken against the grants annexed unto the former demands , the granting whereof seemed rather to hinder then further the service , as not so agreeing with the rules of equity ; for first some have the full benefits of the grants , and have their charge little augmented , as the countrys which pay composition rents , which by those grants during the time of the new payments are suspended . secondly , others that have the charge of the payment imposed upon them to the full , are not partakers at all of the benefit of the grants , as the brittish planted in the six escheated countys of ulster . thirdly such as are most forward to further his majesties service , and to contribute with the most , are troubled in conscience for yielding thereto upon the terms proposed , especially for that condition whereby the execution of the statute against recusants is offered to be forborne . wherein if some of my bretheren the bishops have been thought to have shewed themselves more forward then wise in preaching publiquely against this kind of toleration ; i hope the great charge laid upon them by your selves in parliament , wherein that statute was enacted will plead their excuse . for there the lords temporal , and all the commons do in gods name earnestly require and charge all arch-bishops and bishops and other ordinaries , that they shall endeavor themselves to the utmost of their knowledge , that the due and true execution of this statute may be had throughout their diocesses , and charged as they will answer it before god , for such evils and plagues as almighty god might justly punish his people for neglecting those good and wholesome laws , so that if in this case they had holden their tongues , they might have been censured little better then atheists , and made themselves accessary to the drawing down of gods heavy vengance upon the people . but if for these and such like causes the former project will not be admitted , we must not therefore think our selves discharged from taking further care to provide for our safeties . other consultations must be had , and other courses thought upon which need not to be trable to the like exceptions ; where the but then is borne in common , and the ayde required to be given to the prince by his subjects that are of different judgments in religion , it stands not with the ground of common reason , that such a condition , should be annexed unto the gift , as must of necessity de●er the one party from gi●ing at all , upon such tearms as are repugnam to their consciences . as therefore on the one side , if we desire that the recusants should joyn with us in granting of a common aid , we should not put in the condition of executing the statute , which we are sure they would not yield unto ; so on the other side , if they will have us to joyn with them in the like contribution they should not require the condition of suspending the statute to be added , which we in conscience cannot yield unto . the way will be then freely to grant unto his majesty what we give , without all manner of condition that may seem unequal unto any side , and to refer unto his own sacred breast how fat he will be pleased to extend or abridge his favours , of whose lenity in forbearing the executing of the statute , our recusants have found such experience , that they cannot expect a greater liberty , by giving any thing that is demanded , then now already they do freely enjoy . as for the fear that this voluntary contribution may in time be made a matter of necessity , and imposed as a perpetual charge upon posterity , it may easily be holpen , with such a clause as we find added in the grant of an ayde made by the popes council an 11. h. 3. out of the ecclesiastical profits of this land , quod non debet trahi in confuetudinem , of which kinds of grants , many other examples of later memory might be produced , and as for the proportion of the sum which you thought to be so great in the former proposition , it is my lords desire that you should signifie unto him , what you think you are well able to bear , and what your selves will be content voluntarily to proffer . to alledge as you have done , that you are not able to bear so great a charge , as was demanded may stand with some reason , but to plead an unability to give any thing at all , is neither agreeable to reason or duty . you say you are ready to serve the king as your ancestors did heretofore with your bodys and lives , as if the supply of the kings wants with monys , were a thing unknown to our fore-fathers . but if you will search the pipe-rolls you shall finde the names of those who contributed to king henry the third for a matter that did less concern the subjects of this kingdom , then the help that is now demanded , namely for the marrying of his sister to the emperor . in the records of the same king kept in england , we finde his letters patents directed hither into ireland , for levying of money to help to pay his debts unto lewis the son of the king of france . in the rolls of gasconie we finde the like letter directed by king edward the second unto the gentlemen and merchants of ireland , of whose names there is a list there set down , to give him ayd in his expedition into aquitain , and for defence of his land ( which is now the thing in question . ) we finde an ordinance likewise made in the time of edward the third , for the personall taking of them that lived in england , and held lands and tenements in ireland . nay in this case you must give me leave as a divine to tell you plainly , that to supply the king with means for the necessary defence of your country , is not a thing left to your own discretion , either to doe or not to doe , but a matter of duty , which in conscience you stand bound to perform . the apostle rom. 13. having affirmed that we must be subject to the higher powers , not only for wrath but for conscience sake ; adds this as a reason to confirm it , for , for this cause you pay tribute also , as if the denying of such payment , could not stand with conscionable subjection ; thereupon he inferrres this conclusion . render therefore unto all their due ; tribute to whom tribute , custome to whom custome is due . agreeable to that known lesson which he had learned of our saviour render unto caesar the things which are caesars , and unto god the things which are gods : where you may observe that as to with-hold from god the things which are gods , man is said to be a robber of god : whereof he himself thus complaineth in case of subtracting of tythes & oblations : so to deny a supply to caesar of such means as are necessary for the support of his kingdom , can be accounted no less then a robbing of him , of that which is his due , which i wish you seriously to ponder , and to think better of yielding somthing to this present necessity , that we may not return from you an undutifull answer , which may justly be displeasing to his majesty . rom . 13. 2. whosoever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god ; and they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . the former chapter may be called the apostles ethicks ; this his politicks ; in the former he had taught them their dutys one to another , in this , towards the magistrate . and for this subject , de officio subditorum both st. peter , and this our apostle are very often and copious upon , not only in this epistle , but in divers others , inculcating it as his last words to timothy and titus , chargeing them to teach it to the generation succeeding , 1 tim. 2. 1. & 3. 1. and ( a ) some expositors conceive one cause to be the rumor then falsly raised upon the apostles , as if they had been seditious innovators of the roman laws , and the kingdom of christ preached by them , tended to the absolving subjects from their obedience to any other . whose mouths he here stops in shewing that the laws of christ were not induced for the overturning the civil , but confirming ; not abolishing , but establishing and making them the more sacred . abhorring those tumultuous spirits who under pretext of religion and christian liberty , run into rebellion as if there could be no perfect service of christ , nisi excusso terrenae potestatis jugo , without casting off the yoak of earthly power . in the text it self he exhorts to a loyall subjection from these two principall arguments . first from the originall of regall power , ordained of god ; secondly the penalty of resisting it , threatned as from god himself ; they shall receive to themselves damnation . every word in the text hath its emphosis . whosoever ] see how he commands a subjection without exception as in the former verse , let every soul ; omnis anima , si apostolus sis , si evangelista , si prepheta , sive quisquis tandem fueris ( as s. chrysostom upon the place . ) resisteth ] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which implies how all preparative ordering of forces & risings to that end ( as the syriack renders it qui insurgit ) are condemned , as a violation of gods ordinance ; not only an actuall resistance by open force in the field , commonly called rebellion ( like that of absolom against david , jeroboam against rehoboam ) but all secret undermining of a prince by fraud and falsehood tending to it . the power ] 't is observable the apostle rather mentions the power then the person armed with it , to teach us we should not so much mind the worth of the person as the authority it self he bears . we acknowledge that sacred apothegme of the apostle ( acts 5. 29. ) 't is better to obey god then man : but both may be at once obeyed : god actively , and the magistrate passively , as the apostles themselves then did . the ordinance of god ] as if rebellion were giant-like , b a waging of war with god himself , as st. chrysostome hath it , which fully checks that proud conceit of some ( viz. ) that being made heirs of god , they are no longer to be made subject to man. receive to themselves damnation . ] as the rebellion is against god , so from god the penalty is threatned , and that not c a common one , but exceeding heavy , as st. chrysostom upon it . the vulgar latin reads it , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt , implying the vanity & madness of it , nemo enim sanus seipsum laedit , men that run their heads against a rock , hurt themselves , not it : and so in conclusion rebels seek their own ruine , and bring upon themselves swift damnation 2 pet. 2. by this short paraphrase upon the words , these two observations may be deduced : first , that regal power is derived from god : secondly , that it is not lawfull for subjects to take up arms in the resistance of it without being fighters against god , and in peril of damnation . the first is so apparent that i need not insist upon it : 't is acknowledged even by heathens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. you see it de facto in the old testament moses ( who was ● king in jeshurun ) was appointed of god , and joshua succeeding him , the judges as elective kings were raised by him also : saul , david , &c. 't is the complaint of god ( hoseae the 8. ) fecerunt reges , sed non ex me ; they have made themselves kings , but not by me . god , who is the god of order , and not of confusion , was pleased from the very first to take care of constituting a successive monarchy ; the first-born was his own establishment in his specch to cain ( though a bad , and his brother abel a righteous person ) only by right of his primogeniture ( gen 4. 9 ) his desire shall be subject to thee , and thou shalt rule over him , from whence it succeeded in jacobs family ( gen. 49 28 ) ruben thou art my first born , the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honor and authority ▪ ( i , e. ) the supremacy of both , and when he with symeon and levy for their severall crimes were disinherited by their father , and the primogeniture fallen to judah ; to him it was said , thou art he whom thy brethren shall honour , thy fathers children shall bow down unto thee ( ver . 10. ) to whom the scepter was given , and the gathering or assemblies of the people . that as in the creation in the natural government of the world god made one ruler of the day , the sun , the sole fountain of light ( for the moon and starres are but as a vice roy of subordinate governors , deriving theirs from him : ) so was it in the civil government also . as god by whom kings reign , and who have the title of god given them , i have said ye are gods ) is one ; so was he pleased to represent himself in one accordingly , and in the text ordained by him . object . 1 there is a place which the adversaries of this doctrine much insist upon , 't is out of s. peter 1. epist. c. 2. 13. where he calls a magist●ate an ordinance of man : submit your selves to every ordinance of man ( as we render it ) for the lords sake , whether to the king as supreme , or governors sent by him , &c. the answer is ready , that this is no ways a contradiction to st. paul in this text ; for , 1. by an humane ordinance he doth not meane an humane invention , but quia inter homines institutam , because it was ordained or appointed among or over men , called humane , respectu termiiii sive subjecti , but yet divine , respectu authoris primarii . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we render ordinance ( being , as e rivetus observeth ) never so taken throughout the scripture were better rendred creature ( which it properly signifies ) as the vulgar latine doth it , omni humanae creaturae , to every humane creature . now creature is frequently taken for what is eminent and excellent , as if the sense were , submit your selves to all that do excell , or are eminent amongst or over men , according to the next words , whether to the king , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that excelleth : and the hebrews do sometimes by a creation imply a rare and eminent thing , num. 16. 30. si creationem creaverit deus . i. e. if the lord make a new or rare thing , to which agrees that of our saviour in his last words to his apostles , mark 16. 15. preach the gospell to every creature , i. e. man : because of his excellencie above all sublunary creatures . f and thus why may not the king for the same cause , be so called here . so that st. peter is so far from denying regal power to be ordained of god , that he rather confirms it . g a creature , therefore the act of the creator , and by way of excellency , therefore of god the sole original of it , and for the lords sake , i. e. who hath so ordained him , or whom herepresents . object . 2 for that objection of saul's being elected by the people ; the contrary appears ( 1 sam. 12. 8. 5. ) where samuel saith thus to them , answer . dominus constituit regem super vos , and they to samuel as a delegate from god , constitue nobis regem , who in the name of god proposed to them jus regis . and though saul was elected by a sacred lot , yet ye have not the like again after him in david , solomon , or any other , but they succeeded jure hereditario . object . 3 but have evil kings their power from god , answer . indeed as evil , they are not of him , because no evil can descend from him , from whom every good and perfect gift doth , ( though for the sins of people , god may justly permit such ) but we must sever their personal staines as men , from their lawfull authority received of god , which looseth not its essence by such an accession , 't is no true maxime , dominium fundatur in gratia , st. paul applys that of exod 22. to ananias , acts 23 , thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people , though he commanded him unjustly to be smitten . pilate condemning innocency it self , our saviour acknowledgeth his power to have been from above , thou couldst not have any power over me , nisi tibi data esset desuper . claudius or nero ( whom elsewhere st. paul calls a lyon ) reigned when he writ this epistle , and is doubtless included in the verse before the text : the powers that be ( i. e. now in being ) are ordained of god , and exhorts to pay unto him as the minister of god the due of tribute , custome , fear , honour , &c. daniel acknowledgeth nebuchadnezzars dominion and kingdom to have been given him of god , which copy the fathers of the primitive church under christianity we find to have wrote after . constantius was an arrian , and had exiled many of the orthodox bishops , yet * athanasius in his apology to them saith thus , god hath given the empire to him , whosover shall with an evil eye reproach it , doth contrary to gods ordinance . h tertullian faith thus to the emperor severus in his apologie for the christians , we must needs have him in great honor whom our lord hath chosen , that i may truly say caesar is rather ours then yours , as being constituted by our god , acknowledging him next to god , and less then god only , according to that known speech of optatus * super imperatorem non est nisi solus deus qui fecit imperatorem : there is none above the emperor but god only , who made him emperor . and surely in the text st. paul can mean no other by the powers , but the roman empire and heathens , for none that were christians had then any dominion . and so much for the first , that kings and their royal power are of gods ordination . this supposed , the second point necessarily follows ( which we shall a little longer insist upon ) viz. that it is not lawfull for subjects to take up arms. against their lawfull prince without being fighters against god , and running the hazard of damnation , according to the text , they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . the k pharisees ( as josephus tells us ) a subtle kind of men , proud , scrupulous about the law , wherein they placed their religion having a seeming shew of piety , took themselves to be of exempt jurisdiction , and being about 6000. besides their party among the people which they had influence upon , stiffly refused to take the oath of allegiance to caesar , ( and indeed were the first we read of that did so , for the whole nation of the jews had done it ) and were great opposites to regal power . there are too many who of late years have trod in their steps , one writes a seditious book , as an anonymus , another puts a feigned name to it , by which dissimulation they shew what is to be thought of the thing it self : nam ●ui luce indigna tract at , lucem fugit , some of whom being of the vulgar , ( and each are most apt to advance their own order ) have so promoted the pretended right of the people , that not being satisfied in quitting of subjects from their obedience to their king , they have also ( subverting the very course of nature ) given the people power over their king , and i wish the jesuites only had given their votes to these paradoxes , but ( which is the more to be lamented ) there are some of our own , at least bearing the name , who either out of an overmuch desire to be heads of parties , or drawn to it like baalam for the wages of unrighteousness , have to the scandall of our profession ) delivered the same opinion with the jesuits , and have taken their arguments out of them . l bellarmine in his first book de pontifice romano cap. 8. affirms , that the prince was made for the people , that principality is from humane law and authority , that the people can never so farre transferre their power over to a king , but they retain the habit of it still within themselves , and in some cases may actually reassume it ; which he confirms ( in his 5. book cap. 8. ) by the examples of ozia and athalia , who were deposed by the people ; these have been the assertions of some of our own , urged in the same sense and manner . who hath not heard of these maximes m so long as a king keeps his obligation , the people are obliged to theirs ; he that governs as he ought , may expect to be accordingly obeyed . they that constitute may depose , &c. but are not these transcribed out of the aforenamed writers . it was the speech of the * bishop af ments when the emperor henry the fourth's deposing was agitated . quem meritum investivimus quare non immeritum devestiamus , i. e. him while wel meriting we invested with the empire , why may not we for his unworthiness disinvest again ; n gregory the seventh ( vulgarly hildebrand ) the patron of rebellious subjects endeavoured to draw them away from the emperor , quemadmodum militem ignavem imperator , &c. i. e. as the emperor may cashier a sluggish souldier that neglects his duty in the camp : so may the souldiery put off or desert an unfit king or emperor . the obligations of subjects are quitted if princes recede from theirs . thus much to shew how neer of kin such are to the sea of rome , which is a professed adversary to regall power , according to st. pauls description of that man of sin , 2 thes. 2. 10. who opposeth himself against all that is called god , i. e. kings so called in psalms . but now leaving these parallels , let us come to the matter it self , and prove what we have asserted , both out of holy writ , the ancient fathers , and practice of the primitive church , who we shall finde have not limited their loyalty within that narrow compass , viz. the kings defence of the true relogion , but continued it under their opposition to it . first , that those who have or shall presume thus to resist , doe tread under feet the holy scriptures ; appears by the whole current of them . suppose an unjust , cruel , bloody act in a king. was not david in that sense vir sanguinis in the perfidious murther of uriah , after his adultery with his wife bathsheba : and for my part i see not wherein that of ahab in the murther of naboth doth exceed it , both unjustly caused a subject to be slain ; ahab only out of a desire to his vinyard , but david to his wife . did not solomon apostatize when to please his wives and concubines ( whom he married out of the nations whereof god had given him a charge to the contrary ) he tollerated the worshipping of idols , in building houses for each of them , and went after them also himself . asa oppressed the people , cast the prophet into prison that came with a message of god unto him . yet we never read that god gave any commission to the people , either for these or any other ( farre more degenerating ) any liberty to disturb them in their regall government : for david , god punished him in his son absolon . solomon was disturbed by hadad the edomite , and rezon a servant of hadadazer king of zobah . against asa god sent some forreign kings ; against ahaz came the kings of ass●ria : hezekiah's pride was punished by sennacherib , manass●s idolatry & bloodshed by the babylonians , ahab slain at ramoth gilcad by the king of syriah : but for the people , either some or the whole , ye find not an instance where power was given them , to the offering any violence to them . who was ever worse and more obstinate then ahab to all rapine , murther and idolotry , who gave himself to work wickedness ; but were ever the people exhorted by any prophet to withdraw their obedience from him , or gather head against him ? for his posterity god indeed extraordinarily gives a special commission by elisha to john to destroy it , but ye doe not find the people of themselves here , or elsewhere so much as attempting it , or encouraged by the prophets persecuted by them so to do ; which if it had been in their power , we should have found some president or other for it . what was the cause david was so carefull that his hand might not be upon saul , though doubtless he had the hearts of the better , if not the greatest part of the people , and sometimes saul was , as from god himself given up into his hands : and he was not altogether a private subject ; but was heir of the crown after him , being already annointed to it , and none could have a better pretence : saul was now seeking his life , and injuriously persecuting him by force and fraud , yet he would not lay his hands upon him ; what can be imagined to be the cause , but that it was against the doctrine then received . who knows not , that saul was become an absolute tyrant ( which some think to be the sense of 1 sam. 13. saul reigned two yeers ; &c. i. e. quasi biennium tantum ut rex reliquum temporis ut tyrannus . ) rejected by samuel : the kingdome rent from him given to david , yet ye never read of samuel moving david to get possession by force of armes ; he mourned for saul , but never stirred up any disturbance in the kingdome against him , but patiently expected gods determination . o optatus elegantly enlargeth himself thus upon it , david had saul his enemy in his hands , might have securely slaine him , without the blood of any others , his servants and the opportunity moved him to it , but the full remembrance of gods commands to the contrary with-held him , he drew back his hand and sword , and whilest he reverenced the oyntment he spared his enemy , and when he had compleated his loyalty , revenged his death ( i. e. ) in the amalekite . ) we doe not say men are bound to doe whatever the prince shall command against the law of god and nature , but yet neither doe we say , we may by force take up armes against him : he said well scutum dandum est subditis , non gladius : the three children refused to obey the command of nebuchadnezzar in worshipping his golden image ; and daniel darius his edict in praying for thirty dayes to none but to him , ( as a new erected numen ) but yet they resisted not when they were questioned and call●d to suffer for it . elias withdrew himself from jezebell and ahabs bloody fury , yet ye doe not read him tampering with those many thousands hid in samaria , by any secret machinations against him , but were all patiently passive , and committed themselves to god that judgeth righteously : when peter drew his sword against the present power , though under the best defensive pretence , yet was bid to put it up , with a check as if it had been upon a private quarrell , qui accipit gladium gladio peribit . rossaeus a romanist hath indeed published a book , de justa reipublicae in principem haereticum potestate , not blushing to ( a ) averre the contrary to what we have asserted , viz. that the israelites did often make insurrections against their kings , even of the stock of david , and with gods approbation , but instanceth in none to any purpose . 't is true ( as he saith ) atheliah was deposed , but 't was from her usurpation . hezekiah shook off the yoak of the king of assyria , to the service of whom he had no just obligation . the judges before samuels time did the like in delivering themselves and the israelites from their several servitudes . absolon was suppressed by the same way of force , he had most perfidiously and wickedly attempted his fathers crown , but what are these instances to a lawful prince , or to such as are subjects . some i find thus endeavoring to evade the text , by distinguishing between the power and the person ; as if this and the like were to be understood , only de potestatein abstracto . but certainly st. peter applys it cleerly in co●creto , to the person of the king : regi quasi praecellenti & magistratibus ab eo missis , as in the next , fear god , honor the king. neither can that speech of davids be otherwise meant then of the person of saul . god forbid that i should do this thing unto my master the lords annointed , to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the annointed of the lord ; 't is not the power that is annointed ; but the person who by it is resigned to the power . again 't is very probable , that st. paul writing to the romans , in this expression here of powers , conformed himself to their stile . who as berclaius observes out of pliny , suetonius and tertullian , do very frequently take , the abstract , for the concrete , i. e. the power for the person armed with it . there is another argumentation still in the mouths of many , viz. that princes receive their power from the people , and so may be abridged accordingly by them . but first let such know from whence they had this , even from the jesuites , or the like ( for many other authors of the church of rome are against it . ) alphonsus de castro ( de potestate leg. paen. lib. 1. ) and vasques ( lib. 1. controvers . cap. 47. ) averre it , and call all power tyrannical , that comes not by the people . it was that which pope zachariah suggested to the french for deposing of childerick their king. b that the people who constituted him may as well depose him ; the prince is obnoxious to the people , by whom he possesseth that honor. unto which agrees that of c augustinus triumphus de anchona , ( who by the sea of rome hath the title of beatus given him . ) that th pope may depose the emperor who can deny it , for he that constitutes can depose , whose practice in story hath been accordingly , henry the fourth the emperor , and d childerick the third , the french king , were by pope gregory the seventh , the latter of which was deposed , as the historian saith , non pro suis iniquitatibus , sed quod inutilis esset tantae potestati , as e carolus crassus , the germans and italians withdrew their obedience from him , by the papal approbation , only ob segnitiem corporis ingeniique traditatem , though otherwise a most pious , devout and vertuous prince , according to which is the argument and application of f brllarmine , constituens est prius constituto ; subditi vero constituunt reges● principes sunt propter populum , ergo populus est nobilior . but secondly t is of no force in it self . the pastor is for the good of the flock . the master of the family is for the welfare of it : forma est propter actionem , is therefore actio nobilior formâ ? again a servant voluntarily binds himself to a master , and after a manner constitutes him over him , what ? can he at pleasure withdraw himself again . again these men consider not of the oath of god taken of subjects to their king , which solomon mentions , eccles. 8 , 2. i councel thee to keep the kings commandements , and that because of tht oath of god. they have likewise but little esteem of st. pauls judgement in the text , viz. that the powers are of god , and ordained of god ; that they bear the sword of the lord , and are his ministers . and indeed few kings have originally come to their crowns by the people , but most frequently as one observes , invitis subdi●is , belli jure ( si hoc jus sit dicendum ) prima regnandi fecisse fundamenta : but after an oath of an allegiance the bonds are deposited in gods hand ; so that the whole argumentation is both unchristian and irrational , and rejected by us as the doctrine of some romanists , which such as are so afraid to come neer them in any thing else , should be as much deterred in this . in a word , as kings receive their power from god : so are we to leave them only unto god , if they shall abuse it , not but that they may and ought to be prudently and humbly reminded of their duties ( for which we have the example of the primitive fathers & bishops to the emperors , constantius , constans , and others , introducing arianism ) but yet without lifting up our hands against them in the least resistance of them , which is the judgement also of most of our modern orthodox divines and even divers of the writers of the church of rome , who have stiffey contradicted the jesuites assertions of the contrary , one of each shall suffice . 1. for those of ours , g franciscus junius thus determines : all good men should bear even the most cruel injury from the magistrate , rather then enveigh against him by word , pen , or action , to the disturbance of order and the publick peace , according to which see luther ( lob . de offic . magistr . tom. 2. ) brentius ( hom. 27. in cap. 8. lib. 1. sam. ) melanthon , bucer , musculus , mathesius erasmus , and others . 2. for those of the church of rome h gregorius tholosanus : governours ( saith he ) are rather to be left to the judgement of god then to defile our hands by a rebellion against them . god wants not means whereby he can ( when he pleaseth ) remove or amend them . if there be an evil government , farre be it from us to revenge it by an evil obedience , or to punish the sins of the king by our own sins , but rather by a patient bearing , to mollify the wrath of god , who governs the hearts of kings with his own hands , &c. and surely if it be a h terrible thing for any man to fall into the hands of the living god , much more is it to them , who are only accomptable to him , and the justice of god hath been often notoriously manifested upon them , in sacred story . abimelec , jeroboam , baasa , ahab , both the herods . in ecclesiasticall story . anastasius , julian , valens , and others . so much for holy writ . now secondly let me demonstrate this out of the antient-fathers , and practise of the primitive church in these three things . 1. after the example of jeremiah and daniel for nebuchadnezzar , and st. paul for nero. 1 tim. 2. we find the antient fathers praying for the emperors ( though of a different religion , and persecutors of the true ) now to be at the same time praying for them and conspiring in any combinations against their government , are inconsistent . i tertulliau who lived under severus the emperor , saith this in the name of the christians , we pray daily for the health of the emperors , &c. that of marcus aurelius distress in his expedition into germany , when by the prayers of the christian legion ( as it was acknowledged by the heathen ) rain was obtained in a great drought , and consequently a victory is sufficiently known : they called not for fire from heaven to consume him and his army , according to that advice of sanders the jesuit , in the like case ( lib. 2. cap. 4. de visib . monarch . ) but for water to refresh both . the letters of the fathers synodi ariminensis written to constantius an arrian are observable , who asking him leave to return to their severall diocesses , give this for their reason , * that we may diligently pray for thy health , empire , and peace , which the mercifull god everlastingly bestow upon thee . and in their second letters , asking the same request of him : they say thus : * again most glorious emperor , we beseech thee that before the sharpness of the winter , thou wouldst command our return to our churches , that we may , as we have done and doe earnestly pray unto the almighty god for the state of thy might with thy people . how are they then to be abhorred who to a christian , pious , orthodox king stained neither with vice nor heresie , temperate , meek , prudent , gracious , instead of prayers have returned menacies , for a dutifull subjection , arrogant language , if he yield not to every particular of their peremptory demands . you shall not find the antient fathers either by word or writing giving the least offence to the emperors , though hereticks . st. hillary wrote two books against constantius the arrian , yet stiles him gloriosissimum , beatissimum ; nay sanctum i. e. ratione imperii , non religionis &c. k nazianzen is found of the like temper in his orations against valens and valentinian , which are written throughout with all the reverence and subjection that can be ezpected from a subject to a prince ; and yet valens burnt fourscore orthodox bishops and presbyters together in a ship , and did other horrid acts , which l socrates tells us . oh the distance between the spirits of some men now dayes and those of the antient church , even as as far those excelled these , in sanctimony of life , integrity of conversation , piety and truth of doctrine . you shall ever find them exemplary in their obedience and subjection to the emperors , never stirring up the people to the least resistance or mutiny , but appeasing them . excellently is that of st. augustine m of the christians under julian ; an infidel emperor , a wicked apostate . the faithfull souldiers served a faithless emperor ; when it came to the cause of christ , then they acknowledged no other then him that sits in heaven ; but in millitary affairs , when he said unto them , bring forth your forces into the field goe against such a nation presently they obeyed , they distinguisht the lord who is aeternal from him that is only temporall , and yet were subject to the temporall lord for his sake who is aeternall . n tertullian affirms it as a high honour to christianity , that they could never find a christian in any seditious conspiracy : we are ( saith he ) defamed in relation to his imperiall majesty , but yet they could never find any of us among the albiniani , nigriani , or cassiani ( who had been some seditious parties against the emperor . that o of st. ambrose was both becomming a good bishop and a loyall subject , when he was commanded ( by the means of justina the empress , who was an arrian ) to deliver up the churches of millain to the use of the arrians , returned this answer to his people , and to the emperor ; willingly i shall never do it , but if compel'd i have not learned to fight , i can weep , my tears are my arms , i neither can nor ought to resist otherwise . indeed by the desire of the orthodox party he refused to give up the chief church or his cathedral to them , but the detaining of it was with all possible humble representation by way of petition for it , with all the solicitous care that might be , of preventing the least misinterpretation of contumacie , and the people went into it with him , and there continued night and day , in fasting and prayer , that god would move the emperor , not to disturb them ( which as some observe ( to prevent a weariness in it ) occasioned the use of anthemes in these western parts , though long before in the east ) he offered all his p own proper goods to the pleasure of the emperor : were it my land , i should not gain-say it , doth the emperor require my body , i shall meet him , would he have me to prison , put me to death , i am pleas d with it , i shall not enclose my self with a guard of the multitude of the people , nor will i take hold of the altar to ask my life , but i shall freely be sacrificed for the altars , ( or the service of god. ) thus saith another father many hundreds of years after him . q we will fight for our mother the church , but with what arms , not with swords and shields , but with prayers and tears , to god. athanasius was four or five times banished by several emperors , but in each he quietly yielded , r as conceiving it more consenant to the religion professed by him , to overcome that injury by a patient suffering , then to have made his defence by an unwarranted seditious opposition by the people , and therefore in his apology ye shall not find a word tending that way , but on the contrary , upon any tumult of them whose zeale to him might possibly have carried them beyond their limits ) he ever exhorts them to be quiet , and to retire to their homes , telling them that for those of his order , no ways was allowed them in their defence , but preces , fuga , & humiles supplicationes . i. e. prayers to god , petitioning the emperor , or a flight , and for petitions to the emperor , ye have the example of ebedmelech for jeremiah to the king of israel ; esther for her nation to ahasuerus , jonathan for david to saul ; in ecclesiasticall story plinius secundus for the christians ( in the province of bythinia ) to trajan . and as each of these in some measure prevailed , so can they be hardly rejected by any person who is not wholly a stranger both to piety and humanity . for a flight , when petitions will not prevail , the same athanasius ( in his apologie for his from the arrians ) produceth a great catalogue of examples . jacob from esau , moses from pharaoh , david from saul , elias from jezabel , st. paul from the conspirators against him at damascus , acts 9. nay , the example of our blessed saviour in his fight from herod into egypt in his infancy , afterwards from the fury of the jews and pharisies , and the other herod , till his time was come , according to which is his command to his disciples , mat. 10. when ye are persecuted in one city flye to another ; but no warrant or example from him or his for a resistance , or in the primitive times succeeding for many hundred years , as a sigebert tells us , that doctrine , or heresie rather , was a novelty in the world till the year 1088. after christ. there is this one evasion pretended against these quotations of the fathers , which must be answered ( viz. ) that this their patience then , was to be attributed rather to their ( b ) necessity then virtue , their number and strength being so smal , that they could not help it , and so were compelled to yield . this indeed is the very objection of the jesuites , bellarmine against barclay saith the same , facultatibus non fuerint prediti satis idoneis , i. e. they wanted sufficient forces to resist , and would have that of nazianzen , lachrymas solas superesse christianis contra juliani persecutiones , &c. ( i. e. that tears was all the christians had to defend themselves against the persecutions of julian ) thus to be understood , as b if julian had by his tyranny cut off all their forces , which else it had been lawfull for them to have made use of against the apostate , against whom in that , many of the church of rome have written , gregorius thelosanus , c bercliaus ( whom we named before ) d widringtonus . this is the objection of bellarmine . but the contrary is evident , that the number and strength of the christians was then very great , not only to have resisted , but overthrown , and even shaken the foundations of the empire . they were as the israelites in egypt , stronger then their enemies . see what eusebius saith , that when constantine the first professed to be a christian , who succeed dioclesian , that had made such havock of them ) the e whole world rose with him , and forsaking their idols , joyned themselves unto him . f tertullian who lived an hundred years before him , sets so th thus the number of the christians in his time . we fill the whole empire , your cities , castles , corporations , councels , your very camps , courts of justice , palaces , market-places , your senate , with whom are not we able to make a warre , who so willingly offer our selves to the slaughter , but that our religion teacheth us , that 't is better to be killed then-to kill in such cases . it was so in st. ambrose his time , the army and people were ( at least the major part of them ) at his beck . i ( saith he ) upon all occasions am still desired , ut compecerem populum , ego tyrannus appellor & plus quam tyrannus . the emperor often tells his courtiers , he must doe what ambrose will have him , the whole implying the great number of the orthodox christians then , and yet alwayes submitted to the government . now no man can conceive that in this the christians wanted courage . that passage g which theodoret tels us of sufficiently satisfies , viz. that when many of the souldiers had been deluded by julians impostures to have offered some incense to the idols , they ran to and fro the cities , offered not only their hands , but their bodies to the fire , that being polluted by fire , they might be purged by the fire . can any in reason think that they who were so fearless of death in the profession of what they were taught by the fathers , if they had been also by the same teachers assured what a merit it had been to have fought for them , and themselves against the emperor and his edicts made for their destruction , can we think them so senseless and heartless as not to have appeared accordingly ? no , it was only for the fear of god , and this text with-held them , as tertullian hath it ; reprimebant manus quia non ignorabant quod leg ssent , qui resistit potestati dei , ordinationi resistit . &c. there was then no such jesuiticall doctrine known ( contrary to the doctrine of the church of england ) that men may in the like cases take up arms in rebellion against their lawfull princes . and surely it not in case of heresie , i. e. if the prince shall exemplo vel praecepto compel , or endeavour to draw his subjects to it ( which is the assertion of h bellarmine , fideles heretico non obligari ; licite posse veneno aut quacunque ratione è mediorollere , &c. ) surely much less may this be in cases of less consequence , which do not touch upon the foundation , but are only circumstantials . the ancient christians held not these things worthy of blood , but submitted to them after st. pauls example in the like . and now 't is high time to apply my self to the consideration of that horrid fact which , as fruit sprung from those deadly seeds of doctrine , we lament this day . this was the day when out of pretence of relieving the mother ( as they call the common-wealth ) children destroyed the father , and so at once both , the casuists say , si filius patrem in ultionem matris occidat , haec pietas erit scelus , but for a son to slay both parents at once is a monster indeed . this was the black work of this day , rather to be trembled at the thought of , then uttered , when the most wise , pious , prudent , meek , mercifull king was put to death by pefidious sons of belial , faithless and merciless men : and this not in the dark , but in the face of the sun , at his own gates , a thing unparalleld in any story . that which hitherto hath been urged , is from what the ancient church abhorred even to a heretick , a persecutor , a heathen ; how much then is this cruelty and hypocrisie to be loathed when exercised against the life and soveraignty of a pious , orthodox , just , and christian prince , not only to a dreadfull rebellion , but a bloody murther . all history shews that rebellion hath ever in conclusion been the ruine of the authors ; take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the text , as some render it poenam , judicium , i. e. ) for some corporal vengeance from god or man here . that known speech of i rodolphus to those that were about him when he was nigh unto death after his taking up arms against his master the emperor , is worthy to be remembred : see ye my right hand maimed by a wound , with this i sware to my lord henry ( the emperor ) that i would doe him no hurt , nor treacherously entrap him in his dignity , but the apostolick command ( or that of the pope ) hath enduced me to it , that as a perjured person , i have usurped an honor not due unto me . ye see in that very hand with which i violated my oath , i have received my mortall wound , let them look to it , who have invited us , to what a condition they have brought us , even to the very hazard of everlasting damnation ; according to the text , ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt . i shall conclude with that sentence of st. jude and st. peter ( cap. 2. ) upon the like ( then which ye have not a more full execration in the whole bible ) these are they that despise dominion , and are so presumptuous , as to speak evil of dignities ( i , e. kings and princes , ) wo unto them for they have gone in the way of cain , and ran greedily after the error of baalam , and perished in the gain-saying of core , these are spots in your feasts , clouds without water , trees without fruit , withered , plucked up by the roots , raging waves of the sea , foaming out their own shame , wandring stars , to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever : let us all say amen to that which fell from a royal pen , king james of ever happy memory , in his maledictus qui maledicit uncto domini , pereatque interitu core , qui peceavit in contradictione core : let him be accursed that shall curse the lords annointed , and let him perish with the perishing of corah who hath sined in the gain-saying of korah : and let us earnestly pray for the safety of the kings majesty according to that of the christians for the emperour in tertullian . det deus illi vitam , exercitus fortes . senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , i. e. god give him a long life , a secure empire , a safe house , valiant forces , a faithfull councell , loyall people , and a quiet state , &c. even for his sake who is king of kings and lord of lords , to whom with the father and holy spirit be all honor and glory now and for ever amen . the late lord primate usher's judgment and practice in point of loyalty , episcopacy , liturgy , and ecclesiasticall constitutions of the church of england . the various interpretations which have been made of the judgement and practice of this most eminent prelate in these particulars and the mis-applications the eupon pread , by some of different judgments to his great prejudice , hath occasioned this brief vindication of him , by declaring my own knowledge therein ; as followeth . 1. his judgement and practise in point of loyalty . for his judgement , it hath been most fully manifested by a most learned treatise , lately published of the power of the prince and 〈◊〉 of the subject : the writing of which was thus occasioned . about the beginning of those unhappy commotions in scotland , 1639. sir george radoleife desired me very earnestly to let him know , what the lord primats judgment was of them , and not being contented with my verball assurance of it , desired to have it more punctually under my hand , which i had no sooner communicated to the lord primate , but hereadily and instantly dictated unto me his sentence upon them , which was accordingly returned , & for which i had a letter of very great thanks . now as soon as the primate came to dublin the earl of strafford , ( then lord deputy of ireland ) desired him to declare his judgment publiquely concerning those commotions , which he forthwith did at christ-church dublin , before the state in two sermons , to all mens satisfactions , from this text eccles. 7. 2. i councel thee to keep the kings commandement , and that because of the oath of god. after this , the lord deputy ( besides his own desire ) signified unto him that it would be acceptable to his late majesty ( of ever blessed memory ) that he should either print his sermons , or write a treatise of the like subject , the latter of which he made choice of : and having with much labour and industry finisht it , and caused it to be fairly transcribed , he came over with it into england with an intention to commit it to the presse , as hath been declared by the learned and reverend father in god , the lord bishop of lincoln in his preface to that treatise . to which give me leave to add : that his judgement was alwayes the same and so declared by him upon all occasions , since i had the happynesse to be known to him : as annually upon the kings inauguration day ( which was constantly observed by him at drogheda with great solemnity : ) and occasionly in some learned sermons preacht by him at the opening of two parliaments . and especially upon the first solemnity for his present majesties birth day , anno 1630. at dublin , being sent for of purpose by the state then to preach , which he did upon this text , psalm 45. 26. instead of thy fathers shall be thy children , whom thou mayest make princes in all the earth . but most fully in those two speeches of his herewith revived . the one whereof he made while he was bishop of meath , anno 1622. in the castle-chamber of dublin , in defence of the oath of supremacy , and in special making good that clause that the king is the only supream governor of these his realms and dominions . for which king iames ( of happy memory ) sent him a letter of thanks hereunto annexed , the original of which i have now in my custody . the other he made anno 27. before the lord deputy falkland , the councel , and a great assembly of the lords , and other persons chosen out of each county at his majesties castle of dublin , occasioned by their slowness to contribute to the maintenance of the army , the main scope of which , is to declare the duty of subjects to supply the kings necessities for the defence of his kingdom , from strength of reason , antient records , and grounds of divinity , a copy of which being by the lord deputy then desired of him to be sent unto his late majesty , ( for which he received his royal thanks ) i took a transcript thereof ; unto which i shall only add this , that i have found among the primat's papers a manuscript , containing mr. hookers judgment of these three things , 1. of regal power in ecclesiastical affairs . 2. of the kings power in the advancement of bishops unto the rooms of prelacy . 3. of the kings exemption from censures and other judicial power . all which ( as the primate notes with his own hand ) are not found in the common copys of mr. hookers m. s. ( though by what art , and upon what designe so much was exspunged i know not ) only thus far the primate hath joyn'd his testimony with mr. hooker in these ( which seem to be the true ) that he hath corrected and perfected the copy throughout with his own hand , and not only found out the several quotations , and put them down in the margent , which had been before omitted , but added many of his own , with some other large annotations , by which his zeal for the defence of regal power is the more evident . and what his freedom of speech was frequently here in his sermons to that purpose , and in speciall before his late majesty ( of blessed memory ) upon his birth-day at the isle of wight upon this text , genes . 49. 3. reuben , thou art my first-born , my might , and the beginning of my strength , the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power , i suppose is sufficiently known . this for his judgement . secondly , his practice hath appeared by what his sufferings have been upon that account , as his forced flight from london to oxford : his ruff usage in wales or thereabouts , by the army then in the field against the king , to the loss of some of his books and principall manuscripts never recovered : the taking that away from him which had been given him by the king for his maintenance , and at length being necessitated to return to london , he was silenced a long time from preaching , unless in a private house ; and when with much adoe he was permitted to preach at lincolns inne , it was that honorable society which gave him a competent maintenance ; but upon the failing of his eye-sight , being compelled to give it up , his small subsistance after that ( besides the continuance of the countess of peterburroughs respects to him in her house ) came ( with much difficulty ) through my hands unto him . and as his prayers ( whtch were all the arms he had ) were daily lifted up ( like moses hands ) for the prosperity of his majesties affairs , notwithstanding the hazzard he ran by it , like that of daniels ; by a prohibition to the contrary : so was his joy or sorrow perpetually shown according to the success of them . i shall instance in one particular . anno 1649. ( till when , the book of common prayer was in my charge of drogheda , to his great content , continued , notwithstanding many lords of the parliament forces interchangeably had dominion over us ) the now lord duke of ormond then appearing with an army for the king , and taking the town , with that part of his forces under the command of the earl of inchiquin , the same day i attended his lordship in the proclaiming of his majesty , and immediately went to the church , and used the common prayer for his majesty : and afterwards upon the dukes comming himself thither , we had a fast for the good success of his majesties forces ( at which i preached : ) and a communion was appointed the next sunday , though oliver cromwels landing with so great a force at dublin interrupted us ( the event of which in that bloody storme , and the hazzard of my self for the above-mentioned matters , would be impertinent here to relate ) only thus much : i may not omit as to this good lord primate , that as his letters were full of encouragement , and approbation of me for it ; so at my coming over he embraced me with much affection , upon that accompt , often rejoycing at the constancie of that town , where himself had refided , and had sown so much of that doctrine of loyalty , which by his order four times a year ( according to the canon ) was preached unto them . and with many tears he lamented the retarding of his majesties affairs , by the loss of so many faithfull servants of his , slain there in that massacre in cool bloud . in one thing more , the demonstration of his loyall affection to his majesty was manifested by his passionate commiseration of those of the distressed sequestred clergy , who had suffered for him , and by his appearing to his utmost for them ( which was more commendable , then by hiding himself , to have take no more care , but to preserve one . when that merciless proclamation issued forth against such that they might not so much as teach a school for their livelyhood ; when my soliciting for them ( by his encouragement ) representing their petitions , and petitioning for them is my own name subscribed , only to have had them capable of a contribution , throughout england ( for which as feoffees in trust , doctor bromrigg then the learned bishop of exeter and my self , were nominated ) could not prevail , and an elegant apologie for them written by doctor gauden the now reverend bishop of exeter , which i delivered with my own hand , proved also ineffectuall . then this eminent primat out of a compassionate sense of their miseries was perswaded by me to make a tryall how farr his own personal presence might prevail in their behalf , and so ( much against his own genius and with great regret within himself to go into whitehall , he having no other occasion in the world besides ) he went , and i wated on him thither for that end , where he spake at freely and fully , as some impertinent interpositions of discourses would permit him ; but to his great grief returned fruitless , and i think he never resented any thing more deeply , not living many moneths after unto which the ungrateful censures and rash extravagant language of such , whom he thus endeavored to serve , added the more to it ; which in some hath not been abated to his very memory : now in regard their ignorance of thus much , might still occasion it , is one cause of my enlargement upon it ; but so much in relation to his loyalty , whereof he was an eminent patterne . his judgment and practice in point of episcopacy . for episcopacy , first in his judgment , he was a full assertor of it , which appears in those learned tractates of the original of bishops , and that of the lydian asia , where he doth not only deduce episcopacy from the apostolique times , but also the metropolitans or arch-bishops to have been accordingly , from the superscription of st. john to the seven churches , each of which citys being metropolitical , and the rest of the citys of asia , as daughters under them ) for the confirmation of which , he hath given such strong probabilities , that 't will be hard to gainsay them . secondly , for his practice , i can witness his constant exercise of the jurisdiction of it , or his causing it so to be exercised throughout his diocess and province , while those quiet times in ireland did permit it . in all which a learned and prudent divine was his chancellor or vicar-general , and afterwards a bishop ( bishop sine ) one known to have been as much for the government and constitutions of the church of england , as any person whatsoever . as for that of his reduction of episcopacy to the form of synodical government &c. presented to his late majeof blessed memory , anno 1641. it is to be considered , how it was occasioned by the present tempestuous violence of the times , as an accommodation by way of prevention of a totall shipwrack threatned by the adversaries of it , as appears sufficiently by the title before it , viz. proposed in the year 1641. as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise in matter of church government , &c. now what can this , in the sense of any prudent unbiassed person prejudice him in his judgment or affection to episcopacy it self , which rather confirms it . the marchant parts with that in a storme , that he would not have done in a calme , and at shore recruits himself with the like goods again . st. paul in that wracke , acts 27. consented not only to the lightning of the ship of the lading , but of the tackling also , we cast them out ( saith he , or st. luke ) with our own hands , and all for the saving ( if it were possible ) of the ship , and the passengers in it . that of the same apostle in another case , i think it fit for the present necessity , might in some measure in this particular be the primates application , wherein he was not singular neither . unto which i can add this further confirmation , that for those many years i had the happines to be known unto him in those serene times , before these troubles arose , to the disturbance of episcopacy , i never heard him mentioning any thing by way of alteration that way in those proposals there specified , so that the sole occasion and end of them must be as afore-said . and for these 4. propositions , they were only present prudentiall representations , left to the judgment and correction of others , without any magisterial imposition of them , as a copy to be writ after , and as they were not published till an imperfect copy invited unto it , so the real intent of it was by that conjunction of both parties in ecclesiasticall government to have the easier way prepared to their union in the civil , even an unanimous endeavour for his majesties happy restauration ( now through gods great goodness wonderfully accomplished ) for which , as none prayed more zealously , so none could have exceeded the primates in the joy for it , had he lived to see it . for the form of words used by the bishop in the ordination of the church of england , he did much approve thereof , viz. receive the holy ghost , whose sins thou remittest are remitted , and whose sins thou retainest are retained , and be thou a faithfull dispenser of the word and sacraments , &c. and the delivering of the bible into the hands of the person ordained , saying , take thou authority to preach the word of god , and administer the sacraments , &c. which being wholly omitted in that of the presbyterian way , and no other words to that sense used in their room , and thereupon no express transmission of ministeriall power , he was wont to say , that such an imposition of hands ( by some called the seal of ordination ) without a commision annexed , seemed to him to be as the putting of a seal to a blank , that the scruple was not only in the instrumentall cause , but in the formall : and that if a bishop had been present , and done no more , the same query might have been of the validity of it : and in his letter to me ( which hath been published ) he hath declared , the ordination made by such presbyters as have severed themselves from their bishops , unto whom they had sworn canonicall obedience cannot be excused from being schismaticall . for that of a gradual superiority of a bishop above a presbyter which some have been offended at : 1. it is the language of archbishop whitgift in the defence of the answer to the admonition , tract . 8. p. 383. that episcopus is commonly used for that priest that is in degree over and above the rest , &c. but secondly , howsoever if so that the gradus be granted to be of apostolicall constitution ( which is the primats sense ) i do not see how it any more takes off from the preheminence and authority of episcopacy , then the denomination of lights , given in common by moses to all in the firmament , detracts from the sun whom he call only the greater , from whom the rest derive theirs , and is the ruler of the day : or that of the first-born among his brethren , who by his primogeniture , had the supremacy of dignity and power to whom the rest must bow , and he was to rule over them : the distinction in both is but gradual . the primate hath also elsewere derived the form of church government under the new testament from the pattern prescribed by god in the old , and shews how it was from the imitation thereof brought in by the apostles . now though the distinction of the chief , or high-priest , and the other inferiour priests was but gradual , yet there being so great a distance between them , the chief-priest having rule over the rest ( called by the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) there shall not need any further instance to illustrate it . and whereas there hath been a learned tractate some years agone published , entitled the form of church government before and after christ , as it is expressed in the old and new testament , which then went under the name of bishop andrews . i found a manuscript of it among the primates papers , wherein the author upon a review hath ordered some things to be altered , added , or taken away , and some to be further inquired into , according as the marks make reference unto several pages of it . this i found accordingly noted by the primate throughout , and some passages which the learned author desired to be farther inquired into , are at large perfected under the primats own hand , and i know no book more full for the preheminency of episcopacy ; so that what he did , or was willing to have yielded unto out of a calme temper of moderation , in such times of extremity , to preserve the unity and peace of the church , then in great hazard to be shattered , ought not in reason so to be stretched , as to inferre it was his absolute desire , or free choice , but only upon the present distress to keep the chariot upon its wheels from a precipice of a total overturning . so much for episcopacy . 3. his judgement and practice of the liturgy of the church of england . for the liturgy of the church of england he was a constant assertor and observer of to the last . at drogheda in ireland ( where i had the happiness for many years to live under him ) he had the common-prayer read twice every day in his chappel , from which nothing but sickness excused his absence . and in the church it was ( by his approbation ) as duly observed by my self ; we had there an organ and a quire ; on sundayes the service was sung before him , as is used in cathedrals in england . anthems were sung very frequenly , and often , instead of a psalm , before sermon . he came constantly to the church in his episcopal habit , and preacht in it , and for my self ( by his approbation ) when i officiated i wore my surplice and hood ; administred the communion , and at such occasions preached in them also . the surplice was accordingly observed constantly by the reader , and some of the quire every sunday . and for all other administrations they were fully observed in each rite and ceremony according to the rubrick or rule of the book of common-prayer , which many years after his leaving of ireland , was ( according to his trust committed to me ) continued , till my church in that bloody storm of drogheda 1649. was blown up with gun-powder , and for my refusing to obey the command of his nephew colonel michael jones , sent by an officer unto me in writing , to forbear the use of the common-prayer ; i had much thanks from the primate , being much displeased at his presumption in it , though thereupon the little means i had remaining there , was by the colonels order taken from me ; and in the storme of the town he did not forget it , in his designing my death , as i was assured by an ear-witness . and indeed while the primate continued in drogheda , i doe not remember there were any protestant inhabitants there that so much as scrupled at the crosse in baptism , or kneeling at the communion , with the like , but in all things conformed and submitted to what they saw was approved by him ; and for such as were refractory in the northern parts of ireland ( where the scotch had mingled themselves with the english ) he did his utmost to reclaim them in his provincial visitation , which i was a witness of , and imployed by his directions among them for that end : wherein ( craving leave for this short digression ) i have observed , that such who had so geat a prejudice to the liturgy , as to run out of the church when it was offered to be read out of the book , when i used the very same form in several administrations by heart , without the book , baptism , communion , matrimony , burial , and the like , they have highly commended it , as conceiving they had been my own present conceptions ( the younger sort having never heard it , and the other almost forgotten it ) which guile , both at drogheda ( when several parliament regiments were sent thither successively to suppress it , like the messengers of saul to destroy david at ramah , they have accordingly prophesied with us ) and in other places since my coming over i have continued , who at first being praeingaged without the book in the commendation of it , the next time upon the use of it , finding it to be the same , they have confessed their former delusion , and have been fully satisfied . and what the primates practice had been in ireland , he continued in england to his last , which in the countess of peterboroughs house ( where he lived and died ) i have been often a witness of . and upon a false rumour raised of his remisseness that way , he shewed me ; not long before his death , what he then had written to an eminent person ( who had told him of it ) signifying his high approbation and commendation of the said book of common-prayer . and when ( after his being destroyed in ireland ) the late king of blessed memory had for his subsistence given him the bishoprick of carlile in commerdam . he did at a visitation of the diocess ) unto which the remoteness of the place did not permit himself to travel ) writ a letter unto the ministers thereof , charging them to use constantly the book of common-prayer , and the publick catechism in their several churches . some pamphlets , which of late years have been published in his name , containing ( as they pretended ) his opinion for the omission and change of divers things in it , as i did at their first comming forth protest against them , to be fictitious papers , so i doe here confirm it ; and whatsoever he might now have yeilded unto for the peace and unity of the church , that we might all speak the same thing ; i can assure it ( if he were alive ) in these late disputes of it , he would have been for the defendant . and for some other particulars observed by me of him at drogheda may not be impertinent herewith to relate . at the creed he stood up constantly , repeated it with the minister , alwayes received the communion kneeling ; at the publick prayers he kneeled also : at his entrance into the pulpit he addressed himself with some short prayer unto god for his assistance , not steping in irreverently with a rude confident boldnes as the manen of some is ) but rather with some fear and trembling . at his entrance into his seat both in the church and in his chappel , he kneeled down , with some short prayer also , and as he always came reverently into the church and went out of it uncovered , so did he continue all the time of divine service . and though he had as great an ability as the chief pretenders to an extemporary expression , yet he constant ly used a set form of player before his sermon , and that with a decent brevity , which in private families ( as most profitable he commended accordingly , and even at their tables , which was his own practice also , when he did not omit to pray ( according to the usuall form ) for the kings majesty and royal issue , ( now commonly omitted . ) in a wotd , this was his often assertion that as the affecting and imposing of a daily sudden conception at prayer , was a novelty and a singularity ( not being practised in any other reformed church ) so the immethodical impertinencies , and other indiscreet extravagancies both for measure and matter , frequently occasioned by it , were of greater scandal to the church , then that aptitude , habitually attained unto by some , could be of profit . his judgment of the articles of religion and practice of the eeclesiastical constitutions of the church of england . the articles of the church of england , as the primat had long agon subscribed them , so have i often heard him highly commending them . the reception of which articles in the first canon of ireland , anno 1634. he drew up himself with his own hand , with an addition of a very severe punishment to such as should refuse to subscribe them , as may appear in it . anno 1614. he was a principal person then appointed for the collecting and drawing up such canons as might best concern the discipline and government of the church of ireland , taken out of queen elizabeths injunctions and the canons of england , to be treated upon by the arch-bishops and bishops and clergy of that kingdom , some of which i have , which were written then with his own hand , and presented by him ; the two first of them were these , 1. that no other form of liturgy or divine service shall be used in any church of this realm , but that which is established by law , and comprized in the book of common-prayer , and administration of sacraments , &c. 2. that no other form of ordination , shall be used in this nation , but which is contain'd in the book of ordering of bishops , priests , and deacons , allowed by authority , and hitherto practiced in the churches of england and ireland , &c. and in his subscription ( in relation to the above mentioned ) it is in these words , viz. i do acknowledge the form of gods service prescribed in the book of common-prayer , is good and godly , and may lawfully be used , and do promise that i my self will use the form in the said book prescribed in celebration of divine service , and administration of the sacraments , and none other . i do also acknowledge , that such as are consecrated and ordered according to the form prescribed in the book of ordination , set forth by authority , have truly received holy orders , and have power given them to exercise all things belonging to that sacred function , whereunto they are called &c. for the now more perfect canons of the church of ireland , constituted anno 1634. in the convocation there ( whereof i was a member ) most of them were taken out of these of england , and he being then primate , had a principal hand in their collection and proposal to the reception of them , the methodizing of all which into due order , i have seen , and have it by me written with his own hand throughout : whereby 't is apparent what his judgment was in relation to them . the annual festivals of the church he duly observed , preaching upon their several commemorations : on christmas-day , easter , whitsunday , he never fail'd of communions , that excellent treatise of his entituled , the incarnation of the son of god , was the substance of two or three sermons which i heard him preach in a christmas time . good-fryday , he constantly kept very strictly , preaching himself then upon the passion beyond his ordinary time , when we had the publick prayers in their utmost extent also , and without any thought of a superstition , he kept himself fasting till the evening . confirmation of children was often observed by him , the first time he did it ( when a great number were presented to him by me ) he made a speech to the auditory , to the satisfaction of all sorts of persons , concerning the antiquity and good use of it . the publick cathechism in the book of common-prayer , was enjoyned by him to be only observed in the church , a part of which for a quarter or half an hour was constantly explained by me to the people every sunday before evening prayer , himself being present , which was also accordingly enjoyned throughout his diocess . he was much for that decent distinctive habit of the clergy ( cassocks , gowns , priests-clokes , &c. ) according to the canon in that behalf provided , to be used by them in their walking or riding abroad , which himself from his younger years always observed . and in anno 1634. that canon of england of the decent apparrel of ministers was by his special approbation , put in among those of ireland . lastly though in our constitutions , there is no form appointed for the consecration of a church or chappel , yet he was so ready to apply himself to what had been accustomed in england , that at his consecration of a chappel not far from drogheda in ireland , he framed no new one of his own , but took that which goes under bishop andrews name , and used it , ( with little variation ) which i have in my custody . and thus i have endeavored by this declaration of his judgment and practice in these particulars , to give satisfaction to all such , who by their misapprehensions have had their various censures and applications to the great injury of him . i shall only wish that not only they but all others that hear this of him , were both almost and altogether such as he was . mr. hookers judgment of regal power in matters of religion , and the advancement of bishops ( wholy left out of the common copies in his eighth book ) here confirmed by the late lord primate usher's marginal notes , and other enlargements with his own hand . the service which we do unto the true god , who made heaven and earth , is far different from that which heathens have done unto their supposed gods , though nothing else were respected , but only the odds between their hope and ours . the office of piety or true religion sincerely performed have the promises both of this life and of the life to come , the practices of superstition have neither . if notwithstanding the heathens reckoning upon no other reward for all which they did , but only protection and favour in the temporal estate and condition of this present life , and perceiving how great good did hereby publickly grow as long as fear to displease ( they knew not what ) divine power was some kind of bridle unto them ; did therefore provide that the highest degree of care for their religion should be the principall charge of such , as having otherwise also the greatest and chiefest power , were by so much the more fit to have custody thereof : shall the like kind of provision be in us thought blame-worthy ? a gross error it is to think that regal power ought to serve for the good of the body , and not of the soul ; for mens temporal peace , and not their eternal safety ; as if god had ordained kings for no other end and purpose , but only to fat up men like hogs , and to see that they have their mast ? indeed to lead men unto salvation by the hand of secret , invisible , and ghostly regiment , or by the external administration of things belonging unto priestly order ( such as the word and sacraments are ) this is denied unto christian kings : no cause in the world to think them uncapable of supreme authority in the outward government , which disposeth the affairs of religion , so farre forth as the same are disposable by humane authority , and to think them uncapable thereof only for that , the said religion is everlastingly beneficiall to them that faithfully continue in it . and even as little cause there is , that being admitted thereunto amongst the jews , they should amongst the christians of necessity be delivered from ever exercising any such power , for the dignity and perfection which is in our religion more then theirs , it may be a question , whether the affairs of christianity require more wit , more study , more knowledge of divine things in him which shall order them , then the jewish religion did : for although we deny not the forme of external government , together with all other rites and ceremonies to have been in more particular manner set down ; yet withall it must be considered also , that even this very thing did in some respects make the burthen of their spiritual regiment the harder to be born , by reason of infinite doubts and difficulties , which the very obscurity and darkness of their law did breed , and which being not first decided , the law could not possibly have due execution . besides in as much as their law did also dispose even of all kind of civill affairs , their clergy being the interpretors of the whole law , sustained not only the same labour which divines doe amongst us , but even the burthen of our lawyers too : nevertheless be it granted that more things do now require to be publickly deliberated and resolved upon with exacter judgment in matters divine , then kings for the most part have ; their personal inhability to judge in such sort as professors do , letteth not but that their regal authority may have the self same degree or sway which the kings of israel had in the affairs of their religion , to rule and command according to the manner of supreme governors . as for the sword wherewith god armed his church of old , if that were a reasonable cause why kings might then have dominion , i see not but that it ministreth still as forcible an argument for the lawfulness and expedience of their continuance therein now . as we digrade and excommunicate , even so did the church of the jews , both separate offendors from the temple , and depose the clergie also from their rooms when cause required . the other sword of corporall punishment is not by christs own appointment in the hand of the church of christ , as god did place it himself in the hands of the jewish church : for why ? he knew that they whom he sent abroad to gather a people unto him only by perswasive means were to build up his church even within the bosome of kingdomes , the chiefest governors whereof would be open enemies unto it , every where for the space of many years : wherefore such commission for discipline he gave them as they might any where exercise in a quiet and peaceable manner , the subjects of no common-wealth being touched in goods or person by virtue of that spirituall regiment whereunto christian religion embraced did make them subject . now when afterwards it came to pass that whole kingdomes were made christian , i demand whither that authority served before for the furtherance of religion , may not as effectually serve to the maintenance of christian religion ? christian religion hath the sword of spiritual discipline . but doth that suffice ? the jewish which had it also , did nevertheless stand in need to be ayded with the power of the civil sword . the help whereof , although when christian religion cannot have it , must without it sustain it self as far as the other which it hath will serve , notwithstanding where both may be had : what forbiddeth the church to enjoy the benefit of both ? will any man deny that the church doth need the rod of corporall punishment to keep her children in obedience withall ? such a law as macabeus made amongst the scots , that he which continued an excommunicate two years together , and reconciled not himself to the church , should forfeit all his goods and possessions . again , the custom which many christian churches have to fly to the civil magistrate for coertion of those that will not otherwise be reformed , these things are proof sufficient , that even in christian religion , the power wherewith eeclesiastical persons were indued at the first , unable to do of it self so much as when secular power doth strengthen it , and that not by way of ministry or service , but of predominancie , such as the kings of israel in their time exercised over the church of god. yea but the church of god was then restrained more narrowly to one people and one king ; which now being spread throughout all kingdoms , it would be a cause of great dissimilitude in the exercise of christian religion , if every king should be over the affairs of the church , where he reigneth supream ruler . dissimilitude in great things , is such a thing which draweth great inconvenience after it , a thing which christian religion must always carefully prevent . and the way to prevent it is not , as some do imagine , the yielding up of supream power over all churches into one only pastors hands , but the framing of their government , especially for matter of substance , every wher according to one only law , to stand in no less force then the law of nations doth to be received in all kingdoms ; all soveraigne rulers to be sworn no otherwise unto it , then some are to maintain the liberties , laws , and received customs of the country where they reign : this shall cause uniformity even under several dominions , without those woful inconveniencies whereunto the state of christendom was subject heretofore , through the tyranny and oppression of that one universal nimrod , who alone did all . and till the christian world be driven to enter into the peaceable and true consultation about some such kind of general law concerning those things of weight and moment wherein now we differ ; if one church hath not the same order which another hath , let every church keep as near as may be the order it should have , and commend the just defence thereof unto god , even as judah did when it differed in the exercise of religion from that form which israel followed . concerning therefore the matter whereof we have hitherto spoken , let it stand for our final conclusion , that in a free christian state or kingdom , where one and the self same people are the church and the common-wealth , god through christ directing that people , to see it for good and weighty considerations expedient , that their soveraign lord and governor in causes civil , have also in ecclesiastical affairs a supream power ; forasmuch as the light of reason doth lead them unto it , and against it , gods own revealed law , hath nothing ; surely they do not in submitting themselves thereunto , any other then that which a wise and religious people ought to do ; it was but a little over-flowing of wit in thomas aquinas , so to play upon the words of moses in the old , and of peter in the new testament ; as though because the one did term the jews a priestly kingdom , the other us a kingly priesthood : those two substantives kingdom and priesthood , should import that judaisme did stand through the kings superiority over priests , christianity through the priests supream authority over kings . is it probable that moses and peter had herein so nice and curious conceits ? or else more likely that both meant one and the same thing , namely that god doth glorifie and sanctifie his , even with full perfection in both ; which thing st. john doth in plainer sort express , saying that christ hath made us both kings and priests . wherein it is from̄ the purpose altogether alledged that constantine termeth church-officers overseers of things within the church , himself of those without the church ; that hilarie beseecheth the emperor constance to provide that the governor of his provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgment of ecclesiastical causes , unto whom commonwealth matters only belonged . that ambrose affirmeth palaces to belong unto the emperor : but churches to the minister ; the emperor to have authority of the common walls of the city , and not over holy things ; for which cause he would never yield to have the causes of the church debated in the princes consistory , but excused himself to the emperor valentinian for that being convented to answer concerning church matters in a civil court , he came not . that augustine witnesseth how the emporor not daring to judge of the bishops cause committed it unto the bishops , and was to crave pardon of the bishops , for that by the donatists importunity which made no end of appealing unto him , he was , being weary of them , drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs , all which hereupon may be inferred reacheth no further then only unto the administration of church affairs , or the determination of strifes and controversie , rising about the matter of religion : it proveth that in former ages of the world it hath been judged most convenient for church-officers to have the hearing of causes meerly ecclesiasticall , and not the emperour himself in person to give sentence of them . no one man can be sufficient for all things . and therefore publick affairs are divided , each kind , in all well ordered states , allotted unto such kind of persons , as reason presumeth fittest to handle them . reason cannot presume kings ordinarily so skilfull as to be personal judges meet for the common hearing and determining of church controversies . but they which are hereunto appointed and have all their proceedings authorized by such power as may cause them to take effect . the principality of which power ( in making laws , whereupon all these things depend ) is not by any of these allegations proved incommunicable unto kings , although not both in such sort , but that still it is granted by the one , that albeit ecclesiastical councels consisting of church officers did frame the lawes , whereby the church affairs were ordered in ancient times ; yet no canon , no not of any councel had the force of law in the church , unless it were ratified and confirmed by the emperour , being christian. seeing therefore it is acknowledged that it was then the manner of the emperor to confirm the ordinances which were made by the ministers , which is as much in effect to say that the emperour had in church ordinances , a voice negative , and that without his confirmation they had not the strength of publick ordinances ; why are we condemned as giving more unto kings then the church did in those times , we giving them no more but the supreme power which the emperor did then exercise with much larger scope then at this day ) any christian king , either doth ar possibly can use it over the church ? the case is not like when such assemblies are gathered together by supreme authority concerning other affairs of the church , and when they meet about the making ecclesiasticall lawes or statutes . for in the one they only are to advise , in the other they are to decree : the persons which are of the one the king doth voluntarily assemble as being in respect of gravity fit to consult withall ; them which are of the other he calleth by prescript of law as having right to be thereunto called . finally , the one are but themselves , and their sentence hath but the weight of their own judgement ; the other represent the whole clergie , and their voices are as much as if all did give personal verdict . now the question is whether the clergie alone so assembled ought to have the whole power of making ecclesiasticall laws , or else consent of the laity may thereunto be made necessarie , and the kings assent so necessary , that his sole deniall may be of force to stay them from being laws . if they with whom we dispute were uniform , strong and constant in that which they say we should not need to trouble our selves about their persons to whom the power of making laws for the church belongeth ; for they are sometimes very vehement in contention , that from the greatest thing unto the least about the church all must needs be immediatly from god : & to this they apply the patern of the ancient tabernacle which god delivered unto moses , and was therein so exact , that there was not left as much as the least pin for the wit of man to devise in the framing of it . to this they also apply that strict and severe charge which god so often gave concerning his own law ; whatsoever i command you take heed you doe it ; thou shalt put nothing thereto , thou shalt take nothing from it ; nothing , whether it be great or smal . yet sometime bethinking themselves better , they speak as acknowledging that it doth suffice to have received in such sort the principall things from god , and that for other matters the church hath sufficient authority to make laws ; wherupon they now have made it a question , what persons they are , whose right it is to take order for the churches affairs when the institution of any new thing therein is requisite . laws may be requisite to be made either concerning things that are only to be known and believed in , or else touching that which is to be done by the church of god. the law of nature and the law of god are sufficient for declaration in both , what belongeth unto each man separately as his soule is the spouse of christ ; yea so sufficient that they plainly and fully shew whatsoever god doth require by way of necessary introduction unto the state of everlasting bliss . but as a man liveth joyned with others in common society , and belongeth unto the outward politique body of the church , albeit the said law of nature and of scripture , have in this respect also made manifest the things that are of greatest necessity , nevertheless by reason of new occasions still arising , which the church , having care of souls must take order for , as need requireth ; hereby it cometh to pass , that there is , and ever will be so great use even of humane laws and ordinances deducted by way of discourse , as conclusions from the former divine and natural serving for principles thereunto . no man doubteth but that for matters of action and practice in the affairs of god , for manner in divine service , for order in ecclesiastical proceedings about the regiment of the church , there may be oftentimes cause very urgent to have laws made : but the reason is not so plain , wherefore humane laws should appoint men what to believe . wherefore in this we must note two things : first , that in matter of opinion , the law doth not make that to be truth which before was not , as in matters of action it causeth that to be duty which was not before ; but it manifesteth only and giveth men notice of that to be truth , the contrary whereunto they ought not before to have believed . secondly , that as opinions doe cleave to the understanding , and are in heart asserted unto , it is not in the power of any humane law to command them , because to prescribe what men shall think , belongeth only unto god corde creditur ore fit confessio , saith the apostle : as opinions are either fit or inconvenient to be professed , so mans law hath to determine of them . it may for publick unities sake require mens professed assent , or prohibit their contradiction to speciall articles , wherein as there happily hath bin controversie what is true , so the same were like to continue still , not without grievous detriment unto a number of souls , except law to remedy that evil should set down a certainty , which no man afterwards is to gain-say . wherefore as in regard of divine lawes , which the church receiveth from god , we may unto every man apply those words of wisdom in solomon , conserva fili mi praecepta patris tui , my sonne keep thou thy fathers precepts : even so concerning the statutes and ordinances which the church it self makes , we may add thereunto the words that follow : et ne dimittas legem matris tua , and forsake not thou thy mothers law. it is undoubtedly a thing even naturall , that all free and independent societies should themselves make their own lawes . and that this power should belong to the whole , not to any certain part of a politique body , though happily some one part may have greater sway in that action then the rest . which thing being generally fit and expedient in the making of all lawes , we see no cause why to think otherwise in lawes concerning the service of god , which in all well-ordered states and common-wealthes is the first thing that law hath care to provide for : when we speak of the right which naturally belongeth to a common-wealth , we speak of that which must needs belong to the church of god ; for if the common-wealth be christian ; if the people which are of it do publickly imbrace the true religion , this very thing doth make it the church , as hath been shewed ; so that unless the verity and purity of religion doe take from them which imbrace it , that power wherewith otherwise they are possessed : look what authority , as touching laws for religion a common-wealth hath simply — here this breaks off abruptly . the princes power in the advancement of bishops , unto the rooms of prelacy . touching the advancement of prelats unto their rooms by the king : whereas it seemeth in the eyes of many a thing very strange , that prelates the officers of gods own sanctuary , then which nothing is more sacred , should be made by persons secular ; there are that will not have kings be altogether of the laitie , but to participate that sanctifyed power which god hath indued his clergy with , and that in such respect they are anointed with oyle . a shift vain and needless for as much as if we speak properly , we cannot say kings do make , but that they only do place bishops , for in a bishop there are these three things to be considered ; the power whereby he is distinguished from other pastors ; the special portion of the clergy , and the people over whom he is to exercise that bishoplie power ; and the place of his seat or throne , together with the profits , preheminencies , honors thereunto belonging . the first every bishop hath by consecration , the second the election invested him with , the third he receiveth of the king alone . which consecration the king intermedleth not farther then only by his letters to present such an elect bishop as shall be consecrated . seeing therefore that none but bishops do consecrate , it followeth that none but they do give unto every bishop his being : the manner of uniting bishops as heads unto the flock , and clergy under them , hath often altered ; for if some be not deceived , this thing was somtime done even without any election at all . at the first ( saith he to whom the name of ambrose is given ) the first created in the colledg of presbyters was still the bishop , he dying , the next senior did succeed him . sed quia coeperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenēdos , immutata est ratio , prospiciente concilio , ut non ordo sed meritū crearet episcopum multorum , sacerdotum constitutum , ne indignus temere usurparet & esset multis scandalum ; in elections at the beginning the clergy and the people both had to do , although not both after one fort . the people gave their , testimonie and shewed their affection either of desire or dislike concerning the party which was to be chosen . but the choice was wholy in the sacred colledg of presbyters , hereunto it is that those usual speeches of the antient do commonly allude , as when pontius concerning st. cyprians election saith he was chosen judicio dei & populifavore , by the judgment of god , and favor of the people , the one branch alluding to the voices of the ecclesiastical senat which with religion , sincerity chose him , the other to the peoples affection , who earnestly desired to have him chosen their bishop . again , leo , nulla ratio sinit , ut inter episcopos habeantur qui nec a clericis sunt electi nec applebibus expetiti . no reason doth grant that they should be reckoned amongst bishops whom neither clergy hath elected , nor laitie coveted , in like so●t honorius . let him only be established bishop in the sea of rome , whom divine judgment and universal consent hath chosen . that difference which is between the form of electing bishops at this day with us , and that which was usual in former ages riseth from the ground of that right which the kings of this land do claim in furnishing the places where bishops elected & consecrated are to reside as bishops : for considering the huge charges which the ancient famous princes of this land have been at , as well in erecting episcopal seas , as also in endowing them with ample possessions , sure of their religious magnificence and bounty , we cannot think but to have been most deservedly honored , with those royall prerogatives , taking the benefit which groweth out of them in their vacancy , and of advancing alone unto such dignities what persons they judge most fit for the same . a thing over and besides , even therefore the more seasonable , for that as the king most justly hath preheminence to make lords temporal , which are not such by right of birth , so the like preheminence of bestowing where pleaseth him the honour of spiritual nobility also cannot seem hard , bishops being peers of the realm , and by law it self so reckoned . now whether we grant so much unto kings in this respect , or in the fomer consideration , whereupon the lawes have annexed it unto the crown it must of necessity being granted both make void whatsoever interest the people aforetime hath had towards the choice of their own bishop , and also restrain the very act of canonical election usually made by the dean and chapter , as with us in such sort it doth , that they neither can proceed unto any election till * * * leav be granted , nor elect any person but that is named unto them . if they might doe the one it would be in them to defeat the king of his profits : if the other , then were the kings preheminences of granting those dignities nothing . and therefore were it not for certain canons requiring canonical election to be before consecration , i see no cause but that the kings letters patents alone might suffice well enough to that purpose , as by law they doe in case those electors should happen not to satisfie the kings pleasure . their election is now but a matter of form ; it is the kings meer grant which placeth , and the bishops consecration which maketh bishops : neither do the kings of this land use herein any other then such prerogatives as foraign nations have been accustomed unto . about the year of our lord 425. pope boniface sollicited most earnestly the emperour monorius to take some order that the bishops of rome might be created without ambitious seeking of the place . a needless petition if so be the emperour had no right at all in the placing of bishops there . but from the days of justinian the emperour about the year 553. onuphrius himself doth grant that no man was bishop in the sea of rome whom first the emperor by his letters-patents did not licence to be consecrated , till in benedicts time it pleased the emperor to forgoe that right , which afterwards was restored to charles with augmentation , and continued in his successors till such time as hildebrand took it from hen. 4. and ever since the cardinals have held it as at this day . had not the right of giving them belonged to the emperours of rome within the compass of their dominions what needeth pope leo the fourth to trouble lotharius and lodowick with those his letters whereby having done them to understand that the church called reatina was without a bishop , he maketh suit that one colonus might have the rome , or if that were otherwise disposed , his next request was , tusculanam ecclesiam quae viduata existit illi vestra serenitas dignetur concedere , ut consecratis à nostro presulatu deo omnipotenti vestroque imperio grates peragere valeat : may it please your clemencies to grant unto him the church of tuscula , now likewise void , that by our episcopal authority , he being after consecrated may be to almighty god and your highness therefore thankfull . touching other bishopricks extant , there is a very short , but a plain discourse written almost 500. years since , by occasion of that miserable contention raised between the emperor henr. 4. and pope hildebrand . named otherwise gregory the seventh , not as platina would bear men in hand for that the d. of rome would not brook the emperors symoniacall dealing , but because the right which christian kings and emperors had to invest bishops , hindred so much his ambitious designments , that nothing could detain him from attempting to wrest it violently out of their hands . this treatise i mention for that it shortly comprehendeth not only the fore-alledged right of the emperour of rome , acknowledged by six several popes , even with bitter execration against whomsoever of their successors that should by word or deed at any time goe about to infringe the same , but also further these other specialties appertaining thereunto : first , that the bishops likewise of spain , england , scotland , hungary had by ancient institution alwaies been invested by their kings without opposition or disturbance . secendly , that such was their royal interest partly for that they were founders of bishopricks , partly because they undertook the defence of them against all ravenous oppressions and wrongs , part in as much that it was not safe , that rooms of so great power and consequence in their estate , should without their appointment be held by any under them . and therfore that ev'n bishops then did homage , and took their oathes of fealty unto the kings which invested them . thirdly , that what solemnitity or ceremony kings do use in this action it skilleth not ; as namely whether they doe it by word or by precept , set down in writing or by delivery of a staffe and a ring , or by any other means whatsoever only that use and custome would , to avoid all offence , be kept . some base canonists there are which contend that neither kings nor emperours had ever any right hereunto saving only by the popes either grant or toleration . whereupon nor to spend any further labour we leave their folly to be controlled by men of more ingenuity & judgment even amongst themselves : duarensis , papon , choppinus , aegidius , magister , arnulphus , ruzaeus , costvius , philippus probus , and the rest , by whom the right of christian kings and princes herein is maintained to be such as the bishops of rome cannot lawfully either withdraw , or abridge or hinder . but of this thing there is with us no question although with them there be ; the laws and customes of the realm approving such regalities in case no reason thereof did appear , yet are they hereby aboundantly warranted unto us , except some law of god or nature to the contrary could be shewed . how much more when they have been every where thought so reasonable , that christian kings throughout the world use and exercise , if not altogether : yet surely with very little odds the same ; so far that gregorie the tenth forbidding such regalities to be newly begun , where they were not in former times , if any doe claim those rights from the first foundation of churches , or by ancient custome of them , he only requireth that neither they nor their agents damnifie the church of god , by using the said prerogatives : now as there is no doubt but the church of england by this means is much eased of some inconveniences , so likewise a speciall care there is requisite to be had , that other evils no less dangerous may not grow . by the history of former times it doth appear , that when the freedom of elections was most large , mens dealings and proceedings therein were not the least faulty . of the people st. jerome complaineth , that their judgements many times went much awrie , and that in allowing of their bishops , every man favoured his own quality , every ones desire was not so much to be under the regiment of good and virtuous men , as of them which were like himself . what man is there whom it doth not exceedingly grieve to read the tumults , tragidies , and schismes which were raised by occasion of the clergy at such times as divers of them standing for some one place , there was not any kind of practise though never so unhonest ot vile left unassaied , whereby men might supplant their competitors , and the one side foil the other . sidonius speaking of a bishoprick void in his time : the decease of the former bishop ( saith he ) was an alarm to such as would labour for the room : whereupon the people forthwith betaking them selves unto parts , storm on each side , few there are that make suit for the advancement of any other man ; many who not only offer but enforce themselves . all things light , variable , counterfeit . what should i say ? i see not any thing plain and open but impudence only . in the church of constantinople about the election of s. chrysostome by reason that some strove mightily for him and some for nectarius , the troubles growing had not been small , but that aroadius the emperor interposed himself ; even as at rome the emperor valentinian , whose forces were hardly able to establish damasus bishop , and to compose the strife between him and his competitor urficinus , about whose election the blood of 137 was already shed . where things did not break out into so manifest and open flames ; yet between them which obtained the place , and such as before withstood their promotion , that secret hart burning often grew , which could not afterwards be easily slaked ; insomuch that pontius doth note it as a rare point of vertue in cyprian , that whereas some were against his election , he notwithstanding dealt ever after in most friendly manner with them , all men wondering that so good a memory was so easily able to forget . these and other the like hurts accustomed to grow from ancient elections we doe not feel . howbeit least the church in more hidden sort should sustain even as grievous detriment by that order which is now of force ; we are most humbly to crave at the hands of soveraign kings and governors , the highest patrons which this church of christ hath on earth , that it would please them to be advertised thus much . albeit these things which have been sometimes , done by any sort may afterwards appertain unto others , and so the kind of agents vary as occasions dayly growing shall require , yet sundry unremovable and unchangeable burthens of duty there are annexed unto every kind of publique action , which burthens in this case princes must know themselves to stand now charged with in gods sight , no lesse than the people and the clergy , when the power of electing their prelates did rest fully and wholly in them . a fault it had been if they should in choice have preferred any , whom desert of most holy life and the gift of divine wisedome did not commend , a fault if they had permitted long the rooms of the principal pastors of god to continue void , not to preserve the church patrimony , as good to each successor as any predecessor enjoy the same , had been in them a most odious & grievous fault . simply , good and evil doe not loose their nature . that which was is the one or the other , whatsoever the subject of either be . the faults mentioned are in kings by so much greater for that in what churches they exercise those regalities , whereof we do now intreat , the same churches they have received into their speciall care and custody , with no lesse effectual obligation of conscience then the tutor standeth bound in for the person and state of that pupill whom he hath solemnly taken upon him to protect and keep . all power is given unto edification , none to the overthrow and destruction of the church . concerning therefore the first branch of spiritual dominion , thus much may suffice , seeing that they with whom we contend doe not directly oppose themselves against regalities , but only so far forth as generally they hold that no church dignity should be granted without consent of the common people , and that there ought not to be in the church of christ any episcopall rooms for princes to use their regalitie in . of both which questions we have sufficiently spoken before . as therefore the person of the king may for just consideration , even where the cause is civil , be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of judgment and others under his authority be fit , he unfit himself to judge ; so the considerations for which it were happily not convenient for kings , to sit and give sentence in spiritual courts , where causes ecclesiastical are usually debated , can be no bar to that force and efficacie which their sovereign power hath over those very consistories , and for which we hold without any exception that all courts are the kings . all men are not for all things sufficient , and therefore publick affairs being divided , such persons must be authorised judges in each kinde as common reason may presume to be most fit ; which cannot of king 's and princes ordinarily be presumed in causes meerly ecclesiastical ; so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen unto other men . we see it hereby a thing necessary to put a difference as well between that ordinary jurisdiction which belongeth to the clergy alone , and that commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to joyn with them , as also between both these jurisdictions and a third , whereby the king hath a transcendent authority , and that in all causes over both . why this may not lawfully be granted unto him , there is no reason . a time there was when kings were not capable of any such power , as namely when they professed themselves open adversaries unto christ and christianity . a time there followed when they being capable , took sometimes more , sometimes less to themselves , as seem'd best in their own eyes , because no certainty touching their right was as yet determined . the bishops who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such affairs , saw very just cause of grief when the highest , favoring heresie , withstood by the strength of soveraign authority , religious proceedings ; whereupon they oftentimes against this unresistable power , pleaded that use and custom which had been to the contrary ; namely , that the affairs of the church should be dealt in by the clergy and by no other , unto which purpose the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolishing orders and laws , against such as did of their own heads contrary thereunto , are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against them who use but that power which laws have given them , unless men can show that there is in those laws some manifest iniquity or injustice . whereas therefore against the force judicial & imperial which supream authority hath , it is alledged how constantine termeth church officers , overseers of things within the church , himself of all without the church ; how augustine witnesseth that the emperor not daring to judge of the bishops cause , committed it unto the bishops , and was to crave pardon of the bishops , for that by the donatists importunity , which made no end of appealing unto him , he was ( being weary of them ) drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs , how hilarie beseecheth the emperor constance to provide that the governors of his provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgment of ecclesiastical causes , to whom commonwealth matters only belonged ; how ambrose affirmeth that palaces belong unto the emperor , churches to the minister , that the emperor hath authority over the commonwealth of the city , and not in holy things , for which cause he never would yield to have the causes of the church debated in the princes consistory , but excused himself to the emperor valentinian , for that being convented to answer concerning church matters in a civil court , he came not . [ besides these testimonies of antiquity , which mr. cart. bringeth forth , doctor stapleton who likewise citeth them one by one to the same purpose , hath augmented the number of them , by adding other of the like nature ; namely , how hosius the bishop of corduba answered the emperor , saying , god hath committed to thee the empire ; with those things that belong to the church , he hath put us in trust . how leontius bishop of tripolis also told theself same emperor as much . i wonder how thou which art called unto one thing , takest upon thee to deal in another , for being placed in military and politique affairs , in things that belong unto bishops alone thou wilt bear rule . ] we may by these testimonies drawn from antiquity , if we list to consider them , discern how requisite it is that authority should always follow received laws in the manner of proceeding . for in as much as there was at the first no certain law determining what force the principal civil magistrates authority should be of , how far it should reach , and what order it should observe , but christian emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable , in those affairs , by this mean it cometh to pass , that they in their practice varie , and are not uniforme . vertuous emperors , such as constantine the great was , made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the customes which had been used in the church , even when it lived under infidels . constantine of reverence to bishops , and their spiritual authority , rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do , then was willing to claim a power not fit or decent for him to exercise . the order which had been before he ratifieth , exhorting bishops to look to the church , and promising that he would do the office of a bishop over the common-wealth . which very constantine notwithstanding did not thereby so renounce all authority in judging of spirituall causes , but that sometimes he took , as st. augustine witnesseth , even personall cognition of them . howbeit whether as purposing to give therein judicially any sentence , i stand in doubt ; for if the other , of whom st. augustine elsewhere speaketh , did in such sort judge , surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not ususally done . otherwise there is no let but that any such great person may hear those causes to and fro debated , and deliver in the end his own opinion of them , declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is . but this kind of sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto : it is a sentence of private perswasion , and not of solemn jurisdiction , albeit a king or an emperour pronounce it . again on the contrary part , when governors infected with heresie were possessed of the highest power they thought they might use it , as pleased themselves to further by all means therewith that opinion which they desired should prevail . they not respecting at all what was meet , presumed to command and judge all men in all causes without either care of orderly proceeding or regard to such laws & customs as the church had been wont to observe . so that the one sort feared to doe even that which they might , and that which the other ought not they boldly presumed upon : the one sort modestly excused themselves when they scace needed , the other though doing that which was inexsable bare it out with main power , not enduring to be told by any man how far they roved beyond their bounds . so great odds between them whom before we mentioned , and such as the younger valentinian , by whom st. ambrose being commanded to yeild up one of the churches under him unto the arrians , whereas they which were sent on his message , alledged that the emperour did but use his own right for as much as all things were in his own power , the answer which the holy bishop gave them was , that the church is the house of god , and that those things which be gods are not to be yielded up and disposed of at the emperors will and pleasure ; his pallaces he might grant unto whomsoever . a cause why many times emperours did more by their absolute authority then could very well stand with reason , was the over-great importunity of wicked hereticks , who being enemies to peace and quietness cannot otherwise then by violent means be supported . in this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own church much better settled then theirs was , because our laws have with farr more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kind of power . all decisions of things doubtfull , and corrections of things amiss are proceeded in by order of law , what person soever he be unto whom the administration of judgement belongeth : it is neither permitted unto prelate nor prince to judge and determin at their own discretion , but law hath prescribed what both shall do . what power the king hath , he hath it by law , the bounds and limits of it are known . the entire community giveth general order by law how all things publickly are to be done , and the king as the head thereof the highest in authority over all , causeth according to the same law every particular to be framed and ordered thereby . the whole body politick maketh lawes , which lawes give power unto the king , and the king having bound himself to use according unto law that power , it so falleth out that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort . there is no cause given unto any to make supplication as hilary did , that civil covernors to whom common-wealth matters only belong , may not presume to take upon them the judgment of ecclesiastical causes . if the cause be spiritual , secular courts doe not meddle with it , we need not excuse our selves with ambrose , but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any civill judge in a matter which is not civill ; so that we doe not mistake the nature either of the cause or of the court , as we easily may doe both , without some better direction then can be had by the rules of this new-found disciplines but of this most ceertain we are that our lawes doe neither suffer a * spirituall court to entertain those causes which by law are civil ; nor yet if the matter beindeed spirituall a meer civil court to give judgement of it . touching supreme power therefore to command all men , and in all manner of causes of judgement to be highest . let thus much suffice as well for declaration of our own meaning , as for defence of the truth therein . this is added by the lord primat usher . * the kings exemption from censure , and other judiciall power . the last thing of all which concerns the kings supremacie is whither thereby he may be exempted from being subject to that judiciall power which ecclesiasticall consistories have over men . it seemeth first in most mens judgements to be requisite , that on earth there should not be any alive altogether without standing in aw of some by whom they may be controled and bridled . the good estate of a commonwealth within it self is thought on nothing to depend more then upon these two speciall affections feare and love : feare in the highest governour himself , and love in the subjects that live under him. the subjects love for the most part continueth as long as the righteousness of kings doth last , in whom vertue decaieth not as long as they feare to do that which may alienate the loving hearts of their subjects from them . feare to do evill groweth from the harm which evill doers are to suffer . if therefore private men which know the danger they are subject unto , being malefactors , do notwithstanding so boldly adventure upon heinous crimes , only because they know it is possible for some transgressor sometimes to escape the danger of law . in the mighty upon earth ( which are not alwaies so virtuous and holy that their own good minds will bridle them ) what may we look for considering the frailty of mens nature , if the world do once hold it for a maxime that kings ought to live in no subjection , that how grievous disorder soever they fall into , none may have coercive power over them . yet so it is that this we must necessarily admit as a number of rightwell learned men are perswaded . let us therefore set down first what there is which may induce men so to think , and then consider their severall inventions or ways who judge it a thing necessary even for kings themselves to be punishable , and that by men . the question it self we will not determine , the reasons of each opinion being opened it shall be best for the wise to judge which of them is likeliest to be true . our purpose being not to oppugne any save onely that which reformers hold and of the rest rather to enquire then to give sentance . inducements leading men to think the highest majestrate should not be judged of any saving god alone , are specially these . first , as there could be in naturall bodies no motion of any thing unlesse there were some which moved all things and continueth unmoveable , even so in politick societies , there must be some unpunishable or else no man shall suffer punishment , for sith punishments proceed alwaies from superiors to whom the administration of justice belongeth , which administration must have necessarily a fountain that deriveth it to all others , and receiveth not from any , because otherwise the course of justice should go infinitely in a circle every superiour having his superior without end ; which cannot be ; therefore a well-spring , it followeth there is , and a supreme head of justice whereunto all are subject , but it self in subjection to none . which kind of preheminence if some ought to have in a kingdome , who but the king shall have it ? kings therefore no man can have lawfull power and authority to judge . if private men offend , there is the majestrate over them which judgeth ; if majestrates they have their prince . if princes there is heaven , a tribunall , before which they shall appeare : on earth they are not accomptable to any . here it breaks off abruptly . the form of church government , before and after christ. as it is expressed in the old and new testament . of the form of government in the old testament . therewere priests before the law. melchisedech genes . 14. 18. in egypt 46. 20. 41. 50. patiphera . in the east , job . 12. 19. exod. 2. 16. madian . among the jews . exod. 19. 22 , 24. these were young men of the sons of israel exod. 24. 5. the eldest sons or first-born numb . 3. 12. 8. 16. under moses . the commonwealth of israel was either personal , containing all the whole people , not a man left . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . or representative in which the estate , tribes , cities , whose daughters the towns adjacent are called . i. the estate had ever one governor , 1. moses , 2. joshua , 3. judges , 4. tirshathaes or ( vice-roys ) ezra 2. 63. with whom were joyned the lxx . elders called ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ) ii. the tribes had every one their prince , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phylarcha ( num. 2. ) with whom were joyned the chief of the families , patriarchae ( num. 1. 4. ) iii. the cities had each likewise their ruler : judg. 9. 30. 1 kings 22. 26. 2 kings 23. 8. with whom were joyned the elders , or ancients ( ruth 4. 2. ezra 10. 14. these last , not before they came into canaan , ( and were setled in their citys . ) it appeareth , that moses sometime consulted only with the heads of the tribes , and then one trumpet only sounded , num. 10. 4. in some other causes with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( or assembly of the lxx . ) and then both trumpets called ( num. 10. 3. ) * when all did meet it represented the whole body of israel : [ so then sometimes all the people , the whole body of israel met ; sometimes the whole people were represented by the chief men of the several tribes . ] the highest bench , or judgment for causes of greatest difficulty was that of the lxx , who at the first were the fathers of each family that came down to egypt ( gen. 46. ) which number did after that remain , exod. 24. 1. 9. and was at last by god himself so appointed num. 11. 16. see ( 2 chron. 19. 8. ) the inferiour benches , for matters of less importance were erected by jethroes advice . of rulers of thousands hundreds fiftiss tithings exod. 18. 21 , 26 , and after established by gods approbation ( deut. 16. ) in every city , wherein ( as josephus saith ) were seven judges , and for each judge two levites , which made together the bench of each city . the forme of ecclesiasticall government [ amongst the priests . the priesthood was settled in the tribe of levy by god. levy had three sons , cohath , gershom , and 〈◊〉 . of these , line of cohath was preferred before the rest . from him descended four families , amram , izhar , hebron , and uzziel . of these the stock of amram was made chief . he had two sons , aaron and moses . aaron was by god appointed high-priest , so that there came to be four distinctions of levites : 1. aaron as chief . 2. cohath . 3. gershon . 4. merari . the common-wealth of israel was at the beginning in the desert , a camp in the middest whereof the ark and tabernacle were pitched ; and according to the four coasts whereof they quartered themselves , on every side three tribes . on the east side judah , issachar , zabulon , num. 2 verse 3 south reuben , simeon , gad , 10 west ephraim , manasses , benjamin . 18 north dan , asher , napthali . 25 these four quarters were committed to those four divisions of levites . the east quarter to aaron and his family , numb . 3. verse 38. south the cohathites , 29. west the gershonites , 23. north the merarites , 35. who lodged among them , and took charge of them as of their several wards . but there was not an * equality in these four ; for , 1. aarons family , which bare the ark it self was chief . 2. cohaths , which bare the tabernacle , and vessels next . 3. gershons , which bare the veile and hangings of the court , third 4. meraries , which bare the pillars and posts , last . neither were all the levites of each of these several houses equal , but god ordained a superiority among them . over the priests eleazar numb . 3. ver . 30. cohathites elizaphau gershonites eliasaph 24. merarites zuriel 35. whom he termeth nesiim , that is , prelates or superiors . no , nor did he permit these four to be equals among themselves ; but appointe● ithamar ( exod. 38. 21. to command over eliasaph with his gershonites num. 4. 28. zuriel with his merarites , num. 4. 33. eleazar ( nu. 4. 16 ) to have jurisdiction over his own family . elizaphau with his cohathites . note . yea he maketh not eleazar , and ithamar to be absolute equalls , but giveth eleazar preeminence over ithamer , and therefore termeth him nasi nasiim , princeps principum , or praelatus praelatorum , num. 3. 32. and all these under aaron the * highest . so that 1. aaron was the high priest. 2. under him eleazar ; who as he had his peculiar charge to look unto , so was he * also generally to rule both ithamars jurisdiction and his own . 3. under him ithamar , over two families . 4. under him the three prelates . 5. under each of them their several chief fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are termed ( exod. 6. 25. ) under elizaphau foure , under eliasaph two , under zuriel two . num. 3. 18. &c. 6. under these the several persons of their kindred . note . this is here worth the noting , that albeit , it be granted that aaron was the type of christ , and so we forbear to takeany argument from him , ( yet eleazar ) who was no type , nor ever so deemed by any writer ) will serve sufficiently to shew such superiority as is pleaded for , that is a personal jurisdiction in one man resiant over the heads or rulers of divers charges [ in one kingdom state or national government , as here in israel under moses , who was ( as kings now are ) custos utriusque tabulae , and took care of all matters civil and ecclesiastical . ] the form of government under joshua . the commonwealth being changed from the ambulatory form , into a setled estate in the citys of caanau , as before the levites were divided according to the several quarters of the campe , so now were they sorted into the several territories of the tribes , so god commanded , num. 35. 2. 8. the lot so fell , that the four partitions of the xii . tribes were not the same , as when they camped before together , but after another sort , for the tribes of 1. juda , simeon , and benjamine made the first quarter . 2. ephraim , dan , and half the tribe of manasses , the second quarter . 3. izachar , ashur , napthali , and the other half of manasses , the third quarter . 4. zebulun , reuben , and gad the fourth quarter . now in these four. 1. the charge , or over-sight of the first was committed to aaron and his family , and they had therein assigned to them xiii . cities , in judah and simeon ix . and in benjamin iv. ( joshua 21. 10. &c. ) 2. of the second the care was committed to the family of the cohathites , and they had * therein assigned to them x. cities ; in ephraim iv. in dan. iv. and in the half of manasses ii. ( joshua 21. 20. ) 3. the third was committed to the family of gershon , and they had therein assigned to them xiii . cities ; in issachar iv. in asher iv. in napthali iii. in the other half of manasses ii. ( joshua 21. 27. ) 4. the oversight of the fourth partition was committed to the merarites , and they had therein assigned to them xii . cities ; in zebulun iv. in reuben iv. in gad iv. ( joshua 21. 34. ) these were in all xlviii cities , whereof the chief ( as may appear ) were cities set on hills , and all scituate in such proportion of distance , as they most equally parted their tribe among them , to perform unto them their duties of attendance and instruction . further , there were in joshua's time added by decree of the princes , the nethinims of the people of gibeon for the lowest ministeries , and for the service of the levites ( joshua 9. 27. ) so that now the order was thus . 1. eleazer . 2. phineas . 3. abisa. 4. the three nesilm . 5. the rase aboth ( or heads of the families . ) 6. the levites . 7. the nethinims . note . if this power and superiority was necessary , when all the people and priests were within one trench , even within the view of aarons eye , much more in canaan , when they were scattered abroad in divers cities farre distant , was the retaining of it more then necessary . * now the abovesaid 48. cities of the levites were these , in judah and simeon ix . viz. " hebron , libna , jattir , estitema , holon , debir , ain , jutta , bethshemesh . in benjamin iv. viz. " gibeon , geba , anathoth , almon. in ephraim iv. viz. " sichem , gezer , kibraim , beth-horon . in dan iv. viz. " eltekah , tekoa , gibethorn , aialon . in the half of manasses ii. viz , " taanach , gathrimmon . in issachar iv. viz. " kishon , dabera , jarmath , engamin . in aser iv. viz. " mishall , abdon , helka , rehob . in nepthali iii. viz. " kedish galilaae , itamoth dor , kiriathaim . in the half of manasses ii. viz. " golau ashtaroth . in zabulon iv. viz. " jockmea , karta , dimna , nahalal . in reuben iv. viz. " bezer , jahaza , kedimoth , nephaath . in gad. iv. viz. ramoth gilead , mahanaim heshbon , and jazer . the forme of government under david . note . albeit under sauls government small regard was had to the church , yet david found at his coming a superiority among them . for besides the priests , he found six princes or rulers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over six families of the levites ( 1. chron. 15. 5 , 6. &c. ) uriel . over cohath . asaiah . merart . joel . gershom . shemaiah . elizaphau . eliel . hebron . aminadab . uzziel . likewise between the two priests an inequality , the one abiathar , attending the ark at jerusalem : the higher function , the other zadock , the tabernacle at gibeon ( 2 sam. 20. 25. 1 chr 16. 37. 39. ) but after the arke was brought back , he set a most exquisite order among the levites , and that by samuels direction . 1. chron. 9. 22. so that he is there reckoned as a new founder . of them he made six orders . 1 chron. 23. 1. priests . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24000. vers. 4. 2. ministers of priests . 3. judges . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6000. vers. 4. 4. officers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. singers . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4000 vers. 5. 6. porters . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 4000 1. of priests , zadock was the chief of the family of eleazar , and abimelech the second of the family of ithamar ( 1 chron. 24. 3. ) * besides and under these were xxiiii other courses . of the posterity of eleazar . xvi . ithamar . viii . 1 chron. 24. 4. which 24 are called in the 5. verse rulers of the sanctuary , and rulers of the house of god , to whom it is thought by learned interpreters , that the 24. elders apoc. 4. 4. have reference . 2. of levites that ministred to the priests in their function , likewise 24. courses , out of the 9. families the heads of whom are set down in the first of chron. 23. 6. & 24. & 20. and the genealogy of them is thus as followeth . all this was written with the l. primats own hand . of cohath 4. amram . moses gershom . shubael . i. iohdeia . eleazar . rehabiah . ii. eshiah izhar . shelomith . iii. iahath . hebron . iiii. ieriah . v. amariah . vi. iahaziel . vii . iekameam . uzziel . micha . viii . shamir . iesiah , or isshiah . ix . zechariah . gershom 2. laadan . or libni . x. iehiel . xi . zetham . xii . ioel. shimei xiii . shelomith . xiiii . haziel . xv. haran . xvi . iahath . xvii . ziza or zina . xviii . ieush and beriah , who were counted for one ( 1 chr. 23. 11. ) merari 3. mahli . eleazar . ( obiit sine filiis 1 chr. 23. 22 ) kish . xix . ierahmeel : mushi xx. marli . xxi . eder . xxii . ierimoth . iehazia . beno . xxiii . shoham . xxiiii . zaccur . xxv . ibri . * * iii. of judges that sate for causes as well of god as the king there were appointed 1. on this side jordan upwards towards the river . ashabiah the hebronite ( 1 chron. 26. 30. ) 2. on this side jordan downwards towards the sea chenaniah the isharite ( 1 chron. 26. 29. ) 3. beyond jordan over the two tribes and the half , jerijah the chief of the hebronites ( 1 chr. 26. 31. ) iv. of officers . scribes . shemajah ( 1 chron. 24. 6. ) serajah ( 2 sam. 8. 17. ) shevah ( 2 sam. 20. 25. ) scribes of the levites ( 1 chron. 24. 6. ) temple ( 2 kings 22. 3. jerem. 36. 10. ) people ( matt. 2. 4. ) king. 2 kings ( 12. 10. ) v. of the singers , likewise he set xxiv . courses , over which he placed three chief out of the three families chro. 15. 17. & 25. 2 , 3 , 4. out of cohath , heman samuels nephew ( 1 chron. 6. 33. ) gershoni , asaph ( 1 chron. 6. 30. merari , ethau , or jeduthun ( 1 chro. 6. 44. ) of these heman was the chief ( 1 chron. 25. 5. ) under these were divers others * ( chron. 15. 18. ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vi. of porters who were divided into the keepers of the watch of the temple ( matt. 27. 65. ) psal. 134. 1. ) who were placed on each quarter of the tabernacle ( 1 chr. 26. 13. 14. &c. ) on the east side vi. over whom was shelemiah . south iv. ( for the tablernacle ii. for asuppim ) over whom was obed-edom . west iv. over whō was hosa . north iv. over whom was zechariah . over all these it seemeth benajah , the son of jehoiadah the priest was the chief ( 1 chron. 27 5. ) * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the captain of the temple ( acts 4. 1. ) treasurers for the revenues of the house of god ( 1 chr. 26. 20. ) cohath , shebuel of moses , gershon , jehiel , merari , ahiah , things dedicated by vow , & c. shelomith ( 1 chr. 26. 26. ) cohath , shebuel of moses , gershon , jehiel , merari , ahiah , over all the porters was chenaniah ( 1 chron. 26 , 29. 15. 22 , 27 , ) it is to be remembred that besides zadock the high-priest , and abimelech ( the second ) we find mention of hashabiah the sonne of kemuel , as chief of the whole tribe ( 1 chro. 27. 17. ) so that there was one over the ark , zadock . the second over the tabernacle , ahimeleck . the third over the tribe . hashabiah . as over the levits ministers , jehdaiah . judges , chasabiah . officers , shemaiah . singers , heman . porters , chenaniah or benaeiah . agreeable to this form we read , that under . josias there were three * rulers of the house of god , that is hilkiah , zachariah , and jehiel ( 2 chron. 35. 8. ) and that the levites had over them six 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( 2 chron. 35. 9. again under zedekiah , that there were carried into captivity seraiah the chief priest , and zephaniah the second priest ( 2 king. 25. 18. ) likewise under ezekiah , at the provision for the levites portions , there were 10. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — or overseers of the levites : over whom was cononiah the * chief , and shimei the * second : and so kore over voluntary offerings ; and six levites under him ( 2 chro. 31. 12 , 13 , &c. the form of government under nehemiah . of whom , and esdras it is recorded , that they did all according to moses institution ( ezra 6. 18. ) ( nehemiah 10. 34. 36. ) there was then eliasha , the * high priest ( nehemiah 3. 1. ) seraiah , the * ruler of the house of god. 11. 11 ) zabdiel , the * overseer of the priests . 11. 14 ) the courses were then but xxii ( nehemiah 12. 12. ) there was then uzzi , * the overseer of the levites ( nehemiah 11. 22. jezrahia , * the oveseer of the singers ( nehemiah 12. 42. shallum , the chief of the porters ( 1 chro. 9. 17. under zabdiel at his hand adaiah amasai ( nehem. 11 , ver . 12-13 . ) under uzzi shemaiah sabbethai jozabad ( nehem. 11. 15 , 16. ) under jezrahiah mattaniah bakbukiah abda ( nehem. 11. 17. under shallum akkub . ( 1 chron. 9. 17. ) talmon . ( nehem. 11. 19. ) so that there was 1. the high-priest , 2. the second , and third , overseers of the priests , 3. the princes of the priests * ezra 8. 29. 4. the priests . 5. the overseer of the levites , 6. the princes of the levites , 7. the levites , 8. the heads of the nethinims , 9. the nethinims of the gibeonites , solomons servant . a brief recapitulation of the degrees observed under the government of the old testament , with an accommodation thereof unto the new. out of these we gather this form to have been i. moses in whom was the supream jurisdiction ; to visit aaron ( numb . 3. 10. ) ii. aaron the high priest ( levit. 21. 20. numb . 35. 28. nehem. 3. 1. ) head ( 2 cron. 19-11 . prince of the house of god ( 2 chron. 9. 11. ) iii. eleazar the second ( 2 king. 25. 18. ) as there zephaniah is said to be . prelate of prelates ( num. 3. 22. ) chief overseer , or bishop ( jer. 20. 1. ) at his hand ithamar . iv. prince of the tribe ( 1 chron. 27. 17 ) v. elizaphau , eliasaph , zuriel . prelates ( num. 3. 24 &c. ) overseers or bishops ( nehem. 11. 14. 22. ) c. 12. 32. vi. in the xxiv . courses set by david ; the princes of the priests . ezra 8. 29. the house of god. of the sanctuary . 1 chron. 24. 5. elders of the priests , jeremiah 19. 1. ( 2 kings 19. 2. ) heads of the families , ( nehemiah 12. 12. ) chief priests ( acts 19. 14. ) vii . the priests themselves . whether at jerusalem , or in the country towns ( 2 chron. 3. 19. ) viii . the overseer of the levites ( nehem. 11. 22. ) ix , the princes of the levites ( 1 chron , 15 , 5 , ) ( 2 chron , 31 , 12 , and 35 , 9 , ) nehem , 12 , 22 , ) x. the head of the levites officers . the scribe , * ( 2 chron , 31. 13. ) * of the singers , ( 1 chron. 16. 5. ) nehem. 12. 42. of the porters , ( 1 chron. 9. 17. and 15. 22. ) of the treasurers , ( 1 chron. 26. 24. 2 chron. 21. 11. ) xi . the levites themselves . xii . the chief of the nethinims , ( nehem. 11. 21. ) xiii . the nethinims gibeonites , ( josua 9. 21. ) solomons servants , ( 1 king. 9. 21. nehem. 7. 60. ) it is not only requisite that things be done , but that they be diligently done , against sloth , and that they be done continually and constantly , * not for a time ( against schism , and if they be not , that redress may be had . to this end it is , that god appointeth overseers . 1. to urge others if they be slack , ( 2 chron. 24. 5. & 34. 12 , 13. 2. to keep them in course , if they be well , 2 chron. 29. 5. & 31. 12. & 34. 12 , 13. 3. to punish , if any be defective ( jerem. 29. 26 ) for which cause a power of commanding was in the high priest ( 2 chron. 23. 8. & 18. & 24. 26. & 31. 13. a power judicial , if they transgressed ( deut. 17 , 9. zach. 3. 7. ezek. 44. 24. ) under paine of death , ( deut. 17. 12. ) punishment in prison , and in the stocks , ( jer. 29. 26. in the gate of benjamin , ( jer. 20. 2. ) officers to cite and arrest . ( john 7. 32. acts 5. 18. ) this corporal . to suspend from the function , ezra 2. 62. to excommunicate , ezra 10. 8. john 9. 22. & 12. 42 , 16. 2. this spiritual . 1. why may not the like now be for the government of the christian church . there is alledged on only stop . that the high priests was a figure of christ , who being now come in the flesh , the figure ceaseth , and no argument thence to be drawn . answ. there is no necessity we should press aaron , for eleazar being princeps principum , that is , having a superior authority over the superiors of the levites in aarons life time , was never by any in this point reputed a type of christ , so that though aaron be accounted such , yet eleazar will serve our purpose . as also the ( 2 chron. 35 , 8. ) we read of three at once , one only , of which was the high-priest , and a type of christ , the rest were not , let them then answer to the other twaine , who were rulers , or chief over the house of god. thus we grant , that aaron and the high priests after him were types of christ , and that christ at his death ended that type ; yet affirm , that eleazar being praelatus praelatorum , governing and directing the ecclesiastical persons under him , and being subject to moses was not any type of christ ; further we say , that the twelve apostles as so many several eleazars under christ , were in the primitive times sent to several coasts of the world to govern , direct and teach fcclesiastical persons and people in their several divisions . we say also that many primates now , as so many eleazars under christ , and in several kingdoms and states of the world , to govern , direct , and teach ecclesiastical persons , and people in their several divisions ; and yet be under and responsible to christian princes and states , who have the chief charge of matters both civil and ecclesiastical . object . if it be further alledged , that eleazar and all sacrificing priests ( quatenus sacrificers ) were types of christ , who sacrificed himself for us , and put an end to all sacrifices typing himself . answ. answ. this we grant , and further say , that the popish sacrificing priests , office and other performance in this regard , is utterly unlawful and sinful . but the other imployments of eleazar , viz. his governing , directing and teaching both the ecclesiastical persons and the people , were not typical nor ended , but are still of use , for the apostles practiced the same ; so have their successors to these very days . and that this is most true , the presbyterial classes cannot but grant ; for this very authority over ministers and people , they use , and therefore judg it not typical . besides st. paul appearing before one , but a weak resemblance of the old high priest , yielded him obedience , and acknowledged him a governor of the people , which had been meerly unlawful , if there had not remained in him something not tipical , and not made to cease by christ. hence we see the anabaptists shifts to be vain and gross , when they say we ought to have no wars , for the jews wars were but figures of our spiritual battle ; no magistrates , for the jews magistrates were but figures of our pastors , doctors and deacons ; and as no magistrates , so no oaths , pretending these to be abolished by christ. answ. as in the priests office there were some things not typical , not ended : so kings , types of christ , in somthing only prefigured , and typed him . in many things their office is still of singular use , for they become nursing fathers of the church and provide that we may live a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty . the lawfull use of wars and oaths hath been often vindicated . if the pope here claim authority over all the world , as eleazar over all his brethren , his plea is groundless , wicked and insolent . for , first , each chief bishop in any kingdom , must be subject to the king , as aaron and eleazar to moses . 2. the apostles sent into several kingdoms of the world were all of equal power , no one had authority above the rest in their line , or division , which shews that no primate ought to be of authority over any other primate under a several prince . but each primate subject to christ as eleazar to aaron , and each primate subject to his several king. as eleazar to moses . 2. why it may be . i. out of dic. ecclesiae , the new reformers tell us , we are to fetch our pattern from the jewish sanhedrim therefore it seems they are of opinion , that one form may serve both us and them . ii. except there should be such a fashion of government , consisting of inequality . i see not in the new testament , how any could perish in that contradiction of core , which st jude affirmeth , for his plea was for equalitie ; and against the preferring of aaron above the rest . iii. the ancient fathers , seem to be of mind , that the same form should serve both . so thinketh st. cyprian lib. 3. epist. 9. ad rogatianum . so st hierome . epist. 85. ad evagrium , traditiones apostolicae sumptae sunt de veteri testamento , & ad nepotianum : de vita clericorum . so st. leo. ita veteris testamenti sacramenta distinxit , ut quedam ex iis , sicut erant condita , evangelicae cruditioni profutura decerperet , ut quae dudum fuerant consuetudines judaicae , fierent obsevantiae christianae . so rabanus , ut de institutione clericorum ( lib. 1. c. 6. ) they ground this their opinion upon that they see i. that the synogogue is called a type , or shadow , and [ an image of the church now heb. 10. vers . 1. ] ii. that god himself saith of the christian church , under the gentiles that he will take of the gentiles , and make them priests and levites to himself ( esa. 66. 22. ) there calling our presbyters and deacons by those legall names . iii. that there is an agreemen in the numbers xii . numb . 1. 16. and luk. 9. 8. lxx . numb . 11. 16. and luk. 10. 1. names angell , mal. 2. 7. and rev. 1. 10. degreers aaron . answerable unto christ. eleazar . archbishops . princes of priests . bishops . priests . presbyters . princes of levites archdeacons . levites . deacons . nethinims . clerks & sextons . * and their often enterchange , and indifferent using of priest or presbyter : levite or deacon , sheweth they presumed a correspondence , and agreement between them . the form of church government , in the new testament . and first in the days of our saviour christ. 1. the whole ministrie of the new testament was at the first invested in christ alone . he is termed our apostle ( heb. 3. 1. ) prophet . ( deut. 18. 15. act. 3. 22. ) evangelist ( esa. 41. 27. ) bishop and * pastor ( 1 pet. 2. 25. ) doctor ( mat. 23. 10. ) deacon . ( rom. 15. 8. ) ii. when the harvest was great ( mat. 9. 38. ) that his personall presence could not attend all , he took unto him xii . as the xii . patriarchs or xii . fountains , as st jerome , or the xii . princes of the tribes ( num. 1. ) gathering his disciples mat. 10. 1. choosing out of them . luke 6. 13. whom he would mark. 3. 13. he called them to him . luke 6. 13. made them . mark 3. 13. named them apostles . luke 6. 13. these he began to send ( mark 6. 7. ) gave them in charge ( matt. 10. 1. and 11. 1. ) to preach the gospel ( luke 9. 2. ) to heal ( matt. 10. 1. luke 9. 2. ) to cast out devils ( matt. 10. 1. ) gave them power , to take maintenance ( matt. 10. 10. luke 9. 2. ) to shake off the dust , for a witness ( matt. 10. 14. ) so he sent them ( matt. 10. 5. luke 9. 1. ) they went and preached ( luke 9. 6. ) they returned and made relation , what they had done taught mark. 6. 30. iii. after this , when the harvest grew so great , as that the xii . sufficed not all , luke 10. 1 , 2. he took unto him other lxx , as the 70. palm trees , num. 33. 9. the fathers of families , gen. 46. the elders , num. 11. these he declared , ( luke 10. 1. ) sent by two and two into every city and place whether he himself would come , ibid. gave them power , as to the apostle , to take maintenance , luke 10 7. shake off dust , luke 10. 11. heal the sick , preach , ( luke 10. 19. ) tread upon serpents and scorpions , and over all the power of the enemy ( luke 10. 19. ) these two orders ( as i think ) st. paul ephes. 3. 5. doth comprehend under the name of apostles and prophets , by the lxx . understanding prophets , as wheresoever they are both mentioned together , next to the apostles he placeth prophets ( 1 corinth . 12. 28. eph. 4. 11. ) none of the fathers ever doubted , that these two were two several orders or sorts , nor that the apostles were superior to the lxx . it appeareth also that ( the apostles ) had in them power to forbid to preach , luke 9. 49. and that matthias was exalted from the other order to the apostleship . this was then the order while christ was upon the earth . i. christ himself . ii. the xii . were sent to all nations . their successors were bishops placed and setled in several nations . iii. the lxx . were sent by christ to the particular cities of the jewes , to prepare them for christ , with his apostles comming to them . their successors were presbyters placed in particular cities and towns by the apostles , that they might prepare the hearts of many christians for the receipt and employment of an angel or bishop over the severall presbyters . iv. the faithfull people , or disciples , of whom 500. and more are mentioned in ( 1 corinth . 15. 6. ) * though at the time of the electing of matthias , and the holy ghost's descending , there were but cxx . present ( acts 1. 15. ) the form of government used in the time of the apostles . albeit christ saith , the people were as sheep without a shepheard ( mat. 9. 38. ) yet he termeth his apostles harvest-men , not shepheards ; for while he was in person on earth , himself only was the shepheard . and they but arietes gregis , but at his departure he maketh them shepheards ( john. 21. 15. ) as they likewise others at theirs ( 1 pet. 5. 2. acts 28. ) of the apostles themselves , and first of their names . shelicha , which is the syrian name , was the title of certain legats or commissioners sent from the high-priest , to visit the jews and their synagogues , which were dispersed in other countries , with authority to redress things amiss . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among the greeks were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , into delphos , an office of great credit , as by herodotus and demosthenes appeareth . secondly of their form what it is . not to have been with christ all his life time , acts 1. 21. so were others more . not to be sent immediately of christ , gal. 1. 1. so were the lxx . ( luke 10. ) not to be limitted to one place ( matt. 28. 19. ) sowere others , luke 24. 33. 50. not to be inspired of god , so that they did not erre , so were mark and luke . not to plant churches , so did phillip the evange-list ( acts 8. 5. ) not to work signes and miracles : so did stephen . ( acts. 6. 8. ) and philip ( acts 8. 6. ) but over and above these , or with these that emnient authority or jurisdiction which they had over all , not only joyntly together , but every one * severally by himself . i. of imposing hands in ordination ( acts 6. 6 ) confirmation ( acts 8. 17. 18. ) ii. of commanding ( the word of the bench acts 4. 18. & 5. 28. of caesars , acts 18. 2. ) the word of gods command , 1 cor. 9. 14. 1 thess. 4. 11. 2 thess. 3. 6. 12. of christs acts 1 , 2 , 4. [ of the prophets , acts 5. 32. of the apostles phil. 8. the apostles ordained matters in churches , 1 cor. 7. 17. & 11. 34 the commandments of the apostles of christ the lord are to be kept 1 cor. 14. 37. 2 pet. 3. 2. ] iii. of countermanding ( luke 9. 49. acts. 15. 24. 1 tim. 2. 12. ) iv. of censuring , virga 1 cor. 4. 21. 2 cor. 13. 10. gladius , gal. 5. 12. tradendi satanae , 1. cor. 5. 5. 11. 1 tim. 1. 20. claves , matt. 16. 19. sit tibi with 18. 18. and john 20. 23. ) in this power it is , that the bishops succeed the apostles , 1. iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. 2. tertul. de praescript . 3. 3. cyprian ad plorent . 3. 9. 4. epiphan . haeres . 27. romae fuerunt primi pettus & paulus apostoli udem ac episcopi . 2. chrysost. in act 3. jacobus episcopus fuit hierosolimae . 6. hieronym . epist. 85. & 54. ad marcellam de montano , & de scriptoribus , ecclesiast . in petro & jacobo . 7. ambrose in 1 corinth . 11. ( de angelis ) & in eph. 4. ( apostoli episcopi sunt ) . of deacons . at the beginning the whole weight of the churches affairs lay upon the apostles . the distribution as well of the sacrament ( act 2. 42. ) as of the oblations ( acts 4. 35 ) the ordination ( acts 6. 6. ) the government ( acts 5. 3. ) but upon occasion of the greeks complaint whose widdows were not duly regarded in the daily ministration , which was as well of the sacrament as of the oblations , otherwise the apostles would not have left out ( the mention of ) the sacrament in act. 6. 4. they transferred that part upon the 7. deacons whom they ordained for distribution of the sacrament , not for consecration . * for that the deacons dealt not only with alms , 't is acknowledged by all the primitive church . justin apolog. 2. ignatius ad heron. tertull. de baptismo , cyprian de lapsis , & lib. 3. epist. 9. chrysost. hom . 83. in . matth. hieron . epist. 48. ad sabinam , & contra lucifer . ambr. offic. lib. 1. c. 41. greg. 4. 88. concil . nicaen . 1 can. 14. 1 tim. 3. 12. of evangelists . upon occasion of the scattering of the disciples , by means of the persecution after the death of st. stephen * grew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( acts 8. 4. & 11. 19. ) of which number st. phillip is reckoned ( acts 8. 21. ) and divers others acts 11. 19 , 20. of whom eusebius maketh mention lib. 3. cap. 37. and lib. 5. cap. 10. upon these was transferred that part of the apostles function which consisted in preaching from place to place . electio per sortes , acts 1. 10. per populi suffragia , acts 6. 6. per spiritum sanctum , act. 13. 2. of priests . when the church was in some sort planted by the preaching of the apostles , prophets and evangelists , that they might continually be watered , and have a standing attendance , the apostles ordained them priests by imposition of hands in every church , acts 14. 23. & 11. 30. & 21. 18. and they made choice of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rather then of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . more in use with the greeks , because it includeth an embassie , and that chiefly of reconcilation , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressed by st. paul in 2 cor. 5. 20. with luke 14. 32. [ and thence they were called presbyters . ] of bishops . last of all , that the churches thus planted and watered might so continue , the apostles ordained overseers to have a generall care over the churches , instead of themselves , who had first had the same , which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts 15. 36. and containeth in it , as a strengthening or establishing in that which is already well ( acts 14. 22. & 15. 41. rev. 3. 2. ) so a rectifying or redressing if ought be defective or amiss , tit. 1. 5. these are called by the apostles , acts 20. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the syrrian , that is episcopi , by st. john rev. 1. 20. the angels of the churches . these were set over others both to rule and teach , 1 tim. 5. 17. 1 pet. 5. 2. upon these was transferred the chief part of the apostolick function . the oversight of the church . the power of commanding , correcting , ordaining , the occasion which caused the apostles to appoint bishops ( besides the pattern set by gods ordinance in the time of the law ) seemeth to have been schisms , such as were in the churches of rome , rom. 16. 17. corinth , 1 cor. 1. 11. and 3. 3 , 4. galatia , gall. 5. 12. ephesus , eph. 4. 2 , 3. phillippi , phil. 4. 2. colossi , col. 3. 13. thessalonica , 2 thess. 3. 11. the hebrews , heb. 13. 9. james 3. 1. for which st. cyprian , s. jerome , and all the fathers take the respect to one governor , to be an especiall remedy ( for which also see calvin . instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. 8. 2. ) this power even in the apostles time was necessary , for god chargeth not his church with superfluous burdens , yet had they such graces ( as power of healing , doing signes , sundry languages , &c. that they of all other might seem best able to want it ; for by these graces they purchased both admiration and terrour sufficient for crediting of their bare word , in the whole church . if necessary then in their times that were so furnished , much more in the ages ensuing , when all these extraordinary graces ceased , and no means but it , to keep things in order . so that were it not apparent to have been in the apostles times , yet the necessity of the times following , destitute of these helps , might enforce it . seeing then god hath no less care for the propagation and continuance of his church , then for the first settling or planting of it , eph. 4. 13. it must needs follow , that the power was not personal in the apostles , as tyed to them only , but a power given to the church , and in them for their times resident , but not ending with them as temporary , but common to the ages after , and continuing , to whom it was more needfull then to them ) to repress schism , and to remedy other abuses . so that the very same power at this day remaineth in the church , and shall to the worlds end . of the persons * ( that executed these offices . i. albeit the commission were generall over all nations , which was given to the xii . yet was that generality only by permission , not expresly mandatory . else should they have sinned , that went not through all nations . therefore how soever the commission was to all nations , yet was it left to their discretion how , and in what fort they would dispose themselves , as the holy ghost should direct them . therefore that partition gal. 2. 9. betwixt st. peter and st. paul was lawfull and good , and no wayes derogatory to ite praedicate , goe teach all nations . further the ecclesiasticall history doth testifie , that they parted the coasts and countries of the world among them by common advice , and so sundred themselves . peter to pontus , galatia , capadocia . john to asia , parthia . andrew to cythia , pontus , euxinus & bizantium . phillip to upper asia , unto hierapolis . thomas to jndia , persia , and the magi. bartholomew to armenia , lycaonia , india citerior . mathew to ( ethiopia . ) simeon to mesopotamia , persia , egypt , afrique , britany . thaddeus to arabia , jdumea , mesopotamia . matthias to ethiopia . soc. 1. 15. 2. again albeit their preaching was for the most ambulatory ; yet do the same histories witness that having setled religion , and brought the church to some stay , towards their end , they betook themselves to residence in some one place , divers of them , as st james at jerusalem ( euseb. lib. 2. cap. 1. epiphan . haeres . 66. chrysost. in act. 15. hierom. chrysost. in acts 15. st. john at ephesus , euseb. 3. 26. tertul. lib. 4. contra marcion . hierom. st. peter first at antioch , and after at rome . which places were more specially accounted their sees , and the churches themselves after a more special manner were called apostolick . sedes apostolorum . august in epist. 42. ecclesiae apostolicae . tertullian . 3. it is also plain , that the apostles * while they lived chose unto them as helpers ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) divers who were companions with them in their journies ministred unto them , and supplyed their absences in divers churches , when they were occasioned * themselves to depart . such were . * androniours ( rom. 16. 17. ) apollos ( acts 19. 1. ) 1 cor. 3. 6. aquila ( rom. 16. 3. ) archippus phil. 2. ( col. 4. 17. ) aristarchus ( acts 20. 4. ) clemens ( phil. 3. 4. ) crescence ( 2 tim. 4. 10. ) demetrius ( 3 john 12. ) epaphras ( col. 4. 12. &c. 1. 7. & philem. 24. ) epaphroditus ( phil. 2. 23. ) epaenetus ( rom. 16. 5. ) erastus ( acts 19. 22. ) gajus ( acts 20. 4. ) jesus justus ( col. 4. 11. ) john marke ( acts 13. 5. & 15. 37. &c. philem. 24. ) lucas ( philem. 24. col. 4. 14. secundus ( act. 20. 4. ) silvanus ( 1 pet. 5. 12. ) ( 1 thes. 1. 2. 2 thes. 11. ) sopater ( acts 20. 4. ) sosttheues ( 1 cor. 1. 1. ) * stachys ( rom. 6. 9. ) stephanus ( 1 cor. 16 , 15. tertius ( rom. 16. 22. ) timotheus ( acts 19. 22. & 20. 4. ) titus ( 2 cor. 8. 23. ) trophimus ( acts 20. 4. ) tychicus ( acts 20. 4. ) * col. 4. 7. urbanus ( rom. 16. 9. ) of whom eusebius , lib. 3. hist. cap. 4. euthymius in tertium johannis . isydorus de patrib . derothei synopsis . * to these , as namely to timothy and titus ( two of these ) one at ephesus , the other in crete , euseb. lib. 3. cap. 4. the apostles imparted their own commission while they yet lived ; even the chief authority they had . to appoint priests , titus 1. 5. & hieron . in eum locum . to ordain them by laying on of hands , 1 tim. 5. 22. 2 tim. 2. 2. to keep safe and preserve the depositum , 1 tim. 6. 14. 20. 1 tim. 1. 14. to command not to teach other things , 1. tim. 1. 3. titus 3. 9. 2 tim. 2. 16. to receive accusations , 1 tim. 5. 19. 21. to redress or correct things amiss , titus 1. 5. to reject young widdows , 1 tim. 5. 11. to censure hereticks , and disordered persons ; titus 1. 11. and 3. 10. 1 tim. 6. 5. 2 tim. 3. 5. and these after the apostles deceased , succeeded them in their charge of government , which was ordinary , successive , and perpetual . their extraordinary gifts of miracles and tongues ceasing with them . so irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 3. quos & successores relinquebant , suum ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes . of the promiscuous use of their names . hese were they whom posterity called bishops , but in the beginning regard was not had to distinction of names , the authority and power was ever distinct , the name not restrained either in this or others . the apostles called priests , or seniors 1 pet. 5. 1. deacons or ministers 1 cor. 3. 5. teachers or doctors 1 tim. 2. 7. bishops or overseers acts 1. 20. prophets acts 13. 1 rev. 22. 9. evangelists 1 cor. 9. 16. 9. the name of apostle was enlarged and made common to more then the xii . to barnabas act. 14. 4. 14. andronicus rom. 16. 7. epaphroditus phil. 2. 25. titus and others 2 cor. 8. 23. timothy ( hierom. in cantic . chro. euseb. ) the priests were called prophets ( 1 cor. 14. 32. bishops phil. 1. 4. titus 1. 7. so chrysost. in phil. 1. quid hoc ? an unius eivitatis multi erant episcopi , nequaquam sed presbyteros isto nomine appellavit , tunc enim nomina adhuc erant communia . hierom. hic episcopos , presbyteros intelligimus ; non enim in una urbe plures episcopi esse potuissent . theodoret. * ne fieri quidem poterat , ut multi episcopi essent unius civitatis pastores , quo fit ut essent presbyteriquos vocavit episcopos . et in 1 tim. 3. eosdem olim vocabant episcopos & presbyteros ; eos autem qui nunc vocantur episcopi , nominabant apostolos . oecumenius : non quod in una eivitate multi essent episcopi , sed episcopos vocat presbyteros , tunc enim nominibus — adhuc communicabant . for in the apostles absence in churches new planted , the oversight was in them , till the apostles ordained , and sent them a bishop , either by reason of some schisme , or for other causes . the bishops as the ecclesiastical history recounteth them , were called , apostles phil. 2. 25. evangelists 2 tim. 4. 5. deacons 1 tim. 4. 6. priests 1 tim. 4. 17. for it is plain by the epistle of irenaeus to victor in eusebius lib. 5. cap. 25. that they at the beginning were called priests , that in very truth , and propriety of speech were indeed byshops , and by theodoret , phil. 2. 25. that they that were bishops were at first called apostles . the name ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) saith suidas was given by the athenians to them , which were sent to oversee the cities that were under their jurisdiction , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [ rodigin . 18. 3. ] the name episcopus was given among the romans to him qui praeerat pansi , & voenalibus ad victum quotidianum f. de muneribus & honoribus , cicero ad atticum lib. 7. epist. 10. vult me pompeius esse quem tota haec campania , & maritima or a habeat episcopum . the name in hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gen. 41. 34. seemeth to have relation to the second use , for they were such as had charge of the grain , laying up and selling under joseph . the use of the bishops office , and the charge committed to him . the party , who in the new testament is called episcopus , is in the old , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the office in the new 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 tim. 3. 1. in the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psalm . 109. 8. with acts 1. 20. in a house or family it is affirmed of joseph , gen. 39. 4. who had the oversight and government of the rest of the servants . in a house there be many servants which have places of charge * matt. 25. 14. but there is one that hath the charge of all * luk. 12. 42. that is occonomus the steward . so doe the apostles term themselves , 1 cor. 4. 1. and their office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1 cor. 9. 17. and their successors the bishops , tit. 1. 7. 9. vide hilar. in matt. 24. 45. in a flock the pastor , john 21. 15. acts 20. 28. matt. 25. 32. 1. pet. 3. 2. eph. 4. 11. in a camp , * the captain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , matt. 2. 6. heb. 13. 7. 17. 24. in a ship the governor * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 1 cor. 12. 28. under whom there are * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts 13. 5. in the common-wealth they be such as are set over officers , to hasten them forward , and so they doe their duties , as in 2 chron. 34. 13. & 31. 13. nehemiah 11. 22. & 12. 42. so that what a steward is in a house , a pastour in a flock , a captain in a campe , a master in a ship , a surveyor in an office , that is a bishop in the ministery . upon him lieth first * ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the eare of the churches under him , 2 cor. 11. 28. phil. 2. * concil . antiochen . can . 9. * act. 9. 32. & 15. 36. ( and to be observant . ) * ii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the visiting of them , acts 9. 32. & 15 , 16. * and in both these i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( tikkun ) * the confirming of that which is well and orderly acts 15. 41. rev , 3. 2. ii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( manatseach ) the redressing which is otherwise ( tit. 1. 5. ) to him was committed principally i. authority of ordaining , tit. 1. 5. and so of begetting fathers , epipha . haeres . 75. see ambros. theodoret and oecumentus in 1 tim. 3. damasus epist. 3. jerem . epist. 85. ad evagr. leo epist. 88. concil . ancyran . can. 12. al. 13. for though st. paul should mention a company * together a with him at the ordaining of timothy , 1 tim. 4. 14. yet it followeth not but that he only was * the ordainer . no more , then that christ is the only judge , although the xii . shall sit with him on thrones , luke 20. 30. ii. authority of enjoyning or forbidding ; 1 tim. 1. 3. ignatius ad magnesia , cyprian epist. 39. iii. authority of holding courts , and receiving accusations 1 tim. 5. 19. 1 cor. 5. 12. revel . 2. 2. augustin . de opere , monachor cap. 24. iv. authority of correcting , 1 tim. 1. 3. m●cro episcopalis tit. 1. 5. hieron . contra lucifer cap. 4. & epist . 53. ad riparium , cyprian epist. 38. ad rogatianum . v. authority of appointing fasts . tertullian adversus psychicos . the choice of persons to their calling . [ 1. the apostles were immediately called by christ. 2. for the calling of matthias the apostle peter gave direction ; two persons were propounded by the 120. the chief and constant disciples of christ , but he was designed to his place by a sacred lot. 3. some were chos●n and appointed to their callings by the holy ghost , acts 11. 12. acts 13. 2. acts 8. 29. acts 20. 28. 4. in choice of the seven deacons who were credited with the provision for such as wanted , the multitude of the chief , and constant disciples of christ , and the apostles who were contributers of the same , present 7. persons , the apostles ordain them deacons . 5. the apostles chose to themselves helpers , fellow servants of christ , fellow-souldiers , and the like , acts 15. 5. rom. 16. 9. 2 cor. 8. 23. coll. 4. 7. tit. 1. 5. so timothy well reported of is taken by paul , act. 16. 2. 3. 6. the apostles chose such as were their attendants , or ministers , and sent them to severall churches and people , acts 19. 22. 2 tim. 4. 10. 12. 2 cor. 12. 17. 1 thess. 3. 2. and left some to abide in churches where was need of their help . tit. 1. 5. col. 20. acts 18. 19. 1 tim. 1. 3. ] a letter of dr. hadrianus saravia , to the ministers of the isle of garnsay ; written in french and translated into english. grace and peace from jesus christ our lord. gentlemen and wel-beloved brethren in the lord , my calling doth oblige me to procure the good and the true edification of the churches of christ jesus , and chiefly of those which i have formerly had to doe with as their minister ; such are those of the islands , where i was one of the first , and know which were the beginnings , and by which means and occasions the preaching of gods word was planted there . but you hold now ( to my thinking ) a course quite contrary to that which we have held . all the favour we then obtained was through the bishops means , and without them i dare confidently assure you , that you will obtain nothing of what you look for . in the beginning there was no other reformation in the islands then that common throughout the whole kingdome of england . the priests which a little before had sung mass , became suddenly protestants ; but yet not one of them was appointed to preach the word of god. they were but ignorant blockheads , continuing still in ●eart and effection papists , and enemies to the gospel . now such as were sincerely affected to the gospel , prevailed so far as that they obtained ministers , with whom the priests could not agree : they retained their service , and the ministers preached , and had the exercise of religion asunder , following the order of the churches of france . in those beginings at the pursuit of mr. john after , dean , i was sent by my lords of the councell to the islands , as well in regard of the school that was newly erected , as to be a minister there . at that time the bishop of constance was sent ambasadour from the french king to queen elizabeth , from whom , and from her councell he obtained , letters to the governors of the islands , whereby they were enjoyned to yeild unto him all authority and right , which he pretended did belong unto him , as being the true bishop of the islands . but how this blow as was warded let your fathers tell you . upon this occasion the bishop of winchester ( as their true bishop ) took upon him the protection of the churches of both islands , representing to the queen , and unto her councel , that of old the islands did belong to his bishoprick , and that he had ancient records for it ; yea an excommunication from the pope against the bishop of constance , whenever he would challenge any episcopall jurisdiction over the islands . so through the means of the said bishop , and mr. john after , dean , two places only were priviledged of my lords of the councell , st. peeter-haven for garnzay , and st. helier for jarnsay , with prohibition to innovate in ought in the other parishes . then were the court and chapter of the bishop held , which afterwards were supprest , how , by whom , and by what authority , i know not : i fear the authors have run themselves into premunires ( if premunires have power within the islands ) the consistories , classes and synods of ministers have succeeded them , yet without any episcopall jurisdiction . now so it is , that your islands want episcopall courts for proving of wills , for divorces , and marriages , and for the tythes which are causes , and actions , ecclesiasticall , and have so been these 600. years and upwards , as well under the dukes of normandy , as the kings of england . the reformation and change of religion hath altered nothing ; neither is there any one that hath power or authority to transferre the said causes to any other judges then to the bishop , but the kings majesty : so that your civil magistrates have nothing to doe with such causes ; if they meddle with them 't is usurpation . the french ministers are so rash as to say , that the bishops of england have usurpt this jurisdiction , and that it belongeth not unto them , because it is civil , making no difference between what some bishops have heretofore usurpt , & what the king and soveragn magistrates have freely given ( for certain reasons moving them thereunto ) and conferred upon bishops ; therefore though the matter be civill , yet can they not be held for usurpers . truly the present state and condition of the kingdom of england doth bely such slanderers of our bishops . i fear that your magistrates being seasoned with this doctrine , have carried themselves in this point more licentiously then the laws of this kingdome and of their islands will warrant them . i pass over the debates that might be made upon this matter , as a thing impertinent in the place and government under which we live . i consider the state of england . and that of the islands , and the dignity of bishops , and the condition of the other ministers of the church , such as it is at this day . in scotland for the time present the state hath otherwise provided , but not in england , and therefore ye ought not to take example by them , as though your state were like theirs . i hear that your governor hath taken order about wills , and appointed one to prove them . but i cannot conceive how that may be done without episcopal jurisdiction conferred by the bishop . your governour i know hath power to present to the bishop a man proper to execute this authority of the bishop in his name . likewise the governor as patron of the churches and parishes of his government , upon the vacancy of any living , ought to present by such a time a man well qualified to succeed in the office of a pastour , but the admission and induction of such a charge , belongs to your bishop , and to no body else . if i be well informed , you observe nothing of all this : which if it be so , you 'l never be able to justifie it . the example of the french churches , and of the low-countries doe you no good . your case is quite another : they have laws from their soveraigns , and particular places for themselves , but all that you doe is contrary to the laws and ordinance of the king your soveraign . you hold synodicall meetings , wherein you make statutes about the government of the church , unto which you bind your selves and the rest that are naturall subjects to the king : wherein you ( unsensibly derogate from his authority . the synods of the arch-bishops and bishops , together with the rest of the clergy of this realm dare not presume that which you doe , nor attribute to their canons and statutes what you attribute to yours . yet the assembly of bishops and of their clergie , is of men far otherwise qualified then some dozen of the ministers of your islands to judge and discern what belongs to the edification of the church ; their decrees nevertheless are of no authority to tye unto them those of this realm , till the king , yea in his own person , have approved them , and by proclamation made them his : there is no body in his realm , nor in any of his dominions that hath power to enact laws and decrees but himself : the parliaments authority is great , but without the kings assent nothing takes the rigour of law. i know very vell , that at the perswasion of the ministers , your governours and others that were present to your synods , have subscribed and acknowledged your synodicall acts , they did it even in my time : but their power doth not stretch so far . that may bring a greater prejudice to themselves , then give force of ecclesiasticall law to your decrees . i doe not think that his majesty being well informed will grant unto your ministers or governours of your islands such authority : they will be more pernicious to you then youthink . you 'l alledge me , i know , your priviledges ; but i dare boldly answer you ; that you never had any such priviledges : i have read them , and have the copies of them ; and they say ; that in matters civil you shall be governed by the ancient coustumier of normandy , and that you are not subject to the statutes of the parliament in such matters , nor to the subsidies , other charges and impositions that are raised in england , except ( which god forbid ever should come to pass ) the king were detained prisoner by the enemy . in matters ecclesiasticall you are freed from the bishop of constance , and under that of winchester , yea even of old by the popes authority and consent of the two kings , from whom also in part , your neutrality in times of warre is approved , excommunicating all such as would molest you . ye cannot shew concerning your priviledges , but only what is renewed as often as there is a new king. and for the patent which you say you have procured from his majesty for matters of religion ; first , it is in generall terms , and without any clause derogating from the authority of your bishops . secondly , if it be questioned , it may be told you , that it was surreptitious , and granted you before the king was well informed of the business . to conclude you must understand that in matters of religion the kings majesty will doe nothing without the counsell and advice of the arch-bishop and your bishop of winchester ; wherefore you may doe well to insinuate your selves in their favour , and conform your selves to them , as we have done in the beginning . you may reduce the decrees of the church of england , and the use of the book of prayers to a good and christian discipline , farre more solid , and better grounded then that for which ye so earnestly bestirre your selves . i must addone word more which will be hard of digestion . this is it , that you may be upbraided , that as many ministers that are naturall of the countrey , being not made ministers of the church by your bishop , nor by his demissories , nor by any other according to the order of the english church , you are not true and lawfull ministers . likewise that as many among you as have not taken institution and induction into your parishes from the bishop , nor from his substitute lawfully ordained and authorised so to doe , ye are come in by intrusion and usurpation of cure of souls , which no body could give you but your bishop , that is , in terms and words evangelicall , that you are not come into the sheep-fold by the door , but by elsewhere , and that by the ecclesiasiastical laws you are excommunicants and schismaticks . i know well enough you do not regard such laws , and think that your priviledges will exempt you from them , wherein you greatly deceive your selves . for a man may tell you , who are yee that would have your ecclesiastical decrees made by private authority , to have force of laws , and dare scorn and reject those of the english church , made by publick authority , by farre honester men , greater scholars ( without comparison ) more learned , and farre more in number then you are ? the kings majesty by his royall authority hath approved them , this realm hath received them . but what are your synodall decrees ? who be the authors of them , and who be they that have approved them ? 't is winkt at , and your ignorance is born with , but think not , that that which is born in you be any such thing as vertue . your priviledges do not stretch so far as that you may make ecclesiasticall decrees : had it been so , the priests had retained mass and poperie : in that you hold a contrary course to that of the english church whereof you are and must be ( if you be englishmen ) members , it proceeds from nothing else but from the connivence and indulgence of your governors , who have given too much credit to the french ministers , and partly in the beginning , to the stubborness of the papists of the islands . when your governors shall have a liking to the english reformation , then will they make you leave the french reformation : you fail against wind and tyde ; you think that the governors you shall have hereafter will be like sir tho. layton , you are deceived . though this day you had compassed your wish , to morrow or the next day after , at your governors pleasure , all shall be marred again . finally , the ecclesiasticall government which you aske , hath no ground at all upon gods word . 't is altogether unknown to the fathers , who in matter of christian discipline , and censure of manners , were more zealous and precise then we are , but you cannot , of all the learned and pious antiquity ▪ shew one example of the discipline or ecclesiasticall order , which you hold , as your bishop in his book of the perpetuall government of the sonne of gods church , doth learnedly teach . i pass over what i have my self written concerning it in my book , de diversis ministrorum gradibus , and in my defence against the answer of mr. beza , and more largely in my confutation of his book de triplicigenere episcoporum . i cannot wonder enough at the scotchmen , who could be perswaded to abolish and reject the state of bishops , by reasons so ill grounded , partly false , partly of no moment at all , and altogether unworthy a man of such fame . if the scots had not more sought after the temporal means of bishops , then after true reformation , never had mr. beza's book perswaded them to do what they have done . and i assure you , that your opinion concerning the government of the church , seems plausible unto great men , but for two reasons , the one is to prey upon the goods of the church , the other for to keep it under , the revenues and authority of bishops being once taken away . for the form of your discipline is such , that it will never be approved of by a wise and discreet supreme magistrate , who knows how to govern . ye see not the faults you commit in your proceedings as well consistoriall as synodals , men well versed in the lawes , and in government do observe them . but they contemn them so long as they have the law in their own hands , and that it is far easier for them to frustrate them , & regard neither consistorie nor synodes , then for you to command and make decrees . were your discipline armed with power , as the inquisition of spain is , it would surpass it in tyranny . the episcopall authority is canonical , that is , so limitted and enclosed within the bounds of the statutes and canons [ of the church ] that it can command nothing without law , much less contrary to law. and the bishop is but the keeper of the lawes , to cause them to be observed , and to punish the transgressors of your consistories and synodes . for the present i will say no more , only take notice of this , that it is not likely the king who knows what consistories and synodes be , will grant that to the islands which doth displease him in scotland . this , gentlemen and brethren , have i thought good to write vnto you , intreating you to take it well , as comming from him that loves the islands , and the good and edification of the church of christ , as much as you can doe . upon this occasion i have thought fit to add thus much concerning dr. hadrianus saravia . his learning is sufficiently known by his works , his judgement in relation to the liturgy and discipline of the church of england is declared by this letter , which doth further appear by his subscriptions following . 1. in queen elizabeth's time the form required was in these words , we whose names are here underwritten , do declare and unfainedly testify our assent to all and singular the articles of religion , and the confession of the true christian faith , and the doctrine of the sacraments comprized in a book imprinted , intituled articles , whereupon it was agreed by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces , and the whole clergy in the convocation holden at london in the year of our lord god 1562. according to the computation of the church of england , for the avoiding of the diversities of opinions , and for the establishing of consent touching true religion , put forth by the queens authority . and in testimony of such our assents we have hereunto subscribed our names , with our own proper hands , as hereafter followeth . unto this doctor hadrianus de saravia ( the sixth prebend of the church of canterbury being conferred upon him ) subscribes in these words : per me hadrianum de saravia sacrae theologiae professorem , cui sexta prebenda in ecclesia cathedrali christi cantuariens conferenda est sexto december is 1595. wherein i find he did immediately succeed doctor whitaker , whose subscription is in these words , viz. per me gulielmum whitaker sacrae theologiae doctorem ejusdemque professorem regium in academia cantabrigiensi , cui sexta praebenda in ecclesia cathedrali chrstl cantuarens . conferenda est , decimo maii 1595. according unto which i find mr. john dod of hanwell in oxfordshire ( who wrot upon the commandements ) to have subscribed in these words : per me johannem dod , in artibus magistrum praesentatum ad ecclesiam de hanwell oxon. dioces . 28. julii 1585. unto whom abundance more ( and about that time ) might be added mr. richard rogers , doctor reynolds of oxford , &c. among whom it pleased me to find the hand of the reverend and learned mr. hooker thus subscribing : per me richardum hooker clericum in artibus magistrum praesentatum ad canonicatum et praebendam de neather-haven in ecclesia cathedrali sarum . 17. julii 1591. 2. in king jame's time , and since , the form of the subscription was thus , to the three articles mentioned in the 36. chapter of the book of canons . first , that the kings majesty under god is the only supreme governor of this realm , and of all other his highness dominions and countries , as well in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things or causes as temporall , and that no foraign prince , person , prelate , state or potentate hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superiority , preheminence or authority ecclesiasticall or spirituall within his majesties said realms , dominions and territories . that the book of common prayer and of ordering of bishops , priests and deacons , containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of god , and that it may lawfully so be used , and that he himself will use the form in the said book prescribed in publick prayer , and administration of the sacraments , and none other . that he alloweth the book of articles of religion agreed upon by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces and the clergy in the convocation holden at london in the year of our lord , one thousand five hundred sixty and two . and that he acknowledgeth all and every the articles therein contained , being in number nine and thirty besides the ratification to be agreeable to the word of god. to these three articles , doctor hadrianus de saravia being instituted unto the rectory of great chart in the diocess of canterbury anno 1609. subscribes in these words . ego hadrianus de saravia sacrae theologiae professor , cui ecclesia parochialis de charta magna cantuar. dioces . conferenda est , his tribus articulis supra scriptis , & omnibus & singulis in iisdem contentis , lubens & ex animo subscribo , vicessimo quinto die mensis februarii , anno dom. juxta computationem ecclesiae anglicanae , 1609. hadr. de saravia . according unto which in succeeding years i find very many of our reverend divines , famous in their times for learning and piety have subscribed also , which would be needless here to mention , in regard their judgments are sufficiently known that way : only there are some other learned men , and of a pious estimation ( whom the vulgar possibly have misapprehended ) i have thought fit to doe them that right , as to vindicate them in it , having found them there as fully and heartily subscribing also : each of which being various in some expressions i have put them down distinctly . mr. nicholas bifeild ( whose many pious works hath made him famous ) subscribes in these words : mart. ult . 1615. ego nicholaus bifeild verbi divini praedicator , admittendus & instituendus ad vicariam de isleworth in comitatu middlesex , hisce tribus articulis & omnibus in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo subscribo . mr. jeremiah dike of epping in essex , ( an able and constant preacher , and of great esteem in his time ) subscribes thus : mart. 21. anno 1609. ego jeremiah dike in artibus magister legitime praesentatus ad vicariam de epping in essex , his tribus articulis supra scriptis , & omnibus in iisdem contentis , lubens , & ex animo subscribo . which two i find subscribing accordingly twice . mr. daniel caudery . april . 25. 1616. ego daniel caudery in artibus magister admissus ad docendam grammaticam in ecclesia parochiae de berkin in comitatu essexiae , his tribus articulis , & omnibus , in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , non coactus , subscribo . mr. william jenkyn . jan. 2. 1640. ego gulielmus jenkyn clericus in artibus magister , jam admittendus , & instituendus , ad & in rectoriam sancti leonardi in vico colcestriae in comitatu essexiae , hisce tribus articulis praescriptis , antea a me lectis , & omnibus , in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , subscribo . guil. jenkyn . mr. calamy . novemb. 9. 1637. ego edm. calamy sacrae theologiae bacch . jam admittendus & instituendus , ad & in rectoriam de rochford in comitatu essexiae , hisce tribus articulis praescriptis antea a me lectis , & omnibus in iisdem contentis , libenter & ex animo , subscribo . edm. calamy . and what is here subscribed as to the book of common-prayer , was heretofore ( to my own knowledge ) as diligently attended by persons of the like eminency being so farre from absenting themselves , that they were carefull to come to the beginning of it . and it is also as fully defended by mr. hildersham in his 26. lecture upon cap. 24. of st. john ) ( a man of as much learning and piety as any before mentioned ) to be according to gods institution , ordinance and commandement ; which in another treatise i have more largely declared ( with the testimonies of divers others . ) and in his 27. and 29. lect. exhorts unto kneeling at it , and being bareheaded even at the reading of the psalms and chapters , as of the rest of divine service , defends the custome of our church therein , as well becomming every one of gods people to conform themselves unto it . in the view of the registry of subscriptions of later years , i find that till the year 1641. all subscribed as abovesaid , and continued it , to the articles of religion , though with several expressions and provisoes , in an . 1643. thus , tertio articulo praescripto , &c. or thus , articulis religionis praescriptis juxta formam statuti in eodem casu editi , & provisi , i. e. to the articles of religion before written , according to the form of a statute ( or ordinance ) in that case provided and published . in 1644. the form was thus , articulis religionis ecclesiae anglicanae juxta formam statuti in ea parte editi , &c. quatenus non regugnant foederi nationali , &c. i. e. to the articles of religion of the church of england , &c. as far as they are not repugnant to the national covenant , &c. and about 1646. thus : salvo foedere nationali , then about octob. 1648. that clause was left out ( there being it seems in the covenant somewhat contradicting that horrid act intended unto the late king of blessed memory ) and the form was then only artioulis religionis ecclesiae anglicanae , and so continued till this late happy change of government , when the subscriptions returned to the first form . a postscript . one thing more in relation to the lord primate usher , there hath been a pamphlet of late revived which had been printed before in his name , intituled the bishop of armaghs direction to the parliament concerning the liturgy and episcopal government , &c. against which , as himself had declared in his life time , so have i since his death , to be a false fictitious paper ; yet notwithstanding it is reprinted , and sold up and down as his , and accordingly produced at this day , by many upon all occasions to his great injury . for the further clearing of which let the reader take notice that in anno , 1640. when it came first out , the primate petitioned the house of commons for the suppressing of it ; upon which this order was conceived as followeth . an order of the commons-house of parliament , for the suppessing of * another pamphlet falsely fathered upon the said arch-bishop of armagh , die martis 9. feb. 1640. whereas complaint hath been made unto us by james lord archbishop of armagh , and priof all ireland , that a certain pamphlet hath been lately most injuriously fathered upon him , and spread under the false title of the bishop of armaghs direction to the house of parliament concerning the liturgy and episcopall government . it is this day ordered in the commons house of parliament , that the master and company of stationers , and all others whom it may concern , shall take such course for the suppressing of the said book , that they shall not suffer it to be put in print ; or if it be already printed , not permit the same to be divulged ; and if any man shall presume to print or publish the book above mentioned , that he or they shall be then lyable to the censure of the said house . h. elsyng cler. dom. com. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a27494-e7440 ☞ notes for div a27494-e10330 1 pet. 2. 13 , 14. john 20. 23. 1 tim. 5. 17. tit. 2. 15. mat. 16. 19. & 18. 18 rom. 13. 4 : ezra 7. 26. math. 20. 52. 2 chron 26 18 1 tim. 2. 2. * as on the other side , that a spirituall or ecclesiasticall government is exercised in causes civill or temporal : for is not excommunication a main part of ecclesiastical government , and forest laws a special branch of causes temporal , yet we see in sententiâ , lat● super chartas , an. 12 r. h. 3. that the bishops of england pronounce a solemn sentence of excommunication against the infringers of the liberties contained in chartâ de forestâ . mark 16. 15. acts 1. 25 , 26. notes for div a27494-e12710 o sullevan hist. cathol . hib. sol . 20. & 2●3 . stat. hyb . 20. eliz. pat. an. 11. hen. 3. 10. tu●r . lond. pat. an. 3. hen. 3. membran . 9. pat. gascony in 18 edw. 2. m●mbr . 25. indo . s. pat an . 44. edw. 3. ●n arch ●● tu●r . lond. math. 22 , 21. mal. 3. 8. plurima tune tempor is circumserebatur sama traducens apostolos veluti seditiosos rerumque novatores , &c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in rom. ●om . 23. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in rom. 〈◊〉 . 23. ( d ) deut. 33. 5. e in decalog . praer . 5. nome● creaturae , ( sio enim malim vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reddere , quam per ordinationem , cum nullibi in scriptura tali sensu reperiatur usurpata ) accipi potest pro eminentia ut sensus sit , subjecti esto●e eis qui inter homines eminent , sicut immedtate ●●idit sive regi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quasi explicare volu sset ambiguam vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . f sic quid n● á petro hic per excellenti●m rex dicitur , humana creatura q●ia inter reliquos homines eminet . ibidem . g ibid. quia d●catur creatura ideo actus creatoris & humana per excellentiam , ideo a deo originem traxisse qui origo est omnis excellentiae , quod sequentia etiam confirmant , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propter dominum . i. e. quia cum instituit dominus . * apol. ad constant . tibi deus imperium commisi qui tuum imperium malignis occulis carpit contradicit ordinationi divinae . h apolog. necesse est ut suspiciamus eum quim dominus noster elegit , & merito dixerim , noster est magis caesar ut a nostro deo constitutus . ( i ) colimus imperatorem ut bominem a deo secundum , & solo deo minorem . ad scapul . k pharisaei ●●nus hominum astutum , arrogans , de scrupu ofitate paternae legis gloriantes , & spectem p●etatis simulantes , caesari ( etsi cunct● gens ju laica , jurejurando jurasset ) sidelitatem ju are recusaverunt , imo , qui numero erant supra sex millia , regibus adeo in●e●●i suerunt ut eos aperte opp●gnare ausi fuerint josephus . antiq 17. cap. 3. l principem esse propter populum princ●p● tum esse ex lege & au h●r●tate humana . populum nunquam ita suam ●otestatem in regem transfe●re , quin illam sibi in habitu retineat , & in cer●●●●si●a , etiam a ●u recipire possit l. 5. de pontif. c. 8. quod lib. c. 8. confirmat exemplis oziae & athalia , qui o●e populi , a solio sue●unt dejecti . m si princeps promissa servet , & no● servabimus : bene im●erant● , bene obtemperandū : ad quem per●n●● institutio ad eundem destitutio . * helmold in chron. slau . n avent . 5. annal . si ab articulis recedant princip●s non debet obligatiatio nocere subtis , ibid. 2 chron. 16. 2 chron. 16. 2 chron 28. 2 chron. 22. oap 33. kin. 9. & 10. o lib. 2. advers . parmen . david . inimicum habebat in manibus in cautum & securum adversarium , sine labore potuti jugulare , & sine sanguine , multorum bellu mutare in caedem , preri ejus & opportui●as suadebant ad victoriam , &c. sed obstabat plena divino●ū memoria mandatorum : repressit cum gladio manum , & dum timu● oleum servav●t inimicum , &c. & cum comple ret observantiam , vindicavit occisum . ( * ) cap 9. ju●ae● , sepecon●ra proprios reg●s , e●●am á davidica stirpe , approbant● deo ●s●rrexisse ●le-gumur . 1 pet. 2. 13. 1 sam. 24. 6. lib. 3. cap. 10. b avent . lib. 3. annal. regem cum piebs constituit , eunden . & deslituere potell . prince s●op●lo , cujus beneficio posst . ● . obnoxius est . c de potestate eccles. q. 22. art. 3. imperatorem à papa posse depo●i●jui● ibit infic as , ejus en●m est 〈…〉 cujus e●t constituere . d trithem . lib 1. compend . annal. de 〈◊〉 . reg & gent. franc. e platina in stepb . 6. princeps qui alias suit christianissimus deum timens , ecclesiasticis sanct o●ibu● devous●ame parens in elce . mo●ynts largus nationibus in desiu●nter 〈◊〉 & . ●● tamen cum his tot , & tantis virtutibus non effugit carolus notam tyranni & deposit us ●u●ta subditis . f in recognit . lib. 3. q. de latcis . g de. translat . imp . lib. 1 c 2. omnes injuria● a mgist ata po tius serunt boni , quam atrocissimus , quàm ut in eum invehunt , sermone , scr●p●c ; opere , ad ordinis & pacis public per ▪ turbationem . h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae manus per rebellioonem ; non caret deus modis quibus possit , quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere , vel emendare : malum si sit imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus , eut peccatum regis peccatis nostris pu●ire , sed potius patienter serendo iram dei tmolliere , qui corda regum suâ gubernat . manu , &c. lib. 26. derepub . c. 5. h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae manus per rebellioonem ; non caret deus modis quibus possit , quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere , vel emendare : malum si sit imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus , eut peccatum regis peccatis nostris pu●ire , sed potius patienter serendo iram dei tmolliere , qui corda regum suâ gubernat . manu , &c. lib. 26. derepub . c. 5. ( i ) heb. 10. 31. i lib. ad scapul . nos prosalute imperatorum deum invocamus , &c. * sozom lib. 4. cap. 17. ut oremus sedulo pro tua salute imperio & race quam deus tibi sempiternam benignus largiatur . * theodor. lib. 2. cap. 20. rursumte , gloriosissime imperator obsecramus ut ante hyemis asperitatem jubeas nos ad ecclesias nostras redire , ut omnipotenti deo , pro statu potentiae tuae una cum porulo , quemadmodum serimus & sacimus magno s●udio supplicare possemus . k orat 8 18. 22. 24. 25. 27. l socrat. lib. 4. cap. 13 m in psalm . 124. iulianus , infidelis imperator , apostata in qus , milites fideles servie●unt impe atori infideli quando d●ceat , producite aciem ite contra illam 〈◊〉 , statim obtem●eraba●t , ●●●ting●ebant , dem●n●m ●●ernuon a domino temporali , & tamen sui diti erant propter dominum aeternam , etiam domino temporali . n ad sca●● . ●n●a majestatē imperatora insamamur tamea nunquam t●ter alb●anos , niga●os , vel cassianos nos in venire potu●runt . o in orat , de busilic , non tradend . volens nunquam deseram coastus repugnare non novi . fle epot●ro , l●●b●ymae m●ae mea armi sunt , al●ter nec deb●o , nec possum resisse●e . p quod me um est . i. e. sundum meum , non refragarer , si co . pus petit occu●ram , vultis in unicula rapere vultis in mortem voluptati est mihi non ego me vallabo circumfusione populorum , nec altaria teneb● vitam obsecrans sed pro altaribus gratis immolabor . ibid. q bern ep. 221. ad ludon reg. pro matre nostra ecclesia propugnabimus sed quibus armis non scutis , non glad●s sed precibus fl●ctibusque ad deum . r religioni quam profi ebatur , putavit magis consen●a neum patientia quam injusta seditione conjuriam imperatoris superare . apol. a haec sola novitas ne dicam haeresi● , nec dum in mundo emenserat : sigeb . chronol . ann. 1088. object . necessita●i magic quam vi t●●● & valun●ati ●a●ctorum pat●um , &c. b julianus tyranide sua vi res omnes praeciderit quibus alids its contra apostatam uti fas fuisses . c lib. 6 de regn . c. 26. & depo●est . papae . d in apol. b●ll . a n. 249. usque ad u. 267. answer . e fere om●e● mortales ●un● denrum cultu reli . to , christianorum genit . &c. euseb. l b. 9. c. 9. f apol. exter●●●umus , & vestra omnia in p●cvimus , urbes insulas , ca●●ella , m●●n●ci p●a , conciliaba la. castra ipsa , decarias , p●la ita , sorum , se nals●● : cui bello non . 〈◊〉 non prem ●● suissexiu● , ●●i tam 〈…〉 , si nan apud discipliam nostram . magis ctcid . li●●re● quam 〈…〉 . g theod. lib. 3. cap. 17. cum multi militum qui exer●ore thus adoleverunt , imposturis juliani decepti , peregiam discurrences , non tantum manus , sed corpor a ad ignam offerent ut igne polluti igne repurgarentur . h lib. 5. de pontifice c. 7. i helmold . histor . sclau . cap. 28 , 29 , 30. lib. 1. spectate manum meam dextram de vulneie cauciam , haec ego iuravi domino henrico , ut non nocerem et , nec insidtarer gloriae ejus , sed jussio apostolica po●tificamus mandatum me ad id dedu●i● , ut juramenti transgressor honorem mihi 〈◊〉 usorparem : videtis quod in manu unde jura menta violavi mortale hoc vi●lnus accepi . viderint ii qui nos ad 〈◊〉 instigave●unt , qualiter nos duxerint ne forte deducti simus in praecipitium aeier●ae damnationis praesat . apol. apol. notes for div a27494-e24150 occasion of writing that book of the power of the princes , &c. his speech of the oath of supremacy . his speech of supplying the kings necessiries . mr. hookers judgment of regal power confirmed by the primate . his sufferings for it . his prayers , joy , and sorrow according to the success of his majesties affairs . his compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his majesty . his judgment . his practice . the reduction of episcopacy . &c. the occasion and end oft it . ordination of the church of england . episcopal superiority over presbyters . as the sun to the other lights . the dignity and power of the first-born . a● the distance beween the high-priest , and the other inferiour priests . his approbation of books tending to the preheminence of episcopacy . the liturgy . the service song . the ceremonies . his reducing the scrupulous 〈…〉 the falshood of some pamphlets put out in his name since his death . some particulars observed by him , the articles of religion of england . the canons of ireland , 1614. taken out of q. eliz. injunct and can of engl. the common prayer . book of ordination . his subscription . canons of ireland . anno 1634. taken out of those of england . the festivals . good friday . confirmation of children . catechism . apparrel of the clergy . consecration of churches . notes for div a27494-e29560 * this is wanting in the common books of mr. hookers m. s. cor. 3. 7 , 8. ad. 2. ad. 3. exod. 19. 1 pet. 2. * thom. in cum locum . revel . 1. 6. * this is also wanting in the common copy . ) * euseb. l. 4. de vit . constant. * dib . ad const. * lib. 5. epi. 33. * ep. 166. 162. t. c. l. 1. p 193. this is in the common copies . that is , in the copies which the primate then saw , but not in that which is now printed of their power in making ecclesisticall laws . what laws may be made for the affairs of the church , & to whom the power of making them appettaineth deut. 12. 32 ▪ 4. 2. jos. 1. 7. * tho. 2. quaest . 1 c 8. artic . 2. prov. 6. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . archit . de le●e & justit . * this is wanting in the common books of mr hooker's m. s. in vit . cypy . nulla ratio dist. 63. * ep. hono● imp. ad bonif. concil . tom. 1. * 25 ed. 3. * 25 ed. 3. * 25 h. 8. c. 20 * c. nullu● , dist. 63. * tom. 1. concil . * onuph . in pelag . 2. * ●rea in . dist. 63. * w●tthramu● naumburgensis , deinvestit episcoporum per imperat . saciendâ . * cap. general . de elect . l. 6. * adver . jovin . l. 1. * l. 7. epist 5. * theod. lib. 5. cap. 27. * sozom. lib. 8. cap. 2. * marcel . l. 15. * socr. 2. c. 27. & l. 4. c. 29. * theod. l. 2. c. 15 , 16 , 17. * sozom. lib. 4. c. 11. & l. 6. c. 23. * in vit . cypr. * c. sacrorum canon . dist . 63. * c. lectis dist. 63. * this is in the common copy of mr. ho●ke , m. s. that is , in the copies which the primate then saw , but not in the now printed ones . * t. c. lib 3. pag. 155. * euseb. de vita constant. lib. 4. * epist. 162. 166. * lib. ad constant . * lib. 5. ep 33 * inclusa desunt in vul●atis exempl● ib. * doctrin . ●iccip . lib 5. cont. 2 cap. 18. * apud athanos in epist. ad solit . vit . agentes . * suid. in verb. leontius . * epist. 68. * see the stature of edward 1. and edward 2. and nat. bren. touching prohibition . see also in bract n these sentences l. 5. c. 2. est jurisdictio quaedā ordinaria quaedam delegata , quae pertinet ad sacerdotium & forum ecclesiasticum , sicut in causis spiritualibus & spiritualitati annexis . est etiam alia jurisdictio , ordinaria vel delegata , quae pertinet ad coronam & dignitatem regis . & ad regnum , in causis & placitis rerum temporalium in so●o seculari . again , cum diversae sint binc inde jurisdictiones , & diversae judices , & diversae causae ; debet quilibet ipsorum inprimis aestimare , an sua sit jurisdictio , ne falcem videatur ponere in messem alienam . again , non pertinet ad regem injungere poenitentias , nec ad judicem secularem . nec etiam ad eos pertinet cognoscere de iis quae sunt , spiritualibus annex asecut de decimis & aliis ecclesiae proventionibus . again , non est laicus conveuiendus coravs judice ecclesiastico de aliquo quod in soro seculari terminari possit & debeat . * none of all this which follows is to be found in the common coppy of mr hookers ms notes for div a27494-e34860 * antiquit. l. 4. c. 8. 2 sam. 2 , 3. nehem. 11. 25. all this is writ with the lord primat ushers own hand . 2 sam. 17. 24. 1 of priests . 2 of levites . 1 chron. 24. vers . 26. 27. * ibri the author in his review and emendations hath in this place made this querie . seeing the courses were but 24. why should ibri 25. be reckoned jedeiah was chief . quer. whether he was not to be connted one of the 24. because of his generall superintendency over the rest . this querie seems to be resolved by the primate , and was the occasion of setting down the bove mentioned genealogy . * it seemeth the first of these jedeiah is to be omitted in the reckoning ( as chief over them all ) in respect of his generall superintendency over the rest . 3 of judges . 4 of officers . 5 of singers . 6. of porters . officers and judges . this answer i find ordered by the author to be thus put instead of that which had been in a former copy . this also the author hath added to be put unto the former answer exod. 14. 27. numb . 33. 9. the supposed author in his advertisments concerning this passage , saith , this i know not well what way to make more clear . the supposed author in his advertisments put this out here , saying [ this i thought might better make a chapter of it self : see infra , the last chapter of all . ] acts 5. 5. 15. 13. 11. 19. 2. 1. 16. 46 , acts 14. 11. 8. 13. 5. 11. 13. vid. hierem. epist. 4. ad rusticum . c. 6. et epist. ad . eva● ium . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theodorat , a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ( b ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 tim. 1. 6. this is added by the supposed author . notes for div a27494-e57930 there was one called vox hy berntae , published in his name , for the suppressing of which he had an order from the house of pe●rs . episkopos apostolikos, or, the episcopacy of the church of england justified to be apostolical from the authority of the antient primitive church, and from the confessions of the most famous divines of the reformed churches beyond the seas : being a full satisfaction in this cause, as well for the necessity, as for the just right thereof, as consonant to the word of god / by ... thomas morton ... ; before which is prefixed a preface to the reader concerning this subject, by sir henry yelverton, baronet. morton, thomas, 1564-1659. 1670 approx. 299 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51420 wing m2838 estc r16296 13033059 ocm 13033059 96777 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51420) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96777) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 745:29) episkopos apostolikos, or, the episcopacy of the church of england justified to be apostolical from the authority of the antient primitive church, and from the confessions of the most famous divines of the reformed churches beyond the seas : being a full satisfaction in this cause, as well for the necessity, as for the just right thereof, as consonant to the word of god / by ... thomas morton ... ; before which is prefixed a preface to the reader concerning this subject, by sir henry yelverton, baronet. morton, thomas, 1564-1659. [8], li, [1], 162, [16] p. printed for j. collins ..., london : 1670. includes bibliographical references. frontispiece (portrait) lacking in filmed copy. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -clergy. episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2005-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ἐπισκοπος ἀποστολικος , or the episcopacy of the church of england justified to be apostolical , from the authority of the antient primitive church : and from the confessions of the most famous divines of the reformed churches beyond the seas . being a full satisfaction in this cause , as well for the necessity , as for the just right thereof , as consonant to the word of god. by the right reverend father in god thomas morton late lord bishop of duresme . before which is prefixed a preface to the reader concerning this subject : by sir henry yelverton baronét . thus saith the lord , stand ye in the ways , and see and ask for the old paths , where is the good way , and walk there●n ; and ye shall find rest to your souls . jerem. 6.16 . quod universa tenet ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum sed semper retentum est , non nisi authoritate apostolica traditum rectissime creditur . st. augustin de baptismo contra donat. can. 24. london , printed for j. collins in westminster-hall . 1670 to the most reverend father in god gilbert by divine providence , lord archbishop of canterbury , primate of all england , and metropolitane ; and one of his majesties most honourable privie council . my lord , i have often wonder'd how it comes to pass , that the sacred order of bishops should in this island meet with so many unreasonable adversaries ; when in all the reformed churches beyond the seas , we are counted the only happy nation , who enjoy the purity of doctrine , with the primitive government . and i confess my wonder is the more increased , when i consider that the romanists look on our church as their most dangerous enemy , because we have not only the external glory of a church , but a continued succession of bishops ( which some amongst them are so ingenuous as not to deny ) and yet these men amongst us , who so vehemently cry down popery , and so highly admire even the misfortunes of the reformed church , do by a strange antiperistasis , assist their enemies , and despise their friends . it was a good observation of that great man archbishop land , that caiaphas the high priest , advised the crucifying of our saviour , that the romans might not take away their name and nation : and yet that counsel so magisterially given , so deeply laid , and so wickedly contrived , brought on them that suddain destruction they hoped to avoid . and have not we , my lord , found by sad experience , the inference that great prelate made , fully true ? since the papists have not only had a great harvest amongst us , but all sort of damnable heresies have , like a flood , broke in upon us , and atheism hath so prevailed , that if god , out of his infinite mercy put no stop to it , that prediction of our saviour will in our dayes be true , that faith shall scarce be found upon earth ! but since the times are now come , which st. clement more than 1600 years ago foretold , that there should be contention about the name of episcopacy . and since reformation and purity are the pretenses ( though interest or sacriledge are the true reasons ) of separation amongst us : i have , in obedience to your graces commands , put out a book written some years since by the late learned bishop of durham , that all men may see , the great lights of the reformed church beyond the seas are so far from approving the practices of our dissenters , that they commend and admire our episcopal government ; and therefore i cannot but hope , that either these men will return again to the bosome of their forsaken mother the church , or have so much ingenuity to desist from deceiving ignorant people with the great authority of the reformed church . and now , my lord , i must humbly beg your pardon , that i prefix your great name before this discourse : but since 't is the work of a famous bishop , and in defense of that order of which in our church your grace is the worthy primate , i cannot but hope acceptance ; and am very much pleased i have an occasion offered me to let the world know how much i am my lord , your most humble and very obedient servant hen. yelverton . from my house at easton manduit in northamptonshire , march 26. 1669. to the reader . reader , there present thee with a book written some years since by that great and reverend bishop tho. morton , lord bishop of duresme , in the defence of that order he bore , and for which he suffered so great indignities . and as it was his honour to suffer in so good a cause , so it was his great contentment and satisfaction when he came to the end of his long race , that he kept a good conscience , though he lost all this world afforded him for it . it would be very superfluous in this place to write an encomium of this great prelate , who is farr beyond what i can do ; and is already well performed by that excellent person dr. berwick late dean of st. pauls , who was well acquainted with him many years , and had the happiness once to be his domestick chaplain : i only think fit to say this of him , that he was an antient bishop , and had all the qualifications fit for his order , either to adorn or govern a church : but above all , he was eminent for his invincible patience under so many violent persecutions , and almost necessities ; alwayes rejoycing in his losses , and protesting he thought himself richer with nothing and a good conscience , than those were who had devoured his goodly bishoprick . and certainly he that considers the excellency of this prelate , with the rest of his brethren , who with him underwent the fiery trial , will conclude as tertullian doth of the first persecution of the christians , non nisi aliquod grande bonum a nerone damnatum ; nothing but some great good could be condemned by such men . i must not omit , among the various qualities of this great man , to tell thee , he was 44 years a bishop , a thing so extraordinary , that since the first plantation of christianity , and consequently of bishops in this island , which if we believe baronius was the 58 of our saviour , but one exceeded him ; and he came not to these dignities per saltum , but passed through all other inferiour charges before he arrived at the height . and one thing is considerable in his translation to coventry and lichfield , that king james was pleased to do it at the particular motion of that great prelate bishop andrews , who never was known to move the king for the preferment of any before . how excellent he was in controversies , his manifold writings against the papists have given the world sufficient testimony ; and in this he went so high , that if he believed not the pope to be antichrist , he thought him very like him . and yet there was never any who more approved of the antient customs of the catholique church , than himself : and of this i shall give you this particular instance . for that ceremony of bowing to the lords table at the first entrance into the church , he did not only commend by his practice , but publickly declared in a letter he wrote to st. john's colledge , where he had been fellow , in behalf of a kinsman of his , mr. low , for whom he desired a fellowship ; that he was an adversary to his kinsman , if he refused it : his words are these : (a) but if this young man be averse to that posture of bowing himself towards the lords table , he shall have me much his elder altogether his enemy . and although our church in her (b) canons doth but commend this , and leaves the practice of it perfectly indifferent ; yet nothing of this nature claims a greater antiquity : for (c) clemens alexandrinus tells us , that by the christians prayers were made towards the east . and (d) tertullian sayes , that the heathens suspected the christians worshipped the sun , and that their suspicion arose , because christians prayed towards the east . and (e) st. augustin , who lived at the end of the 4 th . century , is very express in this custom , and withall gives this reason of it : when ( saith he ) we stand to prayer , we are turned to the east , whence the sun ariseth , not as if that was god's proper place , and that he hath deserted the other parts of the world , who is every-where present , not by extension of places , but majesty of power ; but that our mind might be admonished to convert it self to the more excellent nature , that is , to the lord. and in that discourse which goes under the name of justin martyr , ( though not so antient as st. justin , yet as old as theodoret , if we believe (f) rivet ) we are told that (g) this custom ( speaking before of praying towards the east ) the church received from the holy apostles : for the church received the place where to pray , from whom they received the command to pray . and a few lines before he tells us , (h) that ●o pray to the east doth not contradict either the prophets or , apostles : as if he should argue , we have no command in the scripture to the contrary , this hath been the custom and practice of the church , of which we have no beginning , therefore 't is apostolical . but , whether this custom be from the apostles or no , this we are sure on ; bodily adoration is that we owe to god , and if that be his due and our duty , certainly the custom of the church is of more than sufficient authority to determine to what place that act of worship is most decent to be directed unto . i must not omit another information i ha●● of this good bishop , before i come to speak of this work i now publish ; and that is : he was in his younger dayes , nay when he came to be a bishop , earnest in those controversies which commonly go under calvin's name ; insomuch that when he was bishop of lichfield , he set upon to answer arminius ; and mor● particularly that tract of his , intituled examen praedestinationis perkinsianae : and after a moneths consideration , an● making several observations on tha● discourse , he laid it aside , saying thes● words , if thou wilt not be answered ▪ lie thee there : and after that he gre● very moderate , if he did not incline t● the contrary opinion ; though he did not love to discourse of that subject , or to hear ministers in their pulpits , to meddle with that which is most proper for the scholes . now though this controversie about the time of the synod of dort was by many good men looked on under a severe character : yet now we find the reformed churches beyond the seas incline much to it . as in the french church amiraldus and mr. daillee ( who hath a particular tract de gratia universali ) do sufficiently assure us ; and for the dutch churches the remonstrant party is so much increased in power , that they possess most of the great places both in church and state. but some men are strangely mistaken , when they would father the calvinian doctrin on the church of england in her articles , who hath most wisely left it undetermined ; knowing that both learned and good men may differ in these sublime points , and that the churches peace ought not to he disturbed with such unnecessary determinations . 't is true , i have read , that in the parliament of 1 caroli , mr. pym moved in the house of commons , that arminianisme might be condemned by a vote of that house , as if the infallibility pretended to attend st. peter's chair at rome was removed to the speaker's at westminster . but yet i find not that grave assembly did any thing in it . as for those articles composed at lambeth by (a) archbishop whitgift , and those assistants he called to him , they were so far from being received as a doctrin of our church , that if we believe a (b) very diligent historian , queen elizabeth totally disliked them , and the manner of making of them , and had like to have questioned the archbishop about them . and when , by dr. john reynolds at the conference at hampton court , they were desired to be inserted into the articles of the church of england , the motion was rejected by king james , who told them , that the quietest determinations of such questions were fit for the university , and not to stuff our articles with all theological conclusions . but this by the way . i have before told you how great service this worthy prelate did in his controversies against the papists : this was not all the work that lay on his shoulders : for he no sooner came to the office of a bishop , but he met with another sort of adversary , who began then to question the authority of the church in her ordaining decent ceremonies in her service . and when he found that a private conference with these sort of men did little prevail , he then published his defence of the three innocent ceremonies ; a discourse so solid , that it must satisfie any person that is governed by reason , and not by phansie and affection . but as these men began then to undermine the out-works ( as i may so call them ) of episcopal jurisdiction : so this great man lived to see the whole hierarchy by them destroyed , voted down , root and branch , and that as popish and antichristian ; to the amazement of all mankind , the wonder of the reformed church , and the publique triumph of the roman conclave , and were it not that those years so late past were perfectly a time of paradoxes , what wise man could imagine that they and their order should be counted popish , who were the greatest opposers of it , who had writ so many unanswerable volumns against it ; and who had by divers of their martyrdom in queen mary's days asserted the reformed catholick doctrine , against the corruptions and novelties of the roman church . this was the occasion which put this learned bishop to write this ensuing tract , which when he had first done , he communicated it to the most reverend father in god james usher lord archbishop of armagh ; and it did so satisfie that learned primate , that he put it forth with some discourses of his own , without our bishops name or knowledge , though in the codicel annexed to our bishops will , 't is owned by him for his . but afterwards when the covenant was hotly pressed , and a compliance to forein reformed churches pretended , our bishop renewed his former discourse , made several additions to it ; and where he found it necessary , took occasion to answer both salmasius and blondel , and so it swelled to the volume it now is . this was by his lordship committed to my charge , either to publish , or not , as i thought fit . and truly i had once determined still to have kept it by me , hoping that the wonderful restauration both of our king and church would have made all disourses of this nature unnecessary : but since it hath pleased almighty god to suffer these troublers of israel still to continue amongst us their disturbances and separations , i thought it a du●● i owed to the memory of this blessed bishop to publish this discourse ; which i did not doubt , but might do god and his church some service . but before i would attempt so great a work , i communicated both my design and book to the most reverend father in god gilbert lord archbishop of canterbury , who was pleased not only to approve the work , but command the speedy publishing of it . this immediately put me upon the examination of the several quotations i found in it , having most of the authors by me , fearing that either through the mistake of his lordships hand , which was not very easie to be read , or the negligence of the transcribers , some errours might creep in the places cited ; and i dare assure the reader , that for all the works which i have by me , and i want but few , they are exactly true . the method used in this discourse is a way our bishop had been very successful against the papists , and i hope may prove so against our adversaries of another kind ; which is the testimony of reformed divines in the churches beyond the seas to our episcopal government , which they do not only commend , but admire and wish for . nay , divers ef them expound those very texts of scripture , which are urged for bishops , as we do ; so that if our dissenters will believe any sort of men but themselves , they must be convinced with this kind of argument . it seems to me , i confess , extreamly strange , that in these last and worst times some men should so applaud themselves , and their own phansies , as to condemn what went before them even in the most pure primitive church . i find not in all my little reading any that set himself against that sacred order till aerius , who lived about the middle of the fourth century : and epiphanius says , who gives us the most ample relation of him , this his errour arose out of emulation that eustathius was preferred to a bishoprick before him who most of all desired it . and truly i could wish secular interest , such as , want of a bishoprick , applause with a party , self-justification in former mistakes , and an unwillingness to let the world know they were formerly deceived , did not with-hold many amongst us from doing that , which , i doubt not , they are more than sufficiently convinced they ought to do . and i do heartily wish , since conscience is the thing pretended , that they gave some assurance 't was conscience and not interest prevailed with them by their peaceable passive obedience to our laws , and not to fill our streets with their unreasonable complaints against our government and governours , and still to seduce a sort of empty people of great faith and little sense , who are in the right only because they are sure they are in the right . and although 1600 years possession is more than a sufficient lawful title for any to plead ( a thing so unquestionable , that no man hath yet produced any sufficient authority to the contrary . ) yet there are two learned pens , salmasius and blondel , who have attempted rather to shew their wits and reading , than their reason in this controvesie . the first of these , when he undertook the task , wrote not under his own name , as if it was what he was commanded to write , ( a thing frequent to the professors of leyden ) than what he himself either believed , or would perswade others to do : and in all his discourse , he is in that violent heat , that he hardly gives dionysius petavius , that learned jesuite , any other name than , inepte & fatue . he answers the greek fathers , who affirm that in the apostles time , a bishop was superiour to a presbyter , that it is a ly , and upon no other account , but because he expounds the apostles words after a different manner , than what antiquity did . and in any controversie that concerns the church , he continues this temper ; for to the learned doctor hammond , who calmly defended the churches power of the keys against some of his objections , he gives no other title but nebulo in anglia , shewing neither respect to the learning , nor to the quality of the doctor , who as he confessed , was chaplain to his late majesty . and yet this great magisterial man with the same confidence as he denied the divine right of episcopacy , so he doth the authority of the 2d . epistle of st. peter , affirming the first only for genuine : and truly i wonder not much at it , for certainly he who shakes the authority of the tradition of the universal church , takes away the only argument to prove any book to be canonical , when any sect or heresie shall question it . but i the more willingly pass this over , since in his own name in his defensio regia he seems to alter his opinion . for d. blondel . he who shall look into his discourse , will find it to be a great collection of various readings , and if fame be true , collected at first to be the materials of a discourse he intended for episcopacy ; but the misfortune of our church turned his weapon another way . but after all , he only affirms , that bishops and presbyters were equal in degree , till the 136. of christ ; which , if you consider , is a very small time after the apostles . for st. john died , as both eusebius and st. hierome tells us , in the 102. of christ ; so then , according to him , their was but 34 years distance . but to me , truly , he proves not that . for he who will consider the epistle before his book , will find all he affirms , is , that in that short time , the senior presbyter in the colledge , was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their praesident , and that , when he died , the next in age succeeded him . what then i pray doth this make to his purpose ? if he had given us any testimony that , though this office fell to him by his age , he immediately entred upon it without any consecration by the imposition of episcopal hands , he had done something : but of this not one word . he only tells us this course was altered over the whole world ( velut conspiratione factâ ) as if done by a conspiracy . and what was this alteration ? this he tells us out of hilary's comments on st. paul's epistle to the ephesians ; which commonly goes under the name of st. ambrose , and was as he confesseth , an author of the middle of the fifth century , and it was this . because , saith he , the following presbyters began to be found unworthy to govern , the reason of succession was chang●● 〈◊〉 by the care of a council , that 〈◊〉 ●rder of succession , but de●e●● 〈◊〉 ●●ld create a bishop , thereunto elected by the judgment of many priests . this authority may be good to prove , that the church upon good reason altered the method of succession , but tends nothing to prove , that those who succeeded by age were not bishops . but here , i would ask any impartial reader , whether from this place , he hath colour of reason to imagin d. blondells proposition ? was it possible that all the world could in a moment alter the government established by the apostles , and that without the contradiction or repining of any in the church to the contrary ? was it possible for a council to do this , and no footsteps remain of this decree ? nay , were all those holy martyrs the apostles successors , unto whose mission god gave daily testimony by the wonderful miracles they did , seduced by a lying spirit , to impose upon all christians a yoke , as some call , antichristian ? certainly he who will allow such an extravagant fancy hath a faith to believe impossibilities . i might say a great deal more upon this subject , but that was to forestal the ensuing discourse , which will more abundantly satisfie any intelligent reader . but our episcopal government hath another sort of enemies , than those we have hitherto mentioned , which are divers in the church of rome , who designing to draw all divine right to the papal chair , will allow nothing to bishops but as derived from that . and therefore if you will look into that excellent history of the council of trent , when the spanish bishops pressed the determination of the divine right of episcopacy , the italian bishops opposed it , and were so cautions in it as if the whole papal fabrick was to fall by that assertion . nay we are told that the legates had this in command from the colledg of cardinals inviolably to observe , that episcopacy should not be determined of divine right . and therefore he who looks into the canons of the council of trent , that treat of episcopacy , shall find them penned in such ambiguous phrases , that all the divinity allowed that order may be interpreted not to be so originally but derivatively as proceeding from their great divine right the papal chair . and upon this dispute the infallible pope , in letters sent to his legats in that council , tells them that the opinion by which the institution of bishops was said to be of divine right was false and erroneous , because the alone power of order was from christ. and jacobus lanez the general of the jesuits order tells us , that bishops are of divine ordination not right : this in that council . and in the decretals collected by gregory the 9th . we find this decree . we call deacon-ship and presbyter-ship sacred orders . for those alone the primitive church is read to have had . and it were very easie to find out testimonies in abundance to this purpose , were not these cited more than enough ; which i have collected out of the council of trent , which is the rule by which the church of rome is guided . and though it may be objected that divers learned papists are of another opinion , yet it is evident the interest of the papacy runs that way : for certainly no interest could be carried on with greater subtlety and dexterity than the papal was in that council : and this we see was one thing principally to be taken care of . from this we may gather how fond ● thing it is in some zealous men among●● us , who call the order of bishops popish and antichristian ; since the papists as well as presbyterians conspir● against this order , and the parity ● presbyters and bishops is perfect popery . but besides these two adversaries which seem to be so diametrically opposite in themselves , and yet both conspire against the divine right of episcopacy ( as in many other points might were it proper , be made appear ) ; w● have a third sort of a much later dat● than the younger of these ; and that is sort of pleasant men , who tell us : the● are for church government , but the● believe that neither christ nor his apostles left any at all , but with a dependence on the civill magistrates will that whatever government was established in the apostles time 't was only setled for the present condition of th● church , and not upon any lasting re●son ; but that the magistrate may , if 〈◊〉 think fit , institute a new ecclesiastic● government . and this opinion ha● been so advanced by a learned man , that he saith the magistrate is the only judg of what religion his subjects must be on , that he is the only infallible judg of controversie and scripture ; and that he that is a subject to the great turk , and follows the religion of mahomet and dies for that faith , is as much nay more a martyr than the primitive christians were in the first ten persecutions . and it is to me no wonder at all that this opinion hath after it many followers : for besides that this increaseth the civil magistrates jurisdiction ; ( dominion is a thing all mankind contend for ) and so cannot much offend the best supreme governour , since 't is an errour of a good meaning to teach subjects obedience : yet it carries along with it this advantage , that it enables the embracers of it to swim with every stream , and so finds them a religious expedient to consult their secular interest and advantage , let the world turn upside down . but certainly this opinion as it savours much of atheism , so it hath in it little of reason and nothing of religion . for to suppose that christ jesus , the supreme head of the church , should take upon him humane nature , and purchase to himself ● church with no less a price than the blood of god ; and that after this great work done he should take no further car● of her , but leave her to the direction of the changeable inclination of every humane fansy , to the extravagancy of every ambitious humour : if this be n●● a fond and an unreasonable opinion , know not what may merit that name . but this to me seems abundantly satisfactory , and to it i have not yet hear● the least colour of an answer . and tha● is , since it doth most evidently appea●● from all antiquity , the consent of a● antient writers , and the confession 〈◊〉 all that have searched into it , that th● apostles setled in all churches one an● the same government ; ( for thoug● men dispute what government was setled , and every party fansie 't is theirs , y●● all agree , there was but one ) how th●● could one ecclesiastical order confor● and agree with the various forms 〈◊〉 temporal policies ? the world had the● monarchies , absolute , mixed , arist●cracies , oligarchies democracies , a● they as different as we can imagine ; a●● yet the apostles , who were guided by an infallible spirit , setled episcopacy in them all : there was not in a monarchy episcopacy and in a republick presbytery , but one and the same in both . and this is matter of fact and hath greater authority to attest it , than any humane story of that antiquity , which all mankind admits for truth . and for to affirm , that , though this be true this government is alterable , if the magistrate judg it not so conducing to piety as another he sets up : what is it but to say , that god did not foresee what contingencies would fall out in succeeding ages ; and that the apostles did not know what would advance true religion and piety in succeeding ages , so well as magistrates that follow , who are easily blinded and deceived , when it conduceth to their temporal interest ? but if we must fansy nothing to have a lasting reason , but what we judg to have so ; i doubt this atheistical age will quickly lay aside all institutions of christ , by judging them ( as some openly do of all religion ) not to be of a lasting necessity . besides , he that shall affirm that nothing can be a medium to bind the consciences of men as of divine right unalterably , but what is founded on divine testimony in some sense speaks true ; but if this be included in the assertion , that this must be obvious to every capacity , that is obliged to obey this divine right , 't is false . for upon that account the scripture it self should not bind those , who have not understanding enough to know how they are admitted as such . for to say the scripture is the word of god , because my conscience , which in plain english is nothing but my opinion , tells me so , is no better an argument than every turc hath for his alcoran . but if there is a necessity to prove the scripture to be divine , ( viz. the reception of these books by the catholick church ) ▪ then he who hath not sense nor learning enough to find out the truth of this , must either admit the scripture of divine authority , when the reason why it is so is not obvious to his understanding , or else all illiterate people are not obliged to believe the truth of its doctrine , and obey it . now let us apply this to church-government . if the same authority which tells us , these books are canonical scripture , tells us withall that the very apostles the penmen of the new testament did settle such a government , and if we find the following age practiced it ; allow it to be dubious in scripture , ( which certainly it is not ) yet is not there as sufficient assurance , that that government was settled by the apostles , and so in some sense of divine right , and so unalterable , as we have to admit for scripture the revelation or any other book that ever was questioned ? now for to affirm , that antiquity is not a sufficient ground for our assent , unless we have a full assurance that the succeeding ages did not vary from what the apostles delivered , or that they could not mistake in the delivery : what is it but to say we must have greater authority for matter of fact than what a fact can have ? and doth not this opinion destroy the authority of scripture totally ? for if the churches delivery of such books as the writings of the apostles be not sufficient for a rational man to ground his assent , that these books were their writings , and so divine , unless we have assurance that she could not mistake in the delivery of those books ; we must either believe the church incapable of errour in the delivery of scripture , or else we have no assurance to ground our assent . now to believe a church incapable of errour savours little of reason , and to believe her only incapable in the delivery of scripture savours much of partiality . but if we must understand the church ( for by church here i mean the governours of it ) to be a wise , sober body of pious and rational men , and so by consequence that they would receive no books , as the writings of inspired men , but such of whose authentickness they had rational grounds ( as perhaps the very authentique letters under the apostles own hands , which tertullian mentions , or some other good authority ) and if this be sufficient reason to gain our assent : why is not the same reason as sufficient for the apostolical government , as for the apostolical writings ? i confess 't is beyond my reach . but if the apostolical practice be sufficiently attested , then to affirm , 't is not enough to bind continually , unless it be known to be god's mind it should do so , is either to say the apostles knew not the mind of god , or else would not reveal it . for certainly we have much more reason to say , their practice binds unalterably , than any one can have to say it doth not . for we have much more reason to demand of these men some mind of god , why we should change apostolical practice ; than they have of us , why we constantly practice what the inspired apostles did ? neither do i understand , how an argument from apostolical practice must suppose a different state of things than what they were when the apostles established governours over churches . for why should not we imagine the apostles did constitute , what they practiced ? and certainly he must be as infallible as the pope pretends too , that is sure any exposition of scripture , that contradicts or concurs not with apostolical practice , is true , if there can be any rational exposition of those scriptures , which concurs with that practice . and he who shall not believe there are such expositions , and though not infallible yet sober , and i dare say much surer than any to the contrary , must condemn all the antient fathers of the church , as ignorant and irrational men , and believe some new fancies of men of yesterday and the dotings of some idle haereticks of greater authority than those great lights of the catholick church . and now to argue from some few practices in the apostles times , which were laid aside , such as the holy kiss , &c. that therefore any constitution may ; is just such an argument , that if a circumstance , a ceremony may be changed , the whole substance may too : unless a man will affirm , there is no more need of a standing succession of church-governours , than there is of the most minute practice in those daies . but here i expect it should be said . what necessity is there of a succession of ministers ? a ministry is necessary , but to think that every minister must as some in derision say , draw his pedegree from the apostles , that is a narrow principle and fit only for bigots to believe , and such as are easily deceived with the great names of antiquity and catholique tradition . i confess i was sorry , when i considered this opinion , to find that the french ministers , when they maintained their vocation to be lawful , ( unto which cardinal perron made his reply ) lay this down for their first argument . that if there was no other reason but this , that they had the true and pure doctrine entire , it will suffice to prove also that we have a true vocation on which it depends . for he who without partiality considers this position , will find 't is the foundation of all fanaticisme , and may be as well challenged by the most absurdest of haereticks as themselves . for though the difference here may be , that these may have the doctrine entire , when other haereticks have not ; yet since with the adversaries they dispute with , that is the question ; it is no more an argument to justifie their vocation , than for any haereticks , who believes he holds all doctrine , true and entire for his . but in answer to this sort of ingenious men of larger souls and looser principles , i demand , what divine demonstration have they , that a man may have a lawful call to the ministry , and not at all derive this power from those unto whom our saviour first gave the power of constituting successours ? certainly he , who goes about to shake a position that for more than 1500 years all christians believed , had need be as demonstrable in his proofs , as principles in mathematicks are . nay he had need be infallible in his expositions of scripture , since he must give a contrary sense to them , than all catholique writers have done before ; considering that if he be mistaken , he destroys the very being of a church , and by depriving them of lawful pastors , robbs christians of sacraments and all other spiritual ordinances . but if all vocation to the ministry must be either extraordinary such as the apostles were , or ordinary such as the bishops their successors were , it would do well these generous men would shew us by what title they claim . if extraordinary , certainly 't is as necessary for them to prove their mission by miracles as it was for the apostles , nay as it was for our saviour : who expresly tells us . if i had not done amongst them , those works which none other man did , they had not had sin. if ordinary , they would do well to shew us , that this their call to the ministry was that ordinary way by which the church enjoyed her pastors . for unless they can do that , they must believe , nay they must tell the world , that those good and pious men , who succeeded the apostles , and who for the defence of the doctrine of the gospel resisted unto blood , did conspire to cheat christians of their liberty , and the soul of man of those generous principles , this liberal age is willing to allow her . and it is very frivolous to say that the successours of the apostles , in those writings we have amongst us , do differ in many things , and do maintain some things not altogether consonant to truth . 't is true i acknowledge they are but men , and therefore subject to frailties and errours as all mankind is : but this is so far from weakening their authority , that ●it strengthens it : that since they are men and so subject to mistakes and differences amongst themselves , it was impossible they should all agree in the doctrine and practice of episcopacy , unless they were all convinced it was a principle not to be disputed against . and let not some say that our bishops now a daies differ from the apostolical bishops : 't is possible they may in some external additions , which the piety and munificence of christian princes have annexed unto that order , believing they could not honour those too much who were set apart to serve at the altar of our lord. yet i desire any man to shew me whether the catholick church did not at all times believe for 1500 years together , that a bishop was absolutely necessary for ordination ? and if imposition of hands , which the author to the hebrews reckons as one of the principles , yea one stone of the foundation of the doctrine of christ , which ( since the words are ; the doctrine of laying on of hands , and ordination is ever performed with it ) may amongst others comprehend ordination ; then he who shall destroy a lawful ordination , pulls away one of the foundation stones of the christian aedifice ; and , if he doth not destroy , certainly he endangers the building . but why the scripture should be thought deficient in necessaries , if episcopal government being necessary be not determined , i understand not ; for if by not determined by a law be meant absolutely , 't is begging the question . for there is no man but knows 't is the assertion of all who hold episcopacy apostolical , that 't is determined there . but if by determining by a law , is meant , so positive and clear a determination as is obvious to every capacity , and can admit of no cavil , then 't is a strange conclusion . for , i doubt , some great articles of our faith are not so evidently revealed , and so positively determined , but may admit of divers c●vils ; and those too not from unlearned and irrational men , who allow the scripture , as we do , to be sole judg in such controversies . and if this be so , then either those great truths are not necessaria , or the scripture is deficient in necessariis , both which are strange conclusions . and now to suppose , that episcopal government is a matter of christian liberty , because it is not so clearly determined by a positive law , is to suppose that every thing , of which we have not positive and clear determination in scripture as will admit of no dispute , is of christian liberty : and s● we must bid adieu to some of the great doctrines of our faith , because they ar● not so clearly delivered . now by what is said , we may jud● that that argument is not cogent , whic● affirms , that nothing can bind as ● law , but what is expressed in direc● terms , or deduced by evident consequence , as of an universal bindin● nature . 't is true , nothing can bind a● a divine law , but what the scriptur● teacheth ; but 't is not necessary this shoul● be so evident , as to admit of no dispute . for since whosoever affirmeth episcopa● apostolical , fixeth the divine right o● scripture : 't is no more an argument ●● say 't is not in scripture , because it ●● not so express , as to be without disput●● than for an anabaptist to say , there ●● no obligation from scripture to baptiz● children , because there is no place produced to that purpose but we disput●● against ; nay 't is no more than for an atheist to deny the divinity of our saviour , because there is no place which asserts it in scripture , but the socinians dispute against . but to expect that this also must be express the binding nature of the law , 't is far more unreasonable . for if it be a law , they who alter it ought to produce more evident authority that they may lawfully do it , than those who maintain an apostolical constitution to be perpetual , to prove express authority for the continuance . for the infallibility of the first authors of it is enough to teach it ought to continue , unless from as great an authority the contrary be proved . and upon this account those other arguments must be of as little force , which affirm , that all standing laws and rules of church-government are appliable to several forms , and that therefore the scripture hath determined no government , but left it arbitrarily . for , first this is begging the question : for , whoever affirms this , must know that divers laws of government , as particularly that of ordination hath by the catholick church for more than fifteen ages been adjudged only to bishops . and certainly 't is more difficult to prove that these laws and rules of government are appliable to severa● governments , and of this to give evident demonstration , against which 〈◊〉 objection can be made ( for such w● are told is the proof in this case only necessary ) than for us to affirm those law● and rules are only competible to episcopacy ; since from all antiquity , t●● very lately , they were never applied 〈◊〉 any other . besides , 't is possible , that many principal laws and rules may agree with divers governments , the governmen● being rather fitted to them than the to the government ; and yet is not a● argument that one only governmen● is not established . ( i add the wor● many principal instead of all ; becau●● i cannot believe any ingenious pers●● will now so lamentably beg the question , or imagin that every rule necessar● for government and for new eme●gences in it must be expressed . ) a●● the reason of this is , because the end● ▪ government being the good of the soci●ty governed , every thing that is , or b● pretends to be a government , must have some principal laws and rules common with the best government , and yet in as much as that government wants the perfection of a better , these principles though they sute with that government , yet do not conduce so well to the end of government , as when they are made use of in a better . to illustrate this by an instance . divers of the principal laws of england agree with the laws of divers countries , now to affirm that monarchy is not established in england , because our laws are or may be used to a government not monarchical , is such a way of arguing as will hardly deceive a considering man. and though this may be said as to government in general , abstracting divinity from it : yet if we find these laws and rules , that are given in scripture for church-government , are more eminently conducible to the benefit of the church in episcopacy than in any other ; and if we have greater authority than we have of any fact so antient , that the church ever understood and practiced these rules and laws in episcopal government , can any rational man be perswaded that episcopacy is of christian liberty ; because the rules and laws of episcopal government may be forced and strained to the fond inventions of an enthusiastick brain ? and now reader i must begg thy pardon , i have been so long on this last argument . i hope the danger as well as the novelty of the opinion will be my excuse . i proceed . we have in the last place another sort of adversaries that are enemies to episcopacy ; and the reason is , because they are friends to their lands ; and unless they destroy their order , they cannot divide the spoil . and because this is an argument not fit to be openly urged , they pretend to annex them to the crown , and that ( say they ) will both enrich and strengthen the monarchy . to these two men i shall only lay down these positions , and if i make them good , this argument will vanish as smoke . the first is , that these lands in the churches hands conduce more to the interest of the crown , than if they were annexed to the crown . and the second is , that the crown at present receives as much in revenue over and above what the church men have , as it doth from any lands not yet altered from the crown , quantity for quantity . for the first , i take that to conduce to the interest of the crown , which obligeth a great number of understanding able men to depend upon the crown . now since all ecclesiastical preferments depend either immediately or mediately on his majesties disposal , this must make all who that way seek for advancement to deserve well of the crown , that that they may obtain their desires . and this doth not only encourage those who are possessed of ecclesiastical dignities , but doth also perswade and encline parochial ministers to serve his majesty , that they may be considered and rewarded for it . of this we have a notable instance in our late ill times , when , if i mistake not , as i think i do not , there were 8000 forsook all for the covenant . of an 129 parishes within the bills of mortality of london , ( i have the list now by me ) an 115 was turned out , besides all the prebends of st. paul's and westminster . and the great dependence of the clergy was so great an eye-sore in the beginning of our unhappy times , that the principal reason , why some seemed so zealous to vote bishops out of the lords house , was that they were a dead weight , and that their interest did so depend on the court , that they always voted as they received commands : which thing though in it self not true , yet certainly shews , that their interest is involved with the crown and that he that will ruin the monarchy must begin with the church . now let any man answer me , hath not this great body of cl●rgy a considerable interest in the nation ? do we not find in many parishes that the minister carries as great a sway as the lord of the mannour ? is it then prudence to alienate the churches land , to destroy this body of men who depend on the crown ? what will be the consequence of this ? this first will make every parochial minister seek what either his patron or parish do desire . for he is at his height , he can hope for no more . this will augment the number of freeholders , who are already increased to such a multitude , that their lands exceed both crown lands , church lands , nobility and gentry . and if that be true , ( which mr. harrington affirms , and is not improbable ) that the interest of england is in her lands ; certainly all means ought to be used to continue lands in the hands of those whose interest it is to support the crown , rather than suffer them to be divided amongst a giddy multitude , who judg of nothing but as it conduceth to their present profit . i shall not here enter into the religious account of church lands , nor add what i have seen in some papers of sir henry spelman's , that when the abbies were dissolved , there were but 28 temporal lords gave assent to it , and that in his time 22 of their families were expired : i shall not answer that which is in every mouth , that the church had near a moiety of the nation , since it was not the church , but their tenants had again nine parts of that ten , and in those times a church lease was counted better than capite land , since the tenancy was never altered but upon consent or miscarriage , their children were not subject to wardships , their revenues , for all but stock , not liable to subsidies , and their lands maintained at the charge of the church from all vexatious titles and law suits . but this is not my work at present . the second thing i am to prove , is , that the , crown receives as much from the dignified clergy's lands , as it doth for so much of its own . and this will appear , if we consider that every bishop at his entrance in four years pays the full reserved rent of his bishoprick , after that a full tenth yearly ; and 't is not ordinary for any bishop to continue in one and the same bishoprick above seven year ; so that if we call the first-fruits a fine which comes in seven year , and the yearly tenths , it is a good certain revenue to the crown . whereas in the crown lands the reserved rents are little , and much of that expended in collection : the fines seldom come to any thing , and they , or the greatest part of them , are commonly swallowed up by them who gather them . i know , at his majesties restauration the clergies fines were extraordinary : but though men look on their profit with an evil eye , yet they are not willing to consider their vast expense ; the repairing the almost ruined cathedrals , episcopal houses , redemption of captives , allowances to purchasers , and particular contributions , besides those great acts of charity and munificence , which scarce any who have died but have left a good example to their followers . but besides this , if we consider that the priesthood under the gospel is more honourable than that under the law , as being the dispenser of a better covenant ; and that it is christ's own command , that they who preach the gospel should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should live of the reward the gospel brings , that a messenger of such good news doth merit ; we will conclude , the evangelical clergy deserves at least a proportionable revenue , to that which god was pleased to command and set apart for the priests under the law. and truly if we examine what that was , we shall find our churches revenue comes not near it . then certainly we have no reason to repine at what they have , unless we are of the opinion of some amongst us , that to serve god is in it self not necessary ; and so their needs neither persons to be dedicated to serve at the altar , nor maintenance for them . how great the revenue was , the priests had under the law , we may compute , if we consider that they had the tith of every thing in kind , which as mr. selden tells us was rather a fifth than a tenth ; that they had a great proportion out of every sacrifice , that all free-will offerings were theirs ; so that to give to god and his priests was one and the same thing : and besides all this in that little country , which i think exceeds not our four northern counties , they had 48 cities allotted them with their suburbs , which was to extend round about their cities 2000 cubits , which was something more at the lowest reckoning than half a mile ; so that allow the city a square and half a mile over , there is a square of a mile and half , which makes 3 square miles , and contains in it 1920 acres ; so that in that little land they had 92160 acres , which the soil being then so rich , by the multitude of inhabitants , and gods special blessing , was a vast revenue , and far exceeds what our clergy ever had . and therefore any sober judicious person may judg at the intentions of those men , who in their scurrilous and seditious pamphlets make our clergy , like bell , to devour the best of the land. they are desirous to devour it themselves , and , that they may be fresh instruments to pull down more judgments upon this nation , they desire to involve us in new sacriledges ; as if this nation had not been sufficiently punished by sins of this kind , unless they fill up the measure by new additions . but this being not so properly the subject in hand , i shall leave it at present , and conclude this preface , when i have added , what i have received from good authority concerning two great men amongst the dissenters of the last age ; that the world may see , that the dissenters then were neither in opinion nor temper like unto those , who now cause great separations amongst us . the first is of mr. tho. cartwright , the antesignanus of that party in his age. sir george paul in the life of archbishop whitgift tells us , that the reason of his first discontent was , that in the exercises that were done before queen elizabeth at cambridg , dr. thomas preston got all the applause and a pension from the queen , when he , who was the better scholar was not taken notice of . this beg at in him great discontent and anger first at the queens supremacy in ecclesiasticals , and afterwards at all the orders of the church . but though he continued long in this temper , yet before his death he grew very moderate . and when he came to dy , which he did at warwick at the hospital , of which robert dudley earl of leicester had made him master , he did seriously lament the unnecessary troubles he had caused in the church , by the schism he had been the great fomenter of ; and wished he was to begin his life again , that he might testifie to the world , the dislike he had of his former ways . and in this opinion he died . the truth of which story i have from the third hand : a sober person present at his death told a friend of his a gentleman of warwick , who assured a clergy-man of my neighbourhood of the truth of it . the second is mr. john dod , a man whose name is known to all this nation . what thing he scrupled in the ceremonies his neerest relations could but guess . for i am informed by one of them who lived above half a year in his house with him , that in all that time , he never spake one word of them to him . he advised a grandchild of his to go for ordination to the bishop of lincoln , because he was the bishop , students in cambridg received ordination from : and when he asked his advise about subscription , he answered , if you scruple nothing , why do you question it ? when one of his own children seemed to doubt kneeling at the sacrament , and asked his advice , whether she should leave the church , and get some minister to give her the sacrament in the house , in the posture she inclined to take it in ? the good old man man rejected the motion with some eagerness , and bid her go to her parish church , and receive kneeling : when for refusal of subscription in the third year of king james he was deprived , he refused to preach ; and when by mr. fox , i think i mistake not his name , a minister in teukesbury he was pressed to it by that argument , that he was a minister not of man , but of jesus christ. he replied , 't is true , he was a minister of jesus christ but by man , and not from christ as the apostles only were ; and therefore if by the laws of men he was prohibited preaching , he ought to obey : and never did preach , till mr. knightly his patron procured him a licence from archbishop abbot . where by ordinance of parliament the common prayer book was laid aside , he never forsook the use of it , but read always as much , as his very old age would suffer him . when he was desired to baptize a child after the mode of those times , without the common-prayer-book , he refused , but administred both sacraments according to that order , ( the cross only excepted , which practice made some imagine 't was the only thing he scrupled ) . and when by accident a great commander in the parliaments army ( who formerly had been his auditor ) came with forces that way , he asked mr. dod , why he did not pray and preach up the parliament . he replied , he preached jesus christ , which was the work of a minister . and after that asked that commander , who he fought for ? he answered , for the king and parliament . the good old man replied , but what if the king be in a fight , and you should kill him ? the commander replied , he must take his fortune . mr. dod returned , 't is a strange fighting for the king , to kill him ; and this answer did so trouble and concern this good man , that after this discourse ended , he mentioned it with great horror to some of his relations . a little before naseby fight , king charles of blessed memory sent the late earl of lyndsey to mr. dod to know his opinion of the war. his lordship found him ill , however he sate up and dictated his sense of it . but the earl was on a sudden , by reason of the fight hurried away , that whether the king had the paper or no , i cannot learn ; but the original , or a copy of it , was by some zealous men suppressed . and their lived near him a justice of peace in those ill times , ( who , though he pretended to much piety , had little honesty , as appeared at his death ) that was thought the man who suppressed it . and when by some of mr. dod's relations he was asked about it , he made this answer , that in his old age he began to dote . i have done my utmost to retrive it , and am not yet out of hopes to do it ; which if i can compass , the world shall see , this man was none of those who disliked the liturgy , despised our ecclesiastical government , none of those who gathered proselytes by broaching opinions contrary to the established laws , none of those who preached in corners , and so applaud themselves and their fancies , that they fill our streets with their unreasonable argumentations , none of those who study to deceive , because either they have deceived or been deceived themselves . i have now done , i only desire the reader to lay aside all interest and partiality , and as an indifferent and unconcern'd person , to read this discourse i here offer thee . and since all truth is great , and will prevail , i cannot but hope this truth will have a good success . if the constant practice of the primitive church , if the authority of all the great reformers in the protestant church , if the universal consent of antient holy fathers , if the concurrent testimony of modern divines , if the confessions of so many great divines in our late ill times , the blood of archbishop laud , or the martyrdom of our late blessed sovereign , have any rhetorique at all , let these compel thee to forsake these separations , and to return to the bosome of that church , whose orders are apostolical , whose ceremonies are primitive , and whose doctrin is most orthodox . hen. yelverton . from my house at easton manduit in northamptonshire , this 12 of march 1668 / ● . episcopacy asserted . cap. i. sect . i. that the church of geneva hath both justified , and praised our episcopal government in england , and prayed for the prosperous continuance thereof . from the church of geneva , we have that pole-starr thereof mr. calvin himself peremptorily asserting the right of episcopal government , in what church soever , (1) that professeth the truth of doctrine , and denieth dependence on the roman antichrist . and the case so standing , he denounceth them anathema and accursed who shall not reverently obey such episcopal hierarchy : so mr. calvin : which is the more remarkable , because the tractate , wherein these words are , is written professedly concerning the reformation of churches , and therefore so much more appliable to the impugners of our english church , none more professedly maintaining the same religion , and somewhat more reformed than it was in the dayes of calvin . yea , and even in her last canons opposite to papists and popery as ever . again , his approbation of our english episcopal government then in being was expressed sufficiently in dignifying archbishop cranmer (2) even for his archi-episcopal care which he had ( saith he ) not only of england , but also of the whole world. meaning , by endeavouring to his power to propagate the truth of christ's gospel every where . in which sense of publick universal care , good bishops were antiently called bishops of the catholick church . yea , and in a more vehement and emphatical expression , he exhorteth him ( with others the governors of the church , (3) to labour to discharge their function , as that which is enjoined them of god , who will exact of them a due account thereof . our second witness ( mr. beza ) testifieth , (4) that the church of england , after the reformation , was supported by the authority of archbishops and bishops , excellent pastors of the church ; wishing furthermore , blessing upon their function , that it might be perpetual to this nation . and in another place (5) judging them worthy of punishment , that should not willingly obey their authority . so he . next , both mr. beza and sadeel jointly inveigh against those (6) as impudent slanderers who should report them to have detracted any thing from the dignity of episcopacy in this church . what shall we say to that mirrour of learning mr. isaac causabon ? who having taken due survey of our episcopal government in england , doubted not to publish to the world , (7) that no church in the world doth come nearer to the form of the primitive church than it doth ; so far ( saith he ) that they that envied her happiness , are notwithstanding constrained to extol it : judging furthermore , that what either belongeth to the doctrine of salvation , or to the decency of a church , is found in her , as well as in any other church , upon earth . and in a brotherly and christian close concludeth saying , praised and magnified be god therefore : even as he did at the sight of the consecration of bishops in paul's church , with this pathetical ejaculation , (8) good god ( saith he ) how great was my joy ? do thou lord jesus preserve this church , and restore such to their wits who do deride these things . so he . after these doctor diodati , now a famous preacher in geneva , at his being in england , did not a little joy to observe our episcopal government , who if he had been an adversary thereunto would not ( as he did ) have noted (9) one of the seven angels in the revelations to have been the bishop of ephesus . lastly , fredericus spanhemius , professor of divinity in the same church , may well stand for another witness , who after his ample commendations ( and that worthily ) of the late primate of ireland , manifestly extolleth (10) the bishops and divines of our english church for their accurate writings in defence of the orthodox religion , and their dexterity in confuting romish subtilties ; after professeth in the name of the church of geneva , their embracing our pastors and prelates with christian affection , praying for the prosperity of them that sit at the helm of this church , that their prelatical authority may continue unto them . so they , and somewhat more pertinent to our question in hand , as now followeth . sect . ii. that the church of geneva disclaimed the opinion of thinking , that their churches government should be a pattern for other churches . the (1) smectymnians our opposites , by instancing in that church , may seem ( in the same book dedicated to both houses of parliament ) that the same church of geneva ( which we acknowledge to be essentially a member of the church of christ ) ought to be a pattern of ecclesiastical government to all other protestant churches . we have a contrary certificate from (2) theodore beza speaking of bishops as the celebrious mouth of that church , we ( saith he ) do embrace all faithful bishops with all reverence ; neither do we ( as some falsly object against us ) propose our example to any other church to be followed . so he . hitherto of the justification of our english episcopacy , by the judgment of our most judicious divines of the church of geneva . we are not destitute of like testimonies from other protestant churches . sect . iii. that also other protestant divines of reformed churches have observed the worthiness of the episcopal government in england . mr. moulin ( whose name is venerable among all orthodox divines ) acknowledgeth (3) that our english bishops that suffered martyrdom in the days of queen mary , were for zeal nothing inferior to the most excellent servants of god , which germany or france ever had ; which none ( saith he ) will deny if not blinded in day-light . and least that worthy divine should be thought to approve of such of our english bishops only as then suffered martyrdom , we have furthermore his indefinite large testimony , (4) we affirm ( saith he , speaking as the mouth of the french church ) that the bishops of england , after the reformation , were the faithful servants of god , and ought not to desert their office , or title of bishop . (5) hierome zanchie ( amongst excellent divines in his time ) exhorteth queen elizabeth with an imprimis , and especially to extend her care and authority to have godly and learned bishops , whereof ( by the blessing of god , saith he ) you have very many , and to cherish them . and again , he congratulateth the episcopal dignity of jewel bishop of salisbury , (6) praying to god for his prosperous success in his function , and of all others the pious bishops of england , and all this in the name of his colleages , the pastors of the church of heidelburgh . (7) sarania ( a belgick doctor ) though a great favourer of the order of episcopacy , yet an earnest inveigher against the roman hierarchy , confesseth himself to wonder often at the wisdom of the reformers of the church of england , as no way deviating from the antient church of christ : and he concludeth with this epiphonema saying , i hold it a part of her happiness that she hath retained with her the order of bishops . mr. moulin again ( that he may be the epilogue who was the prologue ) concludeth for the church of england , saying , (8) that their agreement is such , that england hath been a refuge to our persecuted churches ; and correspondently the excellent servants of god in our churches ( saith he ) peter martyr , calvin , beza , and zanchie , have often written letters full of respect , and amity to the prelates of england . so he . to these may be added the late dedicated books to some of our bishops of these times , together with others referring their controversies among themselves to be decided by their judgment , if we thought that such instances could be of easie digestion with some . hitherto by way of introduction in behalf of our particular english church . we are now to prosecute the justification of episcopacy in general , so farr as to make good the title of this treatise inscribed , a full satisfaction in this cause , as well for the necessary use , as also for the just right thereof , as consonant to the word of god. we begin to consult with gray-headed antiquity for the manifestation hereof . sect . iv. that the episcopal government in the church of christ is for necessary use the best , according to the judgment of primitive antiquity . generally the bestness of a thing ( that we may so call it ) is best discerned by the necessary use , whereof antiquity hath testified by hierome , (a) that the original reason of constituting one over the rest of presbyters , to whom all the care of the church should belong , was ( saith he ) so decreed through the whole world , that schisme might be removed . which from the continual experimental success thereof in the church , he himself held to be such , (b) as whereupon the safety of the church did depend . (c) tertullian ( yet himself no bishop neither ) will not have presbyters and deacons to baptize without authority from the bishop , for the honour of the church ; which being observed , peace ( saith he ) will be preserved . (d) chrysostom illustrateth the necessity of episcopal government , by resembling the bishop to the head , in respect of the body : to a shepheard , in respect of his sheep : to a master , in respect of his scholars : and to a captain , in respect of his soldiers : with whom (e) ambrose agreeth in the first resemblance ; calling likewise the bishop , the head of the rest of the members . (f) augustine compareth the bishop to the father of the family , as being head of the house . (g) nazianzen , (h) ambrose , (i) nicetas decipher him as the eie in that head , whose office is to look to the whole body , whence they have their names , episcopi or bishops . (k) basil ( yet higher ) compares the church to the body , and the bishop to the soul ; saying , that the members of the church by episcopal dignity , as by one soul , are reduced to concord and communion . (l) cyprian bishop and martyr , doth more than once complain of the contempt and disobedience of the inferior clergy and people against their bishops , as the original spring of heresies and schisms . we have done with the fathers whom we have found generally asserting the necessary use of episcopal government ; and whom i● the next place we shall find seconded by the ingenious confession of judicious protestants of remo●● churches . sect . v. the protestant divines of remo●● churches have generally acknowledged episcopal government , to for necessary use the best . the protestant witnesses whic● we shall here alleadg , are 〈◊〉 two classes , the one lutheram with whom we begin . (m) luthe● himself indeed will be found to i● veigh against bishops ; yet not in general against all , but such only 〈◊〉 were tyrannous and unworthy ( as h● saith ) of the holy name of bishop ▪ otherwise not only he , but all th● churches of the lutherans have in the publique (n) augustine confession ( speaking of bishops ) testified that , they often protested their earnest desire to preserve the ecclesiastical polity , and degrees then in being in the church , even in their highest authority ; which they acknowledge to be of great use for avoiding of schisms in the church . to this purpose melancthon , by the perswasion of luther ( as * camerarius writeth in his life ) as much for episcopacy as any , burst out into this pathetical expression , (o) i speak my mind freely ( saith he ) i would to god , yea , i would to god i were able to restore the government of bishops ; for i see what a church we are like to have , the ecclesiastical polity being dissolved ; i foresee the tyranny will be more intolerable than ever it was before . so he , citing (p) bucers like judgment of the necessity of episcop●● government : to the end that refractory and dissolute persons may ●● removed out of the church . the illustrious prince hainault , one persecuted for religion , and afterwards en●bled with the calling of preacher of t●● gospel , professeth in the name of th● lutheran churches , saying (q) with what willingness and joy of heart wou●● we reverence , obey , and yield bishop their jurisdiction , and ordination which thing we have alwayes contest● for , as did also luther himself both i● words , writing , and preaching . so he ▪ we may add out of the dani●● church that learned hemingius confessing (r) the episcopal order to b● most profitable , both for governing th● church , and for preservation of sound doctrine . the other classis of protestant authors are at hand to deliver their own judgments ; also calvin in the first place delivereth the original reason of episcopacy to be , ( as he saith ) (s) left by equality ( as it usually cometh to pass ) schismes should arise in the church . so he . with such a parenthesis as telleth tales , namely , that dissention accompanieth parity : but that which is spoken in a farr lowder tone , is this his confession , (t) i confess ( saith he ) that as the manner of men is new a days , the order of ministers cannot continue , except one be over the rest . so he . from whom we expect much more hereafter : in the interim beza granteth (u) that because by experience the presbyterial government was found insufficient to keep under ambitious pastors , and vain and fanatical auditors ; one was constituted over the rest to govern them : which thing ( saith he ) neither can , nor ought to be reprehended . especially seeing that in th● church of alexandria this custom was observed , even from the dayes of mat● the evangelist . and again , (x) g●● forbid that i should reprehend this order as rashly or proudly brought into th● church , whereof there was great us● when good and holy bishops governed the church . so he . zanchie is of reverend esteem amongst our adversaries ; yet he confesseth , (y) th● episcopacy was ordained out of piety to best ends for the edification of the elect , and was so received by the consent of christian churches : who th●● am i , ( saith he ) that i should disallo● that which the whole church of chri●● hath approved ? to comprise much in a little , we have heard of the protestation made in the augustane confession , in the behalf of episcopacy , and the necessity of it ; and it is testified by (z) conradus vorstius , that the protestant divines , in conference at bosnack , subscribed to it per omnia , except that dubious article concerning the eucharist . amongst whom he reckons calvin , beza , zanchie , viretus , and melancthon . we may not pass by bogarmannus , moderator in the synod of dort , who hath been rendred unto us by a credible person ; that upon the mention of episcopacy by some of our english divines , the want of which had , in all probability , caused those dissentions in the netherlands : he made this answer before them all , as the mouth of the rest , (*) alas , but we are not so happy : which none that duly considers either the person that spake it , or yet the place where it was uttered , can conceive to be a complement ; but rather a conscionable acknowledgment of a clear truth . neither is this the first or the last time that this truth hath been asserted by divines of remote churches , though perhaps never so solemnly and publickly as here : for before this (1) saravia hath published his judgement in print , wherein he● esteems it , a part of the happiness of our english church , that she hath conserved in her the order of bishops . and since that synod , the learned professor of divinity in geneva , videlius , speaking of good bishops , and such as are instructed by the holy ghost : (2) to such ( saith he ) as ignatius speaketh , we willingly obey , and say they are necessarily to be obeyed . nothing now remaineth , but that one whom our opposites have proclaimed for their chiefest advocate , walo masselinus alias , salmatius , may give the upshot in this very point , (3) that 〈◊〉 bishop ( saith he ) was set over presbyters in the same church , to take away schisms , none can deny to have been instituted to a good end , and that with best reasons . we need not repeat , how the church of geneva did not dote so much upon their own form of church government , as to think it worthy to be an example for other churches to copy out . we are not ignorant of the flourishing pretense which our opposites make to others to be enamoured of their helen ( the presbyterial government ) as if it were most commonly used in all churches abroad , therefore have we been constrained to advertise as followeth . sect . vi. that the episcopal government is farr more practised among protestants of remote churches , than is the presbyterial . the words of zanchie (4) are punctual , that episcopi ( that is , bishops ) and superintendentes , are words of the same sense and signification , and therefore where there is an agreement in the thing , we ought not to make any alteration or strife about words . and for practice ( he saith ) that in some reformed churches , both the name and function of archbishops and bishops , were retained ; in others the office was retained , changing only the title of archbishops and bishops , into superintendents , and general superintendents : and where neither name nor office did remain , as formerly , yet even there almost all authority was managed by some chief pastors . so he . mr. dureus ( a learned divine ) and in one sort apostolical , by his great travail and endeavours for reconciling of lutherans , and other protestant churches , and also some others , published to to the world a multitude of protestant churches governed by prelates , under the name of bishops , farr exceeding the number of the presbyterial : which seemed a matter so unquestionable to a jesuit , that he presumed to affirme of all protestant churches excepting anabaptists , (5) that they admitted three degrees of ministers ; to wit , bishops , presbyters , and deacons . that which we wish may be principally observed by these premisses , is , that so many so eminently learned and judicious divines , and among them such as are thought to have practised the presbyterial discipline , would not so plainly and universally have acknowledged the necessary use of episcopal prelacy , except ( before all presbyterial parity ) they had judged it the best : but yet we are to soar higher , accounting that most truly the best ; which hath the best right . cap. ii. sect . i. the second general part of this full satisfaction , is concerning the right of episcopacy , which is to accord to the word of god , which is the second reserved condition in the common covenant . there are but two principal wayes to understand every accordance to the word of god ; one from primitive antiquity , especially that which bordereth immediately upon the apostolical age ; the other by the light and evidence of scripture it self . and for our just enquiry into both , we shall take along with us the consent and acknowledgment of such protestant divines , to whom our opposites cannot justly impute partiality in the behalf of bishops . antiquity speaketh unto us both by its profession and practice ; sometimes professing it to be so far according to the word of god , as it is apostolical ; sometimes in an higher tone and accent , to attribute unto it a divine right . touching the apostolical right , our opposites will not seem to be so far forlorn of antient patronage , but that they will object four authors against this ; which objections we are to remove in the first place , as rubs in our way , that our readers passage may become more even and easie unto him . sect . ii. first , that no antient father hath been justly objected as gainsaying the apostolical right of episcopacy , no not hierome . the smectymnians have informed both the honourable houses of parliament , that (1) the best charter pleaded for episcopacy , is ecclesiastical constitution , and the testimony of hierome . which is the main fort which they and other out opposites rest upon , (2) the original of episcopal prelacy ( saith he ) is rather from the custom of the church , than of the lords disposing . whence these disputants conclude , that he held it to be * meerly ecclesiastical ; and the rather because this his commentary is upon a text of scripture . two kind of answers are appliable to this objection ; one in respect of hieromes person ; the other in regard of his manifold confessions to the contrary . first , hierome ( by nature an angry man ) had been not a little provoked by john bishop of hierusalem , and thereupon ( as a learned doctor even of the presbyterian church saith ) (3) did probably vent this sentence in an humane passion : especially as another saith , (4) holding it an indignity to see his order contemned . and that such passions were sometimes incident to this father , our next section will further manifest . but we are rather willing to rest upon the more manifest resolution of hierome himself . secondly , therefore we come to the construction of his words : which we cannot unfold better , than according to the interpretation of the above-mentioned scultetus , namely , (5) that hierome denying episcopacy to be of divine disposition ; meant , that it was not immediately ordained by christ himself , in the time of his residence here upon earth . and by affirming it to be of the custome of the church of christ understood this in the dayes of the apostles . and that this is the proper and genuine interpretation of these words , we appeal from ( if so it was ) passionate hierome , to hierome dispassionate ; from whom we have manifold acknowledgments of the apostolical right of episcopacy , saying , (6) that all bishops are the successors of the apostles , and do now supply their places . (7) he also terms the episcopal power of excommunication , the apostolical rod ; and correspondently he calls damasus ( a bishop ) his shepheard , and himself ( a presbyter ) his sheep . thirdly , he resembleth (8) bishops and presbyters in the new testament , to aaron and his sons in the old , calling it an apostolical tradition . and lastly , he recounteth from antiquity (9) james , our lords brother , bishop of hierusalem , mark bishop of alexandria , timothy of ephesus , titus of crete ; whom the apostles left their successors in place of their government . so st. hierome in as full a distinction of bishops over presbyters , as any prelate can do at this day . wherefore it will not ( we presume ) fall into the imagination of any discreet reader , to think , that so many apostolical relations had unto bishops by hierome , must needs confirm unto us his opinion of an apostolical institution , especially those last now mentioned out of his book of ecclesiastical writers , * which erasmus calls , a learned work , and worthy of such an author . if we should yield unto our opposites to choose them an author out of all protestant divines , whom they would make umpire and determinator between us and them in this very case , we are perswaded that beza must be he , and him shall not we refuse , who directly proveth even out of hierome (11) that the custom of ●of choosing one among the presbyters , who should be over the rest , was observed from the time of mark th● evangelist . nay , and further th● same theodore beza doth quit the main objection of hieromes denying prelacy to have been of divine disposition , saying roundly (12) the hierome is not to be thought to hav● dated so much as to dream that no● of the presbyters was placed as pre●●dent ●ver the rest , when he said that at the first the church was g●verned by the common council 〈◊〉 presbyters . this is as much as an prelatically minded man could either say , or wish to be said . sect . iii. that augustine objected against the apostolical right of episcopacy is directly for it . augustine ( a father whose memory hath been venerable throughout the whole christian world ) is objected to have written thus to hierome , (13) although according to the titles of honour usual in the church , episcopacy be greater than presbytery , yet is augustine inferiour to hierome in many things . hence the * smectymnians , if augustine had known that the majority of bishops above presbyters had been of divine or apostolical institution , &c. he would have said as much . so they . which is much more than they themselves ought to have said , for two reasons . first , because st. hierome ( as they there confess ) had taken distaste at augustine , and thereupon written two sharp epistles to him , in both which he doth ( but yet ironically ) extel● him as a great man , because he was in pontificali culmine constitutus . so they . whereby they do in a manner proclaim hieromes peevishness , every ironie proceeding from some splenetical tumor ; for although hierome was otherwise a saint-like man , y●● in respect of moderation , he was fam● inferior to augustine , who here by his mild answer ( in the objected epistle ) endeavoured to allay the heat of hieromes passion , with the cool breath of christian condescension , saying , augustine is in many thing inferior to hierome . secondly , ( to speak to the matter i●self ) because all that augustine a●tributeth to the institution of th● church is only honorum vocabula●● namely , the appropriation of the word bishop , as more significant 〈◊〉 express the office episcopal over presbyters , the general use hereof may well be ascribed to the church though it had its original from the apostles times when the office was instituted ; for even from thence this father is found to derive the pedegree of episcopacy , when he saith , (14) that the root of christian society is diffused through the world by the apostolical seats and successions of bishops . which successions are relative to episcopal predecessors , and so upwards till we come to the apostolical seats whence they had their foundation . yet so as deducing episcopacy from an higher original , namely , (15) that none can be ignorant , that our saviour did institute bishops , who before his ascension into heaven , laying his hands on the apostles , ordained them to that function . so he . so farr was he from blemishing episcopal order , with an opinion of its ecclesiastical ordination , that he acknowledgeth them to be the institution of christ. now let us proceed to nazianzen , who is the third objected father by our opposites . sect . iv. thirdly , gregory nazianzen a primitive father , who is verbally objected against episcopacy , doth really contradict the objectors . this father is alleadged by the * smectymnians , not so much against the apostolical right , as the necessary use of episcopacy . yet falling in the number of objected fathers , we have reserved him for this place . the point objected out of him is , that he being cast out of his bishoprick , by the sinister practices of maximus , wished (16) that there were no principal seat or dignity in the church , nor any tyrannical preeminence of place . but what of this ? thus spake he ( say they ) of episcopacy , holding it a principal part of wisdom in that age to shun it . so they . whose scope is to make the reader believe , that nazianzen had renounced episcopacy as a degree , in his opinion , unlawful , or at least unnecessary in the church . in answer unto this , we have just cause to complain of the want of ingenuity of the objectors , both in translating the words of nazianzen , and also for concealing his own explanations . for , first , the word [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which signifieth that very time and present occasion , they translate , that age ; which word hath usually in authors the latitude of an hundred years . secondly , they conceal his precedent and subsequent words , the two lamps and lights of his meaning herein . for first , he having said , that (17) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or episcopal dignity , was wont to be had in admiration amongst right wise men ; he added , but now ( as it seemeth to me ) it is a principal part of wisdom even to shun it . and he gave his reason for it , not to note it to be unlawful , or yet unnecessary ; but , because ( saith he ) whatsoever belongeth to me is hereby tossed and shaken . and not thus only , but most clearly ( in the same oration ) he expresseth his full inclination to imbrace episcopacy , saying to his flock of nazianzum , (18) i was driven from you by violence , but i return to you again most willingly , the spirit of god , like the plummet in a clock , moving me thereunto ; or rather driving ( as it were ) in the stream of a violent river running down from a steep place . so he . expressly manifesting his willingness to return to his episcopal function , as moved thereunto by the spirit of god , who will furthermore profess the divine right of episcopacy , when that point shall fall under out perusal . in the interim we are to know , that words of passion , though of the saints of god , must not be interpreted to be words of their profession . for gregory nazianzen was , at that time of his complaint , driven out of his bishoprick , by the malitious machinations of maximus , whom he termeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meaning in a simile , a most malitious man , but afterwards was restored unto it ( as hath been said ) to his good contentment ; even as job in the extremity of his tryal wished himself unborn , but yet ( after the blessings of god were redoubled upon him , his comforts likewise were proportionable . it would be but a wild piece of sophistry in our smectymnians to have argued from the words of job's passion , that therefore life it self was simply undesirable . there remaineth a fourth father to be examined , although last in place , yet first in order of time , but therefore hitherto reserved , that his testimony might be more lasting in our readers memories . sect . v. that clemens , one of the most ant●ent of fathers objected , proveth to be a counterwitness against the objectors . the smectymnians call upon us earnestly to hearken unto clemens , telling us of a prophesie concerning a future contention which should happen about the name of bishop . next , that there is no piece of antiquity of greater esteem then this epistle of clemens to the corinthians . then , that this was brought to light by a learned gentleman mr. patrick young. and lastly , for the matter it self , that therein is a common and promiscuous use of the words presbyter and bishop . so they . in answer whereunto we are first to speak to the prophesie : secondly , the author : thirdly , the publisher : and fourthly , the promiscuous use of the names which are punctually to be unfolded . the prophesie was of a future contention , about the names of bishop and presbyter , which if we should ask the smectymnians , when it befel in christ's church after the dayes of clemens ? they would be loath to tell , lest they should betray their aerius , whom antiquity rendreth unto us as one schismatically opposing episcopal function , because he himself could not get to be a bishop ; so excellently is the choice of this prophesie here made by these objectors . the next point concerneth clemens the author , of whom we esteem as highly as our opposites can : but from his not differencing of appellations of bishop and presbyter ; to conclude that therefore the offices were the same , is so ill framed a consequence , that both besides antient fathers , our later worthy protestant divines , mr. beza , and dr. reynalds will disclaim it . in the mean time we must have our matter tryed by the most reverend father clemens himself , concerning whom we have a competent witness even from geneva , vedelius by name , divinity professor in that university , testifying (21) that after the death of linus and cletus , clement was left alone , and retained the name of bishop , both because he then survived all those who had been assistants of the apostles , and also for that the distinction of names of bishop and presbyter was even then i● force . so he . which is as full a confutation of the smectymnians , as if he had said to their faces , my masters you do but dream . our third and fourth answers must be unto clemens his book , and to the learned ( say they ) no more , even exquisitely learned publisher thereof , wherein clement immediately after the prophesie above-mentioned , addeth concerning the apostles as followeth : (22) they ( saith he ) having a perfect foreknowledge , constituted the aforesaid persons , and left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , a description of officers and ministers in their course , that so after that they themselves should fall asleep , other godly men might succeed and exercise their function . which what it meaneth , the forenamed worthy and judicious publisher of this epistle of clement , hath delivered in his commentary thereupon , observing from clement his word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : that is , description : that it is no other then the census in tertullian , by which it appears ( saith the worthy publisher ) to have been a custom in the apostolical churches to write a roll ( for this word he holds not unfit ) of the order of bishops in their successions to bring them from their originals ( as tertullian speaketh ) polycarpus was from john the apostle in the church of smyrna , and clemens in the church of rome from peter and others , ( speaking often of this clement ) whom the apostles constituted bishops , from whom others might deduce their traductions and off-springs . so this singularly learned gentleman . therefore by occasion of this objection , bishops have gained the patronage of clemens , then whose writings ( to use the smectymnians , our opposites own encomium ) there is no piece of antiquity of more esteem . may it therefore please our reader to observe with us , the unluckiness of our opposites , who have objected against episcopacy no testimony of any antient father who hath not in effect plainly discovered their ignorance , or else their wilful boldness , as of men that in fighting do wound themselves with their own weapons . we are now to inquire into the judgment of antiquity , which is of two classes of fathers , some more immediate unto the apostles , and some more remote . we begin with the latter . sect . vi. the justification of episcopal prelacy by the universal practice of the church christian , in times approaching towards primitive antiquity . first , by condemning aerius the only famous adversary against episcopal prelacy in those times . (1) ( 1 ) epiphanius , and (2) augustine declare the schismatical behaviour of this aerius , which was because eustathius was elected bishop , and he himself received the repulse , therefore he set abroach new doctrines ; and amongst others ( as augustine relateth ) that there ought to be no difference between a bishop and a presbyter . which word [ ought ] is that which is derogatory to the judgment of the two foresaid fathers , and of the then church catholick . the two learned men (*) walo and blondellus , being ( as it were ) the late professed advocates for presbyters , may give them satisfaction in this point by their confessions . the one acknowledging hierome to have taught that men should not adhere unto aerius , because of the use of episcopal govornment , for avoiding of schisme . the other more generally , that hierome and other antients were most against the sacrilegious , and schismatical practice of aerius . so he . another learned divine at this day censuring the schisme made in the church because of episcopacy , to be sacrilegious , as some other protestants have done by their approbation of episcopacy ; to whom may be joyned ( in a greater speciality ) two other lights of god's church . mr. beza ( in the first place ) plainly discovering the said opinion of aerius . (3) if there be any ( saith he ) as i think there be none , who altogether reject episcopal order , god forbid that any of sound brain should ever assent to their furies . so he , professing furthermore , his acknowledged observance and reverence to all bishops reformed . accordingly mr. moulin roundly attesteth himself (4) to have detested the opinion of aerius . so he . and so peradventure would our opposites have said , if they had not falne into these dayes of contradiction , who whether they look east , west , north , or south , to any climate christian , cannot find in the church catholick , any other famous presbyter , who , for the space of fifteen hundred years , held an unlawfulness of episcopal government . this is not all . sect . vii . that in the time of the foresaid fathers the whole church of christ held the derogation from episcopal prelacy to be sacrilegious . we call that the judgment of the whole church of christ , which is the decree and determination of a general and unquestionable council representing the whole church christian ; such was the council of calcedon , concluding by a canon , (5) that to depress a bishop down to the degree of a presbyter , it is sacriledge . so they . but what say our antiprelatical opposites ? we may not conceal it . this ( say they ) was but a stirrop for antichrist to mount into the pontifical saddle . wittily we see , but yet scurrilously withal : we do not desire to contend with them , at this weapon , but give our indifferent reader to understand , that this was a council for antiquity one of the four general councils , for number of fathers above six hundred , for universality of approbation representative of all christendom , for belief of the doctrine thereof in our church authorized by * act of parliament , touching at least the doctrine of faith ; and for opposition to romish popedom , decreeing on equality of priviledges of the bishops of constantinople , and the bishops of rome , upon this especial ground , that the then primacy of the romish pope over others , was but an humane ordination : which was indeed to pull both stirrop and saddle from under antichrist ; so that at that time he could not mount up . somewhat would be heard of the ages succeeding after the time aforesaid . sect . viii . that the immediate succession of bishops from the days of the apostles , is liberally confirmed unto us by learned protestant divines , albeit sufficiently presbyterial . it was laid down as a rule infallible by augustine in the days of primitive antiquity : that (a) whatsoever the universal church held , and was not instituted by councils , but always retained , that was most rightly believed to proceed from no other than apostolical authority . this p●●●e as it was often repeated , so was it never contradicted by any judicious author ; yea , it is plainly asserted , by as learned a doctor as any their presbyterian church hath afforded of later times . (b) if no instance ( saith scultetus ) can be given between the days of the apostles , and the times succeeding of a n●● episcopal government , then must episcopacy be thought to have proceede● from the apostles . so he . accordingly calvin in another case against them that deny the baptism of infants , saith , (c) that irenaeus and origen being t● write against the prodig●ous errors of anabaptistical revelations , refute● them very easily from the testimonies of those , who being then alive , had been disciples of the apostles , and had i● memory what had been delivered b● them . so he . applying the same to his purpose as we also do to ours . sect . ix . that there was an immediate succession of bishops from the apostles times , proved first , because no time can be assigned wherein it was not in use . concerning the immediate succession of bishops from the day● of the apostles , it is confessedly acknowledged before by that worthy and learned scultetus . but we shall not think we have fully satisfied the reader until we shew sufficient proof , that the episcopal degree was furthermore actually exercised , even in the days of the apostles . if therefore our opposites be willing to consult with bucer , he will tell them , (e) that the fathers before hierome did clearly affirm , that in the days of the apostles in all the chief churches one was chosen and placed over the rest of the presbyters , to have and exercise a charge of souls , and episcopal function over them in chief , as james is described by luke , acts 15. to have been bishop of hierusalem ; and the like ordinance was perpetually observed in other chu●ches . so he . and if we ask their most exact searcher into antiquity , (f) scultetus , he will testifie no less concerning this james , brother of our lord , for which he alledgeth not fewer or meaner authors then ( 1. ) clemens alexandrinus , (2) eusebius , (3) chrysostome , (4) ambrose , (5) epiphanius , yea , and hierome himself , besides the joynt consent of the fathers in a council . but that which makes all questionless is the personal line of successors set down by epiphanius (g) from james , in the same sea of hierusalem , by simeon , judas , matthias , &c. unto hilarion , who was bishop in epiphanius his own time . (96) (7) (8) alexandria was another episcopal seat , whereof beza (h) hath taken especial notice ( as also calvin doth , j●st . lib. 4. cap. 4. v. 2. ) from the testimony of hierome , concerning mark the evangelist , that even from his time there w●s one of the presbyters by them elected , as an army doth their general , who was placed in an higher degree , and was termed bishop . this is further confirmed unto us by eutychius ( an author lately translated and published by mr. selden , the ornament of our nation for exotick learning ) who saith expressly , (i) that mark constituted anianus patriarch of alexandria : and the said learned publisher in his commentaries thereupon hath deduced the immediate succession of bishops from anianus , for almost 300. years , wherein according to exact chronology he hath recounted eighteen bishops ; and telleth us moreover , that this author eutychius himself was patriarch of alexandria , albeit he lived not till almost 1000 , years after . antioch was a third , and therein ignatius will stand for an example irrefragable , of whom antiquity hath thus largely testified , namely eusebius , (k) that he was after peter the second bishop of antioch . theodoret (l) that he received the grace of episcopacy by the right hand of peter . and before him accordingly athanasius , (m) that after the apostles he became bishop of antioch , and martyr of christ. we conclude with the encornium of chrysostome , ( g ) ignatius was familiarly conversant with the apostles , and enjoyed spiritual graces flowing from them , and received his dignity from the racred hands of the blessed apostles . so he . (n) the like hath been antiently witnessed concerning the church of rome , and though the course of personal succession therein ( and especially about the beginning ) seem to be somewhat perplexed , yet is there nothing more sure in ecclesiastical history , than that there was an immediate personal succession in that church from the apostles times , and the doubtfulness of the course is assoyled from (o) vedelius , a most exquisite professor at geneva in that kind , who speaketh unto us in the margent ; and this truth was so clear in antient times , that (p) irenaeus was able to recount those that had been instituted bishops in the churches by the apostles , and their successors , even until his own time as one that had his reckoning at his fingers ends , saying , but because it would be very long in so small a volumn to recount the succession of all churches , i shall instance in the church of rome . wherein he setteth down an exact succession of twelve bishops , the last whereof ( elutherius by name ) was then alive when he wrote this book . (q) mr. blundel the french divine , was not ignorant of the series and lines of succession of those whom he calleth praepositos , episcopos , even of the same times . those ecclesiastical testimonies being so manifold , so pertinent , so perspicuous , and so freely confessed , we doubt not but that ingenuous readers will prefer antiquity before novelty , universality before paucity , solemnity of profession before obscurity ; and this fully testified apostolical practical succession , before the refactoriness of any whomsoever : the rather , because they , in the space of 400 years after the apostles , have not had any famous and absolute patron of a presbyterial parity in ecclesiastical government , excepting that one swallow aerius , whom the church christian then rejected as a man schismatical , branding him with the note of ambition , as the cause of his opposition to episcopacy ; even for that he standing in competition for a bishoprick , did miss thereof , as hath been shewed . and now left the humor of some in hearing of popes of rome to have been bishops , should boggle and startle at it , to make the episcopal dignity no better than popish , according to that which is now held popedome , we add ( and it is but a footstep out of the way ) the next section . sect . x. that the whole church christian did profess and practise the apostolical right of episcopacy . it cannot but be a matter of wonder to any man of judgment to see such an averseness in our opposites , as not only to object the testimonies of these fathers , who have given their common acknowledgement of the lawfulness of episcopal prelacy ; but much more that they cannot discern , that they by instancing in some few fathers in contradiction to episcopacy , do thereby grant their assent for it in the rest : and that all the rest indeed do accord thereunto , is as clear as a beam of the sun , long before that time ; whereof their pretended patron st. hierome is a plentiful witness , who testifieth of the more primitive times before him , telling our opposites plainly and roundly , (1) that it was decreed through the whole christian world , that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the whole care of the church should appertain . so he . of many who gave their lives for the profession of the faith of christ , among whom , as captains of the innumerable host of martyrs of christ , were many bishops in the dayes of heathenish persecutions ; of whom it is recorded by (2) antiquity , and confessed by one of our opposites , (3) that above all other christians , enquiry was made for bishops ; bishops were rather apprehended than others ; bishops were afflicted with tortures ; and , as leaders to all others , constantly indured whatsoever was laid upon them . it had been good therefore our opposites had made conscience of their sayings , before they had burst out into so contumelious detractions , and had followed the example of the french divine mr. moulin (4) i am not so hard faced ( saith he ) against the lights of the primitive church , ignatius , polycarp , &c. bishops , as to think them usurpers of an unlawful function ; reverend antiquity shall prevail more with me , than any mans novel institution . the like was that * mr. beza his absit , saying , god forbid that i should reprehend that order as rashly introduced , &c. as also zanchy his quis ego ? who am i that i should reprehend that which the whole church hath approved to be for the best ends ? so he . whereof there hath been a full section . and that the deduction of episcopacy cannot be called properly popish , will be proved hereafter . cap. iii. after these our evidences from primitive antiquity , according to our precedent method , we are to contemplate of the coelestial sphear , the word of god it self . the right of episcopacy discussed by the word of god. in this discussion we are to use both our hands ; the one of defence in answering objections , and ( as it were ) bearing off assaults made against the apostolical right of episcopacy . the other is the confirmation thereof by such arguments which may be held convincent . sect . i. against the first objection from the identity of names ( as they call it ) of bishops and presbyters in scripture . our opposites endeavour to perswade us that there ought to be no d●stinction of degree between bishop and presbyter ; because of the identity of denomination in scripture , which is ( say they ) of no small consequence . and this they offer to prove from ( as they say ) the supreme wisdom of god , the imposer of names , who could not mistake the proper end of the imposition of names . and for a further inforcement , they add , that the texts brought to prove the identity of names , prove also as intrinsically the identity of offices . so they . which consequence was taught them by their great dictator , (a) walo messalinus , who would have it impossible that bishops and presbyters should really differ in function , seeing that their titles are communicable in scripture . so he . one would think it had not been possible for any of judgment to have concluded thus , who had but once observed the texts of scripture which present themselves often unto any conversant therein ; as the places in the new testament themselves : the testimonies of fathers , together with the consent of some protestant divines will evidence unto us . first scriptures wherein we find matthias , peter , john and paul , all by excellency of function apostles , yet ma●thias entituled to a bishoprick , act. 1.20 . peter styling himself co-presbyter , 1 pet. 5.1 . john terming himself a presbyter twice , 2 joh. 1. and 3 joh. 1. and paul descending a degree lower to name himself thrice a deacon , col. 1.23 , 25. & 2 cor. 3.6 . yea reciprocally those that were but assistants of the apostles , had the name of apostles attributed unto them . as barnabas , act. 14.14 . andronicus , and junias , rom. 16.7 . titus and others , graece , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 cor. 8. in all which communicableness of names of bishop , presbyter , sympresbyter and deacon attributed to the apostles themselves , and of the title of apostle given to some of inferior ranke , our opposites ( we dare say ) will not presume to conclude any necessity of indistinction of offices , either between the disciples of the apostles , and the apostles themselves ; or between presbyters and deacons , and the same apostles . therefore , to draw nearer to our mark , we add more particularly . sect . ii. that the former objection is rejected by the choycest and most acceptable divines , which our opposites themselves can name . we ( besides the current testimonies of fathers to be alleadged in the following section ) seek to satisfie our opposites , by the confession of three such protestant divines , whose very names ( and that deservedly ) are of great authority with them . 1. calvin upon that very objected text , tit. 1.5 . for this cause left i thee at creet , &c. (a) from hence we learn ( saith he ) that there was not then any equality among the ministers of the church , but that one was placed over the rest in authority and counsel . 2. beza ( successor to calvin ) expressly confesseth (b) that the presbyters even then ( in the apostles times ) had a president over them , while the appellation of bishop and presbyter was communicable . accordingly hereunto is the judgment of dr. reynolds , telling us (c) that in the apostles times the presbyters did choose one amongst them to be president , &c. whom afterward ( saith he ) in the primitive church the fathers called bishops . so that in the judgment of these exquisite judicious divines , the office or function of a bishop was distinct from that of presbyters , notwithstanding the identical communicableness of titles or names . sect . iii. the second objection out of scripture in that place phil. 1.1 . with the bishops and deacons , &c. is repugnant to the general expositions of antient fathers . it useth to be objected , that seeing ( as the fathers held ) there should be no more than one bishop in any one city , how then cometh it to pass , that the apostle mentioneth bishops in the plural , and immediately subjoyneth deacons without insinuation of presbyters ? either we must suppose that there were no presbyters at all in that city ; or else that by bishops here , presbyters are to be understood . the testimonies of antiquity have untwined this thred long since , telling us , that for as much as the words bishop and presbyter , were then communicable ( notwithstanding the difference of their degrees and functions ) therefore by the word bishops in this place are to be understood presbyters . so (d) chrysostom , (e) occumendus , (f) theophylact , (g) theodoret. this last ( for further illustration thereof ) sheweth , that st. paul did in this epistle attribute likewise this title of apostle to epaphroditus , though he was distinctly a bishop . our opposites we know are in all these questions most addicted to hierome : who notwithstanding , upon the same reason with the rest of the fathers , inferreth the same conclusion , saying , (h) here by bishops we understand presbyters , because there could not then have been two bishops in one city . but if epaphroditus was bishop of philippi ( as theodoret both here and elsewhere assureth us he was ) why ( will some say ) was not this epistle inscribed unto him , as well as to the presbyters and deacons ? theophylact gives the answer (i) because ( saith he ) at this time the philippians had sent epaphroditus to carry such things to the apostle as he had need of ; so he . which answer of his hath sufficient ground upon phil. 2.25 . and 4.18 . to which we refer our reader . sect . iv. the third objection is against the appropriation of the word bishop unto one , which appellation is shewn to be most justifiable . both houses of parliament have been advised concerning presbyterial ordination , that the names of bishop and presbyter have been communicable to presbyters , therefore the appropriation of the word bishop to one , hath been ( say they ) by corrupt custom . both which we take to have been so unadvisedly spoken concerning appropriation , as if they had meant to cross the judicious confessions of the three worthies , mr. calvin , mr. beza , and dr. reynolds , who have expressly testified and delivered the contrary . but yet our opposites have given ( as it were ) defiance , not only to the manifold and manifest testimonies both of antiquity , together with the most famous protestant divines , who have already justified the distinction of episcopac● as superior to presbytery ( here by them called a corruption ) as instituted for the best . but also against the universal church christian , which held and continued the same appropriation for fourteen hundred years compleat . this is not all , for the time and reason of the same alteration will justifie it to the full . the time is thus acknowledged by the foresaid * dr. reynolds , the presbyters ( saith he ) in the apostles times chose one among them to be president , &c. and this is he whom afterwards in the primitive church the fathers called bishop . so he . the reason is plain , for if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( signifying a superintendent , or president ) was by the fathers of the primitive churches appropriated to him that had indeed the presidentship over presbyters : how then should this be called a corruption ? and not rather a just congruity and consideration : namely , that the title superintendent should be g●ven to the person and function , which is indeed superintendent . accordingly vedelius ( an exquisite searcher into antiquities ) hath testified , (m) that this different appropriation of the word bishop to one , was common in the dayes of ignatius , who was so antient , us to be a disciple of the apostles themselves ; for ( saith he ) this distinction of bishop and presbyter , was used in the church very early in the apostles times presently after it began to be said , i am of paul , i of apollo , i of cephas . so he . with whom agreeth the learned professor of divinity in the university of hiedelburgh , scaltetus , who from the words of hierome , shewing the occasion (n) why one of the presbyters was set over the rest as bishop , was because of schism among the people , some saying they were of paul , some of apollos , some of cephas ; from hence ( saith he ) i collect , that bishops were instituted in the apostles times ; because that then it was said among the people , i am of paul , &c. as ( saith he ) besides others of st. paul ' s epistles , the former to the corinthians doth undoubtedly assure us . and that the end of this institution was ut schismatum semina tollerentur ; to take away the seeds of schisme , are the express words of * hierome ; so that if either the seasons of the primitive times be had in consideration , or the wisdom of the church universal , or the reason now given of attributing the word of superiority to any superiour degree of dignity , one would think they may very well perswade that this objection out of hierome , ought to have been put to silence before it had been published . we are not ignorant how urgent many of our opposites have been to prove from antiquity , that the primitive fathers sometimes gave the title of presbyters unto bishops , as did (o) irenaeus to the predecessors of victor bishop of rome , and have concluded thereupon an equality of functions . this is a thrice wandring from the sense of those fathers , who were predecessors to victor . first , by not considering that a bishop by calling bishops presbyters , might understand it either properly as seniors unto him , because predecessors before him ; or if in consideration of their inferiour degree ( by way of accommodation ) to the joynt functions of bishops and presbyters . secondly , by concealing from their reader that although they have but a few examples of the name presbyter applyed to bishops ; yet of calling presbyters expressly bishops not one : the reason is plain , by that which goeth under the name of ambrose , because according to the proper signification of names , every bishop is a presbyter , but not every presbyter a bishop . lastly , those stand confuted by the universally confessed preeminence of victor , and other his predecessors bishops of rome over presbyters in those primitive times , as also of the episcopacy , and superiority of irenaeus over the presbyters under him . sect . v. the last objection , 3 john 9. that objection which one hath made , is usual with others , viz. (q) st. john reprehended diotrephes for his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to desire a superiority over his brethren presbyters , therefore there was not any degree of superiority over them in those dayes . we say , that the consequent of this argument is very lavish and loose ; because st. john doth not except against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or degree of superiority , but against the usurpation of superiour degree that was , and his insolent abuse thereof , in contemning his brethren , and peremptorily casting them out of the church ; for it is incredible that any one presbyter could create and assume the degree of a superintendent or bishop that had no being at all . ergo , say we , the degree of prelacy was in being before it could be ambitiously affected . cap. iv. our propositions grounded upon the word of god. our first evidence out of the epistles of st. paul. sect . i. that the presbyterial order was alwayes substitute to an higher government , as first to the jurisdiction apostolical . how commandatory the apostolical authority was , is best discernable by the apostles mandates unto the churches upon several occasions , as to the thessalonians , (a) we command the brethren . and again , (b) [ as we commanded you . ] next , by word of censuring , (c) [ if any obey not our word , &c. ] the same apostle commanded the (d) ephesians to assemble themselves before him at miletus . but most especially was he occasioned to express his jurisdiction apostolical over the corinthians , regulating and silencing (e) women in the congregation , touching the ordering of wives , (f) so ordain i ( saith he ) in all churches : and also concerning other matters , ( saying , the rest will i set in order when i come . thus by his commanding , and as effectually by his censuring in shaking of his rod of excommunication over them , saying , (g) shall i come unto you with a rod ? peter likewise did not conceal the apostolical authority in general , over the dispersed members of the churches of pontus , asia , cappadocia , galatia , and bithynia , when he put them in minde of ( as he saith ) (h) the commandements given by us the apostles of our saviour . we should have been larger in this proof , if we could think that any of our opposites were of a contrary judgment , or had not known that their own author walo had by his ingenious confession given them a supersedeas in this point , (*) for the apostles ( saith he ) as long as they lived , governed the church with great authority , and could more easily continue them in their duties , lest that any divisions might burst out upon the occasions aforesaid to the destruction of unity in the churches , s●ch as was reprehended by st. paul in the church of corinth . so he . wherefore to the confutation of walo himself , i do necessarily inferr , that there being at all times the same , if not more possibilities of schisms and rents in the church , than could be in the apostles times , there cannot but be the like if not a greater necessity of a superintendency over presbyterial parity , the rather if we duly consider our next proposition . sect . ii. that divers of the apostolical disciples were even in their times both in dignity and authority superintendents over presbyters . here again our opposites authentick author walo ( after much discussion of this point ) is ready to teach them being inforced thereunto by scripture (*) that those who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and assistants unto them in founding the churches , ordaining of ministers in every city , and watering the church ; which they had instructed . these ( he confesseth ) were so in superiority above presbyters , as that the apostles themselves did not forbear to term them apostles , and so predominant in authority as , although absent from the churches , yet to instruct them by their epistles , and wheresoever any schism arose , either in clergy or people , still to rebuke them , even as if they had been of their own flock . upon these premisses thus granted , we are sufficiently warranted to conclude , not only that the presbytery were continually under subjection both to the apostolical government ▪ but likewise to other eminent disciples of the apostles . the same author sticketh not to give a list of such prelates and superintendents , as mark , clement , titus , timothy , epaphroditus , and ( saith he ) many others . this being so pregnant a truth , how is it that our opposites should pretend an eccesiastical presbyterial government , no way subordinate ? that which is objected by them is most vain and frivolous , whereunto we occur , as now followeth . sect . iii. that the aforesaid apostolical disciples were as bishops over the presbyters . among whom were timothy , and titus by evidence from scripture . the texts of scripture ( for proof of their superiority and authority ) are so plain , that they need no commentary . and our witnesses are so impartial , as not to admit of any exception ; for in the text we read of an apostolical ordinance to timothy and titus respectively , (1) to set in order the things that were wanting . (2) to inhibit heterodox preachers . (3) to receive accusations against criminous elders . (4) to excommunicate hereticks . (5) to ordain elders ; yet so , (6) as to lay hands on no man suddainly . each of these , and the like apostolical injunctions do fully express an episcopal function , and authority in both of these respectively over presbyters , and the whole churches under them : and though this hath been stuck at by divers of our opposites , lest that hereby timothy and titus might appear to be bishops distinct from presbyters ; yet now at last their chief and greatest advocate for presbyterial government confesseth the authority which these held and exercised over presbyters ; yet so that bishops ( as he thinks ) shall take no advantage thereby , if they who are pleaders , may also be admitted as our judges . we proceed , citing the same witness , walo messalinus , confessing , (a) that timothy and titus had almost equal authority with the apostles of christ , by whom they were ordained to govern whole churches as directors and judges : of which sort , besides timothy and titu● , he there sets down mark , clemens , epap●roditus , and all those who were assistants and fellow labourers with the apostles , whereof we have spoken already . thus by the premises it sufficiently appeareth , that there was a double superintendency over presbyters ; yet we enquire furthermore concerning timothy and titus , whether or no they were at this time whereof we now speak ) distinctly bishops ? in discussing whereof we shall ( according to our usual method ) first remove their objections which are against their episcopacy : that done , we shall make good the contrary by due proofs . sect . iv. that timothy and titus were properly , and distinctly bishops , notwithstanding their title of evangelists , as is confessed by protestant divines of remote churches . but here their walo will needs interpose seeking by an objection ( as with a spunge ) to wipe out all opinion of episcopacy either in timothy or titus because forsooth (1) called evangelists , who had no peculiar residence in any church , but general in all churches ; whereas they who are by the apostle called bishops , had a singular charge of the church wherein they were , and there were they to reside and remain for the governing thereof . so he . and from him our home opposites chanting , and rechanting , and making it their undersong to say again , and again , that (2) timothy and titus were evangelists , so as not to be held that which we call bishop : and they name this assertion , the hinge of the controversie . but this objection ( say we ) hath often been taken off the hinge , and laid flat on the floor , by divers solid and satisfactory answers : we say not of bishops or their chaplains , but of other protestant divines , even of presbyterial churches , cited here in the margent . first , the theological professor of hiedelberg answers , (3) that when these epistles we●e written to timothy and titus , they were exercised not as evangelists in assisting the apostles in the collecting of churches , but as bishops in governing them , which had been collected , as ( saith he ) the general praecepis given to them do prove , which could not refer to the temporary power of evangelists , but to them and their successors as bishops . from whence we conclude , what that learned doctor doth there declare , that the name evangelist did belong unto them in the large sense , as it signifieth a preacher of the gospel . (4) tolossanus agreeth in the same answer , namely , that timothy , and titus , who had been companions with paul in his travails , was afterward made bishop of crete . dr. gerard answereth , by way of distinction , (5) that the word evangelist , 2 tim. 4.5 . is not there specially taken for a particular degree in the church , but generally as signifying a preacher of the gospel , and so including that order which timothy now had being a bishop of ephesus , for now he did no more accompany paul so he , citing luther also for the like interpretation of that text. and though he doth acknowledge that both timothy and titus had formerly been evangelists , agreeable to the special and proper signification of the word , and according hath set down their several travails from place to place ; yet after those travails were ended ( which was before these epistles were written ) he concludeth both of them to have been bishops , out of several texts of scripture , timothy of ephesus , and titus of creet . (6) ( 6 ) zwinglius likewise is downright against the objectors , proving by the example of timothy out of the 2 timoth. 4.5 . that the office of evangelist and bishop was h●re one , and the same . however our opposites ( it may be ) will allow to bishops the same liberty of going out of their dioces , which calvin doth to presbyters out of their parishes , who are otherwise bound to be resident in their charge : concerning whom he saith , (7) that they are not strictly tied to their glebe or charge , but that they may be helpful unto other churches , upon necessary occasions . the same admirable divine will furthermore instruct us in the particular instance which we have in hand , who ( although he held it uncertain , whether timothy be here called an evangelist in the general notion of preaching the gospel , or for some peculiar function ) yet doth he grant , that an evangelist is a middle degree between apostle and pastor ; and upon those words of st. paul to timothy , ( do thy diligence to come speedily unto me ) he commenteth , telling us , that st. paul called timothy from the church over which he was governour for the space of almost a whole year . this is a pregnant testimony to teach us , that timothy had both the government over presbyters in the church of ephesus , and also that it was his peculiar charge , whence ( except upon great and weighty cause ) he was not to depart : which is as much as we contend for . before we conclude this point , we make bold to intreat our opposites to satisfie us in one particular , namely , seeing that * philip ( being one of the seaven deacons ) is found preaching the word in samaria , act. 8.5 . and yet afterwards is called , philip the evangelist one of the seven , viz. deacons , act. 21.8 . our quaere hereupon is , why timothy and titus might not as well be called evangelist for preaching the word of god , being bishops , as philip was for the same cause named an evangelist ▪ being but a deacon ? it may be our opposites would wish to be satisfied by reverend zanchy upon these points , whom yet they will find to be chief opposite to themselves : and albeit he will have the apostles by their vocation , to have been ( as it were ) itinerants for their time , (8) for the founding and erecting of churches . yet he granteth , that churches being once erected , the same apostles set a pastor or bishop over them . and what he meaneth hereby , he sheweth , when more distinctly he confesseth , that at first indeed presbyters were ordained in the churches , and after them bishops ( as hierome affirmeth ) even in the apostles times . so he . where ( by the judgment of zanchy ) first , bishops were ordained by the apostles as a degree contradistinct from presbyters . secondly , that the bishops so ordained , although they had been evangelists , and fellow labourers with the apostles , yet when churches were once erected , some of them were placed residentiaries in the said churches . and lastly , that although presbyters had their institution void of subjection to episcopal authority at the first ( as deacons likewise had theirs ) yet because of the insufficiency of presbyterial government , the episcopal was erected as more perfect , even in the dayes of the apostles . the next obstruction is to be removed . sect . v. that timothy was bishop of ephesus , notwithstanding that objected scripture act. 20. there is one objection ( for we may not dissemble ) which the (k) smectymnians press thrice , as being inexpugnable ; and thereupon call it lethalis arundo , as that which must strike all opposition quite dead . in summe , thus : timothy was with paul at the meeting of miletum , act. 20.4 . therefore ( say they ) if timothy had been bishop of ephesus , paul would there and then have given him a charge of feeding the flock , and not the elders . so they . as though timothy before this had not been sufficiently instructed in this duty , both by his long and constant attendance on st. paul , and also by his former epistle unto him , which was written and received before this time , as some have probably conjectured ; or as though timothy should need a particular admonition to discharge that duty which was respectively common to him , with the rest of the bishops and presbyters there assembled . for though the (l) smectymnians tell us , it is a poor evasion to say , that they who were there assembled , were not all of ephesus , but were call●d also from other parts , because ( say they ) these elders were all of one church made by good bishops over one flock , and therefore may ( with most probability ) be affirmed to be the elders of the church of ephesus . yet we must tell them , that (m) dr. reynolds ( whom they and we admire for his exquisite learning ) speaking of the same meeting at milet●m , act. 20.17 . saith ( notwithstanding all these objected circumstances ) that though the church of ephesus had sundry pastors and elders to guide it ; yet amongst those sundry was there one chief ? &c. the same whom afterwards the fathers in the primitive church called bishop . so he . but yet though he or all protestants should fail us , there is a father (n) irenaeus by name , who was so antient as to be acquainted with the apostles of the apostles themselves ; and him we can produce , distinguishing the persons here met at miletum into (o) bishops and presbyters , and affirming , that they came not only from ephesus , but also from other cities , near adjoyning to it . which makes the smectimnians arundo but a bruised reed . thus have we fully ( as we hope ) satisfied the contrary objections . we proceed now to our proof . sect . vi. that timothy and titus were both of them properly bishops , by the judgment of antiquity . the greatest opposite that we can name , even (p) walo messalinus ( the very atlas of presbyterial government ) will spare us the labour of citing the greek fathers or scholiasts , for confirmation of this point , who confesseth , that most of their commentaries upon titus , record him to have been bishop of crete : alleadging by name , chrysostom , theophylact , o●cumenius , theodoret , and others , whose testimonies we shall not need to repeat ; only we shall add ( which may serve for a transition to timothy ) the testimony of that antient ecclesiastical historian (q) eusebius ( who speaking of s. pauls fellow labourers ) reckons timothy amongst them , whom ( saith he ) history recordeth to be the first bishop of ephesus ; ( adding with the same breath ) and so was titus bishop of crete . thus this famous author concerning the episcopacy of timothy also . to whom we may adjoyn as concurring in the same judgment , (r) epiphanius , (s) chysostomus , (t) theophylact , (u) oecumenius , (x) gregory , (y) ambrose , (z) primasius , yea , and (1) hierome himself , who hath positively affirmed , that timothy was bishop of ephesus , and titus of crete . but the (2) smectymnians hearing of a cloud of witnesses , averring timothy and titus to have lived and and died bishops , answer , that this cloud will soon blow over ; and the greatest blast that they give , is , that the fathers who were of this judgment , borrowed their testimonies from eusebius . assuredly this will seem but a poor evasion to any judicious reader , who shall but observe , that the testimonies of these fathers are in their commentaries and collections out of texts themselves . but the best is , other protestant divines will appear to be more ingenuous . sect . vii . that protestant divines , of very great esteem , have acknowledged timothy and titus to have been properly bishops . we begin with luther , who amongst other resolutions , setteth down this for one , (3) that episcopacy is of divine right : which he groundeth upon st. paul's appointing titus to ordain elders in every city ; which elders ( saith he ) were bishops , as hierome , and the subsequent texts do witness . adding , that st. augustine in his epistle to hierome , was of the same judgment : upon this ground , that it was a city whereof the apostle there spake , and therefore it cannot ( saith he ) be understood of meer presbyters , but of bishops , who are set over cities . thus far luther concerning the episcopacy of titus . and he is seconded by a learned doctor of the same classis , (4) gerard by name , who doth not only confess titus to have been made bishop of crete by the apostles , but also timothy of ephesus , crescens of galatia , linus of rome , dionysius of athens , &c. and (5) beza himself confesseth the same directly of timothy , saying that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the presbytery of ephesus : that is ( saith he ) antistes , or prelate , as justin martyr useth the word . mr. moulin (6) joyneth both timothy and titus together , saying , that howsoever we term them bishops , or evangelists , it is evident they had bishops for their successors , who after them had the like preeminence in the church . we shall conclude this section , with the determination of their learned , & judicious (7) scultetus , telling us , that though at first timothy and titus were evangelists ; yet afterwards timothy was made bishop of ephesus , and titus of crete : which thing ( saith he ) the writings of antient fathers do abundantly confirm . so these famous divines ; besides those who have been * formerly alleadged by us in answer to the contrary objections in three full sections . after this our first evidence out of scripture , there followeth . sect . viii . the second evidence from scripture , for proof of episcopal prela●y , is out of christ's epistles , to the angels of the seven churches of asia , [ to the angel of the church of ephesus ] write , &c. cap. 2.1 . the state of the question . the main question is , whether the word angel in every epistle , do signifie collectively , either the whole church , or the whole company or colledge of presbyters , or else singularly , an individual person ? our opposites are distracted into the two former opinions . we shall pursue them in order , confuting their first exposition first , and then the other , that their mist being dispelled , we may see more clearly to prove our own , which is , that the word angel of every church is to be understood of a singular person , having preeminence over other pastors in the same church . sect . ix . that the first exposition of our opposites , by angel , understanding the whole church , is flatly repugnant to the context . in the book of revelation cap. 2. christ by his angel ( properly so called ) wrote unto the seven churches of asia , vers . 2. telling st. john mystically of seven gold●n candlesticks , vers . 13. signifying the seven churches ; and of seven stars , signifying the angels of the seven churches , vers . 20. after more particularly and distinctly , cap. 2. & 3. to the angel of the church of ephesus , to the angel of the church of smyrna . in which epistles ( to ease our opposites of a trouble ) we confess , that although the epistles be directed to the angel of each church ; yet the knowledge of them concerned also others , because of the common epiphonema in every one thus ! [ he that hathan car to hear , let him hear . but to the matter . the first exposition of our opposites is set down by (a) walo messalinus a destinate adversary to episcopacy , as in other points , so in this : for let it be held for a firm and fixed truth ( saith he ) that by the angels of every city , st. john intended nothing else but the churches themselves . so he . but if we consult with the context , cap. 1.20 . where first , the angels are expressly called stars , and the churches are named candlesticks ; we must therefore tell this great clerk , that he must first turn stars into candlesticks , before he can make angels to signifie the churches . secondly , in the text it self , cap. 2.1 . it is said , [ write unto the angel of the church of ephesus ] here again , if the word angel must betoken the whole church and congregation , then must this be the construction of the words , write to the church of the church of ephesus . but we know that christ , the author of these speeches , was the fountain of divine wisdom , and could not mean absurdly . enough of our opposites first exposition . sect . x. that the second exposition is , in interpreting the word angel , to signifie the order of presbyters in the church . the state of which question is set down by our opposites . this indeed is with our opposites their common exposition , (1) the epistles ( saith mr. brightman ) are not sent to any one , but ( that i may so say ) to the colledge of pastors . so he . who notwithstanding will be found to contradict himself in the next section . yea , and after him out * smectymnians ; by angel is not meant ( say they ) any singular person , but the whole company of presbyters . so they . wherefore we are to prove . sect . xi . that the objections made for this exposition , are confuted by their own best approved protestant authors . the confutation of their first reason . our first argument ( say they ) is drawn from the epistle to thyatira , rev. 2.24 . where after he had said to the angel [ i have something against thee , ] added in the plural [ i say unto you ] and the rest in thyatira ; here is a plain distinction ( say they ) between the governors and governed ; which apparently proves , that the angel is collective . so they . our first answer must be by a genuine interpretation , ( to wit ) that after the word [ thou ] the addition of the words [ you , and the rest ] is a familiar figurative speech , called apostrophe , which is an aversion of speech from one thing or person to another . as any lord writing to his chief steward of matters concerning him , and any subordinate officers , and whole family , saying , i would have [ thee ] to look to thy charge , and that [ you ] forbear to go to the market , and the [ rest ] to apply their business at home . but we promised that their own dearest doctors , and divines should be their confuters . first beza upon the very words objected (c) [ against thee ] that is ( saith he ) the president , [ and unto you ] that is his colleagues meaning the presbyters [ and to the rest ] that is , ●o the whole flock . so he , in the exposition of this text. mr. brightman (d) albeit the man who but even now interpreted the word [ angel ] not to signifie any particular person , but a whole multitude of pastors or presbyters collectively ; yet here being convinced by the light of the text , he ( as it were ) sups up his own breath , and of this objected text paraphraseth , saying , [ to thee ] that is to the angel , [ and to you ] meaning pastors and colleagues of thyatira , [ and to the rest ] that is to say , the people ; as theodore beza hath excellently expounded it . so he . such we see is the force of truth , in despight of opposition , to exact from him a confutation of himself . which form of speech may be parallelled with the like example in the chronicles , where there is [ him ] the king , and [ they ] signifying the kings army , as well as in this text [ thou ] and [ they. ] sect . xii . their second reason confuted by their own alleadged author . our second argument ( say they ) is drawn from the like phrase in this very book of the revelation , wherein it is usual to express a company under one single person , as the civil state of rome , a beast with ten horns , &c. whence they conclude , that the word angel may be taken collectively ; and that is ( say they ) the likeliest interpretation r especially considering that mr. mede ( who was better skilled in the meaning of the revelation than the remonstrant ) said , that the word angel , is commonly , if not alwayes , taken collectively . so they . citing no place out of mr. meade ; but it may be it is that which they have alleadged in their first * book , whereunto they often refer their reader , where mr. meade teacheth to this purpose , (3) that god in his providence worketh by the ministry of angels , the motions and revolutions of things amongst men , with their events , which are attributed to one angel , as captain over the rest . so he . that is even as well as we could wish , like as we find it here in the texts . wherein the epistles , though dedicated to the churches , yet are inscribed to this and that angel , each one being over others . thus it became our opposites , when they thought to oppose us , to be caught in their own snare ; yea even in the same sentence where mr. meade informeth his readers , (4) that this other like speech ought to be understood , namely , by angel , a singular person , as we have admonished ( saith he ) again and again . which caution of his might have been sufficient ( we should think ) to have kept these advers men from wandring , the rather seeing that this manner of speech is none other , than which is most usual ; as when a defeat or victory atchieved in war by the strength of the whole host , is notwithstanding ascribed to the power of one general . finally , because they have extolled mr. meade his skill in the book of r●velation , as if he had oppugned the apostolical right of episcopacy thereby ; we crave the readers attention to this their own author , declaring his own judgment of the [ four and twenty elders that compassed the throne round about . ] these ( saith he ) resemble the bishops and prelates of the churches , &c. this any one may read in his book lately authorized to be translated into english. sect . xiii . their third argument likewise confuted by their own chiefest author . our third argument ( say they ) is drawn from the word [ angel ] which is a common name to all ministers and messengers , &c. and surely had christ intended to point out one individual person by the angel , he would have used some distinguishing name , to set him out by , as rector , president , superintendent . so they . as if by their surely , they would assure us it is a truth , if we shall take their own word for it , contrary to the judgment of all the learned , who have every where taught , that the word angel ( spoken in the better sense ) hath alwayes been used to express the dignity of their office , and accordingly of the ministers of the gospel , whensoever it is applyed unto them . in which case they are sufficiently instructed by their own mr. brightman who taught them to consider by these same texts (5) how great the dignity is of the true pastors of christ , by whom ( saith he ) they are intituled both stars and angels , who therefore ought not to regard the reproaches of the wicked , seeing they are in so high estimation with christ himself . so he . so flatly against those others , as if he had told them , that they did from that scripture , in a manner vilifie the pastors of the church of christ , under the same name angel , whereby the spirit of god hath dignified and honoured them . if our opposites had spoken as they pretended , then they should have given us but one example of that kind , yet we for more easie illustration hereof , shall add a parallel in the word apostle , whereof mr. calvin hath given them this observation , (6) that although the word apostles , in the propriety thereof , signifie those that are sent ( namely messengers ) and may be applyed to other ministers of god as sent by him ; yet was it meet that his twelve apostles should be so iustiled , as they who should publish and promulgate the first knowledge of the gospel of christ. so he . even for the amplifying of the dignity of the twelve under the title of apostles ; whereas if the former objected reason may prevail , it might be lawful not only to call every minister of christ , and preacher of the gospel properly an apostle ; but also to term every foot-boy sent on an errand , an angel. sect . xiv . their fourth argument confuted by the same their own much applauded author . our fourth argument ( say the same opposites ) standeth thus : cap. 1.20 . our saviour saith , that the seven candlesticks which thou sawest , are the seven churches ; but he doth not say , that the seven stars are the seven angels of the same churches ; but the angels of the churches , omitting not without a mystery the number of the angels , lest we should understand by angel , one minister alone , and not a company . so they . we are first to unriddle the mystery , it is indeed so mystical and obscure . thus then , the number of seven , which is used in repeating the churches is in the repetition of the word angel omitted , and therefore in the omission ( forsooth ) there must be a mystery . yea , and also the mystery must be this , to wit , that the omitting of the repetition of seven , must signifie , that the word angel , is not to be taken singularly for any one person , but collectively for many . this is their objection . we answer , that this their mystery , their great friend mr. brightman would have called a mistake , who interpreteth the omission thus , (7) the stars of the churches , they signifie seven angels . so he . as much as if he had said , although the word seven were not added in the second place ; yet it could not but be understood by that known figure ellipsis , which ( according to all grammar learning in every language ) is when a word omitted doth follow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of course , or ( as we use to say ) accordding to the understanding of every intelligent reader . as for example , if any one of our opposites had commanded his servant saying , make ready for me two horses , the white horse and the bay ; where in repeating the word bay , is omitted the word horse : would it be an excuse in his servant for not making ready the bay , to say , that the reason was that the word horse was mystical ? now to the mystery it self ; which is ( say they ) that therefore by the word angel is not understood one minister alone : which in our scanning is no more consequent , than in the former example to conclude , from the omission of the word horse , that therefore the bay was but a mare . sect . xv. the fift objection ( as a body in a consumption ) languisheth in it self . our last argument ( say they ) is that although but one angel be mentioned in the fore-front ; yet it is evident the epistles themselves are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in every church , and to the churches themselves ; and if to the churches , much more to the presbyters , as to any judicious reader may appear . so they , to prove that therefore the word angel did signifie a multitude , and no one individual person . we answer , that if we our selves had delivered the like judgment , we might have doubted to have forfeited our own : even as it would be to hear of letters dedicated to a whole corporation of some city , and more especially inscribed to the maior of the city , of matters concerning himself and the body of the city ; to conclude that therefore by maior in the singular number , are meant the aldermen , and whole corporation in the plural . sect . xvi . their last argument standeth confuted by their own selves . this argument ( say they ) is taken from christs denunciation against the angel of the church of ephesus , to remove his candlestick out of his place , if he did not repent ; where by candlestick is meant the church or congregation . but if there by angel were signified one individual person , then the congregation and people should be punished for the offence of that one pastor . so they . who would not have thus argued , if they had considered , that by thus oppugning our exposition , they had utterly undermined and overthrown their own . as for example , their tenet hath been , that by the word angel , is signified the order and coll●dge of presbyters in the church of ephesus . now then , ( to turn their own engine upon themselves ) if the candlestick signifying the church of ephesus should be removed out of his place , except those pastors should repent , then should the people , or congregation be punished for the faults of their pastors . all the odds between these two consequences is only this , viz. the punishing the people for the fault of the pastor , so they object , or for the faults of the pastors . this is our retortion . whereas they should rather have laboured to solve the doubt by some commodious interpretation , whether with paraeus out of scripture , thus , (1) that the people following the sins of their ministers it standeth with the justice of god to punish both . or else that which he holdeth to be no unfit interpretation , by (2) candlestick here to understand the episcopal office , and dignity . or with (3) ambrose , to mean , to remove the people from their pastor , so as to pay him no stipend . we have done with the weakness of our opposites , which can serve for nothing rather than to the betraying of their cause : and now from the impugning of the arguments of our adversaries objections , we proceed to the demonstrating of our own grounds . sect . xvii . our arguments to prove that the word angel , in the aforesaid epistles of christ , signifyeth an individual person , as a prelate over presbyters . as the opposites object against us , that in general the word angel is commonly if not alwayes ( in the book of revelation ) taken collectively , and not individually , and is therefore so to be understood in this text. they bring mr. meade for their author , and for one instance alleadge apoc. 9.14 . that the word angel , is put for nations , whom they are thought to govern . whence they conclude , that therefore angel here in the singular number , is taken for the plural , to betoken a multitude of angels . we shall first give them a brief answer ; and after retort upon them a contradictory opposition . in answer thereunto , we say , that the word objected is angels in the plural number , whereas our question is wholly of the word angel in the singular number : and yet take the word angels as it is , yet can it have no other extent , than when we use to say , that many troops of soldiers are commanded by their several captains ; that is , every single captain governeth his own troop : and therefore now are they to be referred to their author mr. * meade and his common admonition concerning the acception of the word angel , as hath bin alleadged already , whereby if they had been directed , they had not so far strayed out of the road-way . or else * mr. brightman ( their dearly beloved ) might have instructed them in the places of the revelation without the circle and compass of these , and the places in the second chapter , as the marginals shew ; wherein the word angel is taken as individually as the word man was , when the prophet nathan said unto david [ thou art the man. ] besides let any observe , whensoever there is any representation of an angel speaking to another , ( which is very often ) it can be but one angel that speaketh at once , verily as it was seen in the angel that said to john , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i am thy fellow servant , every singular word expressing a singular person . some other observations i had , but i chuse rather to load the margin with them , than to be tedious in the discourse it self . sect . xviii . arguments in special collected from the texts . first , cap. 2. v. 10. it is said to the angel of the church of smyrna . fear [ thou ] no● , the devil shall cast some of [ you ] into prison , be [ thou ] faithful unto death . some of [ you ] saith the text , where the word some cannot ( in the construction of our opposites themselves ) signifie any more than a part of the presbyters , and not that all of them were to be cast in prison . well then the word [ thou ] if it be taken ( as they pretend ) collectively for the whole colledg of presbyers , then the necessary inference would be , that the whole colledg of presbyters should be imprisoned . and what then ? then should a part and some of all follow to be the whole . even the sum of all . another text we have had confessed already both by mr. beza and mr. brightman , who grant of those words , apoc. 2.20 . concerning the angel of thyatira saying [ i know thy works ] then v. 24. [ but unto you and the rest ] that by [ thou ] was meant the singular angel , by [ you ] his colleagues the presbyters and by [ the rest ] the people and congregation : which we rather commend unto our reader because the very light of this text hath inforced it , even from a prime adversary to episcopacy . a third argument we find in the first epistle to the angel of ephesus , setting forth the commendation of his labours and patience , his hatred of the wicked , his discerning spirit in the trial of false apostles ; together with an heinous fault in the loss of his first love . it were strange that so many different virtues , together with this notable vice here spoken of , should concurr in the persons of all the ministers in that great metropolis of ephesus ; as it would be if the figures and forms of their faces , in beautifulness and blemishes , should be altogether alike . thus much from the words of christ himself . yet lest we may seem either novel inventers of our assertion , or else the only consenters to them being invented , we are willing to be tried , first by the judgment of antiquity , and after by the accordance of most protestant divines concurring with us in our conclusion . sect . xix . the second kind of arguments taken out of the doctrinal testimonies of antiquity . although it should not be expected , much less exacted of us to prove , that by angel in these places , is meant any singular person out of the commentaries upon the apocalypse , seeing that antiquity hath been most sparing in meddling with this so mystical scripture above others . which notwithstanding the most vulgarly learned ( in the itch of their wills and high conceits ) think to be most familiar unto them : yet we are not altogether destitute of witnesses herein in a competent number . (1) ( 1 ) anselm saith , that our saviour christ writeth here to the bishop from whose hands he requireth an accompt of the sins of all those that are committed to his charge . (2) the antient author under the name of ambrose expounding the place 1 cor. 11.10 . ) telleth us , that the bishops are here called angels , as it is also taught in the revelation of st. john. (3) augustine ( speaking of the angel of the church of ephesus ) saith , that the governour of that church is commended by the word of god under the title of an angel. (4) gregory by stars and angels understandeth bishops , and particularly the bishop of laodicea . (5) epiphanius ( writing against the haeresie of the nicolaitans ) saith , that it is sufficiently confuted by st. john in the apocalypse from the mouth of our lord in an epistle written to one of the churches , namely to the bishop thereof meaning the bishop of the church of ephesus ; and it could be no other than the same bishop of ephesus whom cyprian meaneth , when citing the text , revel . 2.5 . [ remember from whence thou art fallen , &c. ] he saith (6) this is spoken to him , who ( as is manifest ) was then fallen , and whom the lord exhorts to rise again . we shall conclude this particular with tertullian whose words are consonant with these alleadged fathers . where he saith , (7) we have the churches that were founded by john , for although marcion doth reject this apocalypse , yet the order of bishops reckoned up to their original will end in john their founder . where tertullian spake of bishops by succession , which were still singularly one by one . sect . xx. that historical evidence from antiquity demonstrateth what bishops some of these angels personally were by their proper names , and from them some of their successors . this we shall prove by way of induction , for it being manifestly so in the church of ephesus , smyrna , and sardis , and the contrary not appearing in any others , it must follow that it was so in them also , there being the same reason of these angels , and of the rest . as for example , first , in the church of ephesus whereof polycrates wrote himself bishop who was born within forty years after st. john wrote these epistles . he testifieth , (8) that seven of his kindred had been bishops he himself being the eighth . which is yet more clearly manifested by a declaration made by leontius bishop of magnesia in the general council of chalcedon . (9) that from timothy even to that time , there had been seven and twenty bishops successively in the church of ephesus . certainly none can imagine but that even shame it self would have restrained leontius for making such a publick declaration in the hearing of above six hundred fathers , if the matter it self had been liable to any contradiction . and that timothy was indeed bishop of ephesus we have it formerly proved , and is further confirmed by scultetus ( a learned doctor ) out of (10) eusebius , chrysostome , theodoret , ambrose , hierome , epiphanius , oecumenius , primasius , theophylact , &c. but whether or not he was bishop thereof when this epistle was written , is not so easie to determine , though the affirmative be intimated by mr. (11) fox , and not denied by (12) paraeus . our next ( and as it were ) authentical instance , is in the church of smyrna , where polycarpus was bishop in the daies of the apostles , and so continued until he suffered martyrdome in the daies of aurelius antoninus ; and therefore must needs be the angel unto whom the second epistle of christ is directed . our witnesses deserve the hearing among the fathers , first , ( for we begin with the least antient ) hierome telleth us (13) that polycarpus the disciple of john the apostle , was by him ordained bishop of smyrna , and that he had to his masters some of the apostles that had seen the lord , and that in the reign of marcus aurelius antoninus he suffered martyrdome at smyrna . (14) another recordeth , that he was made bishop of smyrna by those that had seen the lord , so eusebius . (15) a third before him , that by john was polycarpus made bishop of smyrna , so tertullian . and before him a fourth testifieth , as one who himself had seen this polycarpus , (16) that after he had been instructed by the apostles of christ , with whom he had been a conversant he was made by them bishop of smyrna , so irenaeus . and about the same time a fifth , who was nigh neighbour to polycarpus , and thirty eight years of age when he suffered martyrdome witnesseth , (17) that he was bishop of smyrna , and martyr , so polycrates . we ascend yet higher to a sixt , who wrote an epistle to this very same polycarpus wherein he styleth him (18) bishop of smyrna , and in another epistle saluteth him by the title of bishop , so ignatius . and both these epistles and sayings are allowed by (19) vedelius professor in geneva , and a strict searcher and purger of corruptions crept into the epistles of ignatius . our third and last instance is in the church of sardis , whereof melito was bishop either at the time when this epistle was written ( as saith paraeus ) (20) some of the antients will have it , or very shortly after ; for it is confessed by him , that this melito was bishop of sardis , while polycarpus was bishop of smyrna ; whom we have proved to be the angel written unto revel . 2.8 . and both (21) marlorat , and (22) sebastian meir ( two eminent protestant divines ) acknowledged , that he was a very learned man , pious , and bishop of sardis : besides , that he died before polycrates wrote the epistles concerning easter . so they . whereunto they are sufficiently warranted by the said epistle of (23) polycrates , which makes mention of the death of this melito ; whereunto we may add the testimony of eusebius , calling him bishop of sardis . thus have we made good our three instances , for proof of our induction , and may by the law of logick either require of our opposites to shew the contrary in some of the rest , or to yield us our conclusion . as for their successors , it cannot but be very pertinent to know ( for corroboration sake ) the subscription of some fathers in the general council of nice (24) lineally descended from the angels of six of those churches in the apocalypse , viz. menophanes , or menophant bishop of ephesus , eutychius bishop of smyrna , artemid●rus bishop of sardis , soron bishop of thyatira , ethymasius bishop of philadelphia , nunechius bishop of laodicea . and that one of seven should be absent upon some occasion , it can be no matter of exception ; else would not these protestant divines have been satisfied with the same evidences , to wit , ( see the margent ) (25) marlorat , (26) aretius , (27) paraeus , (28) gaspar sibellius , (29) gualter , and (30) bullinger , respectively , all confessing polycarp to have been bishop of smyrna ; most of them also , that he was the very same to whom the epistle was then dedicated [ to the angel of the church of smyrna ] and three of them witnessing as much for melito bishop of sardis . sect . xxi . a torrent of protestant divines of the reformed churches consenting to the same exposition , of an individual person having prelacy over presbyters , under the name of angels . here likewise the church of geneva alloweth us two witnesses ; thus , (a) by angel is meant the president , and so in special was to be admonished , and his colleagues and whole church by him . so beza . the other paraphrasing thus ; (b) [ to the angel of the church of ephesus ] that is to the pastor , or bishop , under whose person ought to be understood the whole church . so deodate , the now pastor in the new church of geneva . true , the whole church is concerned , as far as the matter did appertein unto them ; yet so as to receive it from the angel , as one person ( quasi per se una ) according as beza hath even now shewn , and as the testimonies following will confirm . (c) [ to the angel of smyrna ] that is , to the bishop , which was polycarpus , as history evidenceth . so gualter . (d) to the angel ; that is , to one singular angel , as i rather think . so gaspar sibellius . (e) letters are sent to the bishop of the church of ephesus , to the bishop of the church of smyrna , to the bishop of the church of pergamus , &c. so piscator . (f) the pastor is therefore named , but the people are not excluded ; the epistle is therefore to the angel , that pastors might be admonished , and in them the whole church . so bullinger . (g) although some things were to be corrected as well in clergy as laity , yet the chief of the clergy is named , as the bishop . so marlorate . (h) to the angel of ephesus , thus he calleth the pastor of the church . so paraeus . (i) angel , that is ; minister by whom the whole church was to be informed . so aretius . (k) to the angel ; yet not to him only , but to the whole church . so zanchie . (l) he was commanded to write to the angels of the churches ; that is , unto the bishops , so peter martyr . (m) yea all the most learned interpreters , by angels , understand bishops ; nor can they do otherwise , without violence to the text. so scultetus . one more , but such a one that standeth as a second proctor for equality of degree of presbytery with episcopacy . (n) mr. blundell in his book published but the last day , naming the angels of the several churches of asia , he calleth them , the heads of the whole clergy of the same churches . we add , sect . xxii . the second of our english protestant divines , in the opinion of our opposites , as competent witnesses as any . one deserving the first place is doctor reynolds ; (o) although the church of ephesus ( saith he ) had sundry pastors and elders to guide it , yet among these sundry was there one chief , whom our saviour calleth the angel of the church . even as mr. brightman of the angel of thyatira , (p) to the angel , together with his colleagues , as ( saith he ) theodore beza hath excellently expounded it . and how adverse this author was to episcopacy , who knoweth not ? mr. cartwright , he who in his time justled with bishops , saith , (q) that the letters written to the church , were therefore directed to the angel , because he is the meetest man by offi●e , by whom the church may understand the tenor of the letters . mr. fox also concludes for us , (r) these angels ( saith he ) were such as did govern the church in those primitive times , as polycarpus , timothy , &c. all these authors , because in the degree of presbyters for ingenuity so impartial , for learning so judicious , for consent so unanimous , for multitude so numerous , by direct and clear testimonies , avouching the truth of this episcopal prelacy from the divine epistles of christ jesus ; which we think ought to perswade all religious consciences of the infallibility thereof . sect . xxiii . of two notable subterfuges of our opposites , what they are . they finding themselves sinking for want of support by judicious protestant divines , are glad to catch at reed , rush , or very shadows ; as for example , these two : 1. to deny these apostolical prelates their due jurisdiction , as if it were no more than a moderator hath in the schools . the other is to abridge them of their just time of continuance , as no better than a weekly office , if yet so much at one time . it were good we heard themselves speak . although ( say they ) these angels had a prelacy over others , yet it was not of jurisdiction , but only of order , as of a moderator in the assembly , or speaker in the house of commons , which is only during parliament ; and thus we take our leave . courteously done ; but will you not stay for an answer , which is from one of your own friends ? first , to the former paradox dr. bastwick ( whom the classis of our opposites do much respect ) rejecteth the collective sense of the word angel , saying , (s) that in each of these churches there was a colledge of their constituted church ; and therefore for order sake , the light of nature teacheth there must have been a president , who by way of excellency , and to distinguish him from others , is called an angel , 〈◊〉 the inscription of the epistle of the revelation declares , saying , [ unto the angel of the church of ephesus . ] than which , what can be more contradictory to your former flat denial and force in oppugning prelacy , even ( as he saith ) against the light of nature ? nevertheless , he leaneth to the same slender reed with you , to allow no more jurisdiction to the prelate , or president , than ( to use his own words ) to a speaker in the house of commons , and to a proloqunter in an assembly . we reply , sect . xxiv . against the opposites exception to episcopal jurisdiction from scripture . among them that are adverse unto episcopacy , is he that pareth episcopacy to the quick , as if the difference between a bishop and presbyter were not (1) real , but nominal , and in name only , as a moderator in the assembly , or speaker in the house of commons . this derogation hath been sufficiently confuted by st. paul's epistles , in the examples of timothy and titus in taking accusations , imposing injunctions , and the like , as hath been amply acknowledged . wherewithal we are to adjoin the aforesaid epistles of christ by st. john , unto the seven churches of asia . wherein yet we need not to bestir our selves much , but may be contented with the testimonies of our opposites choice advocate , and against bishops as vehement an adversary as could be . yet he in his (2) commentaries upon the verses concerning the foresaid bishops , instiled angels in the two first chapters of the apocalypse , from point to point sheweth notwithstanding , how those bishops in these churches were reprehended by christ , for not executing spiritual discipline upon certain as well clergy as people . a second , for too much indulgence to the wicked . a third , for suffering the woman jezabel , and such as had been seduced by her , and not handling her according to her deserts . (3) doctor fulke saith as much in effect . a fourth , for forbearing to use discipline against a balaamatical seducer . mr. (4) perkins likewise fetcheth his ground of excommunication from the foresaid texts , concerning the angel of the church of pergamus , whom he was inclined to think was a prelate over presbyters , as (5) marlorate also but even now told us , that the same angel was therefore reprehended by christ , because , being president there , he did not put in practice his authority of correction , which he had over clergy and people . let us now proceed to a rule of proportion , to try how our opposites comparison can stand between an apocalyptical prelate , and either speaker in parliament , or proloquutor in an assembly , or as any other for time or place , together with some other circumstances allotted by ordinance of parliament . but tell us , have any of these authority to take an accusation of any criminal offence , which haply may be committed , or of controlling any one vote , be it never so exorbitant ; much less any corrective power of any one member of the house ? nor doth this differ from the confession of mr. calvin , first , in his collection out of the epistle of st. paul to titus , viz. (6) that at that time one was set over the rest of presbyters to govern them , both in authority , and counsel in authority . why ? (7) i confess ( saith he ) as the conditions of men are now a days , no order can be kept amongst ministers , except one be over the rest . and how often have they acknowledged the prelacy of one over the rest of the clergy to be a presidency ? and so their thrice learned advocate will resolve them , saying , (8) they dream not of any presidency void of authority , seeing that every child knoweth , that there cannot be any presidency without authority . sect . xxv . that episcopal government exercised in the primitive church was authoritative . we dare and do protest , that hereby we plead not for an irregular prelacy . no , for according to the state of the church ( even at this time ) bishops themselves are under canons , and are as liable to censures as others , if they shall transgress . besides , the obedience enjoyned upon presbyters hath ever been constituted by their own consents , either express or implicit , and accordingly ratified by parliaments . but we are to inquire into the judgment of antiquity , that we may the better continue in their footsteps . the most antient father (1) ignatius , in those epistles which are allowed for genuine , by the most exact and industrious authors , vedelius , scultetus , and rivetus , is most frequent in this argument for submission of presbyters to their bishops , giving them always a negative voice , and allowing nothing to be done without them . as did also (2) clemens , both of them being disciples of the apostles ; (3) cyprian ( not long after a martyr of christ ) professed to do nothing without the consent of his clergy , yet held it necessary for the church that all acts should be managed by bishops . (4) tertullian ( though himself a presbyter ) denied that presbyters ( we speak of the exercise ) had the right so much as of baptizing , without the consent of the bishop . (5) origen ( a presbyter likewise ) thinketh , that his accompt to god will be less than if he had been a bishop ; because ( saith he ) the bishop possessing the chief place in the church , is accomptable to god for the whole church . (6) ambrose noteth such a man ( be he presbyter or lay ) to be a strayer from the truth , who doth not obey his bishop . we pass by epiphanius , chrysostome , and other eminent fathers , to hierome , (7) whose patronage our opposites pretend to have , yet in this particular he is as much against them as any . the safety of the church ( saith he ) doth depend upon the dignity of the bishop ; so that unless an extraordinary and eminent power be given unto him , there will be as many schisms in the church as ministers . and again , ( which we wish the presbyterial advocates duely to mark ) he saith not only that (8) bishops are a law unto themselves , but unto presbyters also . hitherto of the jurisdiction it self : the next point concerneth the continuance of it in the person of the bishop . sect . xxvi . that the personal continuance of episcopacy was during life , against the most novel figments to the contrary . first , the angels or supreme ministers in the revelation , to whom the epistles according to the scriptures were written , seeing that they were always chargeable to inform the presbyters with the contents , therefore they must be supposed to be in office before they could discharge any such function . because timothy , titus , and all the other apostles continued their functions until their bodily dissolution . secondly , in the narrative parts of every of the said epistles christ giveth every of the prelates to know [ that he knew their works ] and that he had them in estimation according to their works , namely , works done long before , insomuch that he chargeth one [ to do his former works ] c. 2. v. 3. and commendeth another because [ his last works were better than his former . ] c. 3. v. 19. noting as well the works of his function , as of his conversation , and therefore was far from the conceipt of a deambulatory , hebdomatical ( or peradventure * ephemeral ) office , either of the foresaid speaker , proloquutor , or moderato , who by reason of their not continuance in their office , could not be capable of their charge , either of doing their former work , nor commended for his better after work in his said office . thirdly , besides some were questioned for not executing their offices against the heretical nicolaitans , and idolatrous balaamites , and jesabel , as well out of the convocation of presbyters , as with their consent when they were met : which proveth that in the interim between convents , and not convents , the prelates office was permanent . whereas the deambulatory actors use to have their quietus est , and to forgo their imployments for want of continuance more or less . fourthly , if we look forwards to the time to come , christ is found threatning the prelates that were obnoxious . one [ to be removed , if he did not repent ] c. 2. v. 3. and denouncing against another , [ to come against him , if he should not repent and do his former works , ] c. 2. v. 14. but useth this to be the process of deambulatory officers , if they have offended grievously in one parliament , and convocation , to elect them again upon an expected repentance ? lastly , to one of these prelates christ made a royal promise , saying [ be thou faithful unto death , and i will give thee a crown of life . ] c. 2. v. 9. wherein is as well implied faithfulness in his function , as constancy in his christian profession , especially this being written unto him , even as he was president over others . which is a faithfulness which the spirit of god frequently mentioneth commending it in tychicus , eph. 2.21 . and in timothy , 2 cor. 4. v. 1.2 . now let us pro●eed to shew you the novelty . sect . xxvii . that the novelty of this opinion of a deambulatory prelacy evinceth the falsity thereof . history hath delivered unto us the successions of all the four celebrious churches , hierusalem , alexandria , antioch , and rome , as also from the asian churches in the revelation . an instance in one will give light to all the rest . as for example , the church of alexandria , wherein succeeded next to mark the evangelist , anianus , an. christ. 51. sedit an. 22. after him abilius , an. 77. sedit an. 13. then cerdon sedit an. 10. and justus an. 12. finally , there is not any monuments more directly manifesting the continuance of the succession of emperours and kings in their royal thrones , than there hath been for the residence of bishops successively in their episcopal seats and functions , even to their dying day . sure we are therefore that antiquity would have exploded that conceit which tertullian abhorred to think , (1) that one should be a bishop to day , and none to morrow . the general council of calcedon also judging (2) the depression of a bishop down to the degree of a presbyter to be no better than sacriledg . sect . xxviii . that the foundation of the deambulatory opinion was altogether groundless . a belgick doctor noted this opinion as void (3) of any warrant from the word of god or example of ecclesiastical history , or yet probable reason , whereof a zealot for the presbyterians hath confessed namely , (4) that the succession of one after another in the primitive times was after the predecessor had slept in the lord. the result of all these premisses discovering the sensless novelty of this opinion , sheweth that it serveth for nothing better , than the betraying of a lost cause . chap. v. our last consideration is , whether this apostolical right of episcopacy in some sense be called divine ? although the proof of the right thereof to be according to the word of god , be demonstration enough of a divine right ; yet will it not be amiss to know how far either the judgment of antiquity , or the consent of learned protestant divines have extended their suffrages for acknowledgment thereof . but yet first we are to satisfie our opposites objections in censuring this to be properly popish . sect . i. that the doctrine of the divine right of episcopacy is repugnant unto popedome and papal usurpation . nothing hath been more common in the mouths of many adversly affected , than first hearing of the divine right of episcopacy ( not without some horrour of mind ) to impute popery unto it , but yet not without ignorance of the popes usurpation herein , which is here discovered ( in the margin ) by the earned professor of divinity in geneva grappling with the greatest champion of the pope , even that romish goliah , bellarmine who in his defence of papal right , saith , (5) that the pope of rome is immediately from christ , and all other bishops from him , pretending this to be patronized by antiquity , citing that most antient father ignatius for his opinion ; but he was confuted by our judicious author vedelius even out of the express words of ignatius himself , teaching , (6) that as presbyters are immediately subject to bishops , so are likewise bishops to christ. so doth he also from tertullian , (7) who recounteth the like succession in the church of smyrna , where the first bishop was ordained by the apostle st. john ; which he doth from st. peter , in the church of rome . but sooner may the roman pope unbishop himself , than presume to justifie from antiquity , that other bishops , in respect of their first original , are immediately derived from him , as by the manifold testimonies of the antients alleadged expresly already , hath appeared , and will furthermore become more undeniable when antiquity it self shall be heard to speak by and by ; in the interim we may behold the spanish divines standing for the divine right of episcopacy as being from christ himself ; and therefore denied to be present in the council of (8) trent except it should be so decided . the italian bishops contrarily withstood this in the behalf of the pope , that it might be known to be derived not immediately from christ , but mediately by the pope himself ; can any doubt what the pope would determine in this case ? he in his letters prohibited that episcopacy should be held to be absolutely from divine right . this being the case , who can justly attribute popery to them , who in defending a divine right , yet renounce and abhor the derivation thereof which is from the pope ? sect . ii. the judgment of antiquity concerning the divine right . we begin with the most antient ignatius , and for the vindication of the credit of this our foreman , it is testified by (a) vedelius ( the genevan professor ) concerning ignatius his epistles ( alleadging withal the like testimonies of scultetus and rivetus ) that seven of them are properly his , and so genuine herein as that they take no exceptions in this case . which he furthermore proveth out of eusebius , ruffinus , and hierome : and we shall not wander out of these seven . and though all these be full of sentences abundantly asserting the divine right of episcopacy , yet we shall content our selves with these few wherein he exhorteth (b) the presbyters to obey the bishops as the vicars of christ ; and he telleth both presbyters and people , that he that contemneth his bishop is atheistical and prophane , and doth set at nought 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is ) the ordinance of christ , and the like , as is more fully testified in the margin . (c) cyprian is our next witness , who tells us , that the constituting of bishops over the church with authority to govern all acts therein , is done by divine law , so he . with many other expressions to the same effect , for which again i refer you to the margin . we pass to origen ( our next witness ) who saith of the publick governours of the churches of christ , (d) that they are in a very eminent place , because the lord hath set them over his family . and again ( which we alleadg as making against romish popedome ) that bishops have as much interest in that saying of our saviour [ whatsoever thou bindest on earth , shall be bound in heaven &c. ] as st peter himself . gregory bishop of nazianzum telleth his flock of that city , (e) that the law of christ had made them subject to his episcopal power and jurisdiction . (f) athanasius , that whosoever he be that contemns the function of a bishop contemneth christ who ordained that office. (g) epiphanius writing against that grand antiepiscopal presbyter aerius told him , that the superiority of bishops above presbyters was founded in the word of god. (h) an author ( under the name of ambrose ) speaking distinctly of bishops , saith , that they held the person of christ , and therefore our behaviour before them ought to be as before the vicars of the lord. and again , that the bishop is ordained by the lord the light of the church . another under the name of (i) augustine ( as hath been said ) judged it a matter that none could be ignorant of , that bishops were instituted by christ , who instituted bishops when he ordained the apostles , whose successors the b●shops are . (k) hierome thus far agreeth with him , to wit , that bishops in the catholick church supply the place of the apostles . and what else meant that , which hath been before alleadged out of the canon of six hundred fathers in the general council of (l) calcedon , which judgeth , the depression of a bishop down to the degree of a presbyter to be in it self sacriledg ? but do any protestant divines of remote churches consent to any divine right ? sect . iii. that two eminent protestant divines grant this supposition , which is the ground of the said truth . this grant and concession is freely yielded unto us by beza , who ( speaking of episcopacy ) saith (1) if it did proceed from the apostles , then certainly i should not doubt to attribute it wholly ( as all other apostolical ordinances ) to divine disposition . another ( who is also a professed advocate for the presbyterians ) granteth as freely as the former , (2) that if episcopacy be from the apostles , then doubtless it is of divine right . but that episcopacy had its apostolical institution , hath been sufficiently ratified unto us through this whole discourse , both from testimonies of antiquity , from general consent of protestants of reformed churches , and above all , from the clear evidence of the scriptures themselves , the repetition whereof would be superfluous , the rather , because these our foresaid opposites will ease us of that labour : for mr. beza himself confesseth , (3) that it is a custome not to be reprehended , of setting one of the presbyters over the rest , which was used ( saith he ) from mark the evangelist in the church of alexandria . so he . now then whether we say with hierome , (4) that this episcopacy was in mark because the first bishop , or in anianus who was constituted by mark , as eutychus relateth ; or with beza that it was from mark as a thing irreprehensible ; it must needs be judged to be from the ordinance of the apostles , and consequently divine . we have yet somewhat more . sect . iv. that episcopal prelacy hath been directly acknowledged by protestants of remote churches to be of divine right . (1) ( 1 ) luther proves this directly and categorically saying , that every city ought to have its proper bishop by divine right ; grounding his argument upon titus 2.5 . who was commanded to ordain elders in every city ; which elders ( saith he ) were bishops as hierome witnesseth , and the subsequent text doth manifest . yea and st. augustine describing a bishop concurreth with them saying , it was a city , as if he should have said , it was not a mere presbyter , but a bishop which is here spoken of , because bishops were over cities . thus far luther ; his tractate being a resolution , his sentence the conclusion , and his words plainly distinguishing bishop from mere presbyter , and alleadging from scripture , a divine right of episcopal function , as clearly , as either our opposites can dislike or we desire . accordingly (2) bucer a man of great learning and piety ) saith , that these three orders of ministers in the church , bishops , presbyters , and deacons were for institution from the holy ghost , and for continuance perpetual , even from the beginning . the learned professor in the palatinate (3) scultetus , hath professedly and positively concluded episcopacy to be of divine right , by ( as he saith ) efficacious reasons , clear examples , and excellent authorities . and he hath been as good as his word , as in divers foregoing sections hath been made manifest ; upon which subject likewise a most learned (4) belgick doctor wrote a whole book , urging therein very many arguments , both from scripture and antiquity , and assoiling the objections to the contrary . aegidius hunnius ( divinity professor in the university of marpurg ) speaking of episcopacy in the apostles times , saith , (5) that paul did ordain titus general superintendent ( that is archbishop ) of all the cretian churches ; and thereupon concludeth , that the order and degree of episcopacy is a thing not lately invented , but received in the church even from the very times of the apostles . wherein he is seconded by (6) hemingius ( a very learned divine ) whose observation upon titus 1. v. 5. is that to the end that anarchy might be avoided , and all things done decently and in order , the apostle would have some one to ordain ministers , to dispose all things in the church , and to take care lest haeresie should arise . the worthily renowned doctor gerard speaks no less than the former ; proving (7) episcopacy ( as distinct from presbytery ) to be of divine right not only in respect of the original as proceeding from the diversity of gifts , but also in regard of the end , the avoiding of dissension and schism in the church . yea , and even the church of geneva it self will afford us a testimony or two from the pen of the mirrour of learning mr. isaac causabon who tells us , that three orders of ministers in the church , bishops , presbyters , and deacons are founded upon the testimony of plain scriptures . and again , that bishops are the vicegerents of the apostles ; thus these learned protestants . nothing now remaineth but that ( nam finis coronat opus ) we have as the seal of this truth the approbation of christ himself . (8) sect . v. that episcopal prelacy had the approbation of christ himself after his ascension into heaven . never did nor could any deny , but that every of the angels of the seven churches of asia had the approbation of christ himself after his ascension into heaven , that book wherein they are mentioned being called the revelation of jesus christ , as the author , delivered by an angel to john , as unto christs scribe , commanding him to write the seven epistles , and to direct them to the angels of the seven churches , two of which angels christ commend●th in the same epistles for the good discharge of their function . and is not commendation testimonial enough , and an argument of his approbation ? the other five bishops ( being more or less delinquents ) are reprehended for neglect of their cure. and is not reproof of the neglect of duty in the officers , a justification , and approbation of their offices ? finally , as those which are faithful in their offices are continued , so they that were obnoxious are threatned , to be removed except they did repent . so that here is no displacing of any for a first offence , nor yet an eradicating the whole order , for the particular abuses of some ; for he that calleth for repentance and amendment of life in the ministers intendeth a further execution of their ministration , and discharge of their function in these angels , which was a prelatical superintendency or episcopacy , as hath been testified not only by protestant divines of the reformed churches fourteen in number ; but also so generally that doctor scultetus ( divinity professor of heidelburgh ) concerning this approbation of christ , saith , * that all the most learned interpreters have by angels understood bishops , nor can they do otherwise without violence to the text. so he . all glory be to god through jesus christ , the bishop of our souls , the author and finisher of our faith , amen finis . the contents . chap. i. sect . i. that the church of geneva hath both justified , and praised our episcopal government in england , and prayed for the prosperous continuance thereof page 1 sect . ii. that the church of geneva disclaimed the opinion of thinking that their churches government should be a pattern for other churches p. 6. sect . iii. that also other protestant divines of reformed churches have observed the worthiness of the episcopal government in england p. 7. sect . iv. that the episcopal government in the church of christ is for necessary use the best according to the judgment of primitive antiquity p. 11 sect . v. the protestant divines of remote churches have generally acknowledged episcopal government , to be for necessary use the best p. 14 sect . vi. that the episcopal government is far more practised among protestants of remote churches , than is the presbyterial p. 22 chap. ii. sect . i. the second general part of this full satisfaction is concerning the right of episcopacy , which is to accord to the word of god , which is the second reserved condition in the common covenant . p. 24 sect ii. first , that no antient father hath been justly objected as gainsaying the apostolical right of episcopacy , no not hierome . p. 26 sect . iii. that augustine objected against the apostolical right of episcopacy is directly for it . p. 31 sect . iv. thirdly , gregory nazianzen a primitive father , who is verbally objected against episcopacy , doth really contradict the objectors . p. 34 sect . v. that clemens , one of the most antient of fathers objected , proveth to be a counterwitness against the objectors p. 37 sect . vi. the justification of episcopal prelacy by the universal practice of the church christian , in times approaching towards primitive antiquity . first , by condemning aerius the only famous adversary against episcopal prelacy in those times p. 42 sect . vii . that in the time of the foresaid fathers the whole church of christ held the derogation from episcopal prelacy to be sacrilegious p. 45 sect . viii . that the immediate succession of bishops from the daies of the apostles , is liberally confirmed unto us by learned protestant divines , albeit sufficiently presbyterial p. 47 sect . ix . that there was an immediate succession of bishops from the apostles times , proved first , because no time can be assigned wherein it was not in use . p. 48 sect . x. that the whole church christian did profess and practise the apostolical right of episcopacy p. 55 chap. iii. after these our evidences from primitive antiquity , according to our precedent method , we are to contemplate of the coelestial sphear , the word of god it self p. 59 the right of episcopacy discussed by the word of god. ib. sect . i. against the first objection from the identity of names ( as they call it ) of bishops and presbyters in scripture p. 60 sect . ii. that the former objection is rejected by the choicest and most acceptable divines , which our opposites themselves can name p. 62 sect . iii. the second objection out of scripture in that place . phil. 1.1 . with the bishops and deacons , &c. is repugnant to the general expositions of antient fathers p. 64 sect . iv. the third objection is against the appropriation of the word bishop unto one , which appellation is shewn to be most justifiable . p. 67 sect . v. the last objection , 3 john , 9. p. 72 chap. iv. our prepositions grounded upon the word of god. our first evidence out of the epistles of st. paul p. 73 sect . i. that the presbyterial order was alwaies substitute to an higher government , as first to the jurisdiction apostolical ib. sect . ii. that divers of the apostolical disciples were even in their times both in dignity and authority superintendents over presbyters p. 76 sect . iii. that the aforesaid apostolical disciples were as bishops over the presbyters . among whom were timothy , and titus by evidence from scripture p. 78 sect . iv. that timothy and titus were properly , and distinctly bishops , notwithstanding their title of evangelists , as is confessed by protestant divines of remote churches p. 81 sect . v. that timothy was bishop of ephesus , notwithstanding that objected scripture , act. 20 p. 88 sect . vi. that timothy and titus were both of them properly bishops , by the judgment of antiquity p. 91 sect . vii . that protestant divines of very great esteem have acknowledged timothy and titus to have been properly bishops p. 94 sect . viii . the second evidence from scripture , for proof of episcopal prelacy , is out of christs epistles , to the angels of the seven churches of asia , [ to the angel of the church of ephesus ] write , &c. chap. 2.1 . p. 97 sect . ix . that the first exposition of our opposites , by angel understanding the whole church , is flatly repugnant to the context . p. 98 sect . x. that the second exposition is , in interpreting the word angel , to signifie the order of presbyters in the church . the state of which question is set down by our opposites p. 100 sect . xi . that the objections , made for this exposition , are confuted by their own best approved protestant authors p. 101 sect . xii . their second reason confuted by their own alleadged author p. 103 sect . xiii . their third argument likewise confuted by their own chiefest author . p. 106 sect . ivx. their fourth argument confuted by the same their own much applauded author p. 108 sect . xv. the fifth objection ( as a body in a consumption ) languisheth in it self p. 111 sect . xvi . their last argument standeth confuted by their own selves p. 112 sect . xvii . our arguments to prove that the word angel , in the aforesaid epistles of christ , signifyeth an individual person , as a prelate over presbyters p. 114 sect . xviii . arguments in special collected from the texts p. 116 sect . xix . the second kind of arguments , taken out of the doctrinal testimonies of antiquity p. 119 sect . xx. that historical evidence from antiquity demonstrateth what bishops some of these angels personally were by their proper names , and from them some of their successors p. 121 sect . xxi . a torrent of protestant divines of the reformed churches consenting to the same exposition , of an individual person having prelacy over presbyters , under the name of angels p. 128 sect . xxii . the second of our english protestant divines , in the opinion of our opposites , as competent witnesses as any p. 131 sect . xxiii . of two notable subterfuges of our opposites , what they are . p. 132 sect . xxiv . against the opposites exception to episcopal jurisdiction from scripture p. 134 sect . xxv . that episcopal government exercised in the primitive church was authoritative 138 sect . xxvi . that the personal continuance of episcopacy was during life , against the most novel figments to the contrary p. 141 sect . xxvii . that the novelty of this opinion of a deambulatory prelacy evinceth the falsity thereof . p. 144 sect . xxviii . that the foundation of the deambulatory opinion was altogether groundless p. 145 chap. v. our last consideration is , whether this apostolical right of episcopacy may in some sense be called divine ? p. 146 sect . i. that the doctrine of the divine right of episcopacy is repugnant unto popedome and papal usurpation p. 147 sect . ii. the judgment of antiquity concerning the divine right p. 150 sect . iii. that unto eminent protestant divines grant this supposition , which is the ground of the said truth . p. 154 sect . iv. that episcopal prelacy hath been directly acknowledged by protestants of remote churches to be of divine right . p 156 sect . v. that episcopal prelacy had the approbation of christ himself after his ascension into heaven p. 160 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a51420-e170 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ep ad corinthios , pag. 57. notes for div a51420-e970 apol. cap. 5. t●● . 1. ad ana●● 58. (a) quod si ve●ò gestui illi flectend● se versùs sacram domini mensam hic juvenis adversetur , me multo seniorem habebit sibi utique adversarium . epistola ad collegium sti. joh. coll. cantabrig . (b) synod 1640 can. 7. (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stroma . lib. 7. p. 724 edit . paris . (d) et inde suspicio , quòd innotuerit nos ad orientis regionem precati . ap. cap. 6. (e) cum ad orationes stamus , ad o●ien●em convertimur unde coe●um furgit ; non tanquam ibi sit deus , & quasi caeteras mundi parres deseruerit qui ubique praesens est non loco●um spatiis , sed majestate potentiae ; sed ut admoneatur animus ad natur●m exc●llentiorem se convertere , i.e. ad dominum . lib. 2. de se●m . in monte. (f) critica sacra lib. 2. cap. 5. (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quaestiones ad orthod . 118. (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . rom. xii . 1. psal. xcv . 6. deodati , when he was with bishop moantague at eaton , p●of●ssed he dissented from diverse conclusions of the synod of dort. appeal . cap. 7. pag. 71. rushworth historical collections , p. 6●● . apology for bishops , cap. 3. pag. 16. (a) history of the lambeth articles , printed in latin , 1651. bishop mountague's appeal , ca. 7. p. 71. necessaria responsio , printed by the remanstrants , 1618. (b) heylyn historia quinqu-articularis , par. 3. cap. 21. conference at hampton court , p. 4● . haeres . 57. st. august . ad quodvult deum . cap. 2. p. 82. de subscribendis testamentis adv . heraldum . p. 19. walo messalinus , cap. pa. 58. p. 14. cap. 5. p. 398. apol. p. 3.11 . so walo messalinus . p. 7. ecclesiast . hist. lib. 3. cap. 25. tome 5. comment . in danielem . p. 594. edit . froben . quia caperunt sequentes presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos , immutata est ratio , prospiciente consilio , ut non ordo , sed meritum crearet episcopum , multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum . historia del concilio trident . lib 7 p. 573. p. 586. p. 629. historia del concilio tridentino . lib. 7. pag. 594. edit . london 1619. s●eros ordines e●●cimus diacona●um & episcopatu● . hosc● . solos primitiva ecc●legitur ha●●isse . l 5. tit. 14. cap ▪ 9. de praescrip . h●eret . ca. 36. premierement , quand il n'y auroit autre raison que ceste-cy a scauoir que nous avons la vraye et pure doctrine en son entire , elle suffiroit pour prouver que nous auons aussi la vraye vocation qui en depend . card. perron replique aux ministres pag. 5. joh. 15.24 . review history of tyths , cap. 2. pag. 456. omnia comesta a belo . fuller history of camb. p. 139. notes for div a51420-e4280 (1) calvin lib. de necessit . reform . eccles. p. 69. talem si nobis exhibeant hierarchiam in qua sic emineant episcopi , ut christo subesse non recusent , &c. ut ab illo tanquam unico capite pendeant , & ad ipsum referantur , &c. tum vero nullo non anathemate dignos fateor , si qui crunt qui non cam reverenter , summaque obedientia observent . (2) calvin epist. ad thom. archiep. cant. te presertim ( ornatissime praesul ) quo altiore in specula sedes in hanc curam , ut facis , incumbere necesse est : scio enim non ita unius angliae haberi abs te rationem , quin universo orbi consulas . p. 134. (3) id epist. ad cranm. inter ep. p. 135. in qu●m rem ita omn●s qui gube●nacula ist●e tenent commanibus studiis incumbere oporte● , ut tamen praecipuae sint tuae p●rtes . vides quid locus iste postular , vel magis quid pro muneris quod tibi inj●nxit ratione abs te suo jure exig●t deus . (4) beza resp ad sar. de divers . minist . grad cap. 18. v. 3. quod si nunc anglicanae ecclesiae instauratae , suorum episcoporum & archiepiscoporum autoritate s●ffultae perst●nt , quemadmodum hoc illi nostra memoria contigit , ut ejus ordinis homines , non tantum insignes dei martyres sed etiam praestantissimos doctores & pastores habuerit , fiuatur sane ista singulari dei beneficentia , quae utinam sit i●li perpetua . (5) id ad g●i●dal . ep. 12. & 23. ut omnibus praesulibus ex animo obsequantur . majori poena dign● sunt qui autoritatem tuam aspernabuntur . (6) b●z & sadeel . cited by the author of the survey of the pretended holy discipline , and by beza contra saran . p. 126. (7) caus. ( regem alloquens ) in p●aefat . ad ex●rcit . q●● ecclesiam habes in ●uis regni● pa●tim jam olim ita iustitatam par tim ma●nis tuis laboribus ita infr●●●●tam ut a● florentis ecclesiae quondam fo●mam nulla hodie propius accedat quam tua inter vel excessa vel defect● peccantes mediam v●am sequnta , qua moderatione hoc p●imum asseq●uta est ecclesia anglicana , ut illi ipsi qui suam ei faelicitatem invident , saepe tamen ex aliarum comparat●one illam cogantur laudare . (8) id ad card peron . reg. 〈◊〉 caine cerro & liquido ●ihi constat 〈◊〉 notae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae●antur , aut etiam decorum ecclesiae , nullam in orbe te●ra●um ( d●o ●n● sit lau● ) in●ventam , quae p●●pius ad fidem aut sp●ciem antiquae eccl●si●● cathol●cae ●ccedat . id. ephem . an 1610. ●rid . cal●●d nov●●● . teste m●ricio frarte diem sac●um non male posni dei be●●ficio , sum enim invitatu● ho●ie ut intere●sem sacris quae facta sunt ad consec●●nda e●●sco●●s duos scoto● , & a●chiepiscopo●●● s●oti● , vidi illo● ri●●s & impositionem ma●●●m & p●●ces in ●am ●em . o deus , quanta fil●t mih● v●●●●t●●● tu 〈◊〉 n mine jesus serva hanc ecclesiam , & catharis qui ista 〈…〉 . (9) dr. diodati in his annotat. upon revel . 2.1 . (10) spanh . epist. dedicat. ut profitcar quanta genevae nostrae sit nominis tui claritudo , &c. quamvis regna vestra praesulibus e●udit●ssimis & theologis summis abundant q●i omni scriptionis accuratae genere judicium & acumen suum orbi christiano probant , &c. docent id tam eximia vestratium scripta in hoc genere cuae in linguis exoticis cum immortali vestrae ge●tis laude t●●ferun●ur , &c. nec desunt hedie ex antissibus & theologis vestris viri incomparabiles qui tata faelicitate polemica tractant , & orthodoxam veritatem , a r●manensium theologo●um argumentationibus strenue assertum eunt , &c. amplissimos praesules & pastores sidos amp●examur , & pro omnium five in ecclesia , five in republica ad clavum sedentium prosperitate divinam bonitatem assiduè fatigamus , &c. ecclesiarum vestrarum praesulibus sua autoritas . (1) smectym . vind , p. 182. (2) bez resp. ad sar. de divers . minist . grad . c. 21. resp . 2. sed & fidos pastores cur non omni reverentia prosequamur ? n●dum ut , quod falsissimè nobis aliqui objiciunt , cuiquam uspiam ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperitissimorum illorum similes qui nihil nisi quod ipsi agunt rectum putant . (3) moul. epist. ad episc. winton . quorum martyrum habemus scripta , & meminimus gesta , ac zelum , nulla ex parte inferiorem zelo prae stantissimorum servorum dei , quos germania aut gallia tulit : hoc qui negat oportet ut sit vel im probe vecors , vel gloriae dei invidus , vel cerebrosa stoliditate stupens caliget in clara luce . (4) id. in thess. de not●s eccles. episcopos angliae post conversionem ad fidem , & damn●tionem papismi , afferimus fuisse fideles dei servos , nec deferere debere officium suum vel titulum episcopi . (5) hierom. zanch. ep. ad reg. eliz. cogitet tua majestas in hoc omnem tuam potentiam , & autoritatem intendere , u● imprim●s epi●copos habeas vere pio● , & in sacris literis exercitatos sicut dei beneficio habes complurim●s eosque faveas , & augeas . (6) id ep. ad jewe●l . sarisb . episc. verum est ( doct●ssime praesul jewelle ) me nur quam ad te scriptisse & ut debebam , istam ●ibi dignitatem ad quam tua te vir●us evexit gratulatum fuisse , &c. dominus te & reliquos omnes pios , & sanctos episcopos ecclesiae f●●ae servet , & vestra opera promoveat regnum suum . hier. zanch. suo & colligar . nom . an. 1577. (7) saran . adv . bez. epist. ad lect. saepe miratus sum corum sapientiam qi● anglicanae ecclesiae restituerunt verum cultum dei , & ita se attemperârunt ut nusquam decessisse ab antiqua & prisca ecclesiae consuetudine reprehendi possint , quam si ●●●i suissent secuti minus bello●um civisium haberemus . (8) mr. moul. buckl . of faith , p. 345. (a) hier. in tit. 1. antequam diaboli instinctu studia in religione fierent , & diceretur in populis , ego pauli , ego apollo , ego autem cepha , ●ommuni presbyterorum concilio ecclesiae gubernabantur : postquam vero unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat suos patabat esse , non christi ; in toto orbe decrerum est , ut unus de presbyteris el●ctus superponeretur ●aeteris , ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertinent , & schismatum semi●a tollerentur . (b) id. advers . lucis . ecclesiae salus ex summi sacerdotis dignitate dependet , cui nisi exors quaedam potestas , & ab omnibus eminens detur , tot in ecclesia efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes ▪ (c) dandi ( scilicet baptismi ) jus habet summus sacerdos , qui est episcopus , dehinc prae●byteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi author●tate propter ecclesiae honorem , quo salvo , salva est pax . tert. de baptism . cap. 17. (d) chrysost hom. 20. ad popul . antioch . de reditu flaviani episc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (e) ambr. in 1 cor. cap. 1.17 . in episcopo omnium ordinationum dignitas ●st , caput est enim caetetorum membrerum . (f) august . unu●quisque in domo sua , si caput est domir , ●elut episcopus es● . (g) nazian . ep. 22. ad basil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) ambr. de diga . sa . cap. 6 si oculus tuus simplex , id est , si epis●●●us , qui ut ●amen prome●e●it praees●e in corpore , simplicitate , & sancta ●nnocentia sit decoratus , omnis ecc●esia ●ple●dore luminis radiatur . (i) nicet . com. in gregor . nazian ora. 44. neque verò absurdum fuerit sanct●s antistires oculorum loco positos esse affi●mare , utpote aliis superiores , ac propterea nomen episcopo●um conseqoutos : per eos enim plehem christus in se credentem invisi● . (k) basil epist. 67. ad eccl. anc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. (l) cy●r epist. 55. n●que enim aliunde plaereses aborrae sunt , aut nata sunt schismata quam inde , quod sacerdoti dei non obtemperatur , nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos , & ad tempus judex , vice christi cogitatur . id. epist. 65 haec sunt enim iniria haerericorum , & ortus arque conatus . schismaticorum , &c. ut praepositum superbo tumore contemnant . id epist. 69. inde hae●●ses & schismata abortae sun , dum episc●pus superba quo●undam praesumptione ●●ntemnitur , &c. (m) luther . tom. 2. fol. 3●7 plus illis tribuo quam merentur , qui illos tam sancto & veteri nomine dignor . id. ibid. fol. 320. nemo contra statum ecclesiasticum & veros episcopes vel bonos pasto●e● dictum putet , qui●equi● contra hos tyrannes dicitur . (n) apolog. confess . august . cap. de num. & usu sacram. act. 14. nos saepe protestati sumus summa cum voluntate conservare politiam ecclesiasticam , & gradus in ecclesia facto ; summa cum autoritate . ead. confess . aug. lib. 4. de unit . eccles. ut schismata vitarentur , accessit utilis ordinario , ut ex multis praesbyteris eligeretur episcopus qui regeret ecclesiam , &c. * camerar . in vita melancth . hoc ille non intermittebat suadere non modo adstipulatore sed etiam autore ipso luthero . (o) melancth . hist. confess . august . p. 305. quanquam ut ego quod sentio dicam , u●inam possim administrationem , restituere episcoporum , video enim qualem simus habituti ecclesiam dissoluta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiastica , video postea multo intolerabiliorem futura●ti tyrannidem quam antea fuit . (p) melanct. cit . bucer . de discipl . cler. omnino necesse est ut clerici suos habeant curatores atque custodes instaurandos , ut episcoporum ita & archiepiscoporum aliorumque omnium , qubuscunque nominibus censcantur , potestas , & animadversio caveat , ne quis omnino in hoc ordine sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (q) greg. princ. hain . in praefat . de ordinat . quam libenter quantaque cordis laetitia episcopos ipsot habere , revereri , morem gerere , debitu● jurisdictionem , & ordinationem his favere , eaque sine ulla accusatione frui vellemus ? id quod nos semper & dom. luther●● piae memoriae saepissime tam o●e quam scriptis , imo , & in conci●● publica in cathedrali templo marpurgii contestati promissimu● . (r) heming . com. in phil. 1.1 . et fateor utilissimum ad conserva●● dam doctrinae sinceritatem , & ad regendam disciplinam ecclesi● unum aliquem in singulis diaecesibus five provinciis praeficere , q●● sit inspector rerum gerendorum in ecclesia , curetque ut omn● j x a pauli consilium ordinatè & decenter fiant . hunc five episcopum graeca voce , five inspectorem , five superintendentem voc●● veris , perinde est . (s) calv. instit . l. 4. c 4. v. 2. praesbyteri ex suo numero in singulis civitatibus unum eligebant ●ui specialiter dabant titulum episcopi , ne ex aequalitate ( ut fieri solet ) di●sidia nascerentur . (t) id. com. in phil. 11. fateor quidem ut nunc sunt hominum ingenia & mores , non posse state ordinem inter verbi ministros , quin reliquis praesit unus . (u) beza resp. ad saran . de minist grad c. 23. resp . 11. dicamus ergo primatum illum ordinis per mutuae successionis vices , ipsa tandem experientia compertum fuisse non saris virium habuisse , nec ad ambitiosos pastores ●ee ad auditores quidem vanos , alios vero adulatorio spiritu praeditos compescendos , &c. itaque quod singulorum secundum successio●em commune fuit , visum fuit ad unum transferre , &c. quod certe reprehendi nec potest , nec debet , quum praesertim verustus hic mos in alexandr●na ecclesia jam nd● , &c. (x) id. ibid. resp. 13. absit autem ut hunc ordinem , ut temere aut superbè invectum reprehendam , cujus potius magnum fuisse usum quamdiu boni & sancti episcopi ecclesiis praefuerunt quis inficiari potest ? fruantur igitur qui volunt & possunt . (y) zanch. observat. in suam ipsius confess . oper . tom. 8. coll. 579. quid certius ex historiis ex conciliis ex omnium patr●scriptis quam illos ministorum ordines de quibus diximus comm●●totius reipublicae christianae consensu in ecclesia constitutos & ●●ceptos fuisse . quis autem ego sum qui , quod tora ecclesia approb●● improbem ? neque omnes docti viri nostri temporis improbari a●● sunt : qúippe qui norunt & licuisse haec ecclesiae , & ex pietate , & i● optimos fines pro edificatione electorum , ea omnia fuisse pro●e●● & ordinata . (z) conrad . vo●st . apolog. pro eccl. orthodox . de confess . aug. p. 285. in colloquio possianeno augustanae confessioni per omnia se subscribere paratos ●sse testati sunt praeterquam articulo doctrinae eucharistiae utpote obscurius posito . (*) bish. hall episcop of divine right , parag. 1.4 . p. 16. domine , non sumus adeo faelices . (1) sarav . defens . tract . e●e divers . minist grad . epist. dedicat . ad finem in patre fae●●●e●tatis hujus regni ( viz. angliae ) numerandum fit , quod hunc ordinem ( viz. episcopalem ) retinuit , ut conservetur , &c. (2) videl . exerc. 1. in ep. ignat. ad trall . c. 2. v. 4. talibus episcopis & libenter paremus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , h●e na a spiritu sancto docti ( ut ignatius ad ephesios loquitur ) & parendum esse necessario dicimus . (3) walo massel . de episc. & presb. p. 413 episcopus ecclesiis regendis unicus praepositus estiqui & praesbyteris plur●bus ●●●us ecclesiae praec●let ad schismata tollenda , bono fine hoc fusse institutum nemo negat , cum optima ratio fuerat ita institu●ndi . (4) zanch. observ. in suam ipsius confess . oper. tom. 8. col. 583. fuit mihi praeterea habenda ratio illarum etiam ecclesiarum , quae licet evangelium complexae sinr , suos tamen & re & nomine episcopos & archiepiscopos retinuerunt , quos ●mutatis bonis graecis nominibus in male latina , vocant superintendentes , & generales superintendentes ; sed etiam ubi vetera illa graeea bona , neque haec nova male latina verba obtinent , ibi solent esse aliquot primarii , penes quos fere tota est autoritas ; sed cam de rebus convenit , quid de nominibus altercamur ? (5) greg. de valent. tom. 4. disp . 9. q. 1. reliqui omnes sectarii ( praeter anabaptistas enthusiastas ) admittunt tres saltem ministrorum gradus , nempe episcoporum , qui habent curam ecclesae disciplinae , & presbyterorum quos vocant ministros verbi , & diaconorum qui pastoribus & superintendentibus navan● operam in dispensatione sacramentorum & aliis officiis . vide chemnit . exam. conc. trid. sess. 23. notes for div a51420-e7890 (1) smect . vind . p. 13. (2) hier. in tit. 1. episcopi noverintse magis consuetudine ecclesiae , quam dispositione dominicae veritatis presbyteris esse majores , & in commui debere ecclesiam regere . * smect . p. 77. (3) scultet . observ in tit. c. 8 passus est bonus hieronimus humani quid quando ita scripsit , &c. (4) saravia desens . tract . d● divers . minist . grad . c. 23. ad bezae resp. 2. cum ipse presbyter suit , indigne tulit suam conditionem contemni . (5) scultet . ubi . sup . nisi forte consuetudinem ecclesiae pro consuetudine apostolica , & dominicae dispositionis veritatem pro instituto christi capiar . (6) hierom. ep. ad evag. omnes episcopi successores sunt apostolorum . id. ep. ad . marcell advers . mont. apud nos apostolorum locum episcopi tenent . id. ep. ad heliod . episcopi stant loco pauli , & gradum petri. tenent . (7) id. ad ripar . advers . vigilant . minor sanctam episcopum in cujus parochia presbyter esse dicitur , acquiescere furoci ejus , ac non virga apostolica , virgaque fe●●ea confringere vas inutile . (8) id. ep. 58. ad evag. ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteri testamento , quod aaron & filii ejus atque levitae in templo fuerunt , hoc sibi episcopi presbyteri & diaconi vendicent in ecclesia . (9) id. catal. script . eccl. jacobus qui appellatur frater domini , &c. post passionem domini statim ab apostolis hierosolymorum episc●pus ordinatus . ibid. marcus ecclesiae alexandrinae primus episcopus ordinatus , titus cietae . * erasm. praesat . in ●und lib. etuditum opus & hieronymo dignum . (11) beza resp. ad saran . de divers . min. grad . cap. 23. resp . 11. verustus hic mos primum presbyterum eli●endi in alexandrina ecclesia , jam inde a marco evangelista , est observatus , p. 367. (12) id. ibid. c. 23. resp . 34. quod adversus hieronymum obiicis ex apocalypsi nempe quod aetate johannis apostoli asiae ecclesiae habuerint septem episcopos divina non humana ordinatione sibi praefectos , &c. hoc inquam quorsum adversus hieronymum & 〈◊〉 torques ? nec enim ille cum diceret ecclesias imitio comm●● praesbyterorum concilio fuisse gubernatas , ira dissipuisse exi●● mandus est , ut fomniaret neminem ex presbyteris illi co● praefuisse . (13) aug. ep. 19. ad hier. quanquam secundum honorum vocabula , quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit , episcopatus praesbyterio major sit , tamen in multis rebus augustinus hieronymo minor est . * smectym . vind . pag. 87. (14) august . epist 42 radix christianae societaetis per sedes apostolotum & episcopo●um successiones , certa per orbem propagatiene diffunditur . (15) id qu. 〈◊〉 & nov. t●st . q. 97. nem● ig●●rat episcopos salvatorem ecclesiis institu●●se . ipse enim priusquam in coelo● ascenderet , imp●●ens manu ; a●●stolis ordinav●● cos episcopos . * smect . vind . p. 88. (16) ex. nazian . orat. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (17) nazian . orat. 28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (18) id. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . smect . vind . p. 136. (21) vedel . exercit. 8. in ignat. epist. ad marium . cap. 3. constat linum & cletum ante clementem obiisse , quibus defunctis solus clemens superstes , solus etiam nomen episcopi retinuit , cum quia inter adj●tores apostolorum solus ipse restabat , tum quia jam invaluerat distinctio episcopi & presbyteri , ita ut nomen id caeteris romanae ecclesiae presbyteris , qui cum solo clemente essen● nomen id non fuerit ●r●bu●um . (22) clem. ep. ad corinth . p 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (1) ep l. 3. tom. 1. quia eustathius electus est in episcopatum quem aerius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hinc calumnias spargit aerius , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (2) aug. de haeres . c. 53. de aerio : doluisse fertur quod episcopus non potuit ordinari in arrianorum haeresin lapsus , propria quoque dogmata addidisse non nulla , &c. dicebat etiam presbyterum ab episcopo nulla differentia debere discerni . (*) walo massel . p. 329. hieronymus autem non temere recedendum ab usu post apostolorum tempora in ecclesia recepto putasser , cojus introducendi gravissimam & maximam causam fuisse judicabat , schismatum nempe evitationem . blondell . apolog . praefat . p. 59. hieronymo aliisque veteribus iniqujores fuisse olim , vel nun c esse quotquot cis aerianismum , id est , sacrilegum schismatis molimen , a quo alienissimi professi fuerunt , impingere non erubescunt . (3) bez. resp. ad sarav . de divers . minist . grad . apud saran . p. 9. siqui sunt ( quod sane mihi non facile persuaseris ) qui om●em episcopatus ordinem ( ut ru scribis ) rejiciunt , absit ut quisquam sanae mentis , furoribus corum assentiatur . (4) moulin . ad episcop . winton . epist. 3. aerium damnavi . (5) concil . calced . can. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . smectym . answ. to the remon . p. 30. * 1 eliz. c. 10. vide bin. annotat . in decret . concil . (a) august . de bapt. con do● . l. 4. c. 24. quod universa tenet ecclesia , nec conciliis institutum sed semper retentum est , non nisi authoritate apostolica , traditum rectissime creditur . id. epist. 86. ad cas. & ep. 118. ad jan. (b) scultet observ . in tit. c. 8. aut igitur prox●mi apostolorum successores acceptam ab apostolis gubernationis ecclesiasticae formam suop●e arbitratu im●utarunt , quod vero non est sin ●●● , aut episcopale ecclesiae regimen a● apostolis ipsis est pro●ectum . id in eund . loc . nullum aliud tempas da●i potest in quo primum creati sunt episcopi quam apostolicum , siquidem omne● apostolorum successores primarii fuerunt episcopi , ut in ●ovissimis ecclesiis hieresolymitana , antiochena , alexandrina , r●mana , apud euseb●um . (c) calvin tr. theol. eccles. refo●m . p 322. irenaeo & origen : negotium erat cum improbis nebulonibus , qui dum predigiosos errores praeferrent in medium , eos sibi divinitus revelatos esse jactabant . hujus mendacii facilis erat refutatio , quod adhuc superstites erant multi qui familiares apostolorum discīpuli erant qui●us rec●ns erat hujus doctrinae m●moria , quam apost●li tradiderunt . (e) bucer de cura animarum & offic. postorali . apud pat●es hieronymo vetustiores , clara habemus , testimonia in praecipuis e●clessis omnibus a tempore apostolorum i●a observatum est , ut presbyteris quidem omnibus officium episcopale fuerit impositum ; interim tamen semp●retiam a temporibus apostolorum , unus e presbytetis electus atque ordinatus est in offi●i hujus duc●m , & quasi antistitem , qui caete●is omnibus praeibat , & curam animarum ministeriumque episcopale praecipue & in summo gradu gessit atque administravit . ad eund●m modum nobis ordinatio quo primitivae ecclesia hieroso●ymitanae ostenditur , etenim lucas jacobum describit ut antistitem totius ecclesiae omniumque presbyterorum , act. 15. talis quoque ord nat●o in aliis quoq●e ecclesus perpetuo observata est quantum ex omnibus h●storiis ecclesiasti 〈◊〉 colligere licet . (f) scult . obs . in tit. cap. 8. nam qu●d ego de jacobo di cam non illo quidem apostolo sed servatoris nostri fratre matris domini privigno ? quem ab apostolis hirosolymorum episcopum fuisse ordinatum testantur clem●ns alexandrinus , heg●sippus , &c apud eusibium l. 2. c. 1. ●acobus quem scr●ptura fr●trem domini nominat hierosolymae ecclesiae sed●m accepit . (2) eus. eccles. hist. lib. 2. c. 1. cap. 22. de jac. narrans ait suscepit ecclesiam hierosolymi●a●am post apostolos f●ater d●mini jacobus cogn●mento justus . sic hi●●●●ymus de sc●ipt eccles. (3) chrysostomus hom. 33. in act. 15.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ubi loquitu● de jacobo (4) ambros in galat. ab apostolis hierosol●mis constitutus est epi●copus . (5) epipha● lib 2. tom. 2. haeres . 66. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (g) epiphan . ubi supra . (96) ( 6. ) august . c●● crescon● . 2 c. 27. l 3 c 37. ecclesiam hierosolymitanam primus apostolus jacobus episcopatu suo rexit (7) hieron . catalog script . eccles. jacobus qui appellatur frater domini , &c. post passionem domini statim ab apostolis hierosolymorum episcopus ordinatus est (8) synod s●●ta in trallo can 33. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) bez. resp. ad sarav . de divers . minist . grad cap. 23. resp. 2. audiamus hieronymum , &c. nam & alexandriae a maco evangelista ad heracleam & dyonisium episcopos , presbyteri ●n●m semper ex s●●●●ctum relsiore gradu collocatum episcopum nominabant , qu●modo si exercitus im●eratorem faci● . (i) eu●●th . ●dit . a seld. p. 29. et credidit ab co tempore anianus in christum , unde baptizavit cum marcus , & consticuit e●m patriarch●m alexandriae . (k) euseb lib. 3. c. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (l) athan. in lib. de synod . arim. & selen . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (m) chrysost. encom . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (n) theod. dial. 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (o) vedel . exercit. 8. in ep. ignat. ad mar. c. 3. sect . 6. patres illi qui clem●ntem tertium vel quartum a petro ponunt , vocem episcopi in primigenia significatione sumunt , &c. qui autem clementem immediate post petrum ponunt episcopum , &c. vocem episcopi in posterior significatione usurpant , atque ad tempus rejiciunt quo solus clemens episcopus fuit jam defunctis lino , & cleto . (p) iren. advers . haeres l. 3. c. 3 habemus ru●erare e●s qui ab apostolis institurisunt . episcopi in ecclesiis , & eorum successores usque ad nos . sed quoniam valde longum est in hoc tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successores . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 huic clementi succedit ev●ristus , evaristo al●xander , &c. sextus ab apostolis constitutus est s●x●us , & post pius ; post quem anicetus . cum aurem successit aniceto s●ter . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . eusebius sere verbatim . lib. 5. c. 6. (q) blundell . apolog. praef . p. 15. from hierusalem succession of 15. and pag. 20. ibid. electitiis . presbyterorum praepositis episcopatum tribuente usu episcopum reliquos collegas presbyteros vocavit . (1) hieron . in tit. cap. 1. in toto orbe decretum est , unus de p●esbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret . (2) ciprian . epist. 55. quando episcopus in locum defuncti substituitur , &c. toties ad leonem petitur . gregor . de cura past . p. 1. cap. 8. tunc laudabile fuit episcopatum quaerere , quando per hunc quemque dub●um non erat ad supplicia graviora pervenire . (3) euseb. lib 8. cap. 3. ex quo fere verbatim brightmaanus in apoc. 6.13 . non ita multo post accessit edictum de prehendendis praesidibus ecclesiae , eisdemque c●gendis ut immola●ent idolis . hic multi fortiter p●rseve●antes , ●u●lis cruciatibus succub erunt . (4) mr. moulin epist. 7. ad . episcop . winton . non sum adeo duri otis , ut velim adversus illa ve●eris ecclesiae lumina , ignatium , polycarpum , &c. ferre s●ntentiam , ut adversus homines vitio creatos , & usurpatores muneris illiciti , pl●s semper apud me potuit ve●eranda illa primorum saeculorum antiquitas quam novella cujuspiam constitutio . * see above sect. notes for div a51420-e13420 smect . vind . p. 62. (a) wal. mess. de episcop . & presbyt . p. 350. quaero quomodo hoc fieri potest ut presbyteri in sacra scriptura episcopi , episcopi presbyteri vocati sint , qui nihilominus reipsa invicem differunt , quod episcopi nimirum majores essent p●esbyteris . (a) calv. com. in tit. 1.5 . discimus quidem ex hoc loco non eam tunc fuisse aequalitatem in●er ecclesiae ministros , quin unus aliquis authoritate & concilio praesset . (b) bez. resp. ad sarav . de divers . minist . grad . c. 25. resp. 7. habuit jam tum presbyterium unum aliquem primum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 presbyterum , ut presbytererum sic etiam episcoporum manente communi appellatione . (c) dr. reynolds consult . with hart. ca● ▪ 8. divis . 3. (d) chrysost ▪ hom. 1. in pbil. 1.1 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et intra ibidem , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (e) oecum . in locum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (f) theophyl . in locum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (g) ●heod . in locum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) hieron . in loc. episcopos presbyteros dicit , neque enim plures praeter unum erant episcopi qui singulis civitatibus praesiderent , quippe cum nondum essent h●jusmodi nomina disparata : & etiam ep. ad evagrium . 85. (i) theophyl . ●n phil. 1.1 . smect . vind . see above sect. 3. * reynolds ubi sup . (m) vedel . exercit. in ep. ignat. ad philadel . c. 14. nemini enim mirum videri debet ignatium ad discrimen presbyteri & episcopi alludere . etenim jam tempore ignatii erat discrimen illud ▪ presbyterorum & episcoporum ut ex pluribus harum epistolarum locis apparet . etenim discrimen illud valde matu●e ipsorum apostolo●um t●mporibus in ecclesiam irreps●t , statim scilicet postquam dici caeptum est , ego sum pauli , ego apollo , ego c●phae , teste hieron . com. in tit. (n) scult●t observ. in tit. c. 8. unde ( ex hieronymo ) sic colligo : q●ando dici caeptum in populis , ego sum pauli , ego apol●o , ego cephae , tum unus de presbyteris electus praeposi●us est caeteris ; at viventibus apostolis ita dici caeptum est in populis , de quo praeter alias pauli epistolas prior ad corinthios nos dubitare non sinit , &c. * hieron . com. in tit. 1. (o) vid euseb. eccl. hist. lib. 5. cap. 24. ambr. in ep. ad tim. 1. c. 3. episcopus primus est ; ut omnis episcopus presbyter sit , ●on omnis presbyter episcopus . iren. ubi sup ▪ (q) blondel . apol. sect. 11. p. 13. johannes vertit diot●ephi vitio quod primatum inter fratres affectaret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ergo nulli tum fuerunt in ecclesiastico presbyterio gradu superiores . notes for div a51420-e15980 (a) 2 thess. 3 6 ▪ (b) 1 thess 4.11 . (c) 2 thess. 3.4 . (d) act. 20.17 . & 26. (e) 1 cor. 14.37 . (f) 1 cor. 11.34 . (g) 1 cor. 4.21 . & 2. cor. 13.10 . (h) 2 pet 9.2 . (*) wal. mess. de episcop . & presbyt . p. 245. quamdiu vixere apostoli , qui majore authoritate ecclesias gubernabant , facile potuerunt in officio omnes conti●ere , ne dissidia ex iis quas diximus causis orta , unitarem fraternitatis dividerent ; ut illud , ● corinthi ea de causa excitatum facile a paulo compressum est ▪ (*) wal. mess de episcopat , & presbyt . p 247. discipuli apostolorum sub finem primi seculi more & jure apostolico orbem constituendarum ecclesiarum gratia peragrabant , & lustrabant , &c. si quibus in locis adesse non poteraut , eorum locorum ecclesias pet epistolas instruebant , & si quod in iis natum erat dissidium in clero aut in populo , objurgabant & increpabant , haud secus quam si propius gre● cu jusque effet . id. p. 67. isti veluti super-episcopi habebantur , quos & apostoli apostolos nominabant . (1) tit. 1.5 . (2) 1 tim. 1.3 . (3) 1 tim. 5.19 . (4) tit. 3.10 . (5) tit. 1.5 . (6) 2 tim. 5.22 . (a) wal. m●ss . de episc. & pre●byt . p 40. qui apostoli vocabantur , duorum generum fuere , primi , & secundi . primi a , christo missionem suam acceperunt immediate ap ipso missi ; secundi ab ipsis ap●stolis quasi coadjutores & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fuere apostolorum , qui presbyteros eosdemque episcop●s instituebant ; tales fuere paulo , timo●heus , titus , linus , clemens . id. ibid. p 52. q●i parem fere authoritatem ac potestat●m in ecclesias , & episcopos a se constitutos h●bebant quam ipsimet apostoli . ( p. 56 ) tales quoque ma●cus , epaphroditus &c. p 63. timotheus qu●m ephesi e●iscopum esse volunt , cum verus fuerit superepiscop●s , & aposto●us illius ecclesiae p. 68. ex 1 timoth. 5 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. q●o loco lique● h●jusmod● episcopos episcoporum d●rectores & judices fuisse . p. 229. titum cretae insulae praefecit paulus , qui non singularis in aliqua illius insu●●e civit●t● praefuit epis●opus , sed gen●ratim totam illam provinciam ad tempus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & procurabat . ille enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erat tal●s ser●e omne● f●c●e apostolorum adiotores , & discipuli , juique primi eorum extitere successores . non simplices certarum urbium audiebant episcopi , sed curam agebant generalem ecclesiarum , ut evangeli●ae , & apostoli q●ibus 〈◊〉 nom●●●bus nuncupari s●●●bant . (1) ●al miss . de episcop . & presbyt . p. 67. sciendum eo● ha●i●s● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiarum gen●ralem , & extraordinariam & in commune hoc es● ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quam 〈◊〉 apostoli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : qui autem episcopi presbyterorum etiam nomine dicti , ab his per singulas civitates ordinabantur , curam & solicitudinem illarum eccl●●●rum susscipiebant quibus erant ●ddicti , ibi ad finem us● , p●rman●bant . pl●no etiam jure presby●eti ecclesiam suam ●●gebint . (2) smect . vind . p. 114 , 115 , 117 , 118 , 120. (3) scultet . observat. in titum cap 8. paulus , timotheum ephesi , titum in creta manere juher , non utique ut evangelistas , sed ecclesiae gubernatores ; id quod epistolae ad utrume ; scriptae evincunt . in his enim non ecclesiae colligendae , quod erat evangelistarum , sed collectae gubernandae , quod est episcoporum , rationem illis praesc●bir , suntque praetepra omnia ita conformata ut non speciatim ad timotheum , & titum , fed generatim ad omnes episcopos refe●●ntur , adcoque ad temporatiam evangelistatum potestatem minime quadrent . (4) toloss . index in s●cr . b●bl . vncab . ti●us comes perigrinati●num pauli postea cre●ensium episcopus . (5) g●rard . in loc . com. tom. 6. de minist . ecclesiast . nu . 227. evangeli●tae nomen accip●tur duplic●er ; pr●mo g●neral te● p●o quovis ecclesiae doctore quia ad omnes pertinet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 secundo specialiter pro ce●to doctorum gradu & ordine in primit●va ecclesia ; priore modo sumitur , 2 tim 4.5 quia jam timotheus constitutus erat ecclesiae ephesinae episcopus , nec ulterius paulum fuit comitatus , &c. sicut eti●m lutherus reddidit — infra — in illorum evangelistarum nemero c●nsendi sunt timotheus quem lyst●is assumpsit apostolus paulus , act. 19.22 . ac comitem irineris sibi elegit . postea eum una cum erasto mifit in macedoniam , act. 19 . 2● . ad corinthum , 1 cor 4.17 . ad philippenses , phil. 2.19 . ad thessal . 1 thess. 3.2 tandum vero ecclesiae ephefinae praefecit episcopum , 1 ad tim. 1.3 . & 3.15 . t●tus quem paulus vocat suum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 2 cor. 8.23 . fum misit ad corin●hum , 2 cor. 8.6 . & 12.13 . assumpsit secum hierosol●m●m , gal. 2.1 . misit in dalmatiam , 2 tim. 4.10 . tandem cretensium ecclesiarem constituit episcopum , tit. 1.5 . (6) zuingl . 〈◊〉 five , de 〈◊〉 ● onc uper ●● 4.7 . fol. 45 〈◊〉 im evangelistam alium quam episc●pum five pastorem di cor 5. poss●mu● , que●admodum ex p●a●li verbis c●r●o , colligere 〈◊〉 q●ibus , timotheum ●●●um compellan● ai● ; at tu vigila , & opus evangelistae , &c 2 tim 4. aique timotheus tunc temporis cum hae●●l●i p●elu● scribebat , epise pum agebat , un●e constat juxta pauli fostentiam , i sem esse episcopi , & evangelistae o●ficium . (7) calv●inst . l. 4 c. 3. sect . 7. et si dum singulis pastoribus suas assignamus ecclesias , interim non negamus quin alias ecclesias adjuvare possit qui uni alligatus , &c. & infra . non quod veluti glebae addictos ut jurisconsulti d●cunt , id est manciparus , & quasi affixus glebae pedem move●e n●qu●at , si ita ●u●lica utilitas postularet , modo id ●ite & ordine siat . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . act. 21 8. act. 6.5 . (8) zanch oper . tom. 7 part . 2. c. 9 de eccles. col . 101. apostoli vocati erant ut nullas arctas ac firmas sedes haberent , sed in totum terrarum orbem proficiserentur ecclesiasque ubique crigerent , erectis vero aliqu●m pastorem ( seu episcopum ) praeficerent infra 106 , 117 : primo tantum erant presbyteri ( ut ait hieronymus ) secundo additi sunt episcopi , idque tempore apostolorum . (k) smect . vind . p. 121 , 133 , 134. haeret ●ateri lethalis arundo . (l) smect viad . p. 122. (m) dr. reynolds confer . w●th hart , c 8. divis . 3. (n) iren. advers . hae es● . l. 3. c. 3. (o) id. ibid. cap. 14 in mileto convocat●s episcopi , & presbyteris qui e●ant ab epheso & reliquis p●oximis civitatibus . (p) wal. mess. de episc. & presbyt . p. 188. nam ita etiam titus a vete●ibus appellatu● , & a paulo ordinatus episcopus cretae insulae traditur : & infra . p. 189. ut titus videretur esse verus cretae episcopus ex eo numero ac genere qui hodie sic vocantur , ita chrysostomus , theophylactus , occumenius , a●ique graecorum valgo interpretati sunt , ne theodoretum quidem excipio , &c. (q) euseb. hist. l. 3. c 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (r) epiphan . l 3. tom 1. haeres . 75. (s) ch●sost . hom 1. in phil. 1.1 . ( de timotheo . ) (t) theophyl in 1 tim. 4.14 . id. in 2 tim. cap. 1. vers . 6 & cap. 4. v 9. (u) oecumen . in 1 tim. 1.3 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (x) greg mag. de cur. past pa●t 2. cap. 11. praelatum greg●●ise pulum ( scil . timo●heum ) p●ulus a●monet dum venio attende lectioni , &c. (y) ambros. in 1 tim. 1. timotheus dignus judicatus futurus episcopus , &c. id. in 1 tim. 6 magna vigilantiae & providentiae praecepta dat ( apostolus ) r●ct●●i ecclesiae . in hujus enim pers●nâ totius populi salus consistie . non solicitus de cura timothei tam circumspectus erat . sed propter successores ejus . ut exemplo timothei ecclesiae ordinationem custodirent . &c (z) primas● . in 2 tim. 4.14 . prophetiae habebat gratiam vel doctrinae cum ordinatione episcopatus . vide eund in 2 tim. 2.6 . & 4.5 . (1) hieron . catal. script eccl. timotheus ephesiorum episcopus ordinatus a beato pau●o . id. ibid. titus episcopus cretae . (2) smect . vind . p. 13● . (3) luther . oper . tom 1. fol. 309. resolut . ejus super propositiones lypsiae disput . conclus . 13. probo quamlibet civitatem habere debere episcopum proprium jure divino . quod ex paulo ad ▪ titum ostendo dicente . hujus rei gratia reliqui te cretae , u● q●ae desunt corrigas , & constituas presbyteros per civitates , sicut ego disp●sui tibi . hos autem presbyteros suisse episcopos testatur hieronymus , & textus s●quens ostendir dicens , oportet episcopum irreprehensibl●m esse , &c. sed & beatus augustinus in epist. 29. ad hieron . epi●copum descripturus rationem reddit , & dicit , erat enim c●vitas : quasi diceret , non erat simplex presbyter , sed episcopus , de quo loquo● , quia erat c●vitas cu● praeerat . (4) gerard. loc . com tom. 6. de minist . eccl. num. 225. episcopi proprie fucre illi , quos certae provinciae vel civitati apostoli praefecerunt , ut ecclesiarum & presbyterorum curam in illis gererent , qualts episcopi fuere timotheus in civitate ephesi , titus in insula cretae , crescens in galatia linus in u●be roma , dionysius , athenis , &c. (5) bez. in 1 tim. 5.19 . notandum est hoc loco timotheum in ephesino presbyterio tunc fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , id est , antistirem ut vocat justinus . (6) moulin . epist 3. ad episcop . winton . quomodocunque appellaveris titum , timotherm , & marcum episcopos , five evangelistas , constat eos habuisse successores ep●scopos , haeredes ill●us praeeminentiae . (7) scult . observ . in tit. c. 8. exempla episcoporum apostolicorum quis desiderat ? pleni sunt libri veterum de timothei & titi episcopatu : quorum uterque urut primum evangelistam egerit , evangelista tamen esse desiit , postquam timotheus ephesinae , titus cretensi ecclesiae fuit p●aefectus . * see above . (a) wal. mess. de episcop . & presbyt . p. 148. si● ergo hoc fixum , per angelos urbium nihil aliud voluisse joh●nnem designari , quam ipsas ecclesias . (1) bright . apoc. c. 2.1 . non uni angelo mittuntur sed toti ( ut ita dicam ) collegio pastorum qui omnes hac communi voce comprehenduntur . * see hereafter . idem post . v. 24. de angelo ecclesiae thya●irensis cum colleg●tum tuatum caetu smect . vind . p. 139. (c) bez. in apoc. 2.1 . angelus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem opor●uit imprimis de his rebus admoneri , & per eum caeteros collegas totamque adeo ecclesiam . (d) brightm . ubi supra sect. praeced . datur au●em vobis & reliquis thyatirensibus ; id est , tibi angele cum collegarum tuarum caetu , & reliquis ex ecclesia . ut theodorus beza optime explanavit . 2 chron. 28.5 . smect . vind . p. 142. * smect . answ. to the remonstrant , p. 53. alleadging his words out of his commentary , p. 265. vide etiam smect . vind . p. , 143. (3) transl. eng. in cap. 8. v. 6. vide etiam cap. 14. v. 6. (4) mr. meade clav. apocalyp . p. 265. apud smect . resp. p. 53. denique ( ut s●mel iterumque monuimus ) quoniam deus adhibet angelos providentiae suae in ●erum humanarum motibus & conversionibus sciendis , gubernandisque administ●os , ideircò quae multorum manibus peraguntut angelo tamen tanquam praesidi , & duci scribitur . revel . 4.10 . mr. meade clav. apoc. c. 4.6.7 . smect . vind . p. 143. (5) brightm . a●●c . c. 1. v 20. quanta igitur verorum pastorum dignitas , qui tum stellae sunt in dextra christi fixae tum angeli ? quid retert , quibus probrosis nom●nibus impii eos ludane cum hoc loco talisunt existimatione apud deum ? (6) calvin . instit. l. 4. c 3. sect 3. tametsi enim ex ratione & etymo verbi , rite apostoli possunt vocari omnes ministri e●clesiae , quia a domino omnes mittuntur , ejusque sunt nunc●i , qu●a tam a magni referebat , certum habere de eorum missione not●tia● , quia ●em nov●m & inau●itam affertent duodecim illos , &c. smect . vind . p. 146. (7) brightm . in apocal. 1.20 . stellas autem inte●pretatur angelos : seprem inquit stellae angeli sunt ecclesiaarum ( i. e. ) significant septem angel●s , consonant to this mr. perkins upon the revelation 1.20 . these seven stars are said to be seven ministers . smect . vind . p. 146. smect . vind . ubisupra . (1) paraus in apoc. 2 5. neque ratum neque a justitia alienum est pro●ter uni●s vel paucorum pecca a aliquando totum caetum malè audite & puniri a deo . ut docet apostolus , 1 cor. 5.6 & 11.30 . cujus rei ratio est quia pl●rumque in vulg●s manant ex●mp●a regentium q●alis r●x tal●s g●ex , qualis episcopus talis ecclesia est ; ergo probabile ecclesiem nihil fu●sse in charitate m●liorem suo e●iscopo , proinde in ipsum ut corruptionis authorem , & in caerum corrup●um simul ditigitur comm●n●t●o . (2) id ubi supra . quomodo conveniat propter episcopi peccat●●●tam ecclesiam disciplinari ? respondet revera candelab●um hic n●n notare ecclesiam . sed officium episc●pale , seu dignitatem & lo●um eminentem in quo episcopus pro lucerna positus erat . &c. q●●● inte pretatio non quidem est incommoda . (3) ambros , ut ep●scopi puniantur dempta m●rcede ; quaere locum . sm●c . vind . p. 143. and also but now used by our opposites in their first object . * mr. meade engl. transl. of of the apocal. 9.14 . * apoc. cap. 5.2 . c. 11. v. 1. c. 8. v. 13. c. 14. v. 14 , 15 , 18. c. 18 v. 1. c. 10. v. 10. c. 22. v. 8. again by numbring the angels by first , second , third , and after to th● seventh to say another angel. cap. 8.7 . by singular adjuncts one having in his hand a little book , c. 10 v. 1. lifting up his hand , v 8. a loud voice , c. 14. v. 6 , 8 , 9 14. and putting out his vial. c. 16. v. 1 , 2 , 17. and took up a stone . c. 18 v. 21. and having a key in his hand , c. 20. (1) anselm . in apocal. 2.1 . [ angelo ephesinae ecclesiae ] episcopo scribit de manu ejus subditorum peccata requirit , &c. id ibid. v. 8. episcopus significatur per angelum . (2) ambros. in 1 cor. 11.10 . angelos episcopos dicit , sicut docetur in apocalypsi johannis . (3) aug. ep. 162. divina voce laudatur sub angeli nomine praepositus ecclesiae . (4) greg mag . lib. 4. ep. 38. ad jo●an . episc. constant. quid enim fratres tui omnes universalis ecclesiae episcopi nisi astra coeli sunt ? (5) ep●ph adversus haeres . lib. 1. tom. 2. haeres 35. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (6) cypr. ep. 52. ad anton [ memento unde cecideris ] quod utique ei dicitur quem constant cecidisse , & quem dominus hortatur ●ur●us ●xur●ere . (7) tertull. adv . marcion . l. 4. c. 5. habemus & johannis alumnas ecclesias . nam ersi apocalypsin ejus marcion respuit , ordo tamen episcoporum ad originem recensus in johannem stabit . (8) polycrat . ep. ad victor . apud euseb. hist. l. 5. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (9) concil . calced . act. 11 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (10) scultet . obs. in tit. c. 8. quid quod de timothei & titi episcopatu , non solum eusebius , chrysostomus , theodoretus , ambrosius , hieronymus , primasius , theophylactus , sed etiam vetustissimi quique & c ? (11) mr. fox ubi supra . (12) paraeus in apocal. 2.1 . in medio igitur hoc esto si fucrit timotheus quod , &c. (13) hieron . catal. script . eccles. polycarpus johannis apostoli discipulus , ab eo smyrnae episcopus ordinatus , totius asiae princeps fuit , qui nonnullos apostolorum qui dom●num viderant , magistros habuerit , & viderit , postea vero regnante marco antonino quarta post netonem persecutione , smyrnae igni traditus est . (14) euseb. hist. l. 3. c. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (15) tertull. de praese . c. 32. smyrneorum ecclesiae polycarpum a johanne collocatum sicu● r●manorum c●ementem a petro. (16) irenaeus adv . haeres l. 3. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habentur haecipsissima verba in euseb. hist eccl. l. 4. c 13. (17) polycrat . ep ad victor . apud euseb. l. 5. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (18) ignat in quibusdam ep. ad smyraens . &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (19) vedel . exercit. in praedict . epist. c. 5. (20) paraeus in apoc. 3 v. 1. veteres quidam hunc sardium episcopum volunt fuisse melitonem , &c. ibid. tamdiu nempe ab apocalypsi revelara usque ad tempora antonii pii , non est verismile melit●nem sardibus praefuisse , licet de polycarpo quod tar●diu praesuerit smyrnensibus non est improbabile . (21) marlor . in apoc 3 v. 1. in●er hujus ecclesiae episcopos praeclarus habetur melito , vir admodum eruditus ja●●ao ; pius . (22) sebast. meir in apoc. 3.1 . eisdem omnino verbis cum marlor●to . (23) polycrat . epist ad victo● . apud euseb. lib 5 cap. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (24) concil . nicen. in subscript . apud ●inn . tom. 1. p. 349. (25) marlor . in apoc. 2.8 . m●j●s ecclesiae polycarpus episcopus fuisse creditur . (26) areti●s in apol. 2.8 . ad hujus ecclesiae angelum , i. e. ministrum praesens subscribitur epistola forte polycarpum . (27) parae . in apoc. 2.8 . ad hujus episcopum dirigitur secunda epistola , quia epheso vitinior , polycarpum hunc fuisse sancti johannis discipulum probabile est . testatur irenaeus , quod & eusebius refert in ea quae est smyrnis ecclesia polycarpum constitutum fuisse episcopum . constat autem apostolos omnes praeter beatum johannem ante domitianum vita decessisse . ergo sub domitiano ante apocalypsin revelatam , polycarpum fuisse smyrnae episcopum probabile est . omnia enim epistolae polycarpo conveniunt . (28) gasp. sibell . p. 185. patres autores sunt polycarpum caetui smyrnensi praesuisse , neque improbati haec sententia potest , nam testimonium smyrnensium angelo a christo datum fidei , vitae , & martyrio polycarpi respondet . (29) quals . hom. 9. in apoc. 2.8 . constat polycarpum hunc angeli●●● fuisse , &c. (30) bulling . concion . in apoc. 2. testantur historiae angelum illum five pastorem smyrnensis ecclesiae polycarpum fuisse factum ab ipsis apostolis , ab ipso inquam johanne episcopum , ac vixisse in ministerio hujus ecclesiae . annis 86. totidem enim ipse enumerat coram praeside herode dum postuletur ad supplicium , anno dom 170. &c. paraeus in apoc. 2.1 . neque christus nomina expressit , ut ne tam personis quam ordini haec scripta existimarentur . (a) beza in apoc. 2.1 . angelus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qu●m oportet admoneri , & per cum collegas , totamque adco ecclesiam . (b) deodat . anut. in locum . (c) gualt . in apoc. 2.8 . angelo , i. e. episcopo smyrnensi , atque adeo toti ecclesiae : constat ex histor is polycarpum fuisse hunc episcop●m . (d) gaspar . sibell . p. 185. de uno singulari angelo quae sententia mihi magi● arrider . (e) piscat . anal. in apoc 2. epistolae mittuntur ad episcopum ecclesiae ephesinae , ad episcopum ecclesiae pergamensis , &c. (f) bulling . in apoc. 2.7 . nomina ur ergo pasto● , non exclu●untur oviculae , interim vero angelo inscribitur , ut admontantur pastores in ipsis esse permultum situm qualis sit ecclesia . (g) ma●lorat . in apocal 2.1 . q●amvis quaedum tam in clero qu●m in populo corrigenda essent , non tamen populum , sed clerum agg●editur , nec qu●mlibet de cle●o nominatim , sed principem cleri utique episcopum . (h) paraeus in apoc. 2.1 . ange●o ephesinae ecclesiae , sic vocat pastorem ejus . e●dem appellatione christus aliarum ecclesiarum dignatur episcopos . (i) aret. in apoc. 2 13 ad pergamensem m●nistram , per quem ad totam ecclesiam deferenda fuit . (k) zanch. de persever . sanct. tom. 7. p. 131. [ angelo ephesinae ecclesiae scribt ] sed ad totam ecclesiam pertinet haec epistola : & infra , novi , probo opera bona tua , non tantum episcopi , sed totius ecclesiae ephesinae . (l) pet. mart. com. in 1 cor. ●1 . johannes jubetur scribere ad angelos ecclesiarum , qui erant illarum episcopi . (m) scultet . o●serv . in tit. ● . angelos enim ●●prem doct●ssimi quique interpretes septem ecclesi●rum episcopos interpretantu● , neque ve●ô aliter psiuont nisi vim textui facere velint . (n) blund . p●aesat . ad ecclesiarum rectores , p. 6. ecclesiarum asiaticarum angelos ab iisdem seu t●tius c●eri capitibus , &c. (o) dr. reyn. conf. with hart , c. 8. divis . 3. (p) b●ightm . in apoc. 2.24 . i.e. tibi angele cum collegarum tuorum cae●u , & reliquisex ecclesia qui perstitistis in s●na doctrina , ut optimè explicat theodorus beza . (q) mr. cartwright upon the revelat. (r) fox in apoc. 2. cujusmodi hos angelos tum fuiss● non dubitamus , qui primis illis temporibus praefecturam gerebant ecclesiarum , ut polycarpus , timotheus , &c. smec . vind . p. ●●9 . smec . ibid. (s) bastwick in his book of independency . (1) blundel apol. p. 13. nominale tantum fuisse discrimen inter presbyterum & episcopum , reale nullum . (2) brightm . in apoc. 2.2 . [ et quod non possis ferre malos . ] sic erat docendi cura , disciplinae ratio non minus integra fuit . quae primum universè proponitur , qualit erat in omnes malos ; deinde speciatim , qualis in ipsum clerum , ut ita dicam in proximis verbis : exploraveris eos qui se dicunt apostolos , &c. generalis disciplina minime toleravit homines quovis m●do fl●gitiose viventes , sed pro ratione sui criminis vel redarguebat clam , vel coram p●uribus , si privara monitio nihil prodesset : tum demum etiam interdicebat sacris , ver . 14 , 15. [ sed habes eos qui renent doctrinam baalami & nicolaitarum ] peccatum autem erat pergamensis angeli , quod nimis indulgenter permittebat homines licenter ex hujus pseudoprophetae faecibus haurire . officium erat instituisse docendo , monendo , redarguendo , corripicado , &c. v. 20. [ angelo thyatirensi ] reprehensio est quod permittebatur mulier jesabel , offuciis suis imponere servis dei. datur ergo crimini , vel negligentia , v●l pusillus animus , vel utrumque quo fi●bat , ut non agerer cum improbis pro meritis , sed sinebantur securè in flagitiis indormiscere . (3) dr. fulke in apoc. 2.14 . (4) mr. perkins in apoc. 14.20 . (5) marlor . ubi supra . (6) calvin in tit. 1.5 . discimus ex hoc loco non fuisse tunc aequalitatem inter ecclesiae ministros , quin unus reliquis praeesset autoritate , & consilio . (7) idem in phil. 1.1 . fateor quidem ut nun● sunt hominem mores & ingenia non posse o●dinem servati inter ministros ecclesiae quin reliquis praeesset unus . (8) blundel . apol. quis ● praesidentium● sine autoritate ? (1) ignat. eo . ad trallens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . allegat hic ignatium ad hebr. 13.17 . &c. haec & plura hujusmodi occurrunt apud vedelium , exercit. 1. in epist. ad trall . cap. 2. (2) clemens epist. 3. omnibus presbyteris & reliquis clericis cavendum est , ut nihil absque episcopi permissione agant . (3) cyprian . epist. 27. ad laps . inde per temporum & successionum vices e●i●coporum o●dinatio & ecclesiae ratio decurrit , ut ecclesia super episcopos constituatur , & omnis actus ecclesiae per episcopos gubernetur . (4) tertull. de bapt. cap. 17. dandi ( viz baptismum ) jus habet summus sicerdo● , qui est episcopu● , hi●c presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi autoritate . (5) orig. hom. 7. in hierom. plus a me exigitur quam a diacono , p●us a diacono , quam a laico . qui autem totius ecclesiae aicem obtinet , pro omni ecclesia reddat rationem . (6) ambros. offic. l. 2. c. 24. si quis non obediat episcopo , extollere atque exaltare sese defiderans , obumbrare merita episcopi simulata affectatione doctrinae aut humilitatis , aut misericordiae , is a vero deviut superbit . (7) hierom. advers . lucifer . ecclesiae salus ex summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui nisi exors quaedam potestas , & ab omnibus eminens detur , tot in ecclesiis efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes . (8) id. ibid. sed scito non legem esse ci ( viz. episcopo ) qui est lex presbyteri . * bez. adv . sarau . de divers . min. grad . c. 23. respons . 8. sed hebdomaticam hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suisse probabile est . see m. s●lden in his eutych . (1) tertull. praescript . c. 41. al●us hodie e●it episcopus , alius ●ras . (2) calc . see above . (3) sarau de div min●grad . c. 23 ad bez resp . 8. sine ulla authoritate verbi dei , aut patrum testimonio , aut historiae ecclesiasticae exempl● , hebdom●ticam hanc praesidentiam ●●●sse probabile jadicat (4) blun. praef . ad eccl. rect . p. 6. deduci successiones caeperunt cum en●m post beatam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c●jusque in domino dormitionem ad secundum primatus dev●n● rit , e●que de ●o tuo ad te●●ium , sibi singuli ex ordine successisse dicti sunt . notes for div a51420-e29530 (5) bellarm. l 4. de pont c. 25. quemadmodum apostoli primi erant sub christo , sic episcopi primi sub pontificae romano . (6) vedelius exerc. 1. in ign. epist. ad trall . c. 4. putidum hoc nimis est , etenim episcopi non sunt primi sub pontifice , sed sub christo , nisi bellarmino ignatius mentitur , qui episcopum nullam in ecclesia habere potestatem supra se dicit hac . ipsa epistola ad trall . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (7) id. ibid. c. 3. saltem addam bellarminum cum dicit papam aliter succedere petro quam alii apostolis tertulliano contradicere , qui eandem caeterorum apostolorum & petri successionem verbis exp●essi● statuit . sic enim de praese . cap. 32. evolvant ordinem episcoporum , &c. sic smyrnaeorum ecclesia habens polycarpum a johanne collocatum refert , sicut romanorum clementem a pet●o ordinatum edit , ubi duo observ. primo , omnes cathedras catholicas habere debere successionem apostolorum . secundo , eandem esse successi●nem romanae & smyrnensis ecclesiae . verba sunt expressa cum dicit sicut , &c. (8) d blund ' apol. praef . p. 62. histor. de concil . trident. l. 7. p. 775. & 589. sept. an. 1562 , 1589 , & 1596. hispanis se deinceps concilio non interfuturos minirantibus , nisi episcopatum de jure divino esse defineretur . itali die sequente libello porrecto ne quando defineretur petierunt : ipse pontifex , literis ad legatos datis , opinionem qua episcoporum institutio de jure divino esse absolut● dicitur , quoniam lola ordims potestas a christo sit , falsam & erroneam censuit ; nec julii sequentis decima quinta ( qua decrotum ex papae sententia cond●tum promulgatum est ) repertus est quisquam qui contra hiscere auderet . (a) vedelius apol. pro ignat. c 1. nemo quod sciam negat ignatium fuisse sanctissimum virum ecclesiae antiochenae episcopum , & qui christi veritati saevissimo mortis genere testimonium praebuit p●ulo supra — sanctus ignat●us antiochenus episcopus , ipsorum dum vivebat apostolorum discipulus . id. ib. c. 3. — dico igitur non omnes illas duodecim epistolas genuinas fuisse , sed septem ad trallens●s , philadelphenses , magnesios , smyrnenses , polycarpum , ephesios , & romanos . patet hoc primum in eo quod veteres in scripta ignatii , opera data & ex professo recensa non nisi septem enumerant genuinas . euseb l. 3. c 30. sal●em has commemorat non plures , nec pauciores , hieron . catal. script . eccl. & ejus interpres , sophronius , & ruffinus . id. ib c. 4. scultetus in m●dulla patrum , & post cum rivetus ex duodecim illis epistolis septem genuinas esse ostenderunt . (b) ignatius in epistol . ad trallens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . et paulo post , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vide scultet . observat. in titum ubi haec citantur . id. epist. ad smyrnens . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (c) cyprian . epist ad laps . ep . 27. dominus noster cujus praecepta metuere & observare debemus episcopi honorem & ecclesiae suae rationem disponens in evangelio , &c. infra — ut ecclesia super episcopos constituatur , & omnis actus ecclesiae per ●osdem praepositos gubernetur . — id. epistol . 65. ad rogat . quod si nos aliquid facere contra deum debemus qui episcopos facit , &c. — id. epist. 55. ad cornel. ecclesiae gubernandae sublimis & divina potestas . (d) origen . tract . 31. in matth. c. 24. in magno fastigio qui praesunt ecclesiis christi , propterea quod constituit eos dominus super familiam suam . — id. tract . 1. in matth. 16. qui episcoporum locum vendicant , utuntur eo dicto sicut perius , e● claves regni coeloium a servatore acceperunt , docentque ea quae ab ipsis ligata fuer●nt , hoc est , condemnata , eadem & in coelis ligata — dicend●m eos recto loqui , &c. (e) gregor . naz. orat. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (f) athan. ep. ad dr●cont . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (g) epiph de haer. l. 3. tom. 1. haer. 75 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (h) ambrosia 1 cor. 11 16. episcopus personam habet christi quasi e●go ante j●dicem , sic ante episcopum , qui vicarius domini est , propterea reatus originem subjecta ( scilicet mulier ) debet videre . (i) aug quaest vet & nov . test. vide supra . id. de verbo dom. serm . 24. si solis apostolis dixit [ qui vos spernit me spernit ] spernite nos , nam vocavit nos , & in eorum locum constituit nor , videre ne spernatis nos , ne ad illum perveniat injuria quam nobis seceritis . (k) hier. ep. ad marcell . adv . montan. apud nos apostolorum locum episcopi tenent . — idem ep. ad helvid . episcopi stant loco pauli , & gradum petri tenent . (l) conc. calced . can. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . (1) bez. resp . ad sarau . de div . min. grad . c. 23. resp . 10. certe si ab ipsis apostolis profecta esset haec mutatio , non vererer illam ( ur caerera● apostolicas ordinationes ) divinae in solidum dispositioni tribuere . (2) wal. m●ss . de episc. & presb. p 422. si ab apostolis est , juris utique est divini . (3) bez. ih . resp. 11. reprehendi non debet vetus mos in alexandrina ecclesia , jam inde a marco evangelista observatus , ubi visum est quod singulorum suit ad unum transferre . (4) hier. de script . eccles. marcus erat alexandrinae ecclesiae primus episcopus . id. in prooem . in matth. (1) luther . tom. 1. sol 309. reso●ejus super proposit. lyps . disp . concl . 13. probo quamlibet civitatem habere debere proprium episcopum jure d●vino , &c. (2) bucerus de vi & usu minist . prout ●●atu● a sarait . ●ract . ●t . de divers . minist . grad . cap. 16. ad bez. respuns . 7. itaqu ni ordines ministr●●rum in ecclesiis perpetui , & a spiritu sancto istarim initio constituti sunt ep●scoporum , presbyterorum & diacenorum . (3) scultetus observat. in titum , cap. 8. regimen episcopale este divinum moveor asseverate efficacibus rationibus & exemplis mustribus & autoritatibus praelaeris . (4) sarau . tractat. de divers . minist . grad . per tatum . (5) hunnius in epistol . ad titum . apud sarau . cap. 16. respons . 7. paulus titum generalem superintendentem creticarum ecclesiarum ordinat , &c. & infra , deus requirit ut inter ipsos ministros sit ordo & gradus , &c. & infra , qui ordo & gradus non recens introductus est , sed inde ab apostolorum temporibus in ecclesia receptus fuit . (6) hemingius in tit. 1.5 . est aurem observandum hoc primum quod patlus non vult anarchiam in ecclesia , sed quo omnia fiant ordine & decenter ; vult aliquem vita & doctrina conspic . un praeesse ministris ordinandis , & recte disponendis omnibus in ecclesia , qui caveat ne quid haeresium oriatur . (7) gerard loc. com. tom. 6. de minist . eccles cap. 5. sect. alt . num. 205. retinemus in nostris ecclesiis , & retinendum esse censemus , o●dinem inter minist●os , ut alii sint episcopiali p●esbyteri , alii diaconi . primo , deus ipse donorum varierat ; & differentia ordinem facit inter ministros , &c. secundo , exemplum apostolicae & p●●mitivae ecclesiae est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed in ea fuere distincti ministiorum ordines , & quidem divinitus constituti , &c. id. num. 206. diversiras illa graduum dependet quidem a iure divino , cum ratione generis quatenus necessaria est ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & tranquillitatem ecclesiae ; tum ratione donorum , varietate & diversitate declarat velle se ut distincti inter ministros gradus constituantur . (8) causabon . exercit. 14. an. 32. num . 5. episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi aperris scripturae testimoniis sunt fundati . id. ibid. apostolorum hodie vicarii sunt , etsi non pari potestate c●m apostolis omnes episcopi . see revel 2.5 . &c. * angelos s●ptem ecclesiarum doct●ssim● quique ●nterpieces ●nterpretantur i●●tem ecclesiarum episcop●s ●neque vero al●ter possunt , nisi textui vitu facere veiint . scultet . in ep. ad ●itum c 8. the diocesans tryall wherein all the sinnewes of doctor dovvnhams defence are brought into three heads, and orderly dissolved / by m. paul baynes ; published by dr. william amis ... baynes, paul, d. 1617. 1641 approx. 273 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69545 wing b1546 estc r5486 11893195 ocm 11893195 50465 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69545) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50465) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 53:11 or 260:e207, no 7) the diocesans tryall wherein all the sinnewes of doctor dovvnhams defence are brought into three heads, and orderly dissolved / by m. paul baynes ; published by dr. william amis ... baynes, paul, d. 1617. ames, william, d. 1662. [12], 89 p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1621 [i.e. 1641] "the preface" signed: w. ames. date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in cambridge university library and thomason collection, british library. 1. whether christ did institute, or the apostles frame any diocesan forme of churches, or parishionall onely, pag. 1 -2. whether christ ordained by himselfe, or by his apostles, any ordinary pastours, as our bishops, having both precedency of order, and majority of power over others, pag. 24 -3. whether christ did immediately commit ordinary power ecclesiasticall, and the exercise of it, to any one singular person, or to an united multitude of presbyters, pag. 78. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user 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michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng downame, george, d. 1634. episcopacy -controversial literature. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 rina kor sampled and proofread 2004-03 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the diocesans tryall . wherein all the sinnewes of doctor dovvnhams defence are brought into three heads , and orderly dissolved . by m. pavl baynes . published by dr. william amis . the questions discussed in this diocesans tryall are these : 1. whether christ 〈◊〉 ●nstitute , or the apostles frame any diocesan forme of churches , or parishionall onely , pag. 1. 2. whether christ ordained by himselfe , or by his apostles , any ordinary pastours , as our bishops , having both precedency of order , and majority of power over others , pag 24. 3. whether christ did immediately commit ordinary power ecclesiasticall , and the exercise of it , to any one singular person , or to an united multitude of presbyters , pag. 78. imprinted 1621. the preface . many writings , and sermons also have cause to wish that the men from whom they come were lesse knowen then they are . for then should they be free from much prejudice , and find better acceptance with those that they come to . but i wish nothing more unto this treatise , which is now cōming into the world , then that the author of it were throughly known un●o all those that shall encet with it ; for then his work would need no borrowed commendation , the title it self carrying authority with it , even to force respect from every h●nest reader , if either the sharpnes of wit , variety of reading , depth of judgment , aptnes to teach , holy and pleasant language , heavenly conversation , wise cariage , or any fulnes of grace wil so far prevail with him . i doe not abuse good words , or load one with thhem whom they do not belong to , as many p●inters of sepulchrs in their funerall orations use to do : but speak that in short , which m. baines his person did largly preach unto all such as came neer unto him : & that which his incomparable writings wil sufficiently witnes to sutur generations . neither is this all that the authours quality may suggest unto the considerate reader : but he may arise from this to more important thoughts ; especially if the remembrance of m. baines his worth do occasion him to think of many others like unto him : ●uch as m. dee●ing ▪ m. more ● . greenham , m. perkins , m. rogers , m. cartwright , m. fenner , m. brightman , m. parker , m. philips , m. hie●on , and m. bradshaw &c. to speak nothing of those which yet live , nor of d. r●inolds , d. fulk , and d. whitakers with many others . for all these being apprehēded as mē agreeing in one spirit , & having had indeed the spirit of glory resting on them , as their works do shew , together with those letters testimonial which they left written in the hearts of many thousand christians , it must needs cause at the least an inquiry , what the reason should be what such famous men of god , could never like wel of our bishoply courses in england , nor ever be favoured of them . the case is plaine to all : and the cause is as evident to those that have eyes to see : but no where more apparant then in the person of m. baines , and the place where he , and other● like him were made signes of this antipathie . cambridge is or should be , as an eye to all our land : so that the alterations that fall out there cannot but be felt of all parts . it is th● place of light ; the spirituall oppressions whi●h in other corners are covered with darknesse ( as all the works of darknesse would be ) when past all shame they come to confront the sunne it selfe , how can they then be hidden ? when m. perkins had there for many yeares held forth a burning and shining light , the sparks wherof did flie abroad into all corners of the land , and after he had served his time was taken up into heaven , there was none found so meet for to receive , as it were , the torch out of his hand , and succeed him in that great office of bearing it before such a people , as this m. bains , upon whom also the spirit of that elias , was by experience found to be doubled . in this station he so demeaned himself for some years , that impietie only had cause to complaine : for all that favoured the waies of god , rejoyced and gloried in him and his minist●ry , asa spirituall treasure . but at length the hower of darknes came from lambeth , when arch. bancroft sent m. harsenet to visite as they call it , that is ( if termes may be interpreted by common practise ) to pick the purses of poore men , and to suppr●sse those that are not f●iends to the b●shops kingdome . for though in that circuit there were a multitude of unable and notoriously scandalous ministers , yet none were foūd worthy of censure , but only m. b●in●s , of whom the world was not worthy , and one other preacher like unto him . now it is hard to say , whether the silencing of him was more odious , or the manner of it shameles . there must be a sermon ( ye know ) at such visitations , for fashion sake , though the visiter himself can seldom find leasure to make it . this part was therfore appointed to m. bains by the visiters ▪ that he might either be insnared in his words , if he did not apply himself to their humours , or else grace their ungratious courses , if he did . but it did not succeed handsomly either way : for he delivered wholesome docttrine appertaining to the present audience , in such warie manner , that no specious occasion could be taken therby of questioning his liberty . yet fairely or fouly the mischievous intention must not faile . m. baines having heat his weak body by straining to speak unto a great audience , retired himselfe presently upon his comming down from the pulpit to provide for his health , which otherwise would have bin indangered . they in the meā time going on with their businesse , as they are wont in the masterly forme of a master , called for m. baines amongst the rest , and upon his not answering , though he was not cited thither as to a court , but only intreated to preach , as he did , yet for not appearing , he was immediately silenced . afterward in deed , the chancellor being informed of that grosse nullity , which was in the sentence , urged him about subscription and conformity ; and so to make sure work , silenced him over again . in which businesse he was so conscious unto himself of unreasonable and ridiculous dealing , that when m. b●in●s standing to receive the sentence of a corrupt man , did lift up his heart and eies unto god with a heavenly smiling countenance , as he used , he interpreted that gesture to be a skorne of his authority . this being don , m. baines was perswaded by his friends to try the archbishops courtesie , unto whom , when he presented himself , at the very first salutation ; the gravity and severity of b. bancroft led him sharply to rebuke the good man for a little black-worke , which was upon the edges of his cuffes , asking him how he durst come before him with such cuffs , telling him very bishoplike , that it were a good turn to lay him by the heels for so doing . after this he would have no more to do with such absurd unreasonable men : but preached somtime wher he might have liberty , as his weakenesse of body would suffer ; and spent the rest of his time in reading , meditating , praying and writing , saving that upon occasion hee did instruct or comfort those which came to him in private , wherin he had a heavenly gift . he was indeed all his life after , beside the weakenes of his body pressed with want , no having ( as he often complained to his friends ) a place to rest his head in : which me thought was an upbraid●ng of the age and place where he lived with base regardlesnes of piety & learning : yet he never so much as consulted with himselfe of denying his sinceritie by pleasing the bishops , of whom and their courses he was wont to say , they are a generation of the earth , earthly and savour not the waies of god. which saying of his , they , and some doctors of cambridge have since made good , in that they could not indure , that the place from whence they thrust him , should be supplied by oth●r honest men , though they were cōformable , but with absolute authority at length forbad it , alledging that puritanes were made by that lecture : wheras the truth is , that one lecture hath done more good to the church of god in england , then all the doctors of cambridge : though i doe not deny , but some of them have wrought a good work . by this one instance ( of which kind i would there were not a 100 in our land ) it may easily appeare to the understanding reader , that here is as much agreement betwixt our bish●ps in their managing of religion ( except some 2 or 3 , which went out of their elements , when they ventered on those places ) & those powerful preachers who have bin the chief means of revealing gods arme unto salvation , as there is betwixt the light which commeth down from h●aven , & that thick mist which ariseth from the lowest pit . but wee need not seeke for demonstrations of the spirit which worketh in our hierarchie from this opposition , look but at the fruits of it , wher it hath al● fulnes of consent , as cathedrall pallaces , or parishes of bishops and archbishops residence , suc● as lambeth is , where all their canons are in force , a●d have their full sway without contradiction : nay come neerer unto them , and take a view of their families , even to them that wait in their chambers , and see what godlinesse there is to be found have there not more of god and his kingdome appeared in some one congregation of those ministers which they have silenced for unconformity then in all the bishops families that are now in england ? was there ever any of them that could endure such a parish as lambeth is , if they had such power of reforming it as the archbishops haue ? to returne therfore unto our authour : whilst he lived a private life , being thus strucken with the bishops planet , he had time to apply his able wit and judgement unto the discussing of many questions , which if the prelates had not forced such leasure upon him , it may be he would have passed by with others . and among the rest , by gods providence he was directed to these ecclesiastical controversies which concerne our diocesan state in england : wherin , as in all other questions which he dealt in , he hath shewed such distinct and piercing understanding together with evidence of truth , as cannot but give good satisfaction to him that in these things seeketh light . he might indeed have chosen other particular corruptions to have written on , if it had bene his purpose either to have taught men , what they daily see and feel , or to have laboured about the branches , and leave the root untouched : but it was no delight unto him , for to prove that which no man doubted of , as that the common course and practise of our prelates , their courts , their urging of s●bscriptions , with human superstitious ceremonies , are presumptuous insolencies against god and his church : or preposterously to beginne at the end of the streame for to cleanse the water . he chose rather to search the fountain of all that foulnes wherwith our chur●he are soiled : which he judged to be found in the constitu●ions here in this treatise examined . and if these few questions be wel considered , it will appear that a multitude of pernitious abuses doe depend on those positions which in them are confuted . one fundamentall abuse in our ecclesiasticall oppression in the disposing of charges , our placing of ministers over congregations : it is called usually bestowing of bēefices or livings , in an earthy phrase which ●avoureth of the base corruption commonly practised . for congregations ought not to be bestowed on ministers , but ministers on congregations : the benefit or benefice of the minister , is not so much to be regarded , as of the congregation : it is the calling and charge which every minister should looke at , not his living and benefice . now these benefi●es are bestowed ordinarily by the patrō ( whether popish , prophane , or religious , all is one ) & the bishop , without any regard of the peoples call or consent : so as no lawful mariage is made ; no servant placed : against all scripture , councels and antient examples . wherby it commeth ordinarily to passe , that lawyers must determine of ministers callings , after long sutes and great charges ; as if congregations and farms were held by one title and right . and sometime it is found that the minister is a continuall plague unto his people , living in contention , spi●e & hatred with them , as many law-suits do too too plainly witnes . what is the reason ? because parishes are esteemed as no churches that ever were ordained by christ , or received any power and priviledges from him , but as mans creatures , and by man to be ordered as it pleaseth him . another practice of like nature with the former , is that the minister being called to one congregation , becommeth a pluralist by taking another , or more livings , in spite of that congregation , to which he was first and is still personally tied . and after this he may be a nonresident , abiding or preaching at none of his many livings . nay he may chop and change , sell and buy like a marchant , so he do it closely ; which is such an abomination , as rome and trent condemneth , and hell it selfe will scarse defend . what is the ground ? because ( forsooth ) christ hath not appointed parishes , their office●s & offices , and therfore no man is bound further in this kinde , then mens laws , canons , customes , and injunctions do prescribe unto them . for a grave doctor of cambridge answered one that questioned him for his grosse non-residencie , viz. that parishes were divided by a pope : insinuating as it seemeth , that he accounted it a point of poperie , for to tie ministers unto their particular charges . a third grosse corruption is , that the officers in congregations , ministers , church-wardens , &c. are made servants to the bishops , chancellours , archdeacons , &c. being , as it were , their promotors , informers , and executioners , in all matters of jurisdiction and government , for to bring in mony into their purses : for performance also of which service to them , the church-wardens upon every occasion are enforced to take such corporall oathes as not one of them doth ever keep . what other ground of this , beside the fore-mentioned , that particular congregations are no spirituall incorporations , and therefore must have no officers for government within themselves ? now all these confusions with many others of the same kind , how they are condemned in the very foundation of them , m. bains here sheweth in the first question , by maintaining the divine constitution of a particular church , in one congregation . in which question he maintaineth against his adversaries a course not unlike to that which armachanus , in the daies of king edward the third , contended for against the begging f●iers in his booke called the defence of curates : for when those friers incroach●d upon the priviledges of parochiall ministers , he withstood them upon these grounds : ecclesia parochialis juxta verba mosis deut. 12. est locus electus a deo , in quo debemus accipere cuncta quae praecipit dominus ex sacramentis . parochus est ordinaritu parochiani : est persona a deo praecepta , vel mandato dei ad illud ministerium explendum electa : which if they be granted , our adversaries cause may goe a begging with the foresaid friers . another sort of corruptions there are , which though they depend upon the same ground with the former , yet immediately flow out of the hierarchie . what is more dissonant from the revealed will of christ in the gospell , even also from the state of the primitive church , t●en that the church and kingdome of christ should be managed as the kingdomes of the world , by a lordly authority , with externall pompe , commanding power , contentious courts of judg●ment , furnished with chancellors , officials , commissaries , advocates , proctors , paritors , and such like humane devices ? yet all this doth necessarily follow upon the admitting of such bishops as ours are in england : who not onely are lords over the flock , but doe professe so much in the highest degree , when they tell us plainly , that their lawes or canons doe binde mens consciences . for herein we are like the people of israel , who would not have god for their immediate king , but would have such kings as other nations : even so the papists , and we after them , refuse to have christ●an immediate king in the immediate government of the church ; but must have lordly rulers with state in ecclesiasticall affaires , such as the world hath in civill . what a miserable pickle are the most of our ministers in , when they are urged to give an account of their calling ? to a papist indeed they can give a shifting answer , that they have ordination from bishops , which bishops were ordained by other bishops , and they , or their ordainers by popish bishops : this in part may stop the mouth of a papish : but let a protestant which doubteth of these matters move the question , and what then will they say ? if they flie to popish bishops , as they are popish , then let them goe no longer masked under the name of protestants . if they alledge succession by them from the apostles , then ( to say nothing of the appropriating of this succession unto the popes chaire , in whose name , and by whose authority o●r english bishops did all things in times past ) then i say they must take a great time for the satisfying of a poore man concerning this question , and for the justifying of their station . for untill that out of good records they can shew a perpetuall succession from the apostles unto their diocesan which ordained them , and untill they can make the poore man which doubteth , perceive the truth and certainty of those records , ( which i wiss● they will doe at leasure ) they can never make that succession appeare . if they flye to the kings authority , the king himse●fe will forsake them , and deny that he taketh upon him to make or call ministers . if to the present bishops and archbishops , alas they are as farre to seeke as themselves , and much further . the proper cause of all this misery is the lifting up of a lordly prelacy , upon the ruines of the churches liberties . how intollerable a bondage is it , that a minister being called to a charge ▪ may not preach to his people except he hath a licence from the bishop or archbishop : cannot receive the best of his congregation to communion if he be censured in the spirituall courts , though it be but for not paying of six pence which they required of him in any name , be the man otherwise never so innocent : nor keep one from the communion , that is not presented in those courts , or being presented is for money absolved ▪ though he be never so scandalous : and must often times ( if hee will hold his place ) against his conscience put backe those from communion with christ , whom christ doth call unto it ( as good christians if they will not kneele ) and receive those that christ putteth backe , at the command of a mortall man. what a burthen are poore ministers pressed with , in that many hundreds of them depend upon one bishop and his officers : they must hurry up to the spirituall court upon every occasion , there to stand with cap in h●nd , not onely before a bishop , but before his chancellour , to bee railed on many times at his pleasure : to be censured , suspended , deprived , for not observing some of those canons which were of purpose framed for snares , when far more ancient and honest canons are every day broken by these iudges themselves for lucre sake , as in the making of vtopian ministers , who have no people to minister unto ; in their holding of commendams , in their taking of money , even to extortion , for orders and institutions : in their symony , as well by giving as by taking : and in all their idle , covetous , and ambitious pompe ? for all these and such like abuses , we are beholding to the lordlinesse of our hierarchy : which in the root of it , is here overthrown by m. bayne , in the conclusions of the second and ●hird question . about which he hath the very same controversie , that marsilius patavinus in part undertooke long since , about the time of edward the second , against the pope . for he in his booke called defensor pacis , layeth the same grounds that here are maintained . some of his words , though they be large , i will here set downe for the readers information . potestas clavium sive solvendi & ligandi , est essentialis & inseparabilis presbyterio in quantum presbyter est . in hac authoritate , episcopus à sacerdote non differt , teste hieronymo , imo verius apostolo , cujus etiam est aperta sententia . inquit enim hieronymus super mat. 16. habent quidem eandem judiciariam potestatem alsi apostoli , habet omnes ecclesia in presbyteris & episcopis : praeponens in hoc presbyteros , quoniam authoritas haec debetur presbytero , in quantum presbyter , primo , & secundum quod ipsum &c. many things are there discoursed to the same purpose , dict . 2. c. 15. it were too long to re●ite all . yet one thing is worthy to be observed how he interpreteth a phrase of ierome so much alledged , and built upon by the patrons of our hierarchy . ierome saith ad evagr. that a bishop doth nothing , excepting ordinati●n , which a presbyter may not doe . of this testimony d. downan avoucheth , that nothing can be more pregnant then it , to prove that bishops were superiour to presbyters in power of ordination . but heare what this ancient writer saith ordinatio non significat ibi potestatem conferendi , ceu collationem sacrorum ordinum : sed oeconomicam potestatem regulandi vel dirigendi ecclesiae ritus , atque personas , quantum ad exercitium divini cultus in templo ; unde ab antiquis legumlatoribus vocantur oeconomi reverendi . it would be over long to declare all the use which may be made of this treatise . which being it selfe so short , forbiddeth pr●lixity in the preface . if the author had lived to have accomplished his purpose in perfecting of this worke , he would ( it may be ) have added such considerations as these : or at least he would have left all so clear , that any attentive reader might easily have concluded them from his premisses . for supply of that defect , these practicall observation● are noted : which with the dispute it selfe , i leave to be pondered by the conscionable reader . w. ames . the first qvestion is , whether christ did institute or the apostles frame any diocesan forme of churches , or parishionall onely . for determining this question , we will first set down the arguments which affirme it . secondly , those which deny ▪ thirdly , lay down some responsive conclusions , and answer the obj●ctions made against that part we take to be the truth . th●se who affirme the fr●●e of diocesan churches , vou●h their arguments : p●r●ly from scripture , partly from presidents , or instances sacred and ecclesiasticall . fin●lly , from the congruity it h●●h with reason , th●t so th●y should be constitute . the first objection is taken from comparing those two scriptures , titus 1.5 act. 14.23 . ordaine elders city by city . they ordained elders church by church . hence it is thus argued . they who ordained that a city , with the suburbs and ●egions about it , should make but one church , they ordained a diocesan church . but ●he apostles , who use these phrases as aequ●pollent , to ordaine presby●ers in every city , and to ordaine them in every church , appointed , that a city with the suburbes and region about it , should make but one church . ergo , the apostles constituted a d●ocesan church . the reason of the proposition is , because christians converted in a city , with the suburbes , villages , and countries about it ●●uld not be so few , as to make but a parishionall church . the assumption is cleare , for these phrases are used , as ad aequa●e , and being so used , needs it must be that the apostles framed cities , suburbs , and regions into one church . 2 they argue from examples sacred and ecclesiasticall . sacred are taken out of the old and new testament . ecclesiasticall , from the primitive times , and from patternes in our owne times : yea , even from such churches , as we hold reformed , as those in belgia and geneva . to beginne with the church of the jewes in the old testament , whence they reason thus . that which ma●y particular synagogues were then ( because they were all but one common-weal●h , and had all but one profe●si●n ) that m●y many christian chur●hes now bee upon the l●ke grounds . but th●y then , though many synagogues , yet because they were all but one kingdome , and had all but one profession , were all one nationall church . ergo , upon like grounds many church●s with us , in a nation or city , may be one nationall or diocesan church . secondly , the church of jerusalem in the new testament is objected . 1 that which the apostles intended should be a head church to all christians in judea , that was a diocesan church . but this they did by the church of jerusalem . ergo : 2. that which was more numbersome , then could meet parishion●lly , was no parishional but diocesan church . but that church was such . first , by growing to 3000. then 5000 act. 2.41 . & 4.4 . then to have millions in it , act. 21.20 . ergo , the church of jerusalem was not a parishionall , but a dioc●san church . thirdly , the church of corinth is objected to have beene a metropolitan church . he who writing to the church of corinth , doth write to all the saints in achaia with it , doth imply that they were all subordinate to that church . but th●s doth paul , 1 cor. 2.1 . ergo. secondly he who saluteth jointly the corinthians and achaians , and calleth the church of corinth by the name of achaia , and names it with pr●heminence before the rest of ach●ia , doth imply th●t the church of corinth was the metropolitan church to which all acha●a was subject . but the apostle doth this , 2 cor. 9.2 . & 11.11.8.9.10 . ergo. fourthly , that which was the mother city of all macedonia , the church in that city must be , if not a metropolitan , yet a diocesan church . but philippi was so . ergo. the fifth is from the chur●hes of asia , which are thus proved , at least to have beene diocesan . 1. those seven churches which contained all other churches in asia strictly t●ken , whether in city or count●●y ; those seven were for their circuit , metropolitan , or dioc●san churches . but those seven did containe all other in as●● . ergo. 2. he who writing to all churches in asia , writeth by name , but to th●se seven , he doth imp●y , that all the rest were cont●ined in these . bu● christ writing to the seven , writeth to all churches in asia , not to name that five of these were metropolitan cities , viz. philadelphia , and pe●g●mus , two diocesan at least , 3. he who mak●th the singular church he writeth to , to ●e a multitude of churches , not one onely ( as the body is not one member onely ) hee doth make that one church , to which he writeth in singular , to be a diocesan church . but christ in his epiphonematicall conclusion to every church , which he had spoken to in singular , doth speake of the same as of a multitude . let him that hath eares , beare what the spirit saith to the churches . ergo. thus leaving sacred examples , we come to ecclesiasticall . first , in regard of those ancien● churches , rome , alexandria . it is impossible they should bee a parishionall congregation 200. yeares after christ. for ●f the multitude of christians did in hierusalem so increase within a little time , that they exceeded the proportion of one congregation , how much more likely is it that christians in rome and alexandria did so increase in 200. yeares , that they could not keep in one particular assembly ? but the first is true . ergo , also the latter . which is yet further co●firmed by that which tertullian and cornelius testifie of their times . to come from these to our moderne reformed church●s , these prove a diocesan church . that respect which many congregations distinct may have now assembled in one place , that they may have severed in many places . for the unity of the place is but extrinsicke to the unity of the congreg●tion . but ma●y distinc● congregations gathered in one city , may make , wee say , one church , as they doe in the netherlands . ergo , distinct congregations , severed in divers places may make one church . if many churches , which may subject themselves to the government of one presbytery , may so make one , they may subject themselves to a bishop and cathedrall consistory , and so make one . but the 24. churches of geneva , and the territories belonging to it , doe subject themselves to the government of one presbytery , and so make one . for so farre as two meete in a th●rd , they are one in it . ergo. the third principall argument is from reason . if city churches onely , and not the churches of villages , and coun●ry townes , had bishop● , presbyters , and dea●ons placed in them , then were those city church●s diocesan churches . but city chur●hes onely had th●se . ergo , city churches were diocesan , distingu●shed from pa●●shi●nall churches . the assumption is proved first by scrip●ure , t●tus 1.5 . act. 14.23 . sec●ndly , this is proved by ecclesiasticall sto●y . th●y who are g●ven to l●bour the convertion of the regions , ra●her then ten● those alre●●y converted , they were not given to a parishionall church . but the presbyters planted by the apostles were so . ergo. they who were set in a church before parishes were , could not be given to a parishionall church . but such were the presbyters of the apostl●s institution , ergo. for it is plaine in the practice of all ages , from the first division , that no church but the mother church had a presbytery and a bishop , but presbyters onely . nay , it was ever by councels condemned , and by the judgement of the ancient forbidden , that in townes or villages , any but a presbyter should be planted . 3. this is also proved by reason , for it was no more possible to have bishops and presbyters in every parish , then to have a maior and aldermen ( such as we have in london ) ●n every towne . 2. if every parish had a presbyter , then had they power of ordination , and furnishing themselves with a minister , when now they were destitute . but they were alwaies in this case dependant on the city . ergo , there was then a d●ocesan church having government of others . presbyters could not ordaine , sede vacante , though th●y did at first , as in the church of alexandria . let any shew for 400. yeares a parishionall church with a presbytery in it . now we must muster those forces which oppose these diocesan churches , allowing onely such churches to bee instituted of christ , which may meet in one congregation ordinarily . the word which without some modification super-added , doth signifie onely such a company as called forth , may assemble politically , that word being alone , doth signifie such a church as may to holy pu●poses ordinarily meete in one . but the word church , which christ and his apostles did institute , is used indefinit●ly , and signifieth no more , ergo. vbi lex non distinguit , non est distinguendum . 2. the scripture speaketh of the churches in a kingdome or province , alwaies in the plurall number , without any note of diff●rence , ●s ●quall one with the other . ergo , it doth not know provinciall , n●tion●ll , or diocesan churches . let a reason be given , why it should never speake in the singular number , had they beene a singul●r church sec●ndly , let us come to ex●mples : the churches the apostles pl●●●ed were su●h 〈◊〉 ni●h● and did congregate . fi●s● , that of h●●rusalem ▪ though there were in it toward 500. ●●nogogues , yet the christ●●n church was but one , and such as did congre●ate ●n●o one place ordinarily after the accesse of 5000. to it . act 2.46 . & 5.12 . & 6.1 . & 15.25 . & 21.22 . & 25.22 . for their ordinary meeting as it is , act. 2.46 . daily , could not be a panegeric●ll meeting . againe , if they might meete synodically , why might they not meete then in daily course ; though the universall meeting of a church is not so fitly called synodicall : and though they are said to be millions of beleevers , yet that was by accident of a circumstance , happily the passeover . we must not judge the greatnesse of a water by that it is , when now it is up and swelleth by accident of some inundations . they had not a setled state there , by which they did get the right of being set members . yea , it is likely , they were and continued but one congregation . for forty yeeres after they were not so great a multitude , but that pella , like to the z●har of lot , a little towne could receive them . but more of this in the answer to the objection . secondly , so the church of antiochia , was but one church , acts 14.27 . they are said to have gathered the church together . object . that is , the ministers , or representative church . ans. 1. for ministers onely , the church is never used . 2 by analogie , acts 11. peter g●ve account before the whole church , even the church of the faithfull , ergo. 3. they made relation to that church , which had sent them forth with prayer and imposition of hands , and this church stood of all those who assembled to the publike service and worship of god. 4. the people of the church of antioch were gathered together to consider of degrees sent them by the apostles from hierusalem . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , the church of corinth was one congregation , which did for the service of god , or exercise of discipline meet together , 1 cor. 5.4 . 1 cor. 14.25 . vers . 26. 1 cor. 11.17 . vers . 23. in uno & eodem loco . that whole church which was guilty of a sinner uncast forth , could not be a diocesan church , neither can the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comming together , ever be shewed to signifie any thing else , besides one particular assembly . fourthly , the church of ephesus was but one flocke . first , it is likely that it was of no other forme then the other . secondly , it was but one flocke ; that flocke which presbyters might jointly feed , was but one . they had no diocesan b●shop . if presbyters onely , then none but parishionall churches in and about ephesus . there may be many flocks , but god ordained none , but such as may wholly meet with those , who have the care of feeding and governing of them . peter indeed , 1 pet. 5.2 . calleth all those he writeth to , one flocke : but that is in regard either of the mysticall estate of the faithfull , or in respect of the common nature which is in all churches one and the same : but properly , and in externall adunation , one flocke is but one congregation . thirdly , parishes according to the adverse opinion , were not then divided . neither doth the long and fruitfull labours of the apostles argue , that there should be parish churches in diocesan wise added ; but a greater number of ●ister churches . but when it is said that all asia did heare : the meaning is , that from hand to hand it did runne through asia , so as churches were planted every where , even where paul came not , as at colosse . there might be many churches in asia , and many converted by peter and others fruitfull labour without subordination of churches . examples ecclesiasticall . 1. ignatius exhorteth the church of the ephesians , though numberlesse , to meete together often in one place , epist. to the ephesians , and to the philippians : where the bishop is , let the people be gathered to him , as where christ is , there is the whole host of heaven . he calleth his church of antioch a synagogue of god , which cannot agree to a diocesan church : for these were particular congregations , opposed as to that nationall church , so to all provinciall and d●ocesan . neither doth he call himselfe bishop of syria , but as he was , bishop of the congregation in syria , as a minister stileth himselfe a minister of the church of england . 2 iustine and ireneus knew no kinde of church in the world which did not assemble on the sabboth . but a d●oc●san church cannot . 3 tertullian apol. cap , 39. doth shew that all churches in his time did meet , and did worship god , in which prayers , readings , exhortations , and all manner of censures were performed . hee knew no churches which had not power of censures within themselves . 4 churches are said at first to have beene parishes , and parishes within cities , in eus●b . lib. 3 44. lib. 4. cap. 21. lib. 2. cap. 6. lib. 4. cap. 25. and s●int iohn lib 3. cap. 23. ●aith to the bishop , redde juvenem quem tibi ego & christus teste ecclesia tua tradidimus . that church in whose presence iohn might commit his dep setum , or trust , was but one congregation , lib. 4. cap. 11. h●g nus and pius are said to have undertaken the m●nistery of the church of rome : which church was such therefore , as they might minister unto , lib 7.7 . dionisius alex. writeth to xistus , and the church which he governed . a diocesan church cannot receive letters . before iulian and demetrius his time , there is no mention of churches in a bishops parish . the church of alexandria was within the citie , lib. 7. cap. 2. cornelius is said , officium episcopi implevisse in civitate rome ex cyp. lib. 1. epist . 3 cornelius foelicissimum ex ecclesia pepulit qui cum tamen de provincia pellare ron potuit . vide ruffinum , lib. 1. cap. 6. suburbicarariarum eccl●sirum tantum curam gess●t . cyprian was pastor paroeciae in carthagiaee , of the parish in carthage , euseb. lib. 7. cap. 3. ex verbis cypriani , lib. 1. epist. 4. 5 it is the rule of scripture , that a bishop should be chosen in sight of his people . bishops were chosen long after by the people . as of rome , and others by the people committed to them . cypr. lib. 4. epist. 1. neighbour bishops should come to the people over whom a bishop was to be set , and chose the bishop in presence of the people . schismes were said to be from thence , quod episcop● universa fraternitas non obtemperat , cypr. epist. 55. tota fraternitas i. unius congregationis tota multitudo , ex qua componitur ecclesia particularis . sabino ●le universa fraternitatis suffrag●o episcopatus fuit delatus . cypr. lib. 1. epist. 47.58.68 . ecclesiae ●gitur circ●i●us non suit ma●or , quàm ut episcopu● totam plebem suam in nego●iis bujusmodi c●●vocare potuerit . soc. lib. 7. cap. 3. de ag●peto . convocavit omnem clerum & populum qui erat intra illius jurisdictionem . 6 the chorepiscopi were bishops in villages ; there is no likelihood of the other notation . their adversaries in opposing them never object that they were as delegates , or suffragan bishops to them . 7 bishops were wont to goe forth to confirme all the baptized through the diocesse . 8 they were neighbours , and might meet a dozen , six , three , in the cause of a bishop . 9 they were united , sometimes in provinciall councels , in which many bishops met twice yearly , ruffin . lib. 1 , cap. 6. victor vticensis reporteth in a time when they were fewest in africa in persecution vandalica , 660. fled to save themselves . austin saith there were innumerable orthodox bishops in africa : and the provinciall councels doe confirme the same . now by reason it is cleare that churches were not metropolitan or diocesan . 1 that church whose causes are wanting , that church is wanting . but in a diocesan church causes are not to be found . ergo. first , the efficient cause , god ordeyning . for none can take on him to be a minister diocesan : no place to be a place , where the assembly diocesan should be held ; no people can worship god in repairing to this place and ministery , without warrant of his word . ergo. in the nationall church of the jewes , aaron and his sonnes tooke not that honour , it was given them : the place of the nationall meeting , god chose hierusalem . the people he precisely bound to practise some ordinances of worship no where but there , and to appeare there before him . secondly , the matter of a diocesan church is people within such a circuit , obliged to meet at least on solemne dayes , wheresoever the diocesan ministers and ordinances of worship are exercised ; pastors who have callings to tend them and minister to them in this diocesan meeting now assembled . finally , the actuall meeting of them to such , end , as such more solemne and publike meetings are ordained to , are no where commanded , nor in any fashion were ever by any warrant of the word practised . if any say , these are not the causes of a diocesan church , but an ordinance of god binding persons within such a circuit to subject themselves to such a church and the ministery thereof , that they may be governed by them . i answer . first , there is no ordinance of god for this , that can be shewed , that churches within such a circuit should be tyed to a certaine head church for government . nay , it is false . for every church by christs institution hath power of government ; and the synagogue had in ordinary matters , the government that the church of jerusalem had ; ( being all over ) except onely in some reserved causes . secondly , i say , that this will not make a diocesan church formally so called . as a nationall church could not formally be without binding the whole nation to exercise ordinances of worship in the head church of it : so by proportion . yea , government is a thing which doth now ●ccidere to a church constituted , and doth not essentially concurre as matter or forme to constitute a church of this or that kinde . againe , were this true , that the diocesan pastors and ministers have onely government committed to them , then it will follow , that they onely have the governing of particular churches , who are not any way pastors of them , ministring word and sacraments to them . but this is most absurd , that their proper and ordinary pastors , who dispence word and sacraments to them , should not have potestatem pe●i , nothing to doe in governing those flockes which depend on them . if any say , they were not actu , but they were virtute potentiae : i say , it is also to make the apostles churches imperfect : and how can this be knowne but by a presumed intention , which hath nothing to shew it , but that after event of things . from the effect i argue . 2 those churches which christ did ordaine , and the apostles plant , might ordinarily assemble to the ordinances of worship . but a diocesan church cannot ordinarily assemble . ergo. for when god will have mercy and not sacrifice , and the sabboth is for man , he will not for ever ordaine a thing so unequall and impossible , as is the ordinary assembling of a diocesan multitude . if any distinguish the assumption , and consider a diocesan as she is in her parts , or as she is a torum , standing of her parts now collected together , and say she may , and doth meet and communicate , and edifie her selfe in the first respect . i answer . this is nothing , and doth prove her to be nothing , as she is a diocesan church : quia quid quid est , ●git secundum quo●est . if therefore a diocesan church were a reall church , she must have the effect of such a church ; to wit. assembling , as she is diocesan . the synagogues through israel met sabboth by sabboth , but were no nationall church in this regard ; that is to say , as it is a nationall church , it had her nationall reall meetings . i reason thirdly , from the subject . 3 that church which doth per se , essentially require locall bounds of place , that must have locall limits set forth of god. but a diocesan church doth so . ergo. whence i thus inferre , he who institutes a diocesan church , must needs set out the locall bounds of this church . but god hath not set out any locall bounds of the church in the new testament : ergo. he hath not instituted any diocesan church . the proposition is certaine : for this doth enter in the definition of a diocesan church , as also of a nationall . and therefore god instituting the nationall church of the jewes , did as in a map set forth the limits of that nation . so also if he had instituted diocesan and provinciall churches , he would have appointed locall bounds , if not particularly described , yet knowne and certaine . but god hath not done this . for the church of the new testament is not thus tied to places ; it being so with the power of teaching , and the ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , that it doth respicere subditos onely perse , not terminos locales . civill jurisdiction doth respicere solum primarily , the subjects on it in the second place . as for that commandement of appointing presbyters citie by citie , it is too weake a sparre for this building . againe , that church which may be said to be in a citie , is not diocesan . but the churches which the apostles planted , are said to be in cities . ergo. if one say to the proposition , they may ; because the head church is in the citie . answer . the churches the apostles planted are taken for the multitude of saints united into such a body ecclesiasticall . but the multitude of saints through a diocesse cannot be said to be in a citie . ergo. the soule may be said to be in the head , though it be in other parts ; and god in heaven . god , because of his most infinite and indivisible nature . and so the soule , because it is indivisible , and is as all of it in every part , not as a thing placed in a place containing it , but as a forme in that which is informed by it . but in things which have quantity , and are part out of another , there is not the like reason . 4 from the adjuncts . that church which hath no time set , wherein to assemble , is no church . i suppose the ground above , that nothing but union of a diocesse in worship , can make a diocesan church . but this church hath no time . ordinary it cannot have : extraordinary solemnities god hath not commanded . ergo , there is no such church . for if it be a reall d●ocesan church , it must have a reall action according to that nature of which it is . the action formall of a church indefinite is to meet and communicate in worship . of a nationall church , is to meet nationally and communicate in 〈◊〉 . if then it must meet , it must have some time set downe , ordinary or extraordinary . but god hath done neither . the churche● which the apostles planted , were in their times most perfect and flourishing . but diocesan churches were not : for in those times they were but in seminali infolded , not explicated , as the adversaries confesse . 4 that which maketh gods dispensation incongruous to his ministers , is absurd . but a diocesan frame of church doth so . ergo. that which maketh god give his extraordinary gifts to ministers of churches in the apostles times , when now they had but one congregation , and give ordinary gifts onely when now they had 800. churches under them , is absurd . but this doth the diocesan frame . ergo. 5 the churches throughout which a presbyter might doe the office of a teaching presbyter , and a deacon the office of a deacon , were not diocesan . but every presbyter might minister in the word and sacraments throughout the church to which he was called ; so might a deacon tend to the poore of the whole church , whereof he was a deacon . ergo , these were not diocesan . the reason of the proposition is ; no pesbyter can through many congregations performe ordinary ministery . in which regard the canon law forbiddeth that presbyters should have many churches , cap. 10. quaest . 3. vna plures ecclesiae vni n●quaquam committantur pesbyter● ▪ quia solus per ecclesias nec officium valet persolvere , nec rebus carum necessariam curam impendere . 6 if god had planted diocesan churches , that is , ordeined that all within citie , suburbs , and regions , should make but one d●ocesan church , then may not two diocesses be united into one church , or another church and bishop be set within the circuit of a d●ocesan church . but neither of these are so . the judgement of the african fathers shew the one , and the canon law doth shew the other , pag. 2. cap. 16.41 . ergo : 7 if god appointed the frame of the church diocesan standing of one chiefe church , o●hers united in subjection : then can there not be the perfection of a church in one congregation : but where there may be a sufficient multitude deserving a proper pastor or bishop , requiring a number of presbyters and deacons to minister unto them , there may be the perfection of a church : but in some one congregation may be such a multitude . ergo : 8 those churches which may lawfully have bishops , are such churches as god instituted : but churches in townes , populous villages , have had , and may have their bishops . ergo. this is proved by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every populous towne , such as our market townes , and others ; ye● by a synud●cht , villages ; for there they taught as well as in cities . there were synogogues in villages , as well as in cities . they excepted against them afterward in unconformity to law. the testimony of zozomen sheweth what kinde of congregations were they of which epiphanius testifieth . and the fathers of africa did not require , that a d●ocesan multitude , but a sufficient multitude , not through eve●y part , for then they should have had to doe in citie churches , but in that part of the diocesse where a presbyter onely had served the turne , should have their bishop . if diocesan churches , and provinciall churches be gods frame , then we had no churches in britaine of gods frame , before that austin was sent by gregorie the great . but here were churches from before tertullian , after the frame god requireth , at least in their judgements . ergo. now to come to open the termes , and lay downe conclusions : whether diocesan or parishionall churches were at the first constitute . first , the word church we understand here , not figuratively ; taken metonymically for the place , syn●ed , for ministers administring ordinances : but p●operly , for a body politick , standing of people to be taught and governed , and of teachers and governours . secondly , it may be asked , what is meant by a diocesan church ? answ. such a frame in which many churches are united with one head church , as partaking in holy things , or at least in that power of government which is in the chiefe church , for all the other within such , or such a circuit . these phrases of a diocesse , a diocesan b●shop , or church , are all since the time of constantine , yea the two last much later . a diocesse seemeth from the common-wealth to have beene taken up in the church , from what time bishops had territories , ample demaines , and some degree of civill jurisdiction annexed to them . for a diocesse by the lawyers , is a circuit of provinces , such as the romans praesidents had : or active , an administration of those provinces with jurisdiction . l. unica . c. ut omnes sudicet . and in the canon law , sometimes provincia and diocoesis are used promiscuously , dist. 50. cap. 7. but the ancientest use of this word was to note the territory , or countrey circuit , opposed to the citie . thus the countrey churches are called diocaesanae ecclesiae , cont . tur . c●p . 8. thus baptismales ecclesiae were contra distinguished to parishionall . these had every one a diocesse , and the inhabitants were called diocoesani : these churches had a moity of houses dwelling in neighbourhood th●t belonged to them ; but at length by a synecdoche , the whole church was called a diocesse ; though the canonists dispute whether it may be so called , seeing the diocesse is the meaner part by much , in comparison of the citie , and should not give the denomination to the whole . so at length the bishop was called diocoesanus , and the church which had beene called ecclesia civitatis , matrix , nutrix , cathedralis , grew to be called diocesan . but here we take a diocesan church for such a head church , with which all churches in such a circuit hath reall union , and communion in some sacred things . now a diocesan church may be put objectivè , that is , for a chur●h in which are ministers and ministery for the good of the whole diocesse , though they should never assemble , as the worship in the church of jerusalem was for all judea , and profited , though absent . or it may be put formally for a body politicke , a congregation of beleevers through a diocesse , with the ministers of the same , having some reall union and communion in sacred things . we deny any such church . a parishionall church may be considered materially or formally ; m●●erially , as it is a church within such locall bounds , the members whereof dwell contiguously one bordering upon the other . this god instituted not , for it is accidentall to the church , may abesse and adesse , a church remaining one . if a parishionall church in london should dwell , as the dutch doe , one farre enough from the other , while the same beleevers were united with the same governours , the church were not changed , though the place were altered . secondly , it is put formally , for a multitude which doe in manner of a parish ordinarily congregate ; such churches , and such onely we say god erected . now for some conclusions , what we agree in , then what severs us . conclus . 1. churches of cities , provinces , kingdomes , may be called diocesan , provinciall , nationall churches ; as the churches of the world are called oecumenicall , yea haply not without warrant of scripture : as 1 pet. 1.1 . writing to all those dispersed churches , speaking of them singularly , as of one flocke , 1 pet. 5.2 . the reason is , things may be called not onely as they are really in themselves , but according to some respect of reason , under which we may apprehend them . conclus . 2. that ●here may be a reall diocesan , nationall , or head church , wherewith others should be bound to communicate more solemnly in word and sacraments , and in some more reserved cases concerning their government . this was done in the church of judea . our men are too shie , that feare to come to this proposition , de posse . i am sure our adversaries will grant us , that our parishionall frame might have beene so constituted . conclus 3. that there cannot be such a frame of church , but by gods institution . no ministers can take this honour , but they must ( as aaron ) be called to it . when nothing in nature can have further d●gree of perfection , then the author of nature putteth into it ; how much more must the degree of perfection and eminence in things ecclesiasticall , depend on god ? we may reason from the church of judea , as à pari , to prove , that there cannot be such a church , but that all subordinates must communicate with the chiefest head church in some sacred things , which may make them one chur●h . thus there would not have beene a church nationall of the jewes , but that all the nation had union and communion together even in the worship and ordinances of worship . the men onely went up , so the male onely were circumcised : but the female representatively went up in them . object . it is enough if the communion be in government , which all our opposites grant necessary . answ. this maketh then rather one in tertio quodam separabili , then one church : government being a thing that commeth to a church now constituted , and may be absent , the church remaining a churc● . the fi●st churches of b●shops , when now they were divided , did keep all other , who were the bishops presbyters strictly so called , and the people also in some communion with the head church ; for in greater solemnities one and other went up thither . see decret . dist . 3. dist 38. conclus . 4. we agree in this , th●t churches were in their first planting , either not actually diocesan , being one congregation without any other subordinate , or if they had any , yet were they imperfect , wanting many parts or members of particular churches , which belonged to them . that wherein we contradict one another , is , we affirme that no such head church was ordained either virtually or actually , but that all churches were singular congregations , equall , independent each of other , in regard of subjection . secondly , we say , were there a diocesan granted , yet will it not follow , that parish churches should be without their government within themselves , but onely subject in some more common and transcendent cases . as it was with the synagogues and that nationall church of the jewes , and as it is betwixt provinciall and diocesan churches . if any say there is not the same reason of a diocesan church and parishionall : for that hath in it all the perfection of a church . i answer , not ; taken in comparison to a provinciall church , it is but a part and member , and hath not perfection , no more then a parochiall church hath , compared with a diocesan . now followeth to answer the arguments first proposed . to the first , i answer to the proposition by distinction . those who ordained that the civita● and v●bs people taken in regard of the whole multitude of the one , and locall bounds of the other , should make but one church , they did institute a diocesan church . but those who so instituted a church in ci●y , suburbs , countrey that their number might bee compared fitly to one congregation , they did not therefore ordaine a diocesan church . againe to the assumption . but those who use city by city , and church by church as equivalent ( which the apostles doe ) they ordained that c●●y , suburbs , and count●y should make but one chur●h . i answer by the like distinction . they who use city by city , people being taken for the whole multitude within the extent of these locall bounds , as equivalent with church by church , they may be said to have ordained that city , suburbs and territories , should make but one church . but th●s the apostles doe not use them , as of equall signification . for the city had a reason of an ample continent , the church of a thing contained . these phrases are , the one proper , the other metonymicall , and are therefore to bee expounded the one by the other . hee placed presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lest we should understand it of the multitude and locall bounds , it is said in the acts of the apostles that they placed them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , church by church : because presbyters were not given but to disciples and christians now converted ●ut of the multitude and locall limites wherewith cities were bounded . secondly , there is an adaequate acception of these phrases per accidens , not because the citie and church was to make but one church , but because the christians by occasion of their number , not being then too great , were framed into one church ; or because by occasion there was yet but one church , not because there was to be but one . now hee who thus us●th them promiscuously , doth imply that one church was as yet constituted , not that there was to be but one through the circu●t of city , suburbs , and countrey . thus likewise it is easi●y answered to the proofe of the proposition : for thus the multitude of citizens converted and unconverted , could not be a church of one congregation yet the number of those who in city , suburbs , and territories , were actually converted , was no more then might be ordered into one church and the apostles framing these into one on the present occasion , did not exclude the after constituting of any other within the same locall bounds . to the second argument : and first , the objection from the nationall church of the jewes . i answer , denying the assumption . that the synagogues being many , made one church ; because they were all one kingdome , one posses●ion . for thus there was one oecumenicall church , when the world was under one emperour , and of one profession . it is accidentall to the unity of a church whether the kingdome be one or no. if israel , when god had divided the kingdome into two , had gone up to hierusalem , and kept there communion in the worship of that church , they had still been one church , though two kingdomes . if here were as many kings and kingdomes as have beene in england , so many as should belong to one provinciall church , should bee one church , though ma●y kingdomes . the truth is , they were one church , because they had union and nationall communion in the ordinances of worships , which were in that one church to which they all belonged . the high priest was their proper priest , hee made intercession for them , blessed them , they were not to offer any where , but there . if any thinke this cannot bee the cause , why there were one church , under the governement of one high priest , for then should aaron have beene as well as m●lehisedeck , a type of christs kingly office . i answer there is priestly prelacy and governement , as well as princely : th●y were under aaron in the former regard , in wh●ch h● was a sh●dow of christ. to the second instance of hierusalem ; we deny the proposition . it might be intended for a head and mother church in regard of order , and yet not bee a nationall church having power over oth●rs : if it should have beene a head , having power accordingly , as it was a mother church , it should have beene head to all the world . secondly , wee deny the assumption . th●t the apostles ever intended , that it should be a head to christian churches through judea : as it had beene before under the high priest. that constitution was typicall , and may better plead for an universall christian church , then for a nationall . secondly , there is not the least intimation of scripture this way . thirdly , had this d●vinity beene knowne , the fathers would not have suffered , that it should have beene made a diocesan church , and subjected to caesarea . to the prosillogisme . the church which was so numbersome , that it could not meete ordinarily , could not bee a parishionall church . this was so . ergo , &c. to the proposition i answer . that which was by inhabitants , who had fixum domicilium , so numbersome that it could not meete , i grant it . but so this was not ; by accident often many others were there in transitu . secondly , nay wee read that they did meete ordinarily , as is above said , and in that deliberation about which the church of antioch did send to them , irenaeu● affirmeth , l. 3. c. 12. vniversam cam convenisse . luke affirmeth the same . as for that of millions of beleevers , it is certaine , they were not fixed members of this church . for would luke , who reckoneth the growth of them to five thousand , have concealed so notable accessions , where by they s●y , they grew up to i know not how many thousands ; there is no likelihood . whether therefore they were such beleevers as are mentioned , iohn 2● or whether by reason of the passeover , or pentecost , or such like feast , they were in tran●tu , onely there for the present . how ever it is , there is no likelihood that they were constant members of that church , neverthelesse , say , they were more then could fitly meet , yet might they be tollerated as in one congreg●tion . the apostles seeing such times to ensue , wherein many of them should translate themselves , and be dispersed hither and thither . god letting it grow a while more ranke and aboundant then ordinary churches are to be , because it was ecclesiae surcularis , many of whose branches were to be transplanted in their time . yea , had there beene five thousand setled members , we read of some ordinary auditories , sp●ken to by ordinary pastors , as great ; as chrys●stome on matth. 24. doth signifie , to his esteeme th●y might be five thousand that then heard his voyce . touching the third instance , as to the first reason , the proposition is denyed : for naming the rest of achaia with them , doth no more signifie the subjection of all achaians , ther●in the 1 corinth . 1.2 . naming all saints in every place , doth signifie their subjection . the second reason , hath the sequell of the proposition denied : for the contrary is rather true . he who without any note of difference calleth the church of corinth by the name of achaia , he doth imply that it is but one particular church equall with the other churches in achaia . to the third , the proposition is againe denied , that he that speaketh of all the churches as one , doth imply a metropolitan church . for by the first conclusion we may speake of things not onely as they are really , but according to any respect of reason , under which they are apprehended . againe , the assumption is false : he speaketh not of them as one church , but as divers churches in one province . but it is named and set before o●hers . ergo. &c. the sequell is againe denied . for it may be named before other , because it is the most illustrious and conspicuous church ; but not because it hath any power over other . finally , it is too grosse to thinke , that all in achaia came to corinth to be instructed and make their contributions , every church using the first day of the weeke when they assembled to make their collections within themselves . the fourth instance is crete ; where the many churches in that iland , so full of cities , are said to be one church of crete , whereof titus was bishop . those manifold churches which made but one , whereof titus was bishop , those were all one nationall church . but the churches of crete , as saith the subscription , were so . ergo. answ. the proposition might be questioned on the ground above : but the assumption is false : proved by a subscription , which is l●ke his proofe , which was brought out of the booke after the revelation . for first they are not in the syria●ke testament . secondly , th●y are nor thought of antiquity ancienter then theodoret. thirdly , the subscription is false , and most unlikely : for had paul written from nicopolis , he would have wished titus to come to him to nicopolis , where he was for the present , and meant to winter , rather th●n have spoken of it as a place from wh●ch he was absent , and whether he meant to repaire . the fifth instance . phillip . 3. that church , which was in the chiefe citie of macedonia , must needs be at least a diocesan . but the church of philippi was so . ergo. this will prove an argument , when churches must needs be conformed to the civill regency of the emperour : his foure chiefe governours called praefecti praetorii , his presidents of provinces under them , and inferiour judges , and magistrates , under these in one citie , and the regions of it . but this is an errour giving ground to a patriarchall and oecumenicall church , as well as a provinciall and diocesan . this rule of planting churches varieth at mans pleasure : for the romane provinces after the people of rome gave up their right to the emperour , were brought all into one , under one head and monarch , and provinces have beene diversly divided from time to time . from this monarchie arose the popes plea against the greeke churches for his oecumenicall soveraignty . what forme of churches must we have amongst them who never received any such government , nay any constant government at all . if i were a conformitant i should object otherwise for a provinciall church in philippi : viz thus . that church wh●ch had many b●shops in it could not be parishionall nor diocesan , but provinciall . for the provinciall church h●th ●he metropolitan and suffragan b●shops in it , and no other . but philippi had so . ergo. but the proposition is true onely when it is understood of diocesan bishops , not of parishionall b●shops . paul writeth not to the bishops in the church , but in the citie : now ma●y bishops are not in the provinciall citie , though many are in a provinciall church . now to come to the churches of asia . i answer to the proposition of the first syllog . by distinction . one church may conteine others , as an example doth conteine in it a thing exemplified : or as a head church doth churches united in subjection to it . those churches which conteine all other in the latter sence , it is true , they were at least diocesan : but in this sense the assumption is denyed . the same answer fitteth the prosyllog . he that writing to these , writeth to all other by vertue of their subjectionall subordination , he doth imply that all others are conteined in these as member churches under one head . but he who writing to these , writeth to all other as exemplified onely in them , he doth not imply any such thing . now this is manifest , because he writeth to seven churches : whereas this were superfluous , if christ did intend his letter onely to head churches conteyning other . for then five churches should have beene written to onely , seeing in them all others were conteyned , as they say . for by law of this virtuall continency , philadelphia and thiatira were included in two of the other , viz. sardis , and pergamus , which were their mother cities . what needed he have named philadelphia and thyatira , which by law of this virtuall continency did intend to direct his letter onely to head churches ? againe , the assumption is false : for he doth write principally to the seven , and to all other churches in asia no further then he writeth to all the churches in the world . there were other churches in asia , such as were colosse , hierapolis , troas , the church at miletum , and assos , which the centuries mention , which depended not on those seven . if colosse and hierapolis were not , as l●odicaea , reedified when john did write the revelation , yet these other churches were not extant . not to name magnesia and tralles , the independancy whereof is fully cleared whatsoever doct. downam objecteth . to the third reason ; from christs manner of concluding his epistles , it is answered by denying the assumption . for christ doth not use the plurall number in respect of that one church preceding , but in respect of the seven collectively taken , it being his will that the members of each singular church should lay to heart both severally and joyntly , what ever was spoken to them and to others . now to come to the ecclesiasticall examples , as of rome , and alexandria , two hundred yeares after christ. and first to answer the reason brought for their increase , such as could not keepe still in a parishionall meeting . the proposition is not of necessary consequence ; for there were very extraordinary reasons of that which was effected in the church of jerusalem : from christ himselfe , from the residence of all the apostles ; from the state of the people there assembled ; from the state of that church ; from the time in which these were done . christ had prayed for them particularly , to which some attribute the first miraculous conversion by peters preaching . againe , it was fit , that being now ascended into his glory , he should there more aboundantly display his power , and more conspicuously swallow up the scandall of his crosse . againe , this church had the labour of all the apostles for a time in it : whose care and industry we may guesse by their ordination of d●acons , that they might not be distracted . thirdly , the confluence and concourse to h●erusalem was of much people , who though explicately they did not beleeve in christ ; yet had in them the faith of the messiah , and therefore were neerer to the kingdome of god then the common heathen . the state of this church was such , that it was to send out light to all other , a common nursery to the world . finally , the time being now , the beginnings of planting that heavenly kingdome , seeing beginnings of things are difficult , no wonder if the lord did reveale his arme more extraordinarily . it doth not therefore follow from this particular , to the so great encreasing of these churches in tract of time , nay , if these other churches had enjoyed like increase in their beginnings , it would not follow , as thus . those churches which within a few yeares had thus many in them , how numbersome w●re they many yeares after ? because the growing of things hath a period set , after which , even those things which a great while encreased , doe decrease and goe downward , as it was in jerusalem . not to mention , that we deny the assumption . but though the argument is but topicall , and can but breed an opinion onely , yet the testimonies seeme irrefragable . tertullian testifying that halfe the citizens in rome was christians . and cornelius , that there was besides himselfe , and 45. presbyters , a number-some clergie . i answer , that tertullians speech seemeth to be somewhat hyperbolicall : for who can beleeve that more then halfe the citie , and world , after a sort , were christians ? but he speaketh this , and truely in some regard , because they were so potent through the world , that if ●hey would have made head they might have troubled happily their per●ecutors . or else ●he might s●y they were halfe of them christians , not because there were so many members of the church : ●ut because there were so many who did beare some favour to their cause , and were it as safe as otherwise , would not sticke to ●urne to them . but tertullian knew no churches which did not meet , having prayers , exhortations , and ministering all kindes of censures : if therefore there were more churches in rome in his time , it will make little for diocesan churches . touching cornelius : we answer . it is not unlike but auditories were divided and tended by presbyteries . cornelius keeping the catherall church , and being sole bishop of them : but we deny that these made a diocesan church . for first , the cathedrall and parochiall churches were all within the citie , in which regard he is said , officium episcopi implevisse in civitate romae . neither was his church as ample as the province , which that of foelicissimus sufficiently reacheth . secondly , we say that these parochiall churches , were to t●e mother church , as chappels of ease are to these churches in metrocomiis , they had communion with the mo●her church , going to the same for sacraments and he●ring the word , and the bishop did goe out to them and preach amongst them porsome of them were not su●h as had liberty of baptizing , and therefore could not be severed from communion with the head church . now to answer further , it is beyond 200. yeares for which our defence is taken . for there is reason why people which had beene held toge●her for 200. yeares as a congregat●on , might now fifty yeares after be exceedingly encreased . the ecclesiasticall story noteth a most remarkeable increase of the faith , now in the time of iulian before cornelius . nei●her must we thinke that an emperour , as philippus , favouring the faith , did not bring on multitudes to the like profession . secondly , we● say , there is nothing in this of corn●lius which may not well stand , that the church of rome , though now much increased , did not keepe together as one church . for the whole people are said to have prayed and communicated with the repentant bishop , who had ordeyned novaetus : and we see how cornelius doth amplifie novae●us his pertinacie : from hence , that none of the numerous clergie , nor yet of the people , very great and innumerable , could turne him , or recall him , which argueth that the church was not so abo●ndant , but that all the members of it had union and communion , for the mutuall edifying and restoring one of another . and i would faine know , whether the seven deacons , seven subdeacons , two and forty acolouthes , whether those exorcistes , l●ctors , porters about two and fifty are so many , as might not be taken up in a congregation of fifteene or twenty thousand ? surely the time might well require them , when many were to be sent forth to doe some part of ministery more privately . not to name the errour of the church in superfluous multiplications of their presbyters , to vilifying of them , as they were superfluous in the point of their deacons . there were six●y in the church of s●phia for the helpe of the liturgie . true it is , the congregation could not but be exceeding great , and might well be called in a manner innumerable , though it were but of a twenty thousand people . but because of that which is reported touching division by evaristus , hyginus , dionisius , and marcellinus , though there is no authenticke authour for it ; neither is it likely in hospinianus judgement . let it be yeelded that th●re were some parochiall divisions , they were not many , and within the citie , and were but as chappels of ease to the cathedrall or mother church . concerning the objection from the churches of belgia , or the low countries , we deny the proposition : for we cannot reason thus : if many masters , and distinct forme● of schollers , in one free● schoole , be but one schoole : then many masters and company of schollers , severed in many schooles , are but one schoole . secondly , they have communion in the community of their teachers , though not in the same individuall word tended by them . but it is one thing , when sheepe feed together in one common pasture , though ●hey bite not on the same individuall grasse : another thing when now they are tended in diverse sheepe-gates . not to urge , that in the sacraments and discipline , they may communicate as one congregation . touching the objection from geneva : i answer to the proposition by distinction . those who subject themselves to a presbyterie , as not having power of governing themselves within themselves , as being under it by subordination , these may in effect , as well be subject to a consistorie : but thus the twenty foure churches of geneva doe not . they or have power of governing themselves , but for greater edification , voluntarily confederate , not to use nor exercise their power , but with mutuall communication , one asking the counsell and consent of the other in that common presbytery . secondly , it is one thing , for churches to subject themselves to a bishop and consistory , wherein th●y shall have no power of suffrage : another thing to communicate with such a presbytery , wherin themselves are members and judges with others . thirdly , say , they had no power , nor were no members in that presbytery , yet it is one thing to submit themselves to the government of aristocrasie , another to the bishops monarchicall government . for while his presbyters are but as counsellours to a king , though he consulteth with them , he alone governeth . geneva made this consociation , not as if the prime churches were imperfect , and to make one church by this union : but because though they were intire churches , and had the power of churches , yet they needed this support in exercising of it , and that by this meanes the ministers and seniors of it might have communion . but what are all the foure and twenty churches of geneva to one of our diocesan churches ? now to answer the reasons . the first of them hath no part true : the proposition is denyed . for these churches which had such presbyters and deacons as the apostles instituted were parishionall , that is , so conjoyned that they might and did meet in one congregation . the doctor did consider the slendernesse of some of our parishes , and the numbersome clergy of some cathedrall churches , but did not consider there may be presbyteries much lesser , and congregations ampler and fuller , and yet none so bigge as should require that multitude he imagineth , nor made so little as might not have presbyters and deacons . what though such maior and aldermen as are in london cannot be had in every towne , yet such a towne as cambridge may have a maior and aldermen as cambridge aff●ords , and the meanest market towne may have , though not in deg●ee , yet in kinde like governours . so is it in presbyters and other officers : the multitude of presbyters falling forth per accidens , not that a bishop is ever to have a l●ke numbe●some presbyterie , but because the church is so numbe●some that actions liturgicall require more copious assistance , and so wealthy that it can well maintaine them . and beside , because of that collegiate reason which was in them rather then ecclesiasticall , which the fathers had in their presbyteries ; for the nursing of plants , which might be transplanted for supply of vacant churches , which was a point that the apostles in planting churches no whit intended . to come to the assumption : but city churches onely had a bishop with presbyters and deacons . answer , first , not to stand upon this , that saint paul set no bishops with presbyters , but presbyters onely , and they say bishops were given , when the presbyters had brought the church to bee more numbersome , the assumption is false , that citie churches onely had them . for the scripture saith , they planted them church by church , that is , through every church . then every church had her governours within her selfe , wee must use as ample interpretations as may be . contrarily , the sense which arrogateth this to one from the rest wee cannot without evidence receive it , in ambitiosis restricta interpretatio adhibenda est . eclesia doth not signifie any church without difference , parishionall , d●ocesan , or provinciall ; but onely a company orderly assembling , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . such a company therefore as congregate decently to sacred purposes is a church by translation . besides the indefinite is equivalent to the universall , as , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now their interpretation beggeth everything without any ground . for when presbyters may be taken but there wa●es : divisim , conjuct●m , and divisim , and conjunctim : divisim one presbyter in one , another in another , conjunctim , diverse presbyters in every church , neither of these will serve their turne , the latter onely being true : for scripture making two kinds of presbyters , without which the church cannot be governed , it is sure it did give of both kinds to every church they p●anted , now they seeing some churches in our times to have many , and some one conster it both waies collective , many presbyters , & singularly , one here , and one there , and because many presbyters cannot be thu● placed in our frame of churches , imagine the church to containe parochiall and diocesan churches . but they will not seeme to speake without reason ; the scripture say they placed city by city presbyters , and therefore in such churches as occupied citie , suburbes , and countrey , which parishionall ones doe not . but may not a church of one congregation be in a citie , without occupying limits of citie , suburbes , and countrey ? and if presbyters be placed in such a church , may they not bee said to be placed in cities ? indeed if the presbyters placed in cities were given to all the people within such bounds ; the case were other ; but the citie is not literally thus to be understood , but metonymically for the church in the citie . neither was the church in the city , all within such bounds ; for the saints of a place and church of a place , are all one in the apostles phrase of speech . as for that which is objected from ecclesiasticall history , it is true , that in processe of time , the bishop onely had a company of presbyters . before , churches kept in one congregation and had all their presbyters . churches should so have afterward beene divided , that all should have beene alike for kinde , though in circumstantiall excellency some were before other . what a grosse thing is it to imagine , that the first frame the apostles did erect was not for posterity to imitate ? a sitter example then to take out of the custome of metropoles , who sending out there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or colonies , doe use to reserve some cases in civil jurisdiction over them , which the state of later churches did expresse . the second qvestion , whether christ ordained by himselfe , or by his apostles , any ordinary pastor , as our bishops , having both precedency of order , and majority of power above others . wee will follow the same method : first , setting downe the arguments for it , with answers to them : secondly , the arguments ag●inst it . thirdly , lay downe conclusions . the arguments for it are : first , taken from scripture : secondly , from practise of the churches : thirdly , from reason evincing the necessity of it . the fi●st argument . those whom the holy ghost instituted , they are of christs ordaining . but the holy ghost is said to have placed bishops , acts 20. ergo , b●shops are of christs ordaining . answer . we deny the assumption : viz. that those presbyters of ephesus were diocesan bishops . it is most plaine they were such who did communi consilio tend the feeding and government of the church ; such bishops whereof there might be more then one in one congregation . the common glosse referreth to this place that of ierom : that at first presbyters did by common councell governe the churches . yea , doct. downam doth count ephesus as yet to have had no bishop , who was sent unto them after pauls being at rome , as he thinketh . and others defending the hierarchie , who thinke him to have spoken to bishops , doe judge that these words belong not to the presbyters of ephesus , but are spoken in regard of others together then present with them , to wit , of timothy , sosipater , tychicus , who , say they , were three bishops indeed ; but that he speaketh of these who indeed were in company , is quite besides the text . the second argument . such pastors as the seven angels , christ ordained . but such were diocesan bishop● . ergo. the assumption proved . those who were of singular preheminency amongst other pastors , and had corrective power over all others in their churches , they were diocesan bishops . but the angels were singular persons in every church , having ecclesi●sticall preheminence and superiority of power . e●go , they were diocesan bishops . the assumption is proved . those who were shadowed by seven singular starres , were seven singular persons . but the angels were so . ergo. againe , those to whom onely christ did write , who onely bare the praise , dispraise , threatning , in regard of what was in th● church amisse , or otherwise : they had majority of power above others . but these angels are written to onely , they are onely praised , dispraised , threatned . ergo. &c. answ. 1. in the two first syllogismes the assumption is denyed . secondly , in the first prosyllogisme the consequence of the pr●position is denied , that they must needs be seven singular persons . for seven singular starres may signifie seven vnites , whether singular or aggregative : seven pluralities of persons who are so united as if they were one . and it is frequent in scripture to note by a unity , a united multitude . thirdly , the consequence of the proposition of the last prosyllogisme is denyed . for though we should suppose singular persons written to , yet a preheminency in order and greater authority , without majority of power , is reason enough why they should be written to singularly , and blamed , or praised above other . thus the master of a colledge , though he have no negative voyce , might be written to , and blamed for the misdemeanours of his colledge , not that he hath a power over-ruling all : but because such is his dignity , that did he doe his endeavour in dealing with , and perswading others , there is no disorder which he might not see redressed . fourthly , againe the assumption may be denyed : that they are onely written to . for though they are onely named , yet the whole churches are written to in them ; the supereminent member of the church by a synecdoche put for the whole church . for it was the custome in the apostles times , and long after , that not any singular persons , but the whole churches were written unto , as in pauls epistles is manifest , and in many examples ecclesiasticall . and that this was done by christ here , the epiphonemaes testifie . let every one beare what the spirit speaketh to the churches . the third argument . those whom the apostles ordained , were of apostolicall institution . but they ordained bishops . ergo. the assumption is proved by induction . first , th●y ordained iames bishop of jerusalem presently after christs ascention . ergo. they ordained bishops . this is testified by eusebius , lib. 2. histo. cap. 1. out of cl●ment and hegesippus : yea , that the church he sate in was reserved to his time , lib. 7. cap. 19. & 32. this our owne author ierom testifieth , catalog . script . epiph. ad haer . 66. chrysost. in act. 3. & 33. amb●os . in galath . 1.9 . doroth●us in synopsis . aug. contra c●es . lib. 2. cap. 37. the generall councell of const. in trull . cap. 32. for though hee could not receive power of order , yet they might g●ve him power of jurisdiction , and assig●e him his church . so th●t though he were an apostle , yet having a singular assignation , and staying here till death , he might justly be called the b●shop , as indeed he was . if he were not the pastor , whom had ●hey fo● the●r pastor ? secondly , those ordinary pastors who were called apostles of churches in comparison of other bishops and presbyters ; they were in order and majority of power before other . but epaphroditus was the apostle of the philippians , though they had o●her called bishops . chap. 1.4 ergo. the assumption ; that he is so called as their eminent pastor , is manifest by authorities . ierom. in phil. 2. t●erd . and ch●y●ost . on the same place . neither is it like this sacred appropriate name should bee given to any in regard of meere sending hither or thi●her . yea this , that he was sent , did argue him there bishop : for when th● churches had to send any where they did usually intreate their bishops . thirdly , archippus they instituted at colosse . ergo. fourthly , timothy and ●itus were instituted bishops , the one of ephesus , the other of crete . ergo. the antecedent is proved thus . that which is presupposed in their epistles , is true . but it is presupposed that they w●re bishops in these churches . ergo . the assumption proved . those whom the epistles presuppose to have had ep●s●opall authority given them to bee exercised in those church●s , th●y are presupposed to have beene ordained bishops there . but the epistles presuppose them to have had episcopall authority given them to be exercised in those churches . ergo. the assumption proved . 1. if the epistles written to timothy and titus , bee patternes of the episcopall function , informing them , and in them all bishops , then they were bishops . but they are so . ergo. 2 againe , whosoever prescribing to timothy and titus their duties as governours in these churches , doth prescribe the very dutie of bishops , hee doth presuppose them bishops . but paul doth so : for what is the office of a bishop beside teaching , but to ordaine and governe : and govern● with ●ingularity of preheminence , and majority of power in comparison of other . now these are the things which they have in charge , tit. 1.5 . 1 tim. 5.22 . 1 tim. 1.3.11 . 2 tim. 2.16 . ergo. 3. those things which were written to informe not onely timothy and titus , but in them all their successours who were diocesan bishops , those were written to diocesan ▪ bishops . but these were so . ergo , to diocesan b●shops . now that dioc●san bishops were their successours , is proved . 1. either they , or presbyters , or congregations . not the latter . 2. againe , those who did su●ceed them were their successours . but diocesan bishops did . ergo. the assumption is manifest by authorities . in ephesus from timothy to stephanus in the counsell of chalcedon . and in crete , though no one is read to have succeeded , yet there were bishops diocesan . and we read of phillip bishop of gor●i●a the metropolis . 4. those who were ordinarily resident , and lived and died at these chur●hes , were there bishops . but timothy was bid abide here , titus to stay to correct all things , and they lived and died here . for timothy it is testified by h●gisippus , and clement and eusebius out of them , whom so refuse to believe , deserve t●emselves no beliefe . ergo , they were there bishops . againe , jerom. in cat. isidorus de vita & morre sanct. antonius par . 1. tit. 6. cap. 28. niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11. these doe depose , that they lived and died there . further , to prove them bishops . 5. their function was evangelicall and extraordinary , or ordinary ; not the first , ●h●t was to end . for their function as assigned to these churches , and consisting especially in ordaining and jurisdiction , was not to end . ergo. assumption proved . that function which was necess●●y to the being of the church , was not to end . but the funct●ō●h●y had as being assigned to certaine ch●rches , is necessary to the be●ng of the church , ergo , &c. 6. finally , that antiquity testifieth , agreeing with scripture , is true . but they testifie that they were bishops , which the subscriptions of the epistles also affirme . ergo. eusebius lib. 5. cap. 4. d●●nis . areopag . doroth. in synopsi . amb●ose p●oe●n . in 1. tim. 1. jerom. 1. tim. 1.14 . 2. tim. 4. in catalo . chrysostom . in philip. 1. epiph. in haer. 5 prïmas . prefat . in 1. tim , 1.1 . theod. praefat . in tit. o●cum . sedulius . 1. timoth. 1. as it is said in the booke of histories . greg. l●b . 2. cap. 12. theoph. in ephes. 4. niceph. lib. 2. cap. 34. answer . we deny the assumption of the first syllogisme , with all the instances brought to prove it . f●●st , for iame● , we deny he was ordained bishop , or that it can be proved from antiquity , that he was more then other apostles . that which eusebius reporteth , is grounded on clement , whom wee know to be a forged magni●ier of romish orders , and in this story he doth seeme to imply , that christ should have ordeyned peter , iohn and iames the greater bishops . seeing he maketh these to have ordeyned iames after they had got of christ the supreme degree of dignity , which these forged deceitfull epistles of anacletus doe plainely affirme . secondly , as the ground is suspected ; so the phrase of the fathers , calling him the bishop of that church , doth not imply that he was a b●shop properly so called . the fathers use the words of apostoli and episcopi amply , not in their strict and formall propriety . ierom on the first to the galathians , and in his epistle to damasus , affirmeth , that the prophets and iohn the bishop might be called apostles . so many fathers call phillip an apostle . clem. 5. consi . cap. 7. euseb. lib. 3. cap. ul● . tertul. de bapt. cap. 8. and others . in like manner they call the apostles bishops ; not in propriety of speech , but because they did such things as bishops doe , and in remaining here or there made resemblance of them . thus peter , paul , iohn , barnabas , and all the rest , are by he ancients called bishops . object . this is granted true , touching others , but not in this instance of iames : because it is so likely and agreeable to scripture , a● well as all other story ; that when all the rest of the apostles departed out of jerusalem , iohn the baptist did still abide with them even to death . answer . though this be but very conjecturall , yet it nothing bettereth the cause here . it followeth not , he did abide with this church . ergo , he was the proper bishop of this church . for not abiding in one church doth m●ke a bishop : but he must so abide in it , that he must from the power of his office , onely be bound to teach that chu●ch : secondly , to teach it as an ordinary pastor of it : thirdly , to governe it with a power of jurisdiction , limited onely to that church . but iames was bound to the rest of the circumc●sion by his office , as they should from all the world resort thither . secondly , he did not teach but as an embassadour extraordinarily sent from christ , and infallibly led by his spirit into all truth . ergo , not as an ordinary bishop . thirdly , as the rest in what provinces soever they rested , had not their jurisdiction diminished , but had power occasionally , as well where they were not , as where they were ; so it was with iames. this might happily make the phrase to be more sounded out of iames , that he did in this circumstance of residing , more neerely expresse an ordinary pastor then any other . it is plaine , antiquity did hold them all bishops , and gather them so to be , a priari & post●riori : the author de quaest . vet . & nov . t●st . cap. 97. nemo ignorat episcopus salvatorem ecclesiis institius●e p●●usquam escenderet : imponens manus apostolis , ordinavit eos in episcopus . neither did they thinke them bishops because they received a limited jurisdiction of any church ; but because they were enabled to doe all those things which none but bishops could regularly doe . oecum . cap. 22. in act. it is to bee noted , faith hee , tha● paul and barnabas had the dignity of bishops : for they did not make bishops onely , but presbyters also . now wee must conster the ancient , as taking them onely eminently and virtually to have been bishops , or else wee must judge them to have been of this minde , that the apostles had both as extraordinarie legats , most ample power of teaching and governing suting thereto , as also the ordinary office of bishops and pastors , with power of teaching and governing , such as doe essentially and ministerially agree to them : which indeed doctor downam himselfe confuteth , as popish , and not without reason , though while hee doth strive to have iames both an apostle and a bishop properly , himselfe doth confirme it not a little . wherefore it will not be unprofitable to shew some reasons why the apostles neither were nor might be in both these callings . first , that which might make us doubt of all their teaching , and writing , is to bee hiffed forth as a most dangerous assertion . but to make iames , and so any of them , have both these offices in proprietie , might make us doubt . ergo. the assumption proved thus . that which doth set them in office of teaching liable to errour , when they teach from one office , as well as infallibly directed with a rule of infallible discerning , when they teach from the other , that doth make us subject to doubting in all they teach and write . but this opinion doth so . ergo. the proposition is , for ought i see , of necessarie truth , the assu●ption no lesse true . for if there bee any rule to direct iames infallibly , as hee was formally the ordinary bishop of jerusalem , let us heare it : if there were none , may not i question , whether all his teaching and writing were not subject to errour ? for if hee taught them as an ordinarie bishop , and did write his epistle so , then certainly it might erre . if he did not teach them so , then did hee not that hee was ordained to , neither was hee properly an ordinary pastor , but taught as an extraordinarie embassadour from christ. secondly , those offices which cannot bee exercised by one , but the one must expell the other , were never by god conjoyned in one person . but these doe so . ergo. the assumption is manifest . because it is plaine , none can be called to teach as a legat extraordinarie , with infallible assistance , and unlimited jurisdiction , but he is made uncapable of being bound to one church , teaching as an ordinary person , with jurisdiction limited to that one church . againe , one can no sooner bee called to doe this , but at least the exercise of the other is suspended . thirdly , that which is to no end , is not to bee thought to bee ordained of god. but to give one an ordinarie authority whereby to doe this or that in a church , who had a higher and more excellent power of office , whereby to doe those same things in the same church , is to no end . ergo. object . but it will be denied that any other power of order , or to teach and administer sacraments was given , then that he had as an apostle : but onely jurisdiction or right to this church as his church . answer . to this i reply , first , that if hee had no new power of order , he could not be an ordinary bishop properly and formally so called . secondly , i say power of governing ordinary was not needfull for him who had power as an apostle in any church where hee should come . object . but it was not in vaine , that by assignation hee should have right to reside in this church as his church . answer . if by the mutuall agreement in which th●y were guided by the spirit , it was thought meere , that iames should abide in jerusalem , there tending bo●h the church of the jewes , and the whole circumcision , as they by occasion resorted thither , then by vertue of his apostleship hee had no lesse right to tend those of the circumcision by residing here , then the other had right to doe the same in the provinces through which they walked . but they did thinke it meete that hee should there tend that church , and with that church all the circumcision , as they occasionally resorted thereto . ergo. for though hee was assigned to reside there , y●t his apostolicke pastorall care was as iohns and peters , towards the whole multitude of the dispersed jewes , galath . 2. now if it were assigned to him for his abode , as hee was an apostolicke pastor , what did hee need assignation under any other title . nay he could not have it otherwise assigned , unlesse wee make him to sustaine another person , viz. of an ordinary pastor , which hee could not bee who did receive no such power of order as ordinary pastors h●ve . fourthly ▪ that calling which hee could not exercise without being much abased , that hee never was ordained unto , as a point of honour for him . but he could not exercise the calling of an ordinary b●shop , but hee must bee abased . hee must bee bound by office to meddle with authority and jurisdiction but in one church , hee must teach as an ordinary man liable to errour . ergo , hee was never ordained to bee a bish●p properly . if it bee sacriledge to reduce a bishop to the degree of a presbyter , what is it to bring an apostle to the degree of a bishop ? true it is , hee might have beene assigned to reside constantly in that church without travelling , and be no whit abased : but then he must keepe there a pastor of it with apostolicall authority , caring not for that church , but the whole number of the jewes , which hee might doe without travelling . because who so keeped in that church , hee did neede to goe for●h as the rest ; for the jewes from all parts come to him . but he could not make his abide in it as an ordinary teacher and governour , without becomming many degrees lower then hee was . for to live without goi●g for●h , in the mother church of all the world , as an ordinary pa●tor , was much lesse honour then to travaile as peter one while into assyria , another while through pontus , galatia , bithinia , as an apostle . even as to sit at home in worshipfull private place is lesse honourable then to goe abroad as lord embassadour ●ither or thither . honour and ease are seldome bed-fellowes . neither was iames his honour in this circumstance of the rest , but in having such an honourable place wherein to exercise his apostolicke calling . as for that question , who was their ordinary pastor , it is easily answered . their presbyters , such as linus , or clemens in rome , such as ephesus and other churches had . iames was their pastor also , but with extraordinary authority . what needed they an ordinary bishop , which grew needfull ( as the favourers of the hierarchy say ) to supply the absence of apostles , when now they were to decease ? what needed then here an ordinary bishop where the apostles were joyntly to keepe twelve yeares together , and one to reside during his life , according to the current of the story ? thus much about the first instance . to the second instance of epaphroditus , and the argument drawen from it . first , we deny the p●oposition . for had some ordinary pastors beene so stiled , it might imply but a preheminencie of dignity in them above other : wherefore unlesse this be inter●erted , it is unsound , viz. those ordinary pastors , who are called apostles in comparison of others , because the apostles did give to them power of ordination , jurisdiction , and peerelesse preheminency , which they did not give to others , they are above others . secondly , the assumption is false altogether : first , th●t epaphroditus was an ordinary pastor : secondly , that hee was called an apostle in comparison of inferiour pastors of that church . obi. but the judgement of ierom , theodoret , chrysostome , is that he was . answ. the common judgement is , that he was an egregious teacher of theirs , but further then this , many of the testimonies doe not depose . now so he might be : for he was an evangelist , and one who had visited and laboured among them and therefore might be called their teacher , yea an egregious teacher , or doctor of them . nay , saint ambrose doth plainely insinuate , that he was an evangelist : for he saith he was made their apostle by the apostle , while he sent him to exhort them , and because he was a good man , he was desired of the people . where hee mak●th him sent , not for perpetuall residence amongst them , but for the ●ransunt exhorting of them , and maketh him so desired of the philippians , because hee was a good man , not because hee was their ordinary pastor . ieroms testimony on this place doth not evince . for the name of apostles and doctors is largely taken , and as appliable to one , who as an evangelist did instruct them , as to any other . th●●d . doth plainly take him to have been as their ordinarie bishop , but no otherwise then timothy and titus , and other evangelists are said to have been bishops : which how true it is , in the next argument shall bee discussed . for even theodoret doth take him to have beene such an apostolicke person as timothy and titus were . now these were as truly called bishops as the apostles themselves . neither is the rule of theodore● to bee admitted : for it is unlike that the name of apostle should bee communicated then with ordinarie pastors , where now there was danger of confounding those eminent ministers of christ , with others , and when now the apostles were deceased , that then it should cease to bee ascribed to them . againe , how shall wee know that a bishop is to bee placed in a citie , that hee must bee a person thus and thus ( according to pauls canons ) qualified : all is voided , and made not to belong to a bishop . for those who are called bishops , were presbyters and no bishops , bishops being then to be understood onely u●der the name of apostles and angels . thirdly , antiquity doth testifie , that this was an honour to bishops , when this name was ecclesiastically appropriated to them . but if they ever had been tea●med by the name of apostles before , this had been a debasing of them . neither is there reason why they should bee called apostles . in jurisdiction apostolicall the apostles were not succeeded . jurisdiction episcopall they never exercised , nor had , and therefore could not bee succeeded in it . the apostles gave to presbyters tha● which christ gave them out of his power ; even the power of ordinary government . they are bid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed as well by government as doctrine . they are bid not to play the lords over the flock . what feare of tyranny where there is no power of government ? but lay authorities aside , consider the thing from the text it selfe . first , paul seemeth but occasionally to send him , hee having purposed to have sent timothy , who as yet could not bee imployed . i thought it necessary to send spa●br●dit us to you . secondly , hee doth imply , that epaphraditus had not returned to them , but that hee sent him ; and that therefore hee was not the ordinary bishop of it . it is like , hee was but sent till timothy might bee dispatched to them . neither is it anything probable he should bee called an apostle , as their ordinary and eminent pastor . in the scriptures , none are said to be apostles further then they are in habitude to some sending them . now this is undoubted , the philippians had sent him to paul. it is then most probable when he is ●●lled their apostle , it is in regard he was sent by them , which the apostle pointeth at in the next words , who hath ministred to me the things ●e●dfull which you sent by him . object . but it is unlikely that this word appropriated to the twelve , should be used of those sent civilie . not so , for while the persons sending are signified , they are sufficiently contradistinguished ; it being the priviledge of the apostles , that they were the apostles of christ j●sus , not simply that they were apostles . secondly , iohn 13. it is made common to all that are sent . for though christ meane it of himselfe , yet he implies it by a discourse , a genere ad speciem . thirdly , we see the like phrase , 2 cor. 8 the apostles of the churches . for chrysost●me there understandeth those whom the churches had sent for that present . that doth not hinder , they were by paul to the churches , therefore the churches might not send them with their contributions . neither is this an argument that he was their bishop , because their church sent him : for they sent apostles themselves and evangelists also more ordinarily , it being their office to goe from church to church , for the edification of them . for the instance of archipus i finde it not urged . now to come to the last instances of timotheus and titus . first , we deny the antecedent , that they were instituted bishops by paul. and in the first presillogisme we deny the assumption : that the epistles doe presuppose so much . and to the prosillogisme , tending to prove this assertion denyed , we answer : first , to the propo●ition , by distinguishing the episcopall authority , which is considered both in regard of that which is materiall , and in regard of the formall reason which doth agree to it . the proposition is true , understanding it of authority in both these regards ; those who are presupposed to have had authority episcopall given them , both for the substance of it , and the formall reason which doth agree to it in an ordinary bishop , they are presupposed bishops : but this is denyed . for they are presupposed to have and exercise power episcopall for the materiall of it , as apostles had also ; but not to have and exercise in that manner and formallity which doth agree to a bishop , but which doth agree to an evangelist , and therefore they are bidden to doe the worke of an evangelist , to exercise all that power ●hey did exercise as evangelists . there is nothing that paul writeth 〈◊〉 timothy to doe in ephesus , or to titus cr●te , which himselfe present in person might not and would not have done . if wee should reason then thus : hee who did exercise episcopall power in these churches , he is presupposed to have beene bishop in them . this proposition is not true , but with limitation : hee who exercised episcopall power after that formall manner , which doth agree to the office of a bishop , hee was bishop ; but not ●ee who exerciseth the power secundum aliam rationem & modum : viz. after such a manner at doth agree to an apostle . to the second maine proofe , wee deny the proposition . if patternes for bishops , then written to bishops . the reason is , apostles , evangelists , ordinary pastors , have many things common in their administration . hence is it , that the example of the one may be a patterne to another , though they are not identically and formally of one calling . councells have enjoyned all presbyters to be well seene in these epistles , as being patternes for them , vide aug. de doctrin . christ. cap. 16. lib. 4. to the third reason . who so prescribing them their duties doth propose the very duties of bishops , bee doth take them to have beene bishops . the proposition is not true without a double limitation . if the apostle should propose such duties of bishops as they in later times usurped , he doth not therefore presuppose them bishops , because th●se are duties of evangelists , agreeing to bishops onely by usurpation . againe , should he propose those duties which , say they , the w●ord doth ascribe and appropriate to bishops , yet if he doe not prescribe them as well in regard of matter as forme exercised by them , it will not follow that he doth take them for bishops : not that paul doth purpose the very duties of bishops , both in substance and manner of performance . secondly , we deny him to purpose for substance the duties of bishops . for hee doth not bid him ordaine , as having a further sacramentall power then other ministers , nor governe with power directive and corrective over others . this exceedeth the bounds of all ministeriall power . thirdly , timothy is not bid to lay on hands or doe any other act , when now churches were constituted , but with concurrence of those churches ; salv● uni useuiusque ecclesiae iure , the apostles did not otherwise . for thoug● paul wrote to him alone , that was because he was occupied not onely in churches perfectly framed , but also in the erecting and framin● of oth●rs . secondly , because they were in degree and dignity abov● all other ordinar● governours of the church , which their cons●● like preheminencye was sufficient , why they should be written alone . to the fourth reason : those things which were written to inform not onely timothy and titus , but all their successours , who were dioces● bishops , thosewere written to diocesan bishops . but these were so , e●● the proposition is not true , because it presupposeth that noth●●● written to any persons , can informe diocesan bishops , unlesse 〈◊〉 persons to whom it is , written be formally in that selfe same ord●● for if one apostle should write to another touching the duty ap●stolique , it might informe any doctor or pastor wh●tsoever . seco●ly , wee deny diocesan bishops are ( de jure ) successours . as for equivocall catalogue which maketh all who are read bishops to have beene diocesan , we shall speake of them hereafter . the bishops betweene timothy and stephanus in the time of the chalcedon councell , were not all of one cut : and there are no churches read in crete which were not congregations . ther● is no more to prove phillip of gortina a metropolitan , then to prove ignatius metropolitan of syria . for what doth story relate , but that phillip was amongst other a bishop of those churches which were in crete . there are many churches in england , a minister of which churches is such an one , that is one minister amongst others of those churches . to that of their residing there and dying in these churches . first , the proposition is not necessary . for as iames might reside exercising an apostolicall inspection in a particular church , so might these exerc●se an evangelicall function how long soever they resided . secondly , the assumption will not bee found true for ordinary constant residence neither in scripture nor fathers . for timothy , though he be exhorted to stay at ephesus , yet this doth not argue it , that he was enjoyned ordinary residence . for first it was a signe he was not bishop , because paul did exhort him , for he would well have knowne , he might not , being their ordinary pastor leave them , further then the more important good of the church should occasion . 2. he is bid to stay there , not finally , but till the apostle should come to him , which though he might be delayed , it is plaine he then intended . so titus is placed in crete , not to stay there , and set downe his rest , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , further to set , as it were , and exedisie the fabricke , which paul had begun . god gave ceremonies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not ever a correcting of any thing amisse , but a setling every thing right , by erecting the substance foreshadowed . but say it were correcting , it were but such a correction as one might performe in transitu , with a little longer stay , though not ordinary residence . by scripture the contrary is manifest . for first , it is not like that timothy was placed bishop after pauls being at rome ; for when paul saith he prayed him , when now hee was going to macedonia , to stay at ephesus , he doth intimate that when hee left him they were there both together . secondly , when he wished him to abide there , hee had a meaning to come unto timothy th●ther where he left him , so as at least to call on him , and see the church . but paul after his parting from the presbyters knew he should never see the ephesians more . act. 20. if wee say he doth foretell it for likely , so we may say , that of wolves a●ising was , and call all into question . neither is it likely , but that teares would have broke his heart , and made h●m yeeld in the p●remptories of his speech , had not his soule beene divinely perswaded . thirdly , he had no meaning when he left them to constitute timothy to be their bishop : for he would not have omitted sue h●a● argument of consolation to hearts so heavy . not he doth not mention any such purpose when he did write to them his epistle . hee telleth churches usually when himselfe hath meaning to see them , or to send others . fourthly , timothy was with paul while hee was in bonds at rome , as witnesse those inscriptions of the epistles to the c●ll●●●ins and philippians ; yea timothy was so with him , as to bee imployed by him , sent forth , and returne to him , which is manifest . philip. 2. if he were after this placed in ephesus , yet he was not placed to be resident , for in the end of the epistle , he doth bid timothy come to him , and bring mark● , that they might minister to him . againe when hee did write the 2. epistle , timothy was not ephesus , for he doth bid him salute aquila and priscilla and onesiphor●● . object . but is like these were at ephesus , for there paul left aquila and priscilla . they came occasionally , they did not fi●e there , which chrysostome also judgeth . and the house of onesiphorus , bernard taketh it , was at iconium in lycaonia , so that it is like he was in his native countrey at this time , even iconium , listra , derbe , which happily is the cause why the scholasticall story doth make him bishop of lystra , because hither he was last sen● . he was so here , as that the apostle did but send him to see them , for hee biddeth him come b●fore winter . besides , there are many probalities he was not at ephesus , for he speaketh of it through the epistle , as a place now remote from him . thou knowest what onesiph●rus did for mee at ephesus , not where now thou art . i have sent tychius to ephesus , not to thee , to supply thy place while thou shalt bee absent . finally , after paules death hee did not returne to ephesus , but by common consent went to iohn the apostle , and very little before his death came to ephesus , if ever . as for the : fathers therefore in this point , if they testifie ordinary residence , which they doe not , wee have liberty to renounce them ; but they testifie onely that he remained in that church , because his stay was longer there then evangelists did use to make , and he is thought to have suffered martyrdome there . so for titus , when paul sent him to crete to doe that worke is uncertaine ; but this is certaine , it was before his writing to the corinths the second time , and going to rome . this likewise that paul was then in travelling , and as it is like being in the parts of macedonia did mean to winter at nicopolis . when he did write the epistle he doth shew it was not his meaning that titus should stay there , for hee doth bid him to meete him at nicopolis , where he meant to be as it is likely , but titus comming did not meete him there , but at length fo●nd him in macedonia , whence paul did send him to the corinthians , thanking god for his promptnesse even of his owne ●●cord to be imployed amongst them , 2 cor. 8.16 . which doth shew he had not beene made an ordinary bishop any where . we find that he did accompany paul at rome , 2 tim. 4.10 . and when paul writ his second epistle to timothy , he was in dal●atia . whence aquina● doth thinke him to have beene bishop of that place . wherefore wee thinke him that will bee carried from such presumptions , ( yea manifest arguments ) by hegesippus , clemens , and history grounded on them , to be too much affected to so weake authors , and wish not credit with him , who counts him unworthy credit , that will not sweare what such men depose . touching the proofe that followeth , that either function was evangelisticall and extraordinary , or ordinary . but their function as assigned to those church●s was not extraordinary . we deny this assumption , with the proofe of it . that the function that these exercised as assigned to certaine churches ( these two by name ) was necessary to the being of the church . the reason is , because they were assigned to doe those things which are to be done for ever in the church after a more transcendent manner ; viz. as evangelists ; and assignation of them to doe those things in certaine churches after this manner , was not necessary to perpetuate the being of the church . assignation to churches to doe the worke of ordinary pastors is indeed necessary : no● assignation to doe the worke of evangelists . to that finall reason , what antiquity doth testifie agreeing with scriptures is true , and so to be ●aken . what they speake so agreeing , that it is virtually conteined in them , and may rightly be deduced from them , is to bee beleived and received by a divine faith . but what they speake not plainely contradicted , but yet no way included , may be adm●tted side human● , if the first relators be well qualified witnesses . but what they speake from such as clement and hegesippus , it is is in effect of light credulity . a corrupt conscience bent to decline is glad of every colour which it may pretend to justifie it selfe in declining . to the assumptiō we answer . what do not some ancient enough cal timothy ? ambrose saith he was a deacon one while , a presbyter another while , & in like sense others a primate & a bishop . lyra proveth him from many authorities to have been an arch-bishop , and titus a priest. beda calleth him an apostle . but to gather on these , that he was in propriety of speech all these , were absurd . object . i , but they call him bishop on other grounds , because assigned to this church . answ. they call him bishop because he was assigned to this church , not onely to teach , but also to ordaine deacons , presbyters . for wheresoever they found this done , and by whomsoever , they did call them bishops , as i noted before from oecumen . the fathers therfore may be well construed calling these bishops , because they made longer stay in these churches then evangelists did usually , & did preach and ordaine , and doe in these churches all such things which bishopes in their time used to doe . but that he was not an evangelist , and more then an ordinary bishop they do not deny . salmeron himselfe in his first disputation on 1 ●im . pag. 405. videcus ergo quod fuerit plusqu●● episcopus , etiamsi ad ●em●us in ea civitate ut pastor praedicav●rit & sacr●s ordi●nes promoveris , unde quidem vocant cum episcopum . finally , should they in rigour and formall propriety make him an ordinary pastor from the first time paul did write to him ordinarily resident to his end ; they should testifie a thing , as i hope i have shewed , contrary to scripture , y●a contrary to that text which maketh him to have done the worke of an evangelist . as for the shew from ●he subscriptions we have spoken sufficiently . now to shew th●t th●y were not properly b●shops . first , we have shewed that they were but subrogated to doe those supposed episcopall duties a while , but w●re not there fixed , to make their ordinary abode . therefore not b●shops properly . secondly , th●y who did the worke of an evangelist in all that they did , did not perform formally the worke of a bishop . but these did so . as is vouched of timothy , doe the worke of an ev●ngelist . ergo. the proposition is proved . if an evangelist and b●shop cannot be formally of one office , then the act of an evangelist , and the act of an ordinary pastor or bishop cannot be formally one . for when everything doth agere secundum quod actis est ; those things which are not thesame formally , their worke and effect cannot be formally the same . but the evangelist and the ordinary pastor or bishops , are not formally the same . ergo . the assumption the apostle proveth , by that distinct enumeration of those whom christ g●ve now ascending by the worke of the ministery to gather and build his church . for as an apostle is distingu●shed from a prophet , a prophet from an evangelist , so an evangelist from an ordinary teacher . object . but it may be said , they were not distinct , but that the superiour contained the inferiour , and apostles might be evangelists properly , as matthew and iohn were . a●sw . that former point is to be understood with a graine of salt . the superiour contained the inferiour virtually and eminently , in as much as they could doe . alti●ri tamen ra●ione , what the inferiour did . this sense is tollerable . but that formally the power of all ot●er offices suites w●th the apostles , is false . my lord chiefe just●●e of england is not formally a constable . as for the latter , true , an apostle might be also a penmen of the gospell , but this maketh not an evangelist more then an apostle , but doth per cecidens , come to them both . and even as a preacher or pastor , writing commentaries , and publishing other treatises , this commeth per cecidens to his calling , it doth not make him a pastor , but more illustrious and fruitfull in that regard then another . so ma●k● and luke was not therefore evangelists because they did write the gospels , for then none should have beene evangelists that had not written , but in this regard they were more renowned then other . custome hath so prevailed , saith maldonate in his preface on matthew , that wee call them evangelists , ( viz. the writers of the gospells ) whom the scriptures never call evangelists . these evangelists paul speaketh of were given at christs ascension , but the first writer of the gospell , being an apostle , was at least eight yeares after . secondly , they were a distinct order of workemen from the apostles , but two of the penmen of the gospels were apostles . thirdly , they were such as by labour of ministery ( common for the generall of it to all other ) did gather saints , and build christs body . now writing the gospell was not a labour of ministery common to apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors , but the publishing of it . those degrees which christ did distinctly give to othersome , and o●hersome , those he did not give conjoynedly to one and the same persons . but these callings he gave to some one , to others another . else he must have said , he gave the same men to be apostles and evangelists , the same to be evangelists and pastors . ergo. that calling which is not compatible with the calling of an evangelist , that paul never annexed to an evangelist . but the call●ng of a bishop is such . for a bishop is tyed to a particular church . the calling of an evangelist is a calling whereby one is called to the worke of the ministery , to gather saints , and edifie christs body , without any limitation to any particular church . ergo , paul never annexed the calling of a bishop to an evangelist . the calling of an evangelist is not to write the gospell , nor to preach it simply : for then every minister of the word should be an evangelist . but this doth difference them , to preach it without limitation or assignation to any particular church . thus phillip thus all those who were the apostles helpers , working the work of the lord as they did were evang. of which sort some continued to the time of commodus the emperour , as ●usebius reporteth , euseb. hist. li 5. cap. 9. now a calling whereby i am thus called to publish the gospel , without fixing my selfe in any certaine place ; and a calling which bindeth during life to settle my selfe in one church , are incompatible . lastly , that which would have debased timothy and titus , that paul did not put upon them . but to have brought them from the honour of serving the gospell , as collaterall companions of the apostles to be ordinary pastors , had abased them . ergo , this to be ordinary pastors paul did not put upon them . object . the assumption it denyed , it was no abasement . for before they were but presbyters , and afterward by imposition of hands were made bishops . why should they receive imposition of hands , and a new ordination , if they did not receive an ordinary calling ? we meane if they were not admitted into ordinary functions by imposition of hands . i answer , this deny all with all whereon it is builded 〈◊〉 grosse : for to bring them from a superiour order to an inferiour , is to abase them . but the evangelists office was superiour to pastors . ergo. the assumption proved . first , every office is so much the greater , by how much the power of it is of ampler extent and lesse restrained . but the evangelists power of reaching and governing was illimited . ergo. the assumption proved . where ever an apostle did that part of gods worke which belonged to an apostle ; there an evangelist might doe that which belonged to him . but that part of gods worke which belonged to an apostle he might doe any where without limitation . ergo. secondly , every minister by how much he doth more approximate to the highest , by so much he is h●gher . but the companions , & coadjutors of the apostles , were neerer then ordinary pastors . ergo. who are next the king , in his kingdome , but those who are regis comites . the evangelists were comites of these ecclesiasticall cheiftaines . chrysostome doth expresly say on ephes. 4. that the evangelists in an ambulatory course spreading the gospell , were above any bishop or pastor which resteth in a certaine church . wherefore to make them presbyters is a weake conceite . for every prsbyter ( properly so called ) was constituted in a certaine church to doe the worke of the lord in a certaine church , but evangelists were not , but to doe the worke of the lord in any church as they should be occasioned . ergo , they were no presbyters properly so called . now for their ordination ; timothy received none as the doctor conceiveth , but what hee had from the hand of the apostle and presbyters , when now he was taken of paul to be his companion . for no doubt but the church which gave him a good testimony , did by her presbyters concurre with paul in his promoting to that office . obj. what , could they lay on hands with the apostles , which phillip could no● , and could they enter one into an extraordinary office ? answ. they did lay on hands with the apostles , as it is expresly read , both of the apostles and them . it is one thing to use precatory imposition , another to use miraculous imposition , such as the apostles did , whereby the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost were conferred . in the first , presbyters have power . neither is it certaine , that phillip could not have imposed hands , and given the holy ghost . for though he could , he might choose in wisedome for their greater confirmation and edification to let that be done by persons more eminent . finally , imposition of hands may be used in promoting and setting one forth to an extraordinary office . for every extraordinary office is not attended with immediate vocation from god. as the calling of evangelists , though extraordinary , was in this unlike the calling of apostles and prophets . secondly , men called immediately may be promoted to the more fruitfull exercise of their immediate and extraordinary callings by imposition of hands from their inferiours , as paul and barnabas were . howsoever , it is plaine , that timothy by imp●sition of hands , was ordained to no calling , but the calling of an evangelist . for that calling he was ordained to , which he is called on by paul to exercise , and fully execute . but he is called on by him to doe the work of an evangelist . ergo , that calling he was ordained to . that worke which exceedeth the calling of an ordinary bishop , was not put upon an ordinary bishop . but titus his worke did so : for it was to plant presbyters towne by towne through a nation , ergo. for the ordinary plantation and erecting of churches to their due frame , exceedeth the calling of an ordinary bishop . but this was titus his worke . ergo. bishops are given to particular churches when now they are framed , that they may keepe them winde and wether tight , they are not to lay foundations , or to exedifie some imperfect beginnings . but say titus had beene a bishop : he is no warrant for ordinary bishops , but for primates whose authority did reach through whole ilands . nay , if the doctors rule out of theodor●t were good , it would serve for a bishop of the plurality cut . for it is said he placed presbyters city by city , or towne by towne , who are in name onely bishops , but not that he placed angels or apostles in any part of it . he therefore was the sole bishop of them , the rest were but presbyters , such as had the name , not the office and government of bishops . finally , were it granted that they were ordinary bishops , and written to doe the things that bishops doe , yet would it not be a ground for their majority of power in matter sacramentall and jurisdiction , as is above excepted . the fifth argument . the ministers which the church h●d generally and perpetually the first 300. yeares after christ and his apostles , and was not ordained by any generall councell , were undoubtedly of apostolicall institution . but the church ever had diocesan bishops in singularity of preheminence during life , and in majority of power of ordination and jurisdiction above others , and these not instituted by generall councells . ergo , the proposition is plaine both by austin de bapt. contra donat. lib. 4. & epist. 118. and by ter●ul . constat . id ob apostolis traditum quod apu● ecclesias apostolorum fuit sacrosanctum . for who can thinke that all the churches generally , would conspire to abolish the order of christ planted by the apostles , and set up other ministers then christ had ordained . the assumption it plaine : for if the church had metropolitans anciently , and from the beginning , as the councell of nice test●fieth , much more bishops . for dioces in bishops must bee before th●m , they rising of combination of cities and dioces . and the councell of ephesus test●fieth , the government of those bishops of cyprus , to have been ever from the beginning , according to the custome of old received . yea , that the attempt of the bishop of antioch , was against the canons of the apostles . againe , cyprian doth testifie , that long before his time , b●shops w●re placed in all provinces and cities , besides the s●cc●ssion of bishops from the apostles times : for they prove their orig●nall to have beene in th● apostles times . neither were they instituted by any generall councell . for long before the first generall councell , we read metropolitans to have beene ordained in the churches . yea , ierom himselfe is of opinion , that no councell of after times , but the apostles themselves did ordaine bishops ; for even since those contentions wherein some said , i am pauls , others , i am apollos , they were set up by generall decree : wh●ch could not bee made , but by the apostles themselves . and in psal. 44. hee maketh david to prophecy of bishops , who should be set up as the apostles successors . answer . first , we deny the proposition . for first , this doth presuppose such an assistance of gods spirit with the church , that she cannot generally take up any custome , or opinion , but what hath apostolicall warrant , whereas the contrary may be shewed in many instances . keeping of holy dayes was a generall practise through the churches , before any councell enacted it , yet was no apostolicall tradition . socrat. lib. 5. cap. 22. evangelium non imposuit hoc , ut dies festi observentur , sed homines ipsi suu quique l●cis ex more quodem introduxerant . taking the eucharist fasting , the fasts on wednesday , and saturday , fasting ●n some fashion before e●ster , ceremonies in baptising , the government of metropolitans were generally received before any councell established . 2. it doth presuppose , that the church cannot generally conspire in taking up any custome , if she be not led into it by some generall proponent , as a generall representative councell , or the apostles , who wert oecumenicall doctors , but i see no reason for such a presumption . 3. th●● doth presuppose , that something may be which is of apos●licall auth●●ity , which neither directly nor consequently is included in th● wo●●d written . for when there are some customes which have beene generall , which yet canot be grounded in the word written , it is necessary by this proposition , that some things may be in the church having authority apostolicall , as being delivered by word unwritten . for they cannot have warrant from the apostles but by word written or unwritten . to the proofe we answer : that of tertullian maketh not to the purpose , for hee speaketh of that which was in churches apostolicall , as they were now planted by them , which the sentence at large set downe w●ll make cleare . si cor stat id bonum quod p●ius , & id prius quod esta● initio , ab initio quod ab apostolis , pariterutique constabil id ●sse ab apostolis traditum quod apud ecclesias apostolorum funit sacrosanctum . touching austins rule we would a●ke what is the meaning of these words , non nisi apostolica authoritate traditum rectissime cre●itur . if th●y say his meaning is , that such a thing cannot but in their writings be delivered , they doe pervert his meaning , as is apparent by that , cont. don. lib. 2.27 . confuetudinem ex apostolo●em traditions ven●entem , si●ut multa non inveniuntur in literis corum , & tamen quia custodiunt● per universam ecclesiam , non nisi ab ipsit tradita & commendata creduntur . and we wish them to shew from scripture what ●hey say is contained in it . if th●y yeeld , he doth meane as he doth of nowritten tradition , we hope th●y will not justifie him in this ; we will take that liberty in him , which himselfe doth in all others , and giveth us good leave to use in his owne writings . now count him in th●s to favour traditions , as some of the papists do not causel●sly make this rule the measuring cord ▪ which doth take in the l●titude of all traditions : y●t wee appeale to austines judgement otherwhere , who though by this rule hee maketh a universall practise not begunne by councells , an argument of divine and apostolicall authority , yet dealing against donatists , lib. 1. don. cap. 7. hee saith , he will not use this argument , because it was but humane and uncertaine , ne vide●r humanis argumentis illud probare , ex evangelio profero certu document● . wee answer to the assumption two things : first , it canot bee proved , that un●vers●lly there were such diocesan bishops as ours . for in the apostles times it cannot be proved , that churches which they planted were divided into a mother church , and some parochiall churches . now while they governed together in common with presbyters , and that but one congregation , they could not be like our diocesan b●shops . and though there bee doubtfull relations , that rome was divided under evaristus , yet this was not common through the church . for tripa●tit● story test●fieth , that till the time of sozomeh , they did in some parts continue together . trip. hist. lib. 5. cap. 19. secondly , those b●shops which had no more but one deacon ●o helpe them in their ministery toward their churches , they could not be d●ocesan b●shops . but such in many parts the apostles planted , as epiphanius doth testifie . ergo. thirdly , such countries as did use to have bishops in villages and little townes , could not have diocesan b●shops . but such there were after the apostles times in cyprus and arabia , as s●zom . in his 7. booke , cap. 10. testifieth . ergo. diocesan bishops were never so universally received . secondly , bishops came to be common by a councell , saith ambrose , prospiciente concilio . amb. in 4. ad eph. or by a d●cree p●ssing through the world : toto orbe decretum est , saith ierom ad evag. which is to bee considered not of one oecumeniall councell , but distributively , in that singular churches did in their presbyteries decree , and that so , that one for the most part followed another in it . this interpretative , though not formalitèr , is a generall decree . but to thinke this was a decree of pauls , is too too absurd . for besides that the scripture would not have omitted a decree of such importance , as tended to the alteration of and consummation of the frame of churches begun through all the world . how could ierom ( if this decree were the apostles ) conclude that bishops were above presbyters magii consuetudine ecclesia , then dominicae dispositionis veritate . if the doct. do except , that custome is here put for apostolicall institution ; let him put in one for the other , and see how well it will become the sense . let bishops know they are greater the● priests rather by the decree of the apostle , then by the truth of christs disposition . is it not fine , that the apostles should be brought in as opposites , facing christ their lord ? and this conclusion of ierom doth make me th●nke that decretum est imported no more , then that it was tooke up in time for custome through the world . which is elegantly said to be a decree , because custome groweth in time to obtaine vim legis , the force of a decree . but amb●ose his place is plain , prospiciente concilio , he meaneth not a councell held by apostles . for he maketh this provision by councell to have come in when now in egypt & alexandria , presbyters according to the custome of that church , were not found fit to succeed each other , but they chose out of their presbyteries men of best desert . now to heraclas and donysius , there were a succession of presbyters in the church of alexandria , as eusebius and ierom both affirme . wherefore briefly , seeing no such universall custome can be proved , all the godly ●athers never conspired to abolish christs institution . secondly , could a custome have prevailed with all of them , whom we have to constantines time , yet it might enter and steale upon them through humane frailty , as these errours in doctrine did upon many otherwise godly and fa●thfull martyrs : the rather because the alteration was so little at the first and aristocraticall government was still continued . thirdly , say , they had wittingly and wittingly done it through the world , they had not conspired , because they might have deemed such power in the church , and themselves to doe nothing but what they might with christs good liking for the edification of it . how many of the chiefe patrons of this cause , are at this day of this judgement , that if it were but an apostolicall institution , as apostolicall is contradistinguished to divine , they might change it . but if the apostles did enact this order , as legats and embassadours of christ , then is it not theirs , but christs owne institution . what an embassadour speaketh as an embassadour , it is principally from him that sent him : but if they who were legates , d●d not , bearing the person of legats , but of ordinary ecclesiasticall governours , decree this ; then it is certaine , church governours may alter it without treasonable conspiring against ch●ist . as for those proofes , that bishops have beene throughout all ch●rches from the beginning they are weake . for first , the councell of nice useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not simpliciter , but secundum quid , in order h●pply to th●t time wherein the custome began , which was better knowne to them then to us : the phrase is so used , act. 15.8 . in respect of some things which had not continued many yeares . they cannot meane the apostles times , for then metropolitans should have actually beene from the apostles time . secondly , the phrase of the councell of ephesus , is likewise aequivocall ; for they have reference to the fathers of nice , or at least the decrees of the fathers , who went before the councell of nice . for those words being added , definitiones nicenae fidei , seeme to explaine t●e former , canones apostolorum . it is plaine the decree of the councell doth asc●ibe this th●ng onely to ancient custome , no lesse th●n that of nice , constantinople and chalcedon ; and therefore cannot rise to the au●ho●ity of sacred scriptures . let him shew in all antiquity where sacred scriptures are called canons of the apostles . finally , if this phrase note rules given by the apostles , then the apostles themselves did set out the bounds of cyprus and antioch . as for the auth●rity of cyprian , he doth testifie what was communiter in his time , bishops odained in cities ; not univers●liter , as if th●re were no city but had some . second●y , hee speaketh of bish●ps who had their chu●ches included in cities , not more then might meet together in one , to any common del●berations . they had no d●ocesan churches , n●r were bishops who had majority of rule over their presbyters , nor sole power of ordination . as for the catalogue of succession , it is pompae ap●ior quam pugnae ; r●me can recite their successors . but because it hath h●d bishops . er●o , oecumenicall b●shops is no consequence . all who are named b●shops in the catalogue , were not of one cut , and in that sense we con●rovert . touching that which doth improve their being constituted by any councell , it is very we●ke . for though wee read of no generall councell , yet there might be , and the report not come to us . second●y , we have shewed , that the councell of nice doth not prove this that bishops were every where from the beginning ; the phrase of from the beginning , being there respectively , not absolutely used . neither doth ierom ever contrary this : for hee doth not use those words in propire●y , but by way of allusion ; otherwise if hee did think the apostle had published this decree , when the first to the corinths was written , how can he cite testimonies long after written , to prove that bishops were not instituted in the apostles time , but that they were ordained by the church jure ecclesiastico , when the time served for it . the sixt argument . such as even at this day are in the reformed churches , such ministers are of christs institution . but ministers having singularitie of preheminence and power above others , are amongst them , as the superintendents in germany , ergo. answ. the assumption is utterly denied . for superintendents in germany are nothing like our bishops : they are of the same degree with other ministers , they are onely presi●ents while the synod lasteth ; when it is diss●lved , their prerogative cease●h : they have no prerogative over their fellow ministers ; they are subject to the presbyteries , zepp . lib. 2 cap. 10. pag. 324. the synod ended , they returne to the care of their particular churches . the seventh argument . if it were necessary that while the apostles lived , there should bee such ministers as had preheminence and majority of power above others , much more after their departure . but they thought it necessity , and therefore appointed timothy and titus , and other apostoli●ke men furnished with such power . ergo , much more after their departure . answ. the assumption is denyed , and formerly disproved : for they appointed no such apostolicke men with episcopall power , in which they should be succeeded . the eighth argument . such ministers as were in the apostles times not contradicted by them , were lawfull . for they would not have held their peace , had they knowne unlawfull ministers to have crept into the churches . but there were before iohns death in many churches a succession of diocesan bishops , as in rome , linus , clemens , at j●rusalem iames simeon , at a●tioch , evodius , at alexandria , s. ma●k , anianus , abilius . ergo , diocesan bishops be lawfull . answer . the assumption is denyed : for these bishops were but presbyters , pastors of one congregation ordinarily meeting , governing with common consent of their presbyteries . if they were affecting our bishops majority , they were in diotrophes sufficiently contradicted . the ninth argument . those who have beene ever held of a higher order then presbyters , they are before presbyters in preheminence , and majority of rule . but bishops have beene held in a higher order by all antiquity . ergo. the assumption is manifest : in the councell of nice , ancyra , sardica , antioch , ministers are distinguished into three orders . ignatius , clemens in his epistle to iames , dionys. arcop●g . de coolest . hierom. cap. 5. tertull. de fug● in persecutione , & de baptismo . ignatius doth often testifie it . no wonder , when the scripture it selfe doth call one of these a step to another , 1 timoth. 3.13 . cyprian . lib. 4. ep. 2. counc . ephes. cap. 1.2.6 . yea the councell of chalcedon counteth it sacriledge , to reduce a bishop to the degree of a presbyter . this hierome himselfe confirmeth , saying : that from marke to heracl●s and dionysius , the presbyters did see a bishop over them in higher degree . answer . the proposition is not true in regard of majority of rule . for no apostle had such power over the meanest deacon in any of the churches . but to the assumption we answer by distinction . an order is reputed higher , either because intrinsecally it hath a higher vertue , or because it hath a higher degree of dignity and honour . now wee deny that ever antiquity did take the bishop above his presbyters to be in a higher order then a presbyter , further then a higher order doth signifie an order of higher dignity and honor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as the councell of sardica speaketh . which is further proved : because the fathers did not hold a bishop to differ from a presbyter , as presbyter from a deacon . for these differ genere proximo ; noverint diaconi se ad ministerium non ad sacerdotum voca●i . but a bishop differeth from a presbyter , as from one who hath the power of priesthood no lesse then himselfe , and therefore the difference betwixt th●se , must be circumstantially , not so essentiall as betwixt the other . thus bishops and archbishops are divers ord●rs of bishops , not that one exceedeth the other , as a power of higher vertue , but of higher dignity then then the other . more plainely ; there may be a fourefold difference in gradu . 1. in potestate graaus . 2. in exercito . 3. in dignitate . 4. in amplitudi●e iurisdictionis . the first difference is not betweene a bishop and a presbyter , according to the common tenent of antiquity , or the schoole , but only is maintained by such as hold the character of a priest and bishop inwardly , diverse one from the other . for as a bishop differeth not in power and degree from an archbishop , because nothing an archbishop can doe , as confirming , consecrating b●shops , &c. but a bishop can doe also . so neither doth a presbyter from a bishop . object . but the priest cannot ordaine a presbyter , and confirme as the b●shop doth , and therefore differeth potestate gradus . to this i answer , that these authours meane not th●s difference in power ( de fundamentali & rem ta potestate , sed ampliata , immediata , & jam actu hor um effictuam productiva ) as if presbyters had not a remote and fundamentall power to doe those things : but that they have not , before they be ordained bishops , their power so enlarged , as to produce th●se effects actually . as a boy hath a generative faculty wh●le he is a child , which he hath when he is a man , but yet it is not in a child free from all impediment , that it can actually beget the like . but this is too much to grant . for the power sacramentall in the priest , is an actuall power which hee is able to performe and execute , nothing defective in regard of them , further then they be with-held from the exercise of it . for that cause which standeth in compleat actuality to greater & more noble effects , hath an inferior & lesser of the same kind under it also , unlesse the application of the matter be intercepted . thus a presbyter he hath a sacramentall power standing in full actuality to higher sacramentall actions , & therfore cannot but have these inferior of confirmation and orders in h●s power , further then they are excepted & kept from being applied to him . and therefore power sacramentall cannot be in a presbyter , as the generative faculty is in a child , for this is inchoate onely , and imperfect , such as cannot produce that effect . the power of the priest is compleat . secondly , i say , these are no sacramentall actions . thirdly , were they , yet as much may be said to prove an archbishop a distinct order from a bishop , as to prove a presbyter and bishop differing in order . for it is proper to him out of power to generate a bishop , other bishops laying on hands , no otherwise then presbyters are said to doe , where they joine with their bishops . if that rule stand not major ad minori , nor yet equalie ab equall , i marvel how bishops can beget bishops equall , yea superior to them , as in consecrating the lord archbishop , & yet a presbyter may not ordaine a presbyter . it doth not stand with their episcopall majority , that the rule ( every one may give that which he hath ) should hold here in the exercise of their power . those who are in one order may differ jure divino or humans . aaron differed from the priests not in power sacramentall , for they might all offer incense , and make intercession . but the solemne intercession in the holy of holies god did except and appropriate to the high priest the type of christ. priests would have reached to this power of intercession in the holy place , or any act of like kinde : but that god did not permit that this should come under them , or they intermeddle in it . thus by humane law the bishop is greater in exercise then the priest. for ●hough god hath not excepted any thing from the one free to the other , yet commonly confi●mation , ordination , absolution by imposi●g hands in receiving penitents , consecrating churches and virines , have beene referred to the b●shop for the honor of priesthood , rather then any necessi●y of law , as ierom speaketh . finally , in dignity , those may differ many waies , who in degree are equall , which is granted by our adversaries in this cause . yea , they say in amplitude of jurisdiction , as in which it is apparant an archbishop exceedeth a●other . but were it manifest that god did give bishops pastorall power through their diocesse , and an archbishop through his province , though but when hee visiteth , this would make one differ in order from the other ; as in this regard evangelists deffered from ordinary pastors . but that jurisdiction is in one more then another , is not established , nor hath apparency in any scripture . to the proofes thereof i answer briefly : the one may be a step to the other , while they differ in degrees of dignities , though essentially they are but one and the same order . in this regard it may be sacriledge to reduce one , from the greater to the lesser , if he have not deserved it . as for that of ierom it is most plaine , hee did meane no further order , but onely in respect of some dignities wherewith they invested their bishop , or first prebyter , as that they did mount him up in a higher seat , the rest sitting lower about him , and gave him this preheminence to sit first as a consull in the senate , and moderate the carriage of things amongst them : this celfiori gradu , being nothing but his honourable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not importing sole authority . for by a canon of councell of laodicea , wee finde that the bishop h●d this priviledge to sit first , though presbyters did together with him enter , and sit as judges of equall commission . for though deacons stood , presbyters did alwaies sit incircuitu episcopi . 10. argument . if bishops be that whi●h aaron , and the apostles were , and presbyters , be that which the priests , and the 72. disciples were , then the one are above the other in preheminence and power . but they are so . see ierom to nepotian . ergo. answer . if bishops , &c. and p●esbyters , be that which the sonnes of aaron and the 72. were , then there are different orders , &c. to these may be added a third . that which moses and the 70. seniors were , that are the bishops and presbyters . first , for the proposition it is not true , for first of aaron and his sonnes , they were not orders different essenally in their power , but onely in degree of dignity , wherein the high priest was above others . for every priests power would have reached to that act which was reserved to the high priest one●y . besides , when the high priest was deceased or removed , the other priests did consecrate the successour , as sadock . finally , the one had for substance the same consecration that the other , neither had the high priest any majority of directive or corrective power over others . so the apostles , and 72. will not be found different in order ; and therefore those who resemble these cannot be concluded to be of divers orders . for the apostles and 72. differ no more then ordinary messengers who are impolyed in a set course , and extraordinary sent by occasion onely : they were both messengers , the apostles babitu and abidingly , the other in act onely , and after a transitory manner . againe , had aaron and his sonnes beene divers orders , differing essentially in the inward power of them , ye● is not the proposition true , but with addition in this wife . those who are indentically and formally that which aaron and the apostles were , and that which his sonnes , and the 72. were , they differ in degree essentially , not those who were this analogically by reason of some imperfect resemblance . for things may be said to be those things wherewith they have but imperfect similitude . in this sense onely the proposition is true . now to come to the assumption . first , touching aaron , wee deny any bishop is as aaron by divine institution , or by perfect similitude answering to him . but because aaron was the first and high priest , others inferiour : so it hath pleased the church to imitate this pollicy , and make the bishop , as it were primum presbyterum or antistuem in primo ordine , presbyters in secundo . whence b●shops may be said to be that which aaron was through the churches ordination , which she framed , looking to this patterne of government which god himselfe had set out in the old testament . the fathers call them aaron and his sonnes onely for some conmon analogy , which through the ordinance of the church arose betwixt the bishops and presbyters , and them ; and conceive them to be so by humane accommodation , not by divine institution . but that they were so properly succeeding them as orders of ministery typified by them by gods owne appointment , this the fathers never tho●ght . christs priesthood , no mans , was properly typified in aaron . so touching the other part of the assumption , that bishops and presbyters are what apostles , and the 72 were . the fathers many of them insist in this proportion , that as the apostles and 72 were teachers , the one in a higher , the other in an inferiour order , so bishops and presbyters , were by the churches ordinance . this is the fathers phrase , to call them apostles , who in any manner resemble the apostles to call them , as ambrose . prophets , evangelists , pastors , doctors , who resemble these , and come in some common analogie neerest them , moses and the 70 seniors , who in any sort resembled them . now the assumption granted in this sense maketh not against us . for th●y might be said these , if there were but diverse degrees of dignity amongst them , though for power of order by gods institution they were all one . but some straine it further , and take it , that christ instituting those two orders , did in so doing , institute b●shops and presbyters , the one whereof succeeded the apostles , the other the 72. and that thus the fathers take it . to which i answer , first , in generall , this analogy of apostles and 72 : is not generally affected by them all . ignatius ad smyrnenses dicit apostolis presbyteros successisse , diaconos 72. discipulis . clem. lib. 2. const. cap. 30. saith , that bishops answer to god the father , presbyters to christ , deacons to the apostles . ierom doth manifestly make presbyters ( whom hee also calleth by name of bishops in that epistle , where hee maintaineth the presbyters dignity ) successours to the apostles . the like hath cyprian , apostolus id est episcopos & preposiros , that is , ordinis ratione prepositos minorum ecclesiarum , as austin speaketh , else it should bee all one with the former ; when hee maketh the presby●er as well as the bishop to bee ordained in the apostles . finally , these fathers who take the 72. to have beene apostles , as well as the other , could not imagine this porportion of diverse orders let up in them . secondly , if christ in these instituted those other , it must bee one of these waies . first , hee did make these not onely apostles , but bishops , and so the 72. not onely his messengers for the time , but presbyters also . or , secondly , else hee did ordaine these as he did raine nanna , noting and prefiguring as by a type , a further thing which hee would worke : viz. that he would institute b●shops and presbyters for teachers ordinary in his church : but both these are gratis spoken without any foundation or reason . for the first , wee have shewed that the apostles could not bee bishops ordinarily ; nor yet the calling of these seventy two ( which was to goe through all cities evangelizing ) stand with presbyters , presbyters being given to churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and there fixed . neither can the latter be true for then christ should have given a sacrament , when he ordained his apostles , and sent forth his 72. secondly , the type or the shadow i● lesse then the thing ●ypified , the substance of it . but the giving apostles was a greater thing then giving ordinary pastors . ergo. thir●ly , i say , that christ did never ordaine that any should succeed the apostles , or the 72 in regard of their order . there is a double succession , in g●adum , or in capat , as the j●rists distinguish . in gradum tundem , as when one brother dying , another brother doth succeed him in the inheritance . in caput , as when one not of the same degree and line doth come after another , as when a brother dying another doth inherit after him , not a brother , but a cosin to him . thus the apostles have no successors succeeding them in gradum , but such onely as follow them , being of other degrees , and in another line , as it were , in which sort every pastor doth succeed them . but then they are said to succeed them , because they follow them , and after a sort resemble them , not because they hold the places which the apostles did properly . apostolo in quantum est apostolus non succeditur , legato quitenus est legatus non succeditur . fourthly , that the presbyters doe as persons of a diverse order succeed the apostles n● less● fully then any other . first , they must needs succeed the● who are spoken to in them , whose duties are laid downe in that which the apostles received in commandement , but the presbyters were spoken to both in the keyes , in the supper , in the commandement of teaching and baptiz●ng . ergo , presbyte●s must needs succeed the apostles . secondly , those whom the apostles did institute in the chu●ches , which they had planted for the●r fu●ther building th●m up , they were their next successors . but the apostles did commend the churches to the care of presbyters who might build them up , whom they had now converted . ergo , t●●se were th●ir successors most proper and immediate . thirdly , t●ese to whom now t●king their farewells they resigned the churches , these were th●ir succ●ssours . but this they did to presbyters , paul now never to s●e ephesus more , act. 20. peter neere death , 1 pet. 5.2 . er●o . fourthly , if one pastor or minister doe more prop●rly resemble an apostle then another , it is because hee hath same pow●r apostolique more fully conveyed to him then to another . but this was not done . ergo. the assumption is manifest : for first , their power of teach●●g and ministring the sacraments doth ●s fully and prop●rly belong to the presbyter as to any , unlesse we count p●eaching not nec●issarily c●nnex●d to a presbyters office , but a bishop● ; or at least that a more iudgmentall preaching belongs 〈◊〉 presbyter , the more full and exact teaching being appropriate to the b●shop , which are both too absurd . secondly , for governement , the apostles did no more give the power of governement to one then to another . object . this is denyed , for the apostles are said to have kept the power of ordination , and the coercive power in their owne hands , and to have committed these in the end onely to apostolike men , as timothy , titus , who were their successours , succeeding them in it . answ. a notable fiction : for it is most plaine by scripture ; that ordination , power of deciding controversies , excommunication , were given to presbyters , and not kept up from them ; they should otherwise have provided ill for the churches which they left to their care . secondly , if the apostles did commit some ordinary power of government to some men above others , in which regard they should be their successours , then the apostles did not onely enjoy as legates power over the churches , but as ordinary ministers . for what power they enjoyed as legates , this they could not aliis legar● . power as ordinary pastors in any nations or churches they never reserved , and therefore did never substitute others to themselves in that which they never exercised nor enjoyed . and it is to be noted , that this opinion of episcopall succession from the apostles is grounded on this , that the apostles were not onely apostles , but bishops in provinces and particular churches . for the papists themselves urged with this , that the apostles have none succeeding them , they doe consider a double respect in the apostles , the one of legates , so peter , nor any other could have a successour . the other of bishops , oecumenicall in peter , of bishops nationall or diocesan , as in some other . thus onely considered , they grant them to have other bishops succeeding them : for the apostolick power precisely considered , was privilegium personale simul cum persona extinctum . now we have proved that this ground is false , and therefore that succeeding the apostles , more appropriate to bishops then other ministers grounded upon it , is false also . lastly , the presbyters cannot be said successors of the seventy two . for first , in all that is spoken to the seventy two , the full duty and office of a presbyter is not laid downe . secondly , it doth not appeare that they had any ordinary power of preaching or baptizing and ministering the other sacrament . for they are sent to evangelize , to preach the gospell : but whether from power of ordinary office , or from commission and delegation onely for this present occasion it is doubtfull . thirdly , it is not read that they ever baptized , or had the power of administring the supper given to them : yea , that they had neither ministery of word or sacraments ex officio ordinario , seemeth hence plaine ; that the apostles did choose them to the deacons care , which was so cumbersome that themselves could not tend the ministery of the word with it , much lesse then could these not having such extraordinary gifts as the apostles had . fourthly , if they were set ministers , then were they evangelists in destination . for the act enjoyned them , is from city to city , without limitation to evangel●ze ; and after we read of some , as philip , that he was an evangelist ; the same is in ecclesiasticall story testified of some others . thus w● presbyters should succeed evangelists those apostolique men , whom the apostles constituted bishops , and by consequence be the true successours of the apostles . these evangelists succeeded them by all grant , we succeed these . finally , armathanus doth take these 72. to have been ordinary disciples , in his 7. book armenic●r●m quaest . cap. 7. 11 argument . those who receive a new ordination are in a higher degree in a new administration , and a new order . but bishops doe so . ergo. answer . the proposition is denyed : for it is sufficient to a new ordination that they are called to exercise the pastorall function in a new church , where before they had nothing to doe . secondly , i answer by distinction , a new order , by reason of new degrees of dignity , this may be granted : but that therefore it is a new order , that is , having further ministeriall power in regard of the sacraments and jurisdiction given it of god , is not true . hath not an archbishop a distinct ordination or consecration from a bishop ? yet is he not of any order , essentially differing . the truth is , ordination , if it be looked into , is but a canonicall solemnity which doth not collate that power episcopall to the now chosen , but onely more solemnly and orderly promotes him to the exercise of it . 12 argument . those ministers where of there may be but one onely during life in a church , they are in singularity of preheminence above others . but there may be but one bishop , though there may be many other presbyters , one timothy , one titus , one archippus , one e●aphroditus . ergo. for proofe of the assumption . see cornelius , as eusebius relateth his sentence , lib. 6. cap. 43. con● . nice . cap 8. conc. calud . cap 4. p●ssidonius in vita augustine . ierem● phil. 1. ver . 1. chrysost . amb. t●eo● orc●umen . and such was bishops preheminence , that presbyters , deacons , and other clerkes , are said to be the bishops clerks . answer . i answer to the assumption . that there may be said to be but one bishop in order to other coadjutors and associates within the same church . it may be said , there must be but one bishop in order to all the other churches of the cities . secondly , this may be affirmed as standing by canon , or as div●n● institution . now the assumpt●on is true , onely by law ecclesiasticall . for the scripture is said to have placed presbyters who did superintendere , act● 20. and that there were bishops at philippi . true it is , the scripture doth not distinguish how many of the one sort , nor how many of the other , because no doubt for the number of the congregations , a single presbyter labouring in the word , or two , the one coadjutor to the other might be placed . secondly , it is testified by epiphanius , that ordinar●ly all cities but alexandria had two . thirdly , ierom on 1 tim. 3. doth say , that now indeed there may be but one bishop , meaning canonically , making a difference twixt the present time and time apostolique . fourthly , austin did not know it was unlawfull ▪ yea , he did onely in regard of the decree of nice , account it so . ep. 110. neither did church or people ever except against the contra●y , but as a point against canon , which m●ght in some cases be dispensed with , as the story of narcissus , and alexander , and liberius , and foelix did more then manifest . for though the people of rome cried out , one god , one christ , one bishop , yet they yeelded at their emperours suite , whereas had it beene a thing they had all thought to have been against christs institution , they would not have done . vide s●z . lib. 4. cap. 14. fiftly , ieroms peerelesse power , is nothing but consul-like presidence above others ; for this he pleaded for , writing against iovinian , lib. 1. amongst the apostles themselves , that schisme might be avoided . wherefore we yeeld the conclusion in this sense , that the bishop jure humano , hath a singularity of preheminence before others , as by ecclesiasticall law there might be but one onely archbishop . 13 argument . those who had peerelesse power above others in ordination and jurisdiction , they were such as had preheminence and majority of rule over others . but the former is due to bishops . unlesse this singularity of power were yeelded , there would be as many schismes as priests . ergo. the assumption proved . those who have a peculiar power of o●dination above others , they are in preheminence and power before others . but bishops have , ergo , they are in , &c. the assumption proved . that which was not in the presbyters of ephesus and crete before timothy and titus were sent , but in the apostles , and after in timothy and titus and their successours , that is a peculiar of bishops . but ordination was not in the presbyters , &c. ergo. the assumption proved . that which these were sent to do● , presbyters had not power to doe . it was therefore in them , and such as succeeded them , the bishops of ephesus and crete ▪ againe , the scriptures , councels , fathers , speake of the orde● nor as one . ergo , it was the peculiar right of the bishop , and the bishop onely . he onely by canon was punishable for irregularity in ordination . and epiphanius maketh this the proper power of a bishop to beget f●thers by ordination , a● the presbyters doth sonnes by baptisme . and ierom doth except ordination as the b●shops peculiar , wherein he is most unequall to them . answer . i answer the proposition of the first syllog●sme by distinction . those who have peerelesse power in regard of the simple right to ordeine : viz. in regard of exercising the act , and sole performing the rite of it , those who have a right to these things originally from christ and his apostles , which no others have , they are above others in degree . againe , peerelesse power in a bish●p over presbyters may be said in comparison to them distributively or collectively considered . he that hath peerelesse power given him , which no one of the other hath , is not presently of a greater degree , nor hath not majority of rule amongst others , as a consul in the senate : but if he have a peerel●●●e power , such as they all collectively considered , cannot controule , then the proposition is true ; but the assumption will then be found to halt . to the proofe of the assumption . the proposition is true of power in order to the thing it selfe , not to ministring the rite , and executing the act , which m●y be reserved for honour sake to one , by those who otherwise have equall power with him . tha● b●shops have this power in order , the thing it selfe agreeing to them , vt proprii offuii , not by commission from others , we deny . the assumption is wholly denyed . as for the proofe of it . first , we that deny that evangelists h●d not power to ordeine , as well as apostles . secondly , that presbyters had not this power in a church planted as well as they . every one as fellow servants might conspire in the same ordination . the ev●ngelists power did not derogate from the apostles , the pre●byters from neither of them . but power of imposing hands solitarily , whereas 〈◊〉 churches were not constituted , this may happily be appropriated to the apostles and evangelists , whose office it was to labour in erecting the frame of churches . secondly , the assumption is false ; in denying that it was in the power of presbyters to lay on hands , contrary to that in timothy ; the grace given thee by ●aying 〈◊〉 of the hands of the presbytery . thirdly , it is false , in presupposing others then presbyters to have beene timothy and titus their successours . to the proofe of this assumption . the proposition is not true : for it might be convenient that the same th●ng should be done by evangelists , and by ordinary pastors , each concurring in their severall orders to the same service of christ the lord. secondly , i answer to the assumption . that presbyters were to be placed in churches framed where there were presbyters , or where there were as yet none . in the first churcher ' they are bid ordaine , if any need further , but salv● j●re ecclesiae , not without the concurrence of others . in the latter churches which were to be constituted , they may be conceived as evangelists , with sole power of setting presbyters forth by this rite of imposition of hands . we hold apostles might doe it , evangelists might , and the presbyteries also . yea , presbyters in alexandria when now their first presbyter was d●ceased , did ordaine the following : for the canon of three bishops , and metropolitans , added by the ni●ene councell , was not knowne yet . neverthelesse it grew timely to be restrained to bishops , the performing i meane of the outward rite and signe ; but onely by canon , as consignation was also , for which there is as ancient testimonies as this , that it was appropriate to the b●sh . we grant therefore that antiquity doth sometime speake of the ordainer as one . in the churches of affrica one did not lay on hands , yet in some other churches the rite was by one administred . and it is to be noted by the way , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in some canons is not opposed to the coordaining of presbyters , but to the number of three , or many bishops required in the ordination of a bishop . they might therefore by their canons be punishable , because regularly and canonically the executing of it was committed to them . this is all that epiphanius or ierome excepta ordinatione can prove . but these two conclusions we would see proved out of scriptures and fathers . first , that ordination is an action of power , of order , a power sacramentall , which a presbyter hath not . secondly , that by vertue of this power , the bishop doth ordaine , and not by ecclesiasticall right or commission from the church . certainly , the act of promoting a minister of the church , is rather an act of jurisdiction then order . as it belongeth to policy and government , to call new magistrates , where they are wanting . object . but a new spirituall officer may be instituted by a sacrament . answ. if god would so have collated the grace of spirituall callings ; but he hath appointed no such thing . the apostles and 72. were not instituted by a sacrament or imposition of christs hands . now the greater the grace was which was given , the more need of a sacrament whereby it should be given . object . they were extraordinary . answ. they might have had some ambulatory sacrament for the time . againe , imposition of hands was used in g●ving extraordinary graces , acts 8. secondly , were it a sacrament , it should conferre the grace of office , as well as grace sanctifying the person to use it hol●ly . but we see that this it could not do as for paul and barn●bas the church did separate them at the command of god , and lay hands on them , and pray for them , but they were already before this , immediately chosen by god to the grace of their office . it could be nothing then but a gesture accompanied with prayer , seeking grace in their behalfe . for the sacramentall collating of grace sanctifying all callings , we have in these two sacraments of christs institution . thirdly , there are many kindes of imposition of hands in the old and new testament , yet cannot it be proved , that it is any where a proper sacrament . it is then a rite , a gesture , a ceremony , signifying a thing or person separate , presented to god , prayed for to god. thus antiquity did thinke of it , as a gesture of one , by prayer to god , seeking a blessing on every one chosen to this or that place of ministery . so ecclesiastically it was used in baptising , in consecrating , in reconciling penitents , as well as ordaining : but never granted as a sacrament in those other cases by grant of all . it is then a rite or gesture of one , praying . tertul. de ●●pt . sheweth this saying , manus imponitur per benedictionem advocans & invitans spiritum sanctum . ierom also contra luciferanos , non ab●no , hanc esse ecclesiae consuetudinem ut episcopus manum impositutus excurrat ad invecationem spiritus sancti . ambr. de d●gait . sacerdot . ●●●●dos imponit suppicem dexiram . august . quid aliua est manus impositio quam oratio ? &c. the greeke churches have ever given orders by a forme of prayer conceived , with imposition of hands . hence it is , that they imposed hands even on deaconesses , where it could not be otherwise considered then a deprecative gesture . neither is it like the african fathers ever thought it a sacrament , which no other had vertue and power to minister , but the bishop . for then they would never have admitted presbyters to use the same rite with them . for so they had suffered them to prophane a sacrament , wherein they had no power to intermeddle . object . if one say they did lay on hands with them , but the bishops imposition was properly consecrative and sacramentall , th●i● dep●●rative onely . answer . besides that this is spoken without foundation , how absurd is it , that the very selfe-same sacramentall r●te should be a sacrament in one ministers hand , and no sacrament performed by another : yea , when the bishop doth it to a presbyter , or deacon , then a sacrament ; when to a subdeacon , and other inferiour officers , then none , let any judge . austin did account no other of imposition of hands , then a prayer over a man , accompanied with that gesture . secondly , they doe not thinke that the b●shop ordaineth by divine right , it being excepted to him as a minister of higher sacramentall power : but that he onely doth ordaine quoad signum & ritu●● extrinsecum , by the churches commission , though the right of ordaining be in all the presbytery also . as in a colledge the society have right to choose a fellow , and to ordaine him also , though the master doth alone lay on hands , and give admission . thus ierom speaketh of confirmation , that it was reserved to the bishop for honour sake , rather then any necessity of gods law . whence by analogie and proportion , it followeth they thinke not ordination , or those other episcopall royalties to have beene reserved to him by divine right . beside , there are more ancient proofes for c●nonicall appropriating confirmation , then for this imposition of hands . corn●●tus speaketh thus of novatus , he wanted th●se things which he should have had after baptisme , according to the canon , the sealing of our lord from a bishop , euseb. lib. 6. cap. 25. so cyprian to ●ul . neverthelesse , ier●m judgeth this also to have beene yeelded them for honour sake . and we know that in the bishops absence , presbyters through the east did consignare , through grecia , through armenia . neither would gregory the great have allowed presbyters in the greeke churches to have confirmed , had he judged it otherwise then canonically to belong to the bishops . t●●t therefore which is not properly a sacramentall action , and that which is not appropriate to a bishop further then presbyters h●ve committed it to him , that cannot make him in higher degree of ministery then presbyters are . thirdly , in reconciling penitents ; the presbyters did it in case of the bishops absence : as is to be gathered from the third councell of cartiage , 32. and who thinkes blessing so appropriate to a bishop , that presbyters may not solemnly blesse in the name of the lord , though antiquity reserved this to him . these therefore were kept to him , not as acts exceeding the presbyters power of order , but for the supposed honour of him and the church . for as am●rosa saith , vt omnes ea●em possunt irrational● , & vulgaris res . vilisque vider●●●r ; it pleaseth antiquity therefore to set up one who should quo●d ex●●●tiam doe many things alone , not because that presbyters could not , but it seemed in their eyes more to the honor of the church , that some one should be interes●ed in them . fourthly , amalarius in a certaine booke of sacred orders , doth confu●e the doctrine of an uncertain author , who taught that one bishop onely was to lay hands on a deacon : because he was consecrated not to priesthood , but to ministery and service . nunquid scriptor libell . ●●ctio● & sanctior apostolis quiposuerunt plures manus super diaconos quando consecr●bantur , & prop●●●ea solus episcopus manus ponat super di●conum , ●c si solus possit precari virtutem gratiarum quam plures apostoli precabantur . op imum est b●nos duces sequi , qui certaverunt usque ad plenam victori●● ▪ whence it is plaine , he did know no further thing in imposition then prayer , which the more imposed , is the more for●ible . the fourteenth argument . those who had jurisdiction over presbyters assisting them , and presbyters affixed to cures , they had a superiority of power over other ministers . but bishops had so , ergo , &c. the assumption is manifest . ignatius describeth the bishop from this , that he should be the governour of the presbytery and whole church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and ierom and austin on the 44. psalme , call them the pr●nces of the church , by whom she is governed . the assumption is proved particularly . those who had directive power above others , and corrective , they had majority of rule . but b●shops had . ergo. the assumption proved . first , for directive power , the presbyters were to doe nothing without them . ig●a ad mag. ad smyr . they might not minister the sacrament of the supper but under the b●shop , clem. epist. 1. ad iacob . tert. lib. de ●●pt . can. apost . 38 , can. carth●g . 4.38 . con. c●r . 2. con. 9. con. can. 16. conc. ant. can. 5. secondly , that they had corrective power , it is proved , ap●c . 2 & 3. the angel of ephesus did not suffer false apostles , and is commended for it , the angel of thiatira is reproved for suffering the like . therefore they had power over other ministers . cypr. lib. 3. epist. 9. telleth rega●ian he had power to have censured his deacon . ierom. adversus vigilantium , marvelleth that the bishop where vigilanti●s was , did not breake the unprofitable vessell . epiphaniu● saith bishops , governed the presbyters themselves , they the people . the presbyters affixed to places and churches , were subject to the bishops , for when they were vacant , the bishop did supply them . againe , the presbyters had their power from him , and therefore were under him , and they were subject to the censure of the bishop . those of his clergie were under him ; for he might promote them , they might not goe from one diocesse to another without him , nor travell to the citie , but by his leave . the bishop was their judge , and might excommunicate them , cypr●li . 1. epist 3. concil . carth. 4. ●ap . 59. conc. chal. cap. 9. conc . nice . cap. 4. conc . ant. cap. 4. ibid. cap. 6. cap. 12. cart. 2. cap. 7. conc . afric . cap. 29. conc . ephes. cap. 5. conc . chal. cap. 23. the examples of alexander and chrisostome prove this . all presbyters were counted acepheli , headlesse , that lived not in subjection to a bishop . the pastors of parishes were either subject to bishops , or they had associates in parishes joyned with them , or they ruled alone . but they had not associates , neither did they rule alone . ergo , they were subject to the authority and jurisdiction of the bishop . answer . the proposition of the first syllogisme it must be thus framed . those who had power of jurisdiction in themselves , without the concurrence of other presbyters , as fellow judges , they were greater in majority of rule . thus bishops had not jurisdiction . true it is , they were called governours and princes of their churches , because they were more eminent ministers , though they had not monarchiall power in churches , but consull-like authority : and therefore when they affected this monarchy , what said ierome , noverint se saterdotes esse non dominos , noverint se non ad princip●tum vocatos , ad servitium totius eccl●siae . sic origen in esa. hom . 7. to the proofe of the assumption . wee deny that they had this directive power over all presbyters . secondly , that th●y had it over any by humane constitution infallible . presbyters were in great difference . those who are called propry sacerdotes , rectores , seniores . minor●m ecclesiarum praepositi , the b●shop had not , not challenged not that directive power over them , which hee did ever those who were numbred amongst his cleri●kes , who were helpes to him in the liturgy , in chapells and parish●s which did depend on him as their proper teacher , though they could not so ordinarily goe out to him . the first had power within their churches , to teach , administer , excommunicate , were counted brethren to the b●shops , and called episcopi , or coepiscopi , even of the ancient : but the presbyters which were part of their clergy , they had ●his directive power over them , the canons ecclesiasticall allowing the same . but i take these latter to have beene but a corruption of governing presbyters , who came to bee made a humane ministery . 1. by having singular acts permitted . 2. by being consecrate to this , and so doing ex officio , what they were imployed in by the bishop . but sure these are but helpes to liturgy , according to the canons . preaching did not agree to them further then it could bee delegated or permitted . finally , wee read , that by law it was permitted them : that it was taken away from them againe by the bishops : that it was stinted and limited sometimes as to the opening of the lords praier , the creed and ten commandements : as it is plaine to him that is any thing conversant in the ancient . secondly , let us account them as ministers of the word given by god to h●s church : then i say , they could not have any direction , but such as the apostles had amongst evangelists : and this p●wer is g●ven to the bishops onely by canon swerving from the first ordinance of christ : for it maketh a minister of the word become as a cypher , without power of his consecration , as ierom speaketh , being so interpreted by pilson himselfe . these decrees were as justifi●ble as th●t which forbiddeth any to baptise ▪ who hath not gotten chrisme from the bishop con. carth. 4. cap. 36. unlesse the phrases doe note onely a precedence of order in the b●shop above presbyters , requiring presence and assent , as of a fellow and chiefe member , not otherwise . to the proof of the second part of the former assumption , 1. we deny this majority of corrective power to have beene in the apostles themselves : they had only a ministry executive inflicting that which christs corrective power imposed . secondly , we deny that this ministeriall power of censuring was singularly exercised by any apostle or evangelist , where churches were constituted . neither is the writing to one above others , an argument that he had the power to doe all alone without concurrence of others . to that of cyprian against r●gatian ; we deny that cyprian meaneth he would have done it alone , or that he and his presbytery could have done it without the consent of bishops neighbouring : but that he might in regular manner have beene bold to have done it , because he might be sure , quod no● co●legae tui ●mnesid ratum haberemus . cyprian was of judgement , that he h●mselfe might doe nothing without the consent of his presbyters , unlesse he should violate his duty , by running a course which stood not with the honour of his brethren . it was not modesty in him ; but due observancy , such as he did owe unto his brethren . neither did cyprian ever ordinarily any thing alone . he received some , the people and the brethren contradicting , lib. 1. epist. 3. but not till he had perswaded them , and brought them to be willing . thou seest ( saith he ) what paines i have to perswade the brethren to patience ▪ so againe , i hardly perswade the people , yea even wring it from them , that such should be received . neither did he take upon him to ordaine presbyters alone : but propounded , made request for them , confessing , that further then god did extraordinarily prevent both him and them , they had the right of suffrage , no lesse then himselfe , as by these epistles may ●ppeare , lib. 1. ●pist . 20. lib. 2. epist. 5. lib. 4. epist. 10. ierom ( though grandil● quen● sometimes ) did never thinke a bishop could lawfully without his presbyteries concurrence , excommunicate . if he were as moses , yet he would have these as the seventy . againe , ierom doth write expresly of all in generall , et nos sen●cum habemus , coetum presbytero●●m , sine quorum consilio nihil agi à quaquam licet , ● ut romani habuerunt sen●tum cujus confilio cuncta gerebantur . epiphanius s●ith . bishops governed presbyters : but it doth not follow , that therefore they did it alone without concurrence of their com presbyters . as for the fixed presbyters , the proofes are more uns●fficient . the bishop supplyed them , therefore they were under him . for colleges supply churches , yet have they no jurisdiction over them . secondly , the canons did provide ne plebi invitae presbyter obtruderetur . thirdly , we ●istinguish majority of rule from some jurisdiction . we grant the b●shop had such a jurisdiction as concer●ing the church , so farre as it was in society with others , such as an arch-bishop hath over a province : but this did stand with the rectors power of jurisdiction within his owne church . fourthly , though they had power by his ministeriall interposition , yet this doth not prove them dependant on him . for bishops have their power from others ordaining them , to whom notwithstanding they are not subject in their churches . in case of delinquency they were subject to the bishop with the presbytery , yet so that they could not be proceeded against till consent of many other bishops did ratifie the sentence . thus in cyprians judgement ; bishops themselves delinquent , turning wolves , as samosatenus , liberius , &c. are subject to their churches and presbyteries , to be deposed and relinquished by them . as for those that were part of his clerks , it is true , they were in greater measure subject to him , absolutely in a manner for their direction : but for his corrective power he could not without consent of his presbyters and fellow bishops , do any thing . the bishop indeed is onely named many times : but it is a common synecdoche , familiar to the fathers , who put the primary member of the church for the representative church , as austine saith , petrum propter apostolatus simplicitatem figuram eccl●siae g●ssisse . see concil . sardicen . cap. 17. conc . carth 4. cap. 2.3 . tol. 4 cap. 4. socr. lib. 1.3 . soz. lib. 1. cap 14. as for such examples as alexanders , it is strange that any will bring it , when he did it not without a synod of many bishops , yea without his clergie , as sitting in judgement with him . ch●ysostomes fact is not to be justified : for it was altogether irregular , savouring of the impetuous nature to which he was inclined , though in regard of his end , and unworthinesse of his presbyters , it may be excused , yet it is not to be imitated . as for those headlesse clerkes , it m●ke●h nothing for the b●shops majority of rule over all churches and presbyters in them . for first , it seemeth to be spoken of those that lived under the conduct of the bishop , a colleg●at life together , eode refectorio & dormitori utehantur , & canonice viventes ab episcopo instru●bontur . now when all such clerkes did live then as members of a colledge under a master , it is no wonder if th●y be called headlesse , who did belong to no bishop . secondly , say it were alike of all presbyters , which will never be proved ( for all presby●ers in the diocesse were not belonging to the bishops cl●rkes ) say it were , yet will it not follow , ●hat those who were under some , were subject to his authority of rule . for there is a head in regard of presidency of order , as well as of power . bishops were to finde out by canon the chiefe bishop of their province , and to associate themselves with him . so bishops doe now live ranged under their archbish●ps as heads . priests therefore as well as clerkes , di● l●ve under some jurisdiction of the bishops ; but such as did permit them coer●ive power in their owne churches , such as made the bishop a head in regard of dignity , and not of any power , whereby he might sw●y all at his pleasure . thirdly , if the bishops degenerate to challenge monarchy or tyranny , it is better to be without such heads then to have them : as we are more happy in being withdrawen from the headship of the bishop of rome , then if he still were head over us . to the last insinuation proving that bishops had the governement of those churches which presbyters had , because neitheir presbyters alone had it , nor with assistents . i answer , they had as well the power of government , as of teaching : and though they had not such assistants as are the presbyters of a cathedral church , yet they might have some , as a deacon , or other person sufficient in such small churches . when the apostles planted a bishop and deacon onely , how did this bishop excommunicate ? when the fathers of africa did give a bishop unto those now multiplied , who had enjoyed but a presbyter , what assistants did they give him ? what assistants had the chorepiscopi , who yet had government of their churches ? the fifteenth argument . that which the orthodoxe churches ever condemned as heresie , the contrary of that is truth . but in aerius they have condemned the deniall of superiority in one minister above others . ergo , the contrary is truth . answer . to the proposition , we deny that it must needs be presently true , the contrary whereof is generally condemned for heresie . as the representative catholicke church may propound an error , so she m●y condemne a particular truth , and yet remaine a catholicke church . to the assumption wee deny that the church condemned in aerius every denyall of superiority , but that onely which aerius runne into . now his opinion i take to have been this . 1. he did with ierom deny superiority of any kinde as due by christs ordinance : for this opinion was never counted heresie , it was ieroms plainely . 2. hee did not deny the fact , that bishops were superiour in their actuall admistration ; h● could not be so mad . if he had all that a bishop had actually , how could he have affected to be a bishop , as a further honou● ▪ deniall of superiority , such as consisteth in a further power of ord●r then a p●e●byter hath , and in a kingly monarchicall majority of rule , this denyall is not here condemned : for all the fathers may be ●rought as witnesses against this superiorty of the church . what then was condemned in him ? a deniall of all superiority in one minister before another , though it were but of honor and dignity : and secondly , the de●ying of this in schismaticall manner , so as to fors●k● communion with the church wherein it is . for in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it seemeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should bee read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there ought to be none . howso●ver hee is to bee conceived as apposing practically the difference of honour & dignity which was in the church by ecclesiasticall institut●on . what is this to us ? deniall of superiority in regard of honor & dignity , joyned with schisme , was condemned : ergo , deniall of superiority in power of order and kingly majority of rule , keeping the bond of love was condemned . the assumption therefore if it assume not of this last deniall , then can it not conclude against us . ergo , it is a truth that some ministers may be above othersome , in order , honor , and dignity . but ●h●y understand not by order such an order onely as is distinct , because some degree of dignity is appropriate to it , which is not to other . though th●s argument therefore touch us not , yet to speake a little further about it , this opinion of aerius is not to be handled too severely : neither our authors , d. whitakerus , d. reynolds , danaeus , to be blamed , who doe in some sort excuse him . for bishops were growne such that many good persons were offended at them , as the audiani . yea , it was so ordinary , that ierom distinguisheth schisme from heresie , because the one conteined assertions against the faith , the other served from the church by reason of dissenting from bishops . see him on tit. 3.10 . neither is it plain that he was an arrian . epiphanius reporteth it , but no other , though writing of this subject and story of these times . sure it is , eustathius was a strong arian , whom aerius did oppose . neither is it strange to bishops to fasten on those which dissent from them in this point of their freehold , any thing whereof there is but ungrounded suspicion . are not we traduced as donatists , anabaptists , puritanes ? as for this opinion ▪ th●y thought it rather schismaticall , then hereticall : & therfore happily called it heresie , because it included errour in their understanding , which with schismaticall pertinacy was made heresie . neither is it like that epiphanius doth otherwise count it heresie , nor austin following him . for thou●h austine was aged , yet he was so humble , that hee sai●h , augustinus senex à puero nondum anniculo paratus sum edoceri . neither was it prejudice to h●s worth for to follow men more ancient then himselfe , who in likelihood should know this matter also better . as for his calling it heresie , it is certaine he would not have this in rigour streined . f●r he doth protest ( in his preface unto that booke of heresie ) that none to his thought , can in a regular definition comprehend what that is which maketh this or that to be heresie . though th●refore he doubted not of this , that a●rius was in errour , such as catholickes should decline : yet it doth not argue that hee thought this errour in rigour and former propriety , to have beene heresie . thus much for this last argument . on the contrary side i propound these arguments following to be serio●sly considered . argument . 1. those whom the apostles placed as ●hiefe , in their first constituting of churches , and left as their successours in their last farewels which they gave to the churches , they had none s●periour to them in the ch●rches . but they first placed pres●y●e●s , fee●ing with the word and governing : and to those in their last departings they commended the churches . ergo. the assumption is denied : they did not place them , as the chiefe ordinary pastors in those churches , but placed them to teach and governe , in fore interno ; with a reference of subordination to a more eminent pastor , which when now they were growen to a just multitude should be given to them . the apostles had all power of order and jurisdiction : they give to presbyters power of order , power to teach , minister sacraments , and so gather together a great number of those who were yet to be converted ; but kept the coercive power in their owne hands , meaning , when now by the presbyters labour , the churches were growne to a greater multitude , meaning ( i say ) then to set over them some more eminent pastors , apostolicall men , to whom they would commit the power of government , that so they might rule over both the presbyters and their churches ; and to these with their successours , not to the presbyters , were the churches recommended . all which is an audacious fiction , without any warrant of scripture , or shew of good reason . for it is confessed that presbyters were placed at the first constitution , as the pastors and teachers of the churches . now if the apostles had done this with reference to a further and more eminent pastor and governour , they would have intimated somewhere this their intention : but this they doe not ; yea , the contrary purpose is by them declared . for peter so biddeth his presbyters feed their flocks , as that he doth insinuate them subject to no other but christ , the arch shepheard of them all . againe , the apostles could not make the presbyters pastors without power of government . there may be governours without pastorall power ; but not a pastor without power of governing . for the power of the pedum , or shepheards staffe , doth intrinsecally follow the pastorall office . what likelihood is there , that those who were set as parents to beget children , should not be trusted with power of the rod wherewith ch●ldren now begotten are to be nurt●red and kep● i● awe beseeming them ? if it be said , every one sit for the office of a teacher , was not sit for a governour : i answer , he that is fit to be a pastor ●eaching and gov●rning in foro interno , is much more fit to be a governour externally : he who is fit for the greater , is fit for the lesser . it was a greater and more apostolicall worke to labour conversion , and bring the churches a handfull in t●e planti●g ( as some thinke ) to become numbersome in people , then it is to governe them being converted . and it is absurd to thinke that those who were fit to gather a church , and bring it to fulnesse from small beginnings , should not be fit to governe it , but stand in need to have som● one sent , who ●ight rule them and the churches they had collected . secondly , these presbyters were ( as themselves confesse ) qualified with the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , and chosen by speciall designation : so that to impute insufficiency unto them , is harsh , and injurious to god , as well as to man. finally , by the twenty of the acts , and the first epistle of peter , cha . 5. it is plaine , they doe in their last farewels , commit the churches unto the presbyters , not suggesting any thing of a further pastor to be sent , who would supply their roomes ; which yet they would not have forgotten , being a thing of so great consolation , had it been intended by them . argument 2. those who have the name and office of bishopscommon to them , they have no superiour pastors over them : but the presbyters pastorall have that name and office attributed to them . for first they are said to governe in generall . secondly , there is nothing found belonging to the power of the keyes in foro externo , but the scripture doth ascribe it to them , power of suffrage in councell . acts 15. power of excommunication , which is manifest to have beene in the churches of corinth when it had no bishop ; power of ordination , 1 tim. 4. if any say , that this their power was but by commission in them , and that they were subordinate to the apostles in exercise of it , being to reteine it onely untill such time as more eminent pastors should be given : i answer ; all this is spoken gratis , without any foundation , and therefore no more easily vouched then rejected . the presbyters so had this power , that they did commit it to the bishops , as we shall shew after : and therefore it must have beene in them , not by extraordinary commission , but by ordinary office . secondly , they were subject in exercise to none but christ and the holy ghost , who onely had out of authority trusted them with it . if the apostles and they did concurre in doing one and the same thing , they did it as inferiour to the apostles , and servants of a lower order , not with any subjection to them , as heads of derivation , serving christ their onely lord , no lesse immediately then the apostles themselves . argument 3. that which is found in all other orders of ministers instituted by christ , may be presumed likewise in the order of pastors and doctors : but in all other orders , there were none that had singularity of preheminence and majority of power above other : no apostle , prophet , evangelist had this rule one over another : if the proposition be denied , upon supposall of a different reason , because that though parity in a few extraordinary ministers might be admitted without disorder , yet in a multitude of ordinary ministers , it could not but breed schisme and confusion , and therefore as the order of priesthood was divided into a high priest , and other secondary ones , so is it fit that the presbyters of the new testament should be devided , some being in the first , and some in the second ranke . to this i answer , the parity is the more dangerous , by how much the places are supereminent . secondly , though pastors should be equall , y●t this would not bring parity into the ministers of the church , some whereof should bee in degree inferiour to other , the governing elders to the pastors , and the deacons to them . thirdly , if every church being an ecclesiasticall body , should have governours every way equall , there were no feare of confusion , seeing aristocracy , especially where god ordaineth it , is a forme of gouernment sufficient to preserve order . but every church might then doe what ever it would within it selfe . not so neither ; for it is subject to the censure of other churches synodically assembled , and to the civill magistrate , who in case of delinquency , hath directive and corrective power over it . parity doth not so much indanger the church by schisme , as imparity doth by tyranny subject it . as for the distinction of priests , wee grant it ; but as man could not have made that distiction , had not god ordained it in time of the old testament , no more can we under the new . howbeit , that distinction of priests did bring in no such difference in order and majority of rule , as our bishops now challenge . argument 4. if some be inferiour unto othersome in degree of power , it must be in regard of their powe● to teach , or their power to govern , or in the application of this power to their persons , or in regard of the people whom they teach and governe , or finally in regard the exercise of their power is at the direction of another . but no pastor or teacher dependeth on an other but christ for any of these . ergo. the proposition standeth on a sufficient enumeration : the assumption may be proved in the severall parts of it . the former branch is thus cleared . first , the power we have , is the same essentially with theirs ; yea , every way the same . secondly , wee have it as imediately from christ as they . i shew them both thus : the power of order is the power which inableth us to preach and deliver the whole counsell of god , and to minister all sacraments sealing gods covenant . now unlesse we will with the papists , say that preaching is no necessary annexum to the presbyters office , or that his power is a rudimentall limited power , as to open the creed , lords praier , and commandements onely , or that he hath not the full power sacra●entall , there being other sacraments of ordination and ●onfirmation which wee may not minister , all which are gro●●e , we● must yeeld their power of order to be the same . yea , were these sacraments properly , they are both grounded in the power a presbyter hath : ordination in do● this in remembrance of me : confirmation in power to baptize . the power being the same , it is happily in one immediately , and in the other by derivation from him . nothing lesse . all grant that christ doth immediately give it , even as the inward grace of every sacrament commeth principally from him . the church , did she give this power , might make the sacrament and preaching which one doth in order , no sacrament , no preaching . the pope doth not ( if we follow the common tenent ) challenge so much as to give the power of order to any bishop or priest whatsoever . if you say , the presbyter is ordained by the bishop , that is nothing : so is the bishop by other bishops , from whom notwithstanding he receiveth not this power . we will take this as granted of all : though the tru●h is , all doe not maintaine it from right grounds . but it will be said the presbyter is inferiour in jurisdiction , and can have none but what is derived to him from the bishop , who hath the fulnesse of it within his diocesan church . but this is false , and grounded on many false presumptions . as first , that ministers of the word are not properly and fully pastors ; for to make a pastor , and give him no help against the wolfe , is to furni●h him forth imperfectly . secondly , it presupposeth the power of jurisdiction to be given originally and fontally to one person of the church , and so to others , whereas christ hath committed it originaliter and exercitative to the representative church , that they might aristocratically administer it . thirdly , this presupposeth the plenitude of regiment to be in the bishop , and from him to be derived to other : which maketh him a head of virtuall influence , that in his church , which the pope doth challenge in regard of all bishops . for his headship and spirituall soveraignty standeth according to bellarmine in this , that the government of all in for● externo , is committed to him . not to mention , how bishops , while they were bishops , gloried of their chaire and teaching , as the flower of their garland , preferring it farre before government , but when they were fallen from their spirituall felicity , and infected with secular smoke , then they recommended the labour of teaching to the presbyters , then their jurisdiction and consistory did carry all the credite , every office in the church being counted a dignity , as it had more or lesse jurisdiction annexed ; as those are more or lesse honourable in the common-wealth , which have civill authority in lesse or greater measure conjoyned . the truth is , it cannot be shewed that god ever made pastor without this jurisdiction ; for whether it do agree to men as they are pastors , or as they are prelats in the church , it cannot be avoided but that the pastor should have it , because though every praesul or pralatus , be not a pastor , yet every pastor is pralatus , in order to that church where he is the proper and ordinary pastor . yea , when censure is the most sharp spirituall medicine , it were ill with every church , if he who is resident alwayes among them as their spirituall phisition , should not have power in administring it . thirdly , i say , no minister hath majority of power in applying the power of order or jurisdiction to this or that person . in the application there is a ministery of the church interposed : but so that christ onely is the cause with power , not onely why presbyters are in the church , but why thomas or iohn is chosen to and bestowed on this or that place . a master onely doth out of power take every servant into his house : so god in his . god did choose aarons sonnes with the levites , and christ the 70. not mediately leaving it to the arbitrement of any to set out those that should stand before him . god doth ever onely in regard of authority , apply all power ecclesiasticall to every particular person , his sole authority doth it , though sometime as in ordinary callings , the ministery of others doth concurre . the church is in setting out , or ordaining this or that man , as the colledge is in choosing , when she taketh the man whom the statute of her founder doth most manifestly describe , or where the kings mandate doth strictly injoyne , it would otherwise bring an imperiall power into the church . for though many kings cannot hinder but that there shall be such and such officers , and places of government as are in their kingdome , yet while they are free at their pleasure to depute this or that man to the places vacant , they have a kingly jurisdiction in them . briefly , god doth ever apply the power ecclesiasticall unto the person : sometime alone by himselfe , as in the apostles , and then he doth it 〈◊〉 imm●dia●i●● suppositi qu●m virtutis : sometime the ministery of man concurring extraordinarily , as when god extraordinarily directeth a person to goe and call one to this or that place , as he did sa●●el to anoint saul . or else ordinarily , when god doth by his writ and spirit , guide men to take any to this or that place in his church , which he doth partly by his written statutes , and partly by his spirit : and thus he doth make the application onely immediatione virtutis , not suppositi . object . but yet bishops have the churches , and the care of them wholly committed to them ; though therefore ministers have equall power to them , yet they cannot without their leave have any place within their chur●hes , and therefore are inferiour , in as much as the people with whom they exercise their power of order and jurisdiction , are assigned to them by the bishop the proper pastor of them . this is an error likewise : for god doth make no minister to whom he doth not assigne a flocke which he m●y at●end . god calleth ministers , not to a faculty of honour , which doth qualifie them with power to ministerial actions , if any give them persons among whom they may exercise their power received , as the emperours did make chartul●rios judices , who had a power to judge causes if any would subject himselfe to them . or as the count palatine hath ordinary judges , who are habitu tantum judices , having none under them , amongst whom they may exercise jurisdiction . or as the university giveth the degree of a doctor in physicke , without any patients among whom he may practise . but gods ministery is the calling of a man to an actuall administration , goe teach : and the power of order if nothing by the way , but a relative respect , founded in this , that i am called to such an actuall administration . now there cannot be an act commanded , without the subject about which it is occupied : otherwise , god should give them a faculty of feeding , and leave them depending on others for sheep to feed ; god should make them but remote potentiall ministers , and the bishop actuall , thirdly , the holy ghost is said to have set the presbyters over thei● flocke . a man taking a steward , or other servant into his house , doth give him a power of doing something to his family ; and never thinketh of taking servants , further then the necessity of his houshold doth require : so is it with god in his church , which is his house : fore the exegency of his people so require , he doth not call any to the function of ministery . againe , this is enough to ground the authority which antichrist assumeth : for some make his soveraignty to stand onely in this , not that he giveth order or power of jurisdiction , but that he giveth to all pastors and bishops the moity of sheepe , on whom this their power is exercised , christ having given him the care of all his sheepe , feed my sheepe : so vasquez . thus if a bishop challenge all the sheepe in a diocesan flocke to be his , and that he hath power to assigne the severall flockes under him , he doth usurpe an antichristian authority . finally , if the churches be the bishops through the diocesse , ministers then are under them in their churches , but as a curate is , whom a parson giveth leave to helpe within his church . yea , they should loose their right in their churches , when the bishop dieth , as a curate doth when the parson of this or that church , whom he assisted , is once departed . to conclude , they are not dependant ( one minister i meane on another ) in the exercise and use of their calling . a servant that hath any place , doth know from his master what belongeth to it . the priests and levites had set downe what belonged to their places , as well as the high priest what belonged to his . againe , god hath described the presbyters office , as amply as any other . a legate dependeth on none for instructions , but on him that sendeth him ; now every minister is an embassadour of christ. by their reason a minister should be accountant to man for what he did in his ministery , if his exercising of it did depend on man. then also should minister●mediately onely serve god , in as much as they have done this or that , to which the bishop did direct them . moreover , should the bishop bid him not preach at al , preach rarely , teach onely such and such things , or come and live from his charge , he should not sinne in obeying him . but man cannot limit that power of ministery which he cannot give . it is not with gods servants in his church , as with civill servants in the common-wealth : for here some servants are above others whom they command as they will such as are called fervi ●rdinarli or praepofiti , some are under others to do this or that commanded by them , commonly called servi vicarii : but in the church all servants serve their master christ , neither having any that they can command , nor being under any but christ so as to be commanded by them . but it may be objected , that god hath ordained some to be helpes and assistants to othersome . it is said that god hath ordained powers , helps , governours , 1 cor. 12.8 . and were not the evangelists assistants to the apostles , doing that to which they directed them ▪ to this i answer , that the helps god hath put in his church respect the calling of deacons , and such as ministred to the infirme ones : as for evangelists , they were companions and assistan●s to the apostles , but it was in order to the work of god in their hands , which they were to serve , not in order to their persons , as if they had been subjected to them in any servile inferiority . observe how paul speaketh of them , 2 cor. 8.23 . vitu● w●s his companion and helper towards them , phil. 2.25 . epaphroditus was his brother and helper in his worke , and fellow souldier , 1 thess. 3.2 . timothy was his coadjutor in the gospell of christ , 2 tim. 4.11 . marke was helpefull in the ministery . the truth is , this was servitus 〈◊〉 porf●●●lis 〈◊〉 re●lis , the evangelists did serve the worke the apostles had in hand , with out being servants to their persons . when brick-layers worke , some mixe line , and make mortar , some beare up tile and mortar , some sit on the house and there lay that which is b●ought them . these are all fellow servants , yet the one doth serve to set forward the worke of the other . but were they not left to the direction of the apostles , wholly in exercise of their calling ? i answer , as christ gave some to be evangelists , so he made them know from himselfe what belonged to their office , and what was the administration to which he called them . he did not therefore wholly leave them to the direction of any . there is a double direction , one p●tes●atiue , which is made from majority of rule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other socialis , such as one servant , having fit knowledge of his masters will , and ripe experience , may give to another . the latter kinde of direction it was , not the former , by which the evangelists were directed . which though commonly paul used , yet not so universally but that they went sometime of their owne accords hither and thither , as may be gathered , 2 cor. 8.16 , 17. and 2.7.14 , 15. the fift argument . that which the apostles had not over prophets , evangelists , presbyters , nor deacons themselves that power wh●ch the church hath not over any member , the bishop hath not over other ministers . but they had not over any inferior officers any majority of directive or corrective power : neither hath the church it selfe any such power . ergo. the assumption is proved : for majority of directive and corrective power is a lord-like and regall power : now there is no such power in the church , or in the apostles , or in any but onely in that one lord : all other power being but a declarative and executive ministery to signifie and execute what christ out of majority of power would have signified and put in execution . the sixth argument . that which doth breed an antichristian usurpation , never was of christs institution . but bishops majority of power in regard of order and jurisdiction , doth so : ergo. that which maketh the bishop a head as doth in s●uere derive the power of externall government to other his assistants that doth breed an antichristian usurpation . but to claime the whole power of jurisdiction through a diocesan church , doth so : for he must needs substitute helpers to him , because it is more then by himselfe he can performe . but this is it which maketh antichrist , he doth take upon him to be head of the whole church , from whom is derived this power of externall government : and the bishop doth no lesse in his diocesan church , that which he usurpeth differing in degree onely and extension , not in kind from that which the pope arrogateth . if it be said that his power is antichristian , because it is universall : it is not so . for were the power lawfull , the universality could not make it antichristian . the apostles had an universality of authority , yet no antichrists , because it did not make them heads , deriving to others from their fulnesse : it was not prince-like majority of power , but steward like and ministeriall onely . if one doe usurpe a kingly power in kent onely , he were an anti-king to our soveraigne , no lesse for kind , then if he proclaimed himselfe king of england , s●otland , and ireland . there is but one lord , and many ministrations . neither doth this make the popes power papall , because it is not under a synod : for the best of the papists hold , and it is the most common tenent , that he is subject to an oecumenicall councell . secondly , though he be subject , yet that doth not hinder but he may usurpe a kingly government : for a king may have a kingly power , and yet confesse himselfe accountable to all his people collectively considered : neither doth this make the bishops lawfull in one church , because one may manage it , and the popes unlawfull , because none is sufficient to sway such a power through the whole church : for then all the power the pope doth challenge , is not per se , but per accidens , unlawfull , by reason of mans unsufficiency , who cannot we●ld so great a matter . the seventh argument . those ministers who are made by one patent in the same words , have equall authority : but all ministers of the word are made by the same patent , in the same words , receive the holy ghost , whose sta● ye forgive . &c. ergo. the proposition is denied : because the sence of the words is to be understood according as the persons give leave to whom they are spoken . these words spoken to apostles , they gave them larger power then to a bishop : and so spoken to a presbyter they give him lesse power then to a bishop . answ : if the scripture had distinguished of presbyters pastoral feeding with the word , and made them divers degrees , as it hath made apostles and evangelists , then we would grant the excep●ion : but the scripture doth not know this division of pastors and doctors into chiefe and assistent : but speaketh of them as of apostles and evangelists , who were among themselves equall in degree . wherefore as no apostle received by these words greater power then another : so no pastor or teacher , but must receive the same power , as who are among th●mselves of the same degree . secondly , were they different degrees , yet it should give the presbyter for kind , though not of so ample extent as the b●shop ha●h , as it giveth the bishop the same power for kinde , which the apostles had , though not so universall , but contracted to particular churches . now to some unto some conclusions or assertions which may le●d light unto the deciding of this question . conclus . 1. let this be the first . no minister of the word hath any power but ministeriall in the church . power is naturall or morall . morall is civill or ecclesiasticall . civill is either lord-like and ruling , or ministeriall and servile . so ecclesiasticall , taken largely for all power subjectively in , or objectively about the church , is either lord-like and regall , such as is in christ , or it is ministeriall and servile , such as is in the church and the principall members of it . the power therefore of the apostles themselves and evangelists , is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 20. 1. tim. 4. yea such a service , as doth make the ministers having it , so servants , that they are no way lords . many ministers , one lord : we preach christ , our selves your servants for iesus sake . s. paul maketh his power steward-like , not regall . now as that is regall power which doth any thing from the authority one hath in himselfe , or from ones pleasure : so that is ministeriall power which doth nothing but eying the will and power of him that is pri●cipall : a power which signifieth or executeth this or that ix mer● al●erium obsequi● . conclus . 2. this ministeriall power is no supernaturall vertue or quality inherent in the soule : but a relative respect founded on this , that i am called by god to this or that actuall administration in his church . for it is not a power simply , whereby a man is made able to doe some supernatural act , which he could not before in any manner performe : but it is respectively said a power , in as much as it doth inable him to doe those acts in the church of god lawfully , and ex officio , with which before he might not intermeddle . the power of a deacon , pastor , evangelist , apostle , belong to one predicament in regard of that which is the genus or common nature of them : the power of the church cannot be other . naturall and civill power doth ▪ with vertue and efficacy reach those effects and ends to which they are designed : because they are proportioned to them , and exceed not their activity : but ecclesiasticall power cannot thus concur to the end and effects for which it is ordained : because they are such as the omnipotenty of god onely can produce , asthe converting or creating grace in the heart of a sinner , to which no supernaturall vertue in man can by any reall , though instrumentary efficacy , conduce any thing . conclus . 3. god hath not given ministeriall power to any , which himselfe is not personally to discharge , nor in further plenitude then that by himselfe it may be performed . the reason is , because god cannot give one the charge of doing more then a mans proper industry can atchieve , but he must withall put it in a mans power to take others , and to impart with them power of teaching and governing , so farre as may supply that defect which is in his strength to performe it alone . he that will have the end , will have that without which the end cannot be attained . if god would have any one an universall pastor to all the churches of the world , he must needs allow him power to substitute pastors here and there , deriving unto them power both to teach and governe , so far as may supply his absence in the pastorall cure . if i will have one keepe my flockes which goe in twenty sheepe-gates , if i commit them to one , i must needs together give him leave to assume unto himselfe such as may be under shepheards to him . thus if god give a bishop the plenitude of pastorall care and government over all the parishionall churches through a diocesse , he must needs together allow him this power , of being a head of internall influence , even a head virtually communicating with others part of pastorall power , whether teaching or government . thus should none but bishop● be ex officio servants in pastorall cure to god : all others should be immediately and formally servants to the bishop , and doe every thing in the name of the bishop , being immediately onely and in a remote sense the servants of god : as in the former comparison of one servant receiving from his master the care of all the ●tockes , he is the masters servant to whom the master committeth the trust , from whom he onely looketh to see it performed : but those whom this shepheard taketh to himselfe for his aid , they come under his dominion , and are servants to him . if it be said , that god doth not thus make the bishop pastor , but that he wil likewise that there be parish pastors under him , and helps of government . to this i answer , if god will have them , then either after his owne de●ignement , or else leaving it to the bishops arbitrement : if he leave it to the bishops arbitrement , then the objection before is in force , god will looke for the cure from him onely , he shal take according to his judgment , such as may helpe him . if god will have them after his owne designment , then he giveth the bishop no more pastorall power then he can discharge himselfe , others having their right in all the bishop cannot execute , as well as the bishop , and as immediatly from christ. some write , as if the apostles had the plenitude of all pastorall power , that from them it might be derived to the church , it being seene through nature , that inferiour things receive influence from the superiour . but they misconceive the matter ; they had onely a power to serve the church with the personall service of their apo●tleship . the pastorall power of evangelists , or of ordinary pa●tours and teachers , they never had . for as christ gave the one order , so the two other also , for the gathering of the saints , and exaedifying of the body of christ : and no person in any ranke had any power to do this or that in the church further then himselfe might performe in person . the steward in a house hath full power of a steward , but not the power of all other officers , as clark of the kitchin , b●tler , chamberlaine , &c. so in these divers orders of servants in gods house , his church . if the apostles had had the fulnesse of pastorall c●re , they should then have ordained others evangelists , and pastors not onely by ministeriall mediation of their persons calling them , but also by mediation of vertue . conclus . 4. one ministeriall power may be in degree of dignity above another . for the power of one may be about more noble acts then the power of another , or in the same kinde , the power of one may be more extended , and the power of another more contracted . thus the deacons had for the object of their power and care , not so excellent a thing as that of pastors , evangelist● , and apostles . thus the power of ordinary pastors was not so univer●all as the apostles , even as in the orders of servants domesticall , some are implied about lesser , some about greater and more honorable subjects . co●cl . 5. no order of ministers or servants can have majority of ●●●●ctive and corrective power over those who are in inferior order o● ministery and service . the reason is , because this exceedeth the ●ounds of ministeriall power , and is a participation of that despoticall power which is appropriate to the master of the family . concl. 6. servants in one degree may have power to signifie their masters direction , and to execute ministerially what their master out of his corrective power inflicteth on their fellow servants in other degrees . thus pastors signifie gods will to governing presbyters and deacons , what he would have them to doe in their places . thus the apostles might informe all orders under them . concl. 7. this power ministeriall tending to execute the pleasure of christs corrective power , was committed to some in extraordinary degrees , personally and singularly , and might be so in some cases exercised by them . i meane singularity without concurrence of any others . this without doubt was in the apostles and evangelists : and it was needfull it should be so : first , because it might be behovefull there to excommunicate whereas yet churches were not risen to their perfect frame : secondly , because there might be some persons not setled as fixed dwellers in any church , whom yet to be cast forth was very behovefull . againe , some evangelists might incurre censure , as demas , in such sort as no ordinary churches power could reach to them . concl. 8. that ordinarily this power is not given to any one singularly by himselfe to exercise the same , but with the company of others constituting a representative church : which is the point next to bee shewed . yea where churches were constituted , the apostles did not offer to exercise their power , without the minsteriall concurrence of the churches , as in the story of the corinthians is manifest . the third qvestion whether christ did immediatly commit ordinary power ecclesiasticall , and the exercise of it , to any singular person , or to united multitude or presbyters . though this question is so coincident with the former , that the grounds hath in a sort been discussed ▪ yet for some new considerations which may be super-added , we will briefly handle it in the method premised . first , it is argued for the affirmative . argum. 1. tha● which is committed to the church , is committed to the principal member of the church ▪ but exercise of jurisdiction was committed to the church , mat● . 18.17 . ergo. either to the whole church , or to a church in the church , or to ●ome one eminent member in the church . but it was not committed to be exercised by the whole church , or to any church in the church . ergo , to one who is in effect as the church , having all the authority of it . secondly , if one person may be representatively a church , when jurisdiction i● promised ; then one person may be representatively a church when jurisdiction and power of exercising is committed . but one singular person , peter signified the church , when the promise of jurisdiction is made . ergo. cyprian to iubaia saith , that the bishop is in the church , and the church so in the bishop , ● that they cannot be severed . finally , as the kingdome of england may be put for the king in whom is all the power of the kingdome : so the church for the chiefe governour in whom is the power of it . the second argument . th●t which the churches had not given them when they were constituted , that was not promised to them as their immediat right . but they had not coercive power given them when they were constituted , ergo , christ did not commit it to the churches or presbyters . for then the apostles would not have withhold it from these . but they did . for the apostles kept it with themselves . as in the incestuous corinthian is manifest , whom paul by his judge●ent was faine to excommunicate . and the thessalonians are bid to note the inordinate , and signifie them , as not having power within themselves to censure them . and so paul alone excommunica●ed hymen●us and alexander . the third argument . that which paul committed to some prime men in churches , and their successours , that was not committed to presbyteries , but singular persons . but in power of ordination and jurisdiction , he did so . for to timothy in ephesus , and to titu● in crete , he commended the power and exercise of it . ergo. the fourth argument . that order which was most fit for exercising power of jurisdiction , that christ did ordaine . but the order of one chiefe governour is sitter for execution , then the order of a united multitude . ergo. the fifth argument . if all authority and power of exercise be in the church originally , then the pastors derive their power from the church . but this is not true . ergo , it was not committed to the church . that authority which the church never had , shee cannot convey . but the pastorall authority of word and sacraments never was in the church essentially taken . ergo , it cannot be derived from her . againe pastours should discharge their office in the name of the church , did they receive their power from the church . the sixth argument . if the power of jurisdiction and execution be committed from christ to the church , then hath the church supreame power . then may a particular church depose her bishop , the sheepe censure the shepheard , children their fathers , wh●ch is absurd . on the other side it is argued , argum. 1. that which christ doth presuppose as being in many , and to be exercised by many , that never w●s committed by christ to one , and the execution of a●y one . but mat. 18. christ doth manifestly suppose the power of jurisdiction to be in many ▪ and that exercitative , so as by them being many , it is to be exercised . ergo. now this is plaine in the place . where first m●rke , ●hat christ doth presuppose the authority of every particul●r church t●ken in distinctly . for it is such a church as any brother offended may presently complaine to . th●refore no univers●ll , or provinciall , or diocesan church g●thered in a c●uncell . secondly , it is not any particular ch●rch that he doth send ●ll christi●ns to , for ●h●● all christ●ans in the world should come to one particular at church , were it possible . he doth therefore presuppose indistinctly the very particular church where the brother offending and offended are members . and if they be not both of one church , the plaintife must make his denunt●ation to the church where the defendant is , quia forum sequitur reum . thirdly , as christ doth speake it of any ordinary particular church indistinctly , so he doth by the name of church not understand essentially all the congregation . for then christ should give not some , but all the members of the church to be governors of it . fourthly , christ ▪ speaketh it of such a church to whom wee may ordinarily and orderly complaine : now this we cannot to the whole multitude . fiftly , this church he speaketh of , he doth presuppose it as the ordinary executioner of all discipline and censure . but the multitude have not this execution ordinary , as all but morelius , and such democritall spirits doe affirme . and the reason ratifying the sentence of the church , doth shew that often the number of it is but small : for where two or three are gathered together in my name . whereas the church or congregations essentially taken for teachers and people , are incomparably great . neither doth christ meane by church the chiefe pastor , who is virtually as the whole church ▪ for first , the word church doth ever signifie a company , and never is found to note out one person . secondly , the bishop may be the person offending or offended , and the church to which he must bring the matter , must be other then himselfe . thirdly , the gradation doth shew it . first , by thy selfe , then shew a witnes or two . then to the church , as the sinne increaseth , the number of those by whom it is to be rebuked and censured , increaseth also . if one say , though the church signifie one governour , yet the gradation holdeth , for to tell it to ●he governour in open court , is more then to tell it to twenty . wee grant that this is true , and were the word c●urch taken here to note some eminent governour , it might be brought in as a further degree , though one onely were enforced . but how can peter be complainaint , if peter the praesul onely be the judge to whom the thing must be denounced . fourthly , the church in the corinthians which paul stirreth up to censure the incestuous person , was not any one but many . their rebuke upon which it is like he repented , was a rebuke of many , 2 cor. 2.6 . fiftly , if the church had been one , he would not have subjoyned : for what ye shall ●ind on earth , shall be bound in heaven . sixtly , if the church did not note an assembly , how could he assure them from hence , that god would do what they agreed on , because he was with the least assemblies gathered in his name . unlesse the church meant were an assembly , this argument could not be so correspondent . where two or two or three are assembled in gods name , god is in the midst of them to doe that they agree on . but where the church is binding or loosing , there are some assembled in the name of christ. ergo. lastly , the chur●h in the old testament never noteth the high priest virtually , but an assembly of priests sitting together , as judges in the causes of god. wherefore as christ doth indistinctly presuppose every particular church : so he doth here onely presuppose the joint authori●y , and joint execution of a representative church , a presbytery of elders who were pastors and governours . argum. 4. wee argue from the practice of the churches . that power which is not in one , nor to bee exercised by one , but in many , and to be exercised by many in the church of the corin●hians , that power with the exercise of it , was committed by christ to many , not to one . but the power of ecclesiasticall censure was in many , and to be performed by many assembled . ergo. the proposition is plaine . for paul would not have called for , nor have liked any constitution or exercise of power ecclesiasticall , other then christ had ordained . the assertion is denyed by some : but ●t is a plaine truth by many invincible argumen●s . for first , paul doth rebuke them that they had not set themselves to cast them forth . now ( as ambrose saith on the place . si au●em quis potestalem non h●b●● , quim scit reum abjicere , aut probare non valet ; immunis est . secondly , paul doth wish them assembled together , with himselfe in the name and vertue of christ , that they might deliver him up to sathan . for hee doth not call on them to restraine him as already excommunicated , but to purge him out as an infectuous leaven yet amongst them . thirdly , paul doth tell them that they had power to judge those within , those who were called brethren , and lived otherwise . fourthly , paul doth tell them that they did a rebuke or mu●ct o● many , writing to them that they would not proceed , 2 cor. 2 6. lastly , paul doth attrib●te power to them to forgive him , and to rece●ve him to the peace of the church . which would not have been in them , had they not had the power to excommunicate . such as h●ve no power to binde , have no power to loose . so it migh● be prov●d by the church of the thessalonians , 2 thess. 3.14 . if any man wa●k in●rdinatly , note him , that others may refraine him noting , being not a signification by letter , which doth wrest the word against all copies , and the current of all greek interpreters : but judicially to note him , ●hat all may avoid him ; that is , excommunicate him . finally , the churches of asia , as it is plaine , had power of government within themselves . argum. 5. that power which the apostles did not exercise in the churches , nor evangelists , but with concurrence of the churches and presbyteries , that power is much lesse to be exercised by any ordinary pastour , but by many . but they did not ordaine , nor lay on hands alone , they did not determine questions by the power of the keyes alone , but with concurrence of the presbyters of the church . ergo , much lesse may any ordinary minister doe it alone . timothy received grace by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the presbytery . for that persons must be understood here is apparant by the like place ; when it is said , by the laying on of my hands , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 noteth a person , and so here a presbytery . secondly , 〈◊〉 take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie the order of priesthood , is against all lexicons , and the nature of the greeke termination . thirdly , timothy never received that order of a presbyter , as before we have proved . fourthly , it cannot signifie as greeke expositers ●ake it , a company of bishops . for neither was that canon of 3. bishops and the metropolitan , or all the bishops in a province , in the apostles time , neither were the●e who are now called bishops , then called presbyters , as they say , but apostles , men that had received apostolick grace , angels , &c. finally , it is very absurd to think of companies of other presbyters in churches then paul planted ; but he placed presbyteries of such presbyters as are now distinguished from bishops , which is the grant of our adversaries . not to mention how armachanus doth censure the other as an interpretation from ones privat sence , besides testimonie of scripture . thus the apostles did not offer alone to determine the question act. 15. but had the joynt suffrages of the presbytery with them . not because they could not alone have infallibly answered , but because it was a thing to be determined by many ; all who had received power of these keyes , doing it ex offici● , and others from discretion and duty of confession the truth . yea the bishops called primi presbyteri , had no ordination at the first which the prebytery did not give them . whence have bishops of other churches power to minister the sacrament to the b●shop of this church ? but timothy and titus are said to have ordained ministers . as consuls and d●ctators are said to have created consuls , because they called senates , propounded and together with others did it . no otherwise doe jesuits themselves understand it . salmeron on the first of titus , &c. and it is manifest by ecclesiasticall writings of all sorts , that presbyters h●d right of su●●rage , not onely in their owne presbyteries , but in provinciall synods , and therefore in o●cumenicall synods , which doth arise from a combination of the other , to which their mindes went in the instructi●n of bishops received from their churches . and a●hanasius yet a deacon , is read to have beene at the counsell of nice , and to have had right of suffrage in it . finally , the presbyteries did a long time execute jointly all actions of church government , as is before declared . other arguments we shall touch in answer of the●e which have beene objected . now to come to the conclusio●s , let this be first . conclus . 1. extraordinary power was committed to some singular persons , so that in some case they might singularly exercise it without concurrence of other . this i speake in regard of apostles and evangelists , whose power in many things could not have concurrance of particular churches , which in the former question is sufficiently declared . conclus . 2. that ordinary power , and the execution therof was not committed to any singular governors , whereof there was to be one onely in each church . this is against the jesuits , who make account ( the most of them ) that as all civill power of government is given to kings to bee executed by them within their common-wealth , so ecclesiasticall power ( say they ) is given to the pope and to bishops in their particular churches to be executed by them , and derived from them to the whole church . conclus . 3. ordinary power with the execution thereof , was not given to the community of the church , or to the whole multitude of the faithfull , so that they were the immediate and first receptacle , receiving it from christ , and virtually deriving it to others . this i set downe against the divines of constance ; our prime divines , as luther and melan●thon , and the sorbonists , who doe maintaine it at this day . yea , this seemeth to have beene tertullians errour ; for in his book● : de p●dicitia , he maketh christ to have left all christians with like power , but the church for her honor , did dispose it as we see . the proposition of a pollitick body , and naturall deceived them , while th●y will apply all that is in these to christs mysticall body , not remembring that analogon is not in omnisimile , for then should it bee the same with the ●n●loga●um . true it is , all civill power is in the body politicke , the collections of subjects , then in a king from them : and all the power of hearing , seeing , they are in the whole man , which doth produce them effectually , though formally and instrumentally they are in the eare and eye . but the reason of this is , because these powers are naturall , and what ever is naturall , doth first agree to the community or totum , and afterward to a particular person and part , but all that is in this body , cannnot hold in christs mysticall body . in a politick body power is first in the community , in the king from them , but all ecclesiasticall power is first in our king before any in the church from him . but to whom should he first commit this power , but to his queene . answ. considering this power is not any lordly power , but a power of doing service to the church for christ his sake . therefore it is fit it should be committed to some persons , and not to the whole community which are the queene of christ. for it is not fit a king should commit power to his queene to serve herselfe properly : but to have persons who in regard of his relation should stand distinguished from her . secondly , in natu●●ll bodies , the power of seeing is first immediately in the man , from the man in the eye and particular members : in the mysticall body , the faith of a beleever is not first immediatly in all , then in the beleever , but first of all and immediatly in the person all beleever , for whose good it serv●th more properly th●n for the whole , every man being to live by his owne faith . the power of priesthood was not first in the church of israel , so deri●ed to the priest●s but immedia●ly from christ feared in aaron and his sonnes . o●ject . yea they were given the church intuitu ejusdem tanquam finis & totius . answ. i but this is not enough , that power may be said to be immediatly received by the church as the first receptacle of it , and from it derived to others , as the power of seeing is not onely given int●itu homin● as the end of it , and the totum to whom it agreeth , but is in homine as the first subject from whom it commeth to the eye . but the power even of ordinary ministers is not in the church . for as all are said not to have beene apstoles , so not to h●ve beene doctors . but if the power of ordinary teachi●g had been given to every beleever , all should have beene made doctors , though not to continue so in exercising the power . secondly , were the power in the church , the church should not onely call them , but make them out of vertue and power received into her selfe : then should the church have a true lordlike power in regard of her ministers . besides , there are many in the community of christians uncapable of this power regularly , as women and children . this conclusion in my judgement victoria , soto & others deny with greater strength of reason then the contrary is maintained . conclus . ● . fourthly , ordinary power of ministeriall government is committed with the execution of it , to the senat or presbytery of the church . if any f●●e in any office , the church hath not power of supplying that , but a ministery of calling one whom christ hath described , that from christ he may have power of office given him in the place vacant . conclus . 5. lastly , though the community have not power given her , yet such estate by christ her husband is put on her , that all power is to bee executed in such manner , as standeth with respect to her excellency hence it is , that the governours are in many things of greater moment to take the consent of the people with them . not that they have joynt power of the keyes with them , but because they sustaine the person of the spouse of christ , and therefore cannot bee otherwise : dealt wi●h without open dishonour in such things , which belong in common to the whole congregation . now to answer the arguments first propounded . the proposition of the first syllogisme is denyed . that what was committed to the chu●ch 〈◊〉 committed to s●me principall member . and are deny the second part of the next . syllogisme , proving this par● denyed . for the power and execution was committed to a church in a church . which is so farre from absurdity , that he is absurd who doth not see it in civill and sacr●d . doe we not see in parliament a representative common-wealth within our common-wealth , having the greatest authority ? not to mention that a church within a church should not be strange to them who imagine many parishionall churches within one diocesan church . to the proofes which prevent as it were an objection , shewing that the church , mat. 18.17 . may be put for one chiefe governour . the proposition is denyed . if that peter one governour , may be in type and figure the church to wh●m the jurisdiction is premised , then the church receiving and execucing it may be one . a most false proposition whose contrary is true . the reason is , because the church typified by peter is properly and really a church , not figuratively and improperly : for then peter should have beene a figure or type , of a type or figurative church . the figure therefore and type being of the church which is properly taken , and the church properly and really taken , being a company assembled , hence it is that ( matth. 18.17 . ) the church cannot signifie one ; for one is but figuratively and improperly a church . there is not the same reason of the figure and the thing that is figured . nay hence an argument may be retorted , proving that by that church whereof peter was a figure , is not meant one chiefe governour . peter as one man or governour was properly and really a virtuall church and chiefe governour . but peter as one man and governour was in figure onely the church . matth. 18. ergo , that church matth. 18. is not a virtuall church , noting forth one chiefe governour onely . as for cyprians speech , it doth nothing but shew the conjunction of pastour and people by mutuall love , which is so streight that the one cannot be schismatically left out , but the other is forsaken also . otherwise i thinke it cannot be shewed to the time of innocent the third , that the bishop was counted the church ; or this dreame of a virtuall church once imagined . the clerkes of the church of placentia did in their oath of canonicall obedience sweare thus : that they would obey the church of placentia , and the lord their bishop . where the chapiter doth carry the name of the church from the bishop . yea , even in those times preposed , or set before him , when the pope was lifted up above generall councels , then it is like was the first nativity of these virtuall churches . as for a kingdome i doubt not , but it may be put for a king figuratively : but the church typified by peter , must needs be a church properly . and it will never be proved that any one governour was set up in a church proportionable to a king in a common-wealth , in whom is all civill power whereby the whole kingdome is administred . to the second argument from the apostles fact in the church of cori●th , who judicially , ( absent ) sentenced his excommunication , i have 〈◊〉 or j●dged , leaving nothing to the church , but ou● of their obedience to decline him , as in the 2. epist. 2. he saith , fo● this 〈◊〉 i have writt●● to you , that i may proove whether you will in all things 〈◊〉 obedient . what argument● are these ? he that judgeth one to be excommunicated , hee leaveth no place for the presbyters and church of corinth judicially to excommunicate . thus i might reason , act. 15.17 . from iames , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he who doth judicially sentence a thing hee leaveth no place to other apostles and presbyters to give sentence . the truth is , the apostle might have judged him to be excommunicate ; and an evangelist , if present , might have judged him also to be excommunicate , and yet place left for the churches judgement also . these are subordinate one to the other . here it may be objected , that if place be left for the churches judgement after the apostles sentence ; then the church is free not to excommunicate where the apostles have , and the same man should bee excommunicate and not excommunicate . ans. suppose the apostles could excommunicate clave errante , without cause , it is true . but the apostles sentence being just , shee is not free , in as much as shee cannot lawfully but doe that which lyeth on her ; when now it is especially shewed her , and by example shee is provoked . yes , where she should see just cause of excommunicating she is not ( though none call on her ) free not to excommunicate . neverthelesse , though she is not free , so as she can lawfully not excommunicate , yet she is free , speaking of freedome absolutely and simply , and if she should not excommunicate him , hee should remaine not excommunicable but excommunicate , by chiefe judgement , yet it should not be executed , by the sinister favour of a particular church . as , say sauls sentence had beene just , and the peoples favour had beene unjust , ionathan had beene under condemnation , but execution had beene prevented by the peoples he●dstrong affection towards him . ob. so they who obeyed paul they did not judicially excommunicate . ans. as though one may not exercise power of government by manner of obedience to the exhortation of a superior . touching the place in the thessaloni●ns , those that read , note him by an epistle , doe goe against the consent of all greeke interpreters ▪ and the context doth shew , that it is a judiciary noting one , such as caused him to bee avoided by others , and tended to breed shame in him . as for pauls excommunicating 〈◊〉 and alexa●der , it will not follow . that which he did alone an ordinary pastor may doe alone . secondly , it is not like he did it alone : but a● he cast out the corinthian , though the whole proceeding be not noted . though paul saith , i delivered them ▪ so he saith , grace was given timothy by imposition of his 〈◊〉 ● tim. 1.6 . when yet the presbytery joyned , 1 tim. 4.14 thirdly , it may be they were no fixed members in any constituted church . the third argument of timothy and titus hath beene sufficiently discussed . to the fourth , that one is fitter for execution then many . to which we may adde , that though the bishops be but as consuls in a senat , or vice-chancellors in a university , having when they sit with others , no more power then the rest . yet these have execution of many things committed to them . the assertion . viz. that many are lesse fit for execution , we deny . that order is fittest which god instituted . but he doth commit the keyes to the church , to many , that they might exercise the authority of them ; when that mean is most fit , which god will most blesse , and his blessing doth follow his owne order , this is the fittest . secondly , in the apostles times , and in the times after , almost foure hundred yeeres expired , presbyters did continue with bishops in governing and executing what ever was decreed . thirdly , this deprivation from the first order , one to execute for a diocesan , one for a provinciall , the decrees of a diocesan and provinciall , drew on a necessityof one to execute the decrees of the oecumenicall church or pope . fourthly , let them shew where god divided the power of making lawes for government of any church from the power to execute them . regularly they who have the greater committed , have the lesser also . fiftly , we see even in civill governments many parts by joynt councell and action are as happily governed as others are by a singular governour . truely , that the affrican fathers write to celestive is true : it is unlikely that god will be present , with one , inspiring him with his spirit , and not be present with many who are in his name , and with his warrant assembled . as for those comparisons they hold not in all : they hold in that which the consull doth in calling the assembly , propounding things , &c. yet the consuls never took the power to censure their fellowes without the concurrence of their fellow senators , nor to withdraw themselves from being subject to the censure of the rest of the senate . to the fift argument , to the proposition by distinction : if they have all power both of ministeriall application , and instituting others out of vertue and authority , then pastours derive . but this is denyed . she hath no power but of ministery , and no plenitude but so farre as they in their owne persons can discharge . it presupposeth therefore we affirme in our question what we doe not . but to let the proposition passe , because of some derivation , it is true . if she have but all power of ministeriall application , then bishops 〈◊〉 f●om 〈◊〉 but ●hey doe not . we say they doe . and where●● it i● 〈◊〉 th●● which the church ne●er had she cannot conve● 〈…〉 , which the church never had , she cannot virtually convey it ▪ but she may a● ministering to him who hath the power and vertue of deriving i● . nothing can give that which it hath not , either formally or virtually , unlesse it give it as an instrument to one who hath it . a man not having a penny of his owne , may give a● hundred pounds if the king make him his almoner . a steward may give all offices in his masters house , as ministerially ex●cuting his masters pleasure . thus the church deriveth , as taking the person whom christ describeth , and out of power will have placed in this or that office in his church . this answereth to the last suggestion . for if the church did virtually , and out of power make an officer , it is true , as we see with those whom the king maketh in the common-wealth . but if she doe it in steward-like manner , ministring to the sole lord and master of his house , then is not he so taken in to doe in his name , but in his masters name . as a butler taken in by a servant , doth execute his office not in master stewards name , but in his masters , who onely out of power did confer it on him . the last objection i answer . that the particular church may depose their bishop . what member soever in the church is the offending person , may be complained of to the church . the church of philippi , if it had power to see that archippus doe his dutie , then it had power to reprove and censure him not doing it . if the church have power by election to choose one their bishop , and so power of instituting him , then of destituting also . instituere & destituere ejusdem es●●otestates . but he is given the onely judge in christs roome , and though they elect him , yet as you have said , and truely , they have not the power of th●t authority in them to which he is elected . no more then the electors of the emperour have in them power of the imperiall dignity . answer . we say therefore , that as the church hath onely ministeriall power of application , that is , as they cannot out of power call a pastour , but onely call one whom christ pointeth out , and to whom christ out of power gi●eth the place of pastour . so she cannot censure or depose , but onely ministerially executing the censure of christ , who will have such a one turned ou● , or otherwise censured . but the bishop never was sole judge , though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he may be said so . christ instituted ● presbytery , in which all had equall power of judgement . cyprian ep. 68. in the case of bes●●●des and martialis , doth shew that the church had power as of choosing worthy , so of refusing unworthy . he speaketh of an ordinary power , as by choosing is manifest , not extraordinary and in case of necessitie . and mr. field maintaineth , that l●●erius was lawfully deposed by the church of rome . surely i marvell men of learning will deny it , when no reason evinceth the pope though a generall pastor subject to the censure of a church oecumenicall , but the same proveth a diocesan bishop subject to the censure of the particular church . unlesse they will say with some schoolmen , sot● , viz. that the pope is but the vicar of christ in the generall church : but the bishop is both the vicar of christ , and also representeth the generall church in his diocesse , whence he cannot be proceeded against by the church that is a particular . as if to be a vicar of christ were a lesser matter then to represent the generall church , with whom in his calling the church oecumenicall hath nothing to doe . to that which is objected touching fathers , pastors ; the similitudes hold not in all things . naturall parents are no wayes children , nor in state of subjection to their children : but spirituall fathers are so fathers , that in some respect they are children to the whole church . so shepherds are no way sheepe , but ministers are in regard of the whole church . secondly , parents and shepherds are absolutely parents and shepherds , be they good or evill : but spirituall parents and pastors are no longer so then they doe accordingly behave themselves . besides , are not civill kings parents and pastors of their people ? yet if they be not absolute monarches , it was never esteemed as absurd , to say that their people had power in some cases to depose them . if their owne churches have no power over them , it will be hard to shew wherein others have such power of jurisdiction over persons who belong not to their owne churches . but lord bishops must take state on them , and not subject themselves unto any triall , but by their peeres onely , which is by a councell of bishop● . finis . an answer to a booke entitvled an hvmble remonstrance in which the originall of liturgy, episcopacy is discussed : and quares propounded concerning both : the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated : the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered : the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested : the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated : the prelaticall church bownded / written by smectymnvvs. smectymnuus. 1641 approx. 246 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52036 wing m748 estc r21898 12569638 ocm 12569638 63410 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52036) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63410) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 254:e161, no 4) an answer to a booke entitvled an hvmble remonstrance in which the originall of liturgy, episcopacy is discussed : and quares propounded concerning both : the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated : the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered : the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested : the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated : the prelaticall church bownded / written by smectymnvvs. smectymnuus. milton, john, 1608-1674. first edition. [2], 104 p. printed for i. rothwell and are to be sold by t.n. ..., london : 1641. "a postscript" by john milton? : p. 85-95 (i.e. 95-104) wing attributes authorship to stephen marshall, who with edmund calamy, thomas young, matthew newcomen and william spurstowe, wrote under the pseudonym smectymnuus. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng hall, joseph, 1574-1656. -humble remonstrance to the high court of parliament. church of england -liturgy. church of england -controversial literature. episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to a booke entitvled , an hvmble remonstrance . in which , the originall of liturgy , episcopacy is discussed . and quaeres propounded concerning both . the parity of bishops and presbyters in scripture demonstrated . the occasion of their imparity in antiquity discovered . the disparity of the ancient and our moderne bishops manifested . the antiquity of ruling elders in the church vindicated . the prelaticall church bownded . ieremy 6.16 . thus saith the lord , stand in the wayes , and behold , and aske for the old way , which is the way , and walke therein . tertul. de praescr . adv . haeres . id dominicum & verum , quod prius traditum : id autem extraaeum & falsum quod sit posterius . written by smectymnvvs . london , printed for i. rothwell , and are to be sold by t. n. at the bible in popes-head-alley . 1641. most honovrable lords , and ye the knights , citizens , and bvrgesses , of the honourable house of commons . although we doubt not , but that book which was lately directed to your honours , bearing the name of an humble remonstrance , hath had accesse unto your presence : and is in the first approaches of it , discovered by your discerning spirits , to be neither humble , nor a remonstrance ; but a heape of confident , and ungrounded assertions ; so that to your honours a reply may seeme superfluous : yet lest the authour should glory in our silence , as a granting of the cause ; we humbly crave your honours leave , to present , not so much to your selves , as to the world by your hands , a review of this remonstrance ; in which the authour after too large a preface , undertakes the support of two things , which seeme to him to bee threatned with danger of a present precipice , the liturgy , and the hierarchie . it was a constitution of those admired sonnes of iustice the areopagi ; that such as pleaded before them should pleade without prefacing and without passion : had your honours made such a constitution , this remonstance must have beene banished from the face of your assembly : for the preface fils almost a fourth part of the booke , and the rest swels with so many passionate rhetorications , as it is harder for us in the multitude of his words to finde what his argument is , that we have to answer , then to answer it when it is found . we would not trace him in his words , but close immediately with his argments ; did wee not finde in him a sad exemplification of that divine axiome , in multitudine verborum non deest peccatum , in the multitude of words there wants no sinne : for though the authour is bold to call upon your honours to heare the words of truth and confidence , yet how little truth there is in this great confidence , the ensuing discourse shall discover . his very first word● are confident enough , and yet as false as confident ; wherein he impropriates all honesty unto these his papers , and brands all others with the name of libellers , and yet himselfe sins deeply against the rule of honesty , and lies naked to the scourge of his owne censure . first , in setting a brand upon all writings that have lately issued from the presse , as if they had all forgotten to speake any other language then libellous : it seemes himselfe had forgotten , that some things had issued by authority of the king and parliament . secondly , in taxing ( implicitely ) all such as will not owne this remonstrance for theirs : as , none of the peaceable and well-affected sons of the church of england . thirdly , in censuring the way of petitioning your honours , the ancient and ordinary free way of seeking redresse of our evils , for a tumultuary under-band way . fourthly , in condemning all such as are not fautors of this episcopall cause , as none of his majesties good subjects , engrossing that praise onely to his owne party , saying , the eyes of us the good subjects of this whole realm● are fixed upon your successe , &c. fiftly , in impropriating to the same party the praise of orthodox , pag. 6. as if to speak a word , or think a thought against episcopacy , were no lesse heresie , then it was in forme● time to speake against the popes supremacy , or the monkes fat belly ; whereas whether the episcopall part be the orthodox , peaceable , well affected part , and his majesties onely good subjects , wee leave to your honours to iudge , upon the numerous informations that flow in unto you from the severall parts of this kingdome . nor can they decline your iudgment , seeing now you are ( through gods blessing ) happily met in a much longed for parliament : but whether so much longed for by him and his accomplices ; as by those against whom he wh●●s his style , the prayers that have obtained this happy meeting , and the prayses that doe attend it , will decide in ●hat great day . the helena , whose champion this remonstrant chiefely is : is that government which hee calles sacred , viz. that governement by arch-bishops , bishops , deanes , archdeacons , &c. which , saith he , through the sides of some misliked persons some have endeavoured to wound . misliked persons ? and why not offending persons ? why not guilty persons ? when this honourable house hath ●ound just cause to charge some of them , with crimes of the highest nature . our zeale for your honours make us feare , lest your assembly shold suffer in this word ; as if your proceedings against such persons should be grounded upon compliance with such as doe mislike them , rather then upon their owne demerits , or the iustice of this court. but what ever those persons be , the government it self is sacred ; which by the ●oynt confession of all reformed divines , derives it selfe from the times of the ●lessed apostles , without any interruption , without contradiction of any one congregation in the world unto this present age . this is but an episcopall bravado , therefore we let it passe , till we come to close and contend with him in the point ; where we shall demonstrate , that in the compasse of three lines hee hath packt up as many untruths , as could be smoothly couched in so few words , as any man of common understanding , that lookes upon the face of the governement of almost all reformed churches in the christian world , may at first view discover . but before we come to this , there are yet two things in this preface which we count not unworthy observation . the first is , the comparison which he makes between the two governments , the civill which with us is monarchie : and the sacred which with him is episcopacy . of the first he saith , if antiquity may be the rule ; ( as he pleades it for episcopacy ) or i● scripture ( as he interprets scripture ) it is variable , and arbitrary : but the other divine and vnalterable , so that had men petitioned for the altering of monarchicall government , they had ( in his iudgement ) beene lesse culpable , ●oth by scripture and antiquity , then in petitioning the alteration of the hierarchicall : had he found but any such passage in any of his lewd libellers ( as his modesty is alwayes pleased to tearme them ) certainly if we may borrow his owne phrase , the eares of the three interessed kingdomes , yea , all the neighbour churches , and if we may say , the whole christian world , and no small part beyond it , had rung with the lowd cryes of no lesse then treason , treason . truth is , in his antiquity we find that this his uninterrupted sacred government , hath so far invaded the civill , and so yoked monarchy , even in this kingdome , as malmesbury reports : that william rufus oppressed by bishops , perswaded the iewes to confute them ; promising thereupon to turne england to their religion , that he might be free of bishops . and this is so naturall an effect of unalterable episcopacy , that pius ●he fourth to the spanish embassadour , importuning him to permit bishops to bee declared by the councell of trent , to be iure divino , gave this answer : that his king knew not what he did desire , for if bishops should be so declared , they would be all exempted from his power , and as indepedent as the pope himselfe . the second thing observable is the comparison hee makes betweene the late alterations attempted in our neighbour church by his episcopall faction , and that alteration that is now justly desired by the humble petitioners to this honourable house . the one being attempted by strangers , endevouring violently to obtrude innovations upon a setled church and state , the other humbly petitioned to the heads and princes of our state by multitudes therein almost ruined by an innovating faction : yet doth not this remonstrant blush to say ; if these be branded , ( so he cals the just censures of this honorable house ) for incendiaries , how shall these boutefeux escape , &c. thus cunningly indeavouring either to justifie the former by the practise of the latter , or to render the latter more odious then the former . the attempts of these men whom he would thus render odious , hee craves leave to present to your honours in two things , which are the subjects of this quarrell : the liturgie and episcopacy , and we humbly crave your honours leave in both to answer . sect . ii. first , the liturgie of the church of england ( saith he ) hath bin hitherto esteemed sacred , reverently used by holy martyrs , daily frequented by devout protestants , as that which more then once hath been confirmed by the edicts of religious princes , and your own parliamentary acts , &c. and hath it so ? whence then proceed these many additions and alterations ? that have so changed the face and fabrick of the liturgie , that as dr. hall spake once of the pride of england : if our fore-fathers should revive and see their daughters walking in cheapside with their fannes and farthingales , &c. they would wonder what kinde of creatures they were , and say nature had forgot her selfe and brought forth a monster : so if these holy martyrs that once so reverently used the liturgy should revive and looke for their letany stampt by authority of parliament , they would be amased , and wondering say ; england had forgotten her selfe and brought forth , &c. martyrs ? what doe we speake of martyrs when we know sir , that one of your owne a bishops said it in the hearing of many not so long since , but you may well remember it . that the service of the church of england was now so drest , that if the pope should come and see it , he would claime it as his owne , but that it is in english. it is little then to the advantage of your cause , that you tell us , it is translated into other languages , and as little service have they done to the church of england , who have taught our prayers to speake latine againe : for if it be their language chiefly that overthrowes the popes claime , take away that , and what hinders then , but the pope may say , these are mine . as for other translations and the great applause it hath obtained from forraigne divines , which are the fumes this remonstrant venditates ; what late dayes have produced we know not , but the great lights of former ages have beene farre from this applauding : we are sure judicious calvine saith , that in the liturgy there are sundry tolerabiles ineptiae , which we thinke is no very great applause . to vindicate this liturgy from scorne ( as he calles it ) at home , or by your honours aide to reinforce it upon the nation , is the worke of his remonstrance ; for the effecting whereof he falls into an unparallell'd discourse about the antiquity of liturgies ; we call it unparalleld , because no man that we have seene ever drew the line of liturgy so high as he hath done . concerning which , if by liturgy this remonstrant understand an order observed in church assemblies of praying , reading , and expounding the scriptures , administring sacraments , &c. such a liturgy we know and do acknowledge both iewes and christians have used . but if by liturgy hee understand prescribed and stinted formes of administration composed by some particular men in the church , and imposed upon all the rest ( as this he must understand , or else all hee saith is nothing ) wee desire and expect that those formes , which he saith are yet extant , and ready to be produced , might once appeare . liturgy of this former sort we finde in iustine martyr and tertullian . but that there were not such stinted liturgies as this remonstrant disputes for , appeares by tertullian , in his apol. cap. 30. where he saith the christians of those times did in their publique assemblies pray sine monitore qui● de pectore , without any prompter but their own hearts . and that so it should be the same father proves in his treatise , de oratione : s●●nt quae petantur , &c. there are some things to be asked according to the occasions of every man : the lawfull & ordinary prayer ( tha● is the lords prayer ) being laid as a foundation ; it is lawfull to build upon that foundation other prayers according to every ones occasions . and to the same purpose s. austin in his 121. ep. liberum est , &c. it is free to aske the same things that are desired in the lords prayer , aliis atque aliis verbis , sometimes one way and sometimes another : and before this in that famous place of iust. mar. apo. 2. he , who instructed the people , prayed according to his ability , nor was this liberty in prayer taken away , and set and imposed formes introduced , untill the time that the arian and pelagian heresies did invade the church , and then because those hereticks did convey and spreade their poyson in their formes of prayer and hymnes , the church thought it convenient to restraine the liberty of making and using publike formes : and first it ordained that none should pray pro arbitrio , sed semper eaedem preces , that none should use liberty to vary in prayer ; but use alwaies the same forme , conc. laod. can. 18. yet this was a forme of his owne composing , as appeares by another canon , wherein it was ordered thus : none should use any forme , unlesse he had first conferred cum fratribus instructioribus : with the more learned of his brethren . conc. carth. 3. can. 23. and lastly that none should use set prayers , but such as were approved of in a synode , which was not determined till the yeare 416. conc. milev . 2. can. 12. and had there been any liturgies of times of the first and most venerable antiquity producible , the great admirers of them , and inquirers after them would have presented them to the world ere this . we know that bishop andrews in his zeale for liturgies pursued the inquiry after the iewish liturgie so far , that he thought he had found it ; and one there was which he sent to cambridge to be translated : but there it was soone discovered , to have beene made long after the iewes ceased to be the church of god ; and so himselfe supprest it , that it never saw the light under a translation . we wonder therefore , what this remonstrant meant to affirme so confidently , that part of the forme of prayer which was composed by our blessed saviour , was borrowed from the formes of prayer formerly used by gods people . an opinion we never met before ; indeed , we have read that the rabbines since the daies of our saviour have borrowed some expressions from that prayer , and from other evangelicall passages : but we never read till now , that the lord christ the wisdome of the father borrowed from the wisdome of the rabbines expressions to use in prayer . and as much we wonder by what revelation or tradition ( scripture being silent in the thing ) he knew , that peter and iohn , when they went up to the temple to pray , their prayer was not of a sudden and extemporary conception , but of a regular prescription . sure we are some as well read in iewish antiquity , as this remonstrant shewes himselfe to be ; have told us that the houre of prayer was the time when the priest burnt incense ; and the people were at their private prayers without , as appeares , luke 1.9 . where we reade , that while zachary the priest went in to offer incense , all the people stood with out praying in the time of the oblation . which prayers were so far from being prescript formes or liturgies that they were not vocall but mentall prayers , as master meade tels us in his exposition upon the eighth of the revelations . and what ever peter and iohn did , this we know , that when the publican and the pharisee went up to the temple to pray ( as the apostles did at the houre of prayer ) their prayer was not of regular prescription , but of a present conception . but if this remonstrant be in the right , concerning the iewish liturgies , then the evangelicall church might better have improved her peace and happinesse , then in composing models of invocation and thanksgiving , when there is one extant and ready to be produced , that was constantly used by gods people ever since moses daies , and put over to the times of the gospel and confirmed by apostolicall practise : or else great is our losse , who are so unhappily deprived of the best improvement , the church made of her peace and happinesse in the first 300. yeares : for rejecting those liturgies that are confest by the learned to bee spurious ; we challenge this remonstrant to produce any one liturgie that was the issue of those times . and blessed constantine was herein as unhappy as we , who needed not have composed formes of prayer for his guard to use upon the lords day , but might and would have taken them out of former liturgies , if there had been any ; and can ye with patience think that any ingenuous christian should be so transported , as upon such weak and unproved premises to build such a confident conclusion , as this remonstrant doth ? and in that conclusion forget the state of the controversie sliding from the question of a prescribed and imposed liturgie to an arbitrary book of prayer . in his rhetoricall encomium of conceived prayer wee shall more willingly bear a part with him , then they whose cause he pleads ; for had that been in their hearts , which is in this book : to hate , to be guilty of powring water upon the spirit , and gladly to adde oyle rather : so many learned , able , conscientious preachers had not been molested and suspended , for letting the constant flames of their fixed conceptions mount up from the altar of their zealous heart unto the throne of grace : nor had there been so many advantages watched from some stops and seeming solecismes in some mens prayers , to blaspheme the spirit of prayer , which though now confest to be so far from being offensive , that they are as pleasing musick in the eares of the almighty : yet time hath been , when they have ●ounded as meere battologies ; nay no better then meere blasphemies in the ●ares of some bishops . and if this conceived prayer be not to be opposed in another , by any man that hath found the true operation of this grace in himselfe : with that spirit then are those possest , that have not only thus raged with their tongues against this way of prayer : but by sealing up the mouthes of ministers for praying thus in publike , and imposing penances upon private christians for praying thus in their families : and compelling them to abiure this practise , have endeavoured with raging violence to banish this divine ordinance from our churches and dwellings , and profest in open court : it was fitter for amsterdam than for our churches . but howsoever this applause of conceived prayer may seeme to be cordiall , yet he makes it but a vantage ground to lift up publike formes of sacred church liturgie ( as hee calls it ) the higher , that they may have the greater honour , that by the power of your authority they be reinforced , which worke there would have beene no need to call your honors to , had not episcopall zeale broke forth into such flames of indignation against conceived prayers , that we have more just cause to implore the propitious aide of the same authority to reestablish the liberty of this , then they to re-inforce the necessity of that . yet there are two specious arguments which this remonstrant brings to perswade this desired re-inforcement , the originall and confirmation of our liturgie . for the first , he tels your honours , it was selected out of ancient models not roman but christian , contrived by the holy martyrs and confessors of the blessed reformation of religion ; where we beseech your honours to consider how we may trust these men , who sometimes speaking and writing of the roman church , proclaime it a true church of christ , and yet here roman and christian stand in opposition : sometimes they tell men , their liturgie is wholly taken out of the romane missall , only with some little alteration : and here they would perswade your honours there is nothing romane in it . but it is wholly selected out of pure ancient models , as the quintessence of them all . whereas alas the originall of it , is published to the world , in that proclamation of edward the sixt . and though here they please to stile the composers of it , holy martyrs , and contrivers of the blessed reformation : yet there are of the tribe for whom he pleads , not a few that have called them traitors rather then martyrs , and d●formers rather then reformers of our religion . his other argument for the liturgie is taken from that supply of strength , it hath received from the recommendation of foure most religious princes , & your own parliamentary establishments : and more especially from the proclamation of king iames of famous memory : the validity of which plea , your honors are best able to judge , and therefore we leave it at your bar ; yet these two things we know : first , that this form was never established to be so punctually observed , so rigorously pressed , to the casting out of all that scruple it , or any thing in it ( as many of his majesties subjects now doe ) to the ( almost ) justling out of the preaching of the word , and conceived prayer altogether . and secondly , as sure we are , that your honors thinke neither your own lawes , nor the proclamation of that most famous and ever admired prince , to be as unalterable as the lawes of the medes and persians . and now having briefly shewed , that liturgies are not of that antiquity that this remonstrant pretends , but that conceived prayer was in use in the church of god before liturgies , and is iustified from their own mouthes , and not to be found fault with by any but a gracelesse man : and having likewise shewed that our liturgie was taken out of models , not only christian but romane , and hath since the first compiling of it suffered alteration to the worse ; and though established by law , and confirmed by proclamation , was never intended to the justling ou● , either of preaching or conceived prayer ; these things declared , we humbly crave your honors leave to propound these two queries . quere i. whether it be not fit to consider of the alteration of the present liturgie . first , because it symbolizeth so much with the popish masse , as that the pope himselfe was willing to have it used , if he might but confirme it . it was made and composed into this frame , on purpose to bring the papists to our churches , which we finde to be with so little successe , as that it hath rather brought many of us to them , then any of them to us , and hath lost many of ours from us . because many things therein contained are stumbling blocks before the feet of many : such as these , the clogging it with ceremonies , and the often and impertinent reiterating of the lords prayer , the ill translation of the psalmes , and other scriptures , the many phrases in the very prayers , which are liable to just exception . and whereas the minister by the scripture is the peoples mouth to god , this booke prescribes responsories to bee said by the people , some of which are unsutable to what the minister pronounceth , some of them seeme to savour of tautologie , some are made to be so essentiall to the prayer , as that all which the minister saith , is no prayer without them ; as in the letany . because it is so much idolized , as that it is accounted the only worship of god in england , and is now made the upholder of a non-preaching ministery , and is cryed up to that height , as that some are not ashamed to say , that the wit of men and angels cannot mend it : and that it is a sufficient discharge of the ministers duty to reade this booke . there are such multitudes of people , that distaste this booke , that unlesse it be altered , there is no hope of any mutuall agreement between gods ministers and their people . there is such a vaste difference betweene it , and the liturgies of all other reformed churches , as that it keepes them at a distance from us , and us from full communion with them . quere ii. whether the first reformers of religion did ever intend the use of a liturgie further , then to be an help , in the want , or to the weaknesse of a minister . all other reformed churches , though they use liturgies , yet doe not binde their ministers to the use of them . a rubrick in king edwards booke left it unto the discretion of the minister , what and how much to reade , when there was a sermon . the homilies which are appointed to be read , are left free either to be read or not , by preaching ministers , and why not then the liturgie ? especially considering that the ability to offer up the peoples wants to god in prayer is part of the ministeriall office , as well as preaching . and if it can be thought no lesse than sacriledge , to rob the people of the ministers gift in preaching , and to tie them to homilies , it can be no lesse , to deprive them of their gift in prayer . the ground of the first binding of it upon all to use , was not to tie godly men from exercising their gift in prayer ; but the old popish priests , that by a seeming returne to our religion , did through indulgence retaine their places ; from returning to the old mas●e . that which makes many refuse to be present at our church service , is not only the liturgie it selfe , but the imposing of it upon ministers . and we finde no way to recover our people to a stinted prayer , but by leaving it free to use or not to use . if it be objected , that this will breed divisions and disturbances in churches , unlesse there be a uniformity , and that there are many unable . it hath not bred any disturbance in other reformed churches . why should the free liberty of using or not using a liturgie , breed more confusion than the free liberty of reading or not reading homilies , especially when ministers shall t●ach people , not to condemne one another in things indifferent . if there be a care taken in those that have the power to make ministers , to choose men gifted as well for prayer as preaching , there cannot be conceived how any inconvenience should follow . or if afterwards it should appeare , that any minister should prove insufficient to discharge the duty of prayer in a conceived way , it may bee imposed on him as a punishment , to use set formes and no other . but why any minister that hath the gift of prayer , in an abundant measure , as well as of preaching , should be hindered from exercising his gift well , because another useth it ill , is a new divinity never heard of in gods church , till bishop wrens daies , who forbad all use of conceived prayer in the church . sect . iii. vve come now with your honours favour , to the second point disputed in this remonstrance ; episcopacy it selfe : against which , whatsoever hath been either spoken or written by any , either learned divines , or well reformed churches ( as his conscience knowes , there are of both that have writ against it ) is taxed by him as no other then the uniust clamors either of weak or factious persons . sure the man thinkes he hath obtained a monopoly of learning , and all knowledge is lockt up in his bosome ; and not o●ly knowledge but piety and peaceableness too ; for all that are not of his opinion , must suffer either as weake or factious , if he may be their iudge . we know not what this arrogancy might attempt to fasten upon your honors , should the bowels of your compassion bee enlarged , to weigh in the ballance of your wisdomes , the multitude of humble petitions , presented to you from severall parts of this kingdome , that hath long groaned under the iron a●d insupportable yoake of this episcopall government , which yet we doubt not , but your honours will please to take into your prudent and pious consideration : especially knowing it is their continuall practise to loade with the odious names of faction all that justly complain of their unjust oppression . in his addresse to his defence of episcopacy , he makes an unhappy confession that he is confounded in himselfe . your honours may in this beleeve him , for hee that reades this remonstrance , may easily observe so many falsities and contradictions , ( though presented to publike view , with a face of confident boldnesse , ) as could not fall from the pen of any , but selfe-confounded man : which though we doubt not but your honours have descryed ; yet because they are hid from an errant , and unobserving eye , under the embroyderies of a silken language , wee humbly crave your honours leave to put them one by one upon the file , that the world may see what credit is to be given to the bold assertions of this confident remonstrant . first , in his second page , he dubs his book * the faithfull messenger of all a the peaceable and right affected sons of the church of england : which words ( besides that unchristian theta , which as we already observed , they set upon all that are not of his party , ) carry in the bowels of them a notorious falsity and contradiction to the phrase of the booke ; for how could this booke be the messenger of all his owne party in england , when it is not to be imagined , that all could know of the comming forth of this booke before it was published : and how can that booke crave admittance in all their names , that speakes in the singular number , and as in the person of one man almost the whole booke thorow . but it may besome will say this is but a small slippe ; well be it so : but in the seventh page hee layes it on in foure lines , asserting these foure things : first , that episcopall government , ( that very same episcopall government , which some he saith seekes to wound , that is government by diocesan bishops ) derives it selfe from the apostles times , which though we shall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more fully confute anon , yet we cannot here but ranke it among his notorious — : for how could there be such government of a diocesse by a bishop derived from the apostles times : when in the apostles times there were no bishops distinct from p●esbyters , as we shall shew , and if there had beene bishops , yet they were no diocesans , for it was a hundred yeares after christ , or as most agree 260. before parishes were distinguished , and there must be a distinction of parishes before there could be an union of them into diocesses . secondly , it is by the joynt confession of all reformed divines granted , that this sacred government is derived from the apostles : what all reformed divines ? was calvin , beza , iunius , &c. of that minde ? are the reformed churches of france , scotland , netherlands , of that iudgement ? we shall shew anon that there is no more truth in this assertion then if he had said with anaxagoras , snow is black , or with copernicus , the earth moves , and the heavens stand still . thirdly , he saith this government hath continued without any interruption : what doth he meane , at rome ? for we reade in some places of the world this government was never known for many yeares together : as in scotland ● we reade that in ancient times the scots were instructed in the christian faith by priests and monkes , and were without bishops 290. yeares : yea to come to england , we would desire to know of this remonstrant whether god had a church in england in q. mari●s daies or no ? and if so , who were then the bishops of this church , for some there must be , if it be true that this man saith , this government hath continued without any interruption unto this day ; and bishops then we know not where to finde but in the ●ine of popish succession . fourthly , he saith it hath thus continued without the contradiction of any one congregation in the christian world . it seemes he hath forgotten , what their own darling heylin hath written of the people of biscay in spaine , that they admit of no bishops to come among them , for when ferdinand the catholike came in progresse accompanied among others with the bishop of pampelone , the people rose up in armes , drove back the bishop , and gathering up all the dust which they thought he had trode on , flung it into the sea. which story had it been recorded only by him , would have been of lighter credit . but we reade the same in the spanish chronicle , who saith more then the doctor , for he tels us that the people threw that dust that the bishop or his mule had trode on , into the sea with curses and imprecations : which certainly saith he was not done without some mysterie , those people not being voide of religion , but superstitiously devout as the rest of the spaniards are : so that they is one congregation in the christian world in which this government hath met with contradiction . and are not the french , scottish , and belgicke churches worthy to be counted christian congregations , and who knows not that amongst these this government hath met not only with verball , but reall contradiction ? yet he cannot leave his — : but within two pages is at it again ; and tels us of an unquestionable clearnesse wherein it hath been from the apostles derived to us , how unquestionable ? when the many volumes written about it , witnesse to the world , and to his conscience , it hath been as much questioned as any point ( almost ) in our religion . and that assertion of his that tels us that the people of god had a forme of prayer as ancient as moses , which was constantly practised to the apostles dayes , and by the apostles , &c. though we have shewed how bold and false this assertion is , yet we mention it here as deserving to be put into the catalogue . and that he may not seeme contra mentem ire : but to be of the same minde still , p. 18. he saith episcopall government hath continued in this island ever since the first plantation of the gospell without contradiction . had he taken a lesse space of time , and said but since the resuscitation of the gospel : we can prove it to him and shall , that since the reformation , episcopacy hath been more contradicted , then ever the papacy was before the extirpation of it . yet still the man runs on , thinking to get credit to his untruthes by their multiplications , for pag. 21. hee saith ; certainly except all histories , all authors faile us , nothing can be more certain then this truth : o● durum ! nothing more certain : what is it not more certain that there is a god ? is it not more certain that christ is god and man ? is it not more certaine that christ is the onely saviour of the world ? nothing more certaine : must this then be an article of our creede , the corner stone of our religion : must this be of necessity to salvation ? nothing more certaine . o that men should not onely forget themselves , but god also : and in their zeale for their owne honour utter words bordering upon blasphemy . indignation will not suffer us to prosecute these falsities of his any further ; wee will leave this displeasing service , onely retorting the words of this remonstrant upon himselfe ; surely could he looke with our eyes ( or any eyes that were not partiall ) he would see cause to bee throughly ashamed of these his grosse injurious miscarriages , and should be forced to confesse , that never good cause ( if cause be good ) had more reason to complaine of a sinfull prosecution . sect . iv. vve will now come with your honours patience to weigh , whether there be any more strength in his arguments , then there is truth in his assertion● . his plea for episcopacy consists of two parts . in the ●irst he brings arguments for the supporting of it . in the second he undertakes to answer the objections that may be made against it . his first argument for it , is couched in these words ; were this ordinance merely humane or ecclesiasticall , if there could no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding ancient , of more then 15 hundred yeeres , &c. the strength of which argument lies in this , that they have beene in peaceable possession of this government fifteene hundred yeares and upwards ; and in this island ever since the gospell , without contradiction . in which words he speakes two things , which deserve just censure . first , that the hierarchicall government hath continued for fifteene hundred yeares , therefore should not now be altered , which may well be called , as hierome in another case ; argumentū galeatum , an argument calculated for the meridian of episcopacy , and may indifferently serve for all religions in the world : for thus the iewes might have pleaded against christ the antiquity of more then so many hundred years ; and thus the heathens did plead against the christian religion , which iustin martyr in his apology answers . and by this argument the pope sits as fast rivetted in his chayre at rome , as ours in theirs : whose plea for antiquity runs parallell with theirs . it is a good observation of cyprian , that christ said , ego sum via , veritas & vita , not ego sum consuetudo ; and a that consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris , christ is truth , and not custome , and custome without truth , is a mouldy errour : and as sir francis bacon saith , antiquity without truth , is a cypher without a figure . yet had this b remonstrant been as well versed in antiquity , as he would beare the world in hand he hath , hee might have found learned ancients affirming , there was a time when the church was not governed by bishops , but by presbyters . and when by bishops , he might further have seene more affinity betweene our bishops and the pope of rome , then betweene the primitive bishops and them . and that as king iames , of famous memory , said of the religion of england , that it differed no more from rome , than rome did from what it was at first ; may as truly be said of bishops , that we differ no more from them , then they doe from what bishops were , when first they were raised unto this eminency : which difference we shall shew in our ensuing discourse , to be so great , that as he said of rome , he did romam in roma quaerere , he sought rome in rome ; so we episcopatum in episcopatu , may go seek for a bishop among all our bishops . and whereas in his application of this argument to the bishops of this nation , he saith , it hath continued in this island ever since the first plantation of the gospel , without contradiction ; which is his second in this argument : how false this is we have declared already , and we all know , and himselfe cannot but know , that there is no one thing since the reformation , that hath met with so much contradiction as episcopacy hath done ; witness the severall bookes , written in the reignes of our severall princes , and the many petitions exhibited to our severall parliaments , and the many speeches made therein against episcopall government : many of which are yet extant . as for that supply of accessory strength , which he begs to this argument , from the light of nature , and the rules of iust policy , which ( saith he ) teacheth us not easily to give way to the change of those things , which long use and many a lawes have firmly established , as necessary and beneficiall ; it is evident , that those things which to former ages have seemed necessary and beneficiall , may to succeeding generations , prove not necessary but noxious , not beneficiall but burthensome . and then the same light of nature , and the same iust policy , that did at the first command the establishment of them , may and will perswade their abolishment ; if not , either our parliaments must never repeale any of their former acts ( which yet they have justly and wisely done ) or else in so doing must run counter to the light of nature , and the rules of iust policy ; which to think were an impiety to be punished by the iudge . sect . v. the second argument for the defence of episcopall government , is from the pedigree of this holy calling , which he derives from no lesse than an apostolicall , and in that , right divine institution ; and assayes to prove it from the practice of the apostles ; and as he saith , the cleare practice of their successors , continued in christs church to this very day : and to this argument he so much confides , that he concludes it with this triumphant epiphonema , what scruple can remain in any ingenuous heart ? and determines , if any continue yet unsatisfied , it is in despight of reason , and all evidence of history , and because he wilfully shuts his eyes , with a purpose not to see the light . bona verba . by your favour sir , we will tell you notwithstanding the supposed strength of your argumentation , there is one scruple yet remaining , and if you would know upon what ground , it is this , because we finde in scripture ( which by your own confession is originall authority ) that bishops and presbyters were originally the same , though afterwards they came to be distinguished : and in processe of time , episcopacy did swallow up all the honor and power of the presbytery ; as pharaohs lean kine did the fat . their identity is discernable ; first , from the same names given unto both ; secondly from the same office , designed unto both in scripture . as for the names , are not the same names given unto both in sacred writ ? let the fifth , sixth , and seventh verses of the first chapter to titus testifie : in the fifth verse , the apostle shews that he left titus in creet to ordaine elders in every city : in the sixth verse , he gives a delineation of the persons that are capable of such ordination : and in the seventh , the reason , why the person to be ordained , must be so qualified ; for a bishop , &c. now if the bishop and elder be not here the same , but names of distinct office and order , the apostles reason rendred in the seventh verse of his direction in the fift and sixt verses , is ( with reverence be it spoken ) inconsequentiall , and his demand unjust . if a chancellor in one of the vniversities should give order to his vice-chancellour to admit none to the decree of batchelour in arts , but such as were able to preach , or keepe a divinity act ; for batchelours in divinity must be so ; what reason or equity were in this ? so if paul leaving titus as his locum teneus , as it were in creet for a season , should give order to him not to admit any to be an elder but one thus and thus qualified , because a bishop must be so : had a bishop been an order or calling distinct from , or superiour to a presbyter , and not the same , this had been no more rationall or equall then the former ; therfore under the name of bishop in the seventh verse the apostle intends the elder , mentioned in the fift verse . consonant to this is the language of the same blessed apostle , acts 20. verse 17.18 . where such as in 17 verse he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders in the 28. he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ordinary english , bishops , though our translation there , ( we know not for what reason ) reads it overseers ; not so rendring the word in any other text. and though this remonstrant undertakes to shew a cleare and received distinction , of bishops , presbyters , and deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings in gods church , with an evident specification of the duty & charge belonging to each of them ; or els let this claimed hierarchy be for ever hooted out of the church : yet let us tell him , that we never find in scripture these 3 orders , bishops , presbyters & deacons , mentioned together : but onely bishops & deacons , as phil. 1. and 1 tim. nor do we finde in scripture any ordination to the office of a bishop , differing frō the ordination of an elder : nor do we finde in scripture , the specification of any duty charged upon a bishop , that elders are secluded from : nor any qualification required in a bishop , that is not requisite in every presbyter ; some of which , if not all , would be found , were they not the same . but if this remonstrant thinke to helpe himselfe by taking sanctuary in antiquity ( though we would gladly ●est in scripture , the sanctuary of the lord ) yet we will follow him thither , and there shew him that hierome from the scriptures proves more then once , presbyters and bishops to be the same . and chrysostome in philip. 1. homil. 2. with his admirer theophilact in philip. 1. affirmes that while the apostles lived , the names of bishops and presbyters were not distinguished : and not only while the apostles lived , but in after ages . doth not irenaeus use the name of bishops and presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in a promiscuous sence . are not anicetus , pius , hyginus , telesphorus , sixtus , whom the papists call bishops , and the popes predecessors , termed by eusebius presbyters ? nor was it strange in the primitive times to heare bishops called presbyters , when presbyters writing to their bishops have called him frater . so cyprian ( epist. 26. in the beginning ) is stiled by his presbyters , deacons and confessors , nor was that holy martyr offended with that title , nor they condemned of insolency that used it . but what should we burthen your patience with more testimonies ? when the evidence of this truth hath shined with so strong a beame , that even our adversaries have stooped to it , and confessed that their names were the same in the apostles time . but yet say they , the offices were distinct . now here wee would gladly know , what these men make the distinct office of a bishop . is it to edifie the church by word and sacrament ? is it to ordaine others to that worke ? is it to rule , to governe , by admonition and other censures ? if any of these , if all these make up the proper worke of a bishop ; we can prove from scripture that all these belong unto the presbytery , which is no more then was granted by a councell a . for the first , edifying of the church by word and sacraments , though we feare they will some of them at least scarce owne this as their proper worke ( for some have beene cite● into the high commission for saying , it belongs to them ) yet sir we are sure , scripture makes it a part , a chiefe of the episcopall office ; for so in the 1 pet 5.2 . they are said to doe the worke of a bishop , when they doe feede the flocke of god. and this is such a worke as we hope their lordships will give the poore presbyters leave to share with them in : or if not , we will tell them that the apostle peter in that forecited place , and the apostle paul , acts. 20. binds this worke upon our hands , and woe unto us if we preach not the gospell . but this branch of episcopall and presbyteriall office we passe with brevity , because in this there lies not so much controversie as in the next ; which they doe more wholly impropriate to themselves : the power of ordination . which power , that it was in former times in the hands of presbyters appeares 1 tim. 4.14 . neglect not the gift which was given thee by prophesie , and by the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . the gift here spoken of is the ministeriall gift , the exercise whereof , the apostle exhorts timothy not to neglect , which saith he , he had received , not by the laying on of the hands of one single man , whether apostle , or bishop , or presbyter ; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the presbytery , that is , the whole company of presbyters , for in that sense onely wee ●inde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in scripture , as in luke 22. vers . 66. act. 22. vers . 5. which the christian church called the ecclesiasticall senate , as ierom in isay 3. nos habemus in ecclesia senatum nostrum , coetum presbyterorum , & an apostolicall senate : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignatius epis. ad magnes : and some times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , concil . ancyr . can. 18. and though the apostle in his second epistle to tim. 1.6 . makes mention of the laying on of his hands ; yet to maintaine the harmony of scripture , it must not be denied , but there was imposition of hands by the presbytery , as well as by himselfe , & so it was a joynt act ; so that in this there is no more difference then in the former . and if there be no difference betweene presbyters in feeding or ordaining , let us see if there be any in the third part of their office of ruling , which though our bishops assume wholy to themselves , yet we shall discover , that it hath beene committed to and exercised by presbyteriall hands . for who are they of whom the scripture speakes , heb. 13.17 . obey them that have the rule over you , for they watch for your soules , as they that must give an account , &c. here all such as watch over the soules of gods people , are intituled to rule over them . so that unlesse bishops will say , that they only watch over the soules of gods people , and are only to give an account for them : they cannot challenge to themselves the sole rule over them . and if the bishops can give us good security , that they will acquit us from giving up our account to god for the soules of his people , we will quit our plea , and resigne to them the sole rule over them . so againe in the 1 thessa. 5.12 . know them which labour amongst you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you . in which words are contained these truthes ; first that in one church ( for the thessalonians were but one church , 1 ca. ) there was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; not one chiefe bishop or president , but the presidency was in many . secondly , that this presidency was of such as laboured in the word and doctrine . thirdly , that the censures of the church were managed not by one , but by them all in communi . them that admonish you . fourthly , that there was among them a parity , for the apostles bids know them in an indifferency , not discriminating one from another : yea such was the rule that elders had , that s. peter thought it needfull to make an exhortation to them to use their power with moderation , not lording it over gods heritage , 1 pet. 5.3 . by this time we have sufficiently proved from scripture , that bishops and presbyters are the same in name , in office , in edifying the church , in power of ordination and iurisdiction ; we summe up all that hath beene spoken in one argument . they which have the same name , the same ordination to their office , the same qualification for their office , the same worke to feede the flock of god , to ordaine pastors and elders , to rule , and governe ; they are one and the same office : but such are bishops and presbyters , ergo. sect . vi. but the dint of all this scripture , the remonstrant would elude , by obtruding upon his reader a commentary ( as he calls it ) of the apostles own practise ( which hee would force to contradict their own rules ) to which he superadds the unquestiōable glosse of the cleare practise of their immediate successors in this administration . for the apostles practise , we have already discovered it , from the apostles own writings ; and for his glosse he superadds , if it corrupts not the text we shall admit it ; but if it doe , we must answer with tertullian , id verum quodcunque primum : id adulterum quod posterius , whatsoever is first is true ; but that which is latter is adulterous . in the examination of this glosse , to avoyd needlesse controversie . first , wee take for granted by both sides , that the first and best antiquitie , used the names of bishops and presbyters promiscuously . secondly , that in processe of time , some one was honoured with the name of bishop and the rest were called presbyters or cleri . thirdly , that this was not nomen inane , but there was some kinde of imparitie betweene him and the rest of the presbyters . yet in this we differ ; that they say , this impropriation of name , and imparity of place , is of divine right and apostolicall institution : we affirme both to be occasionall , and of humane invention ; and undertake to shew out of antiquitie , both the occasion upon which , and the persons by whom this imparity was brought into the church . on our parts stands ierome and ambrose , and others , whom we doubt not but our remonstrant wil grant a place among his glossators : saint ierome tells us in 1 tit. idem est ergo presbyter qui episcopus : & antequam diaboli instinctu , studia in religione ●ierent , & diceretur in populis , ego sum pauli , ego apollo , ego cephae , communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur . postquam verò unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat suos putabat esse , non christi ; in toto orbe decretum est , ut unus de presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris , ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret , & schismatum semina ●olicrentur . putat aliquts non scripturarum , sed nostram esse sent●ntiam , episcopum & presbyterum unum esse , & aliud aetatis , aliud esse nomen officii , rel●gat apostoli ad philippenses verba , dicentis , paulus & timotheus servi iesis christi qui sunt philippis , cum episcopis & diaconis , &c. philippi una est urbs macedoniae , & certè in unâ civitate non poterant plures esse ( ut nuncupantur ) episcopi , &c. sicut ergo presbyteri sciant se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse subjectos ; ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , & in communi debere ecclesiam regere . a presbyter and a bishop is the same : and before there were through the devils instinct , divisions in religion , and the people began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollo , and i of cephas , the churches were governed by the common counsell of the presbyters : but after that each man began to account those whom hee had baptized his owne , and not christs ; it was decreed thorow the whole world , that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest ; to whom the care of all the church should belong , that the seeds of schisme might be taken away . thinkes any , that this is my opinion , and not the opinion of the scripture , that a bishop and an elder is the same , let him reade the words of the apostle to the philippians , saying , paul and timothy , the servants of jesus christ , to them that are at philippi , with the bishops & deacons . philippi is one city of macedonia , and certainly in one citie there could not be many bishops ( as they are now called , &c. ) and after the allegations of many other scriptures , he concludes thus ; as the elders therefore may know , that they are to be subject to him that is set over them by the custome of the church ; so let the bishops know , that it is more from custome , then from any true dispensation from the lord , that they are above the presbyters , and that they ought to rule the church in common . in which words of ierome , these five things present themselves to the readers view ; first , that bishops and presbyters are originally the same ; idem ergo est presbyter qui episcopus . secondly , that that imparitie that was in his time betweene bishops and elders , was grounded upon ecclesiasticall custome , and not upon divine institution ; episcopi noverint , &c. thirdly , that this was not his private judgement , but the judgement of scripture ; putat aliquis , &c. fourthly , that before this prioritie was upon this occasion started , the church was governed communi presbyterorum consilio , by the counsell of the presbyters in common , and that even after this imparity , it ought to be so governed ; sciant episcopi se ecclesiam debere in communi regere . fifthly , that the occasion of this imparity and superiority of bishops above elders , was the divisions which through the devils instinct fell among the churches ; post quam verò diaboli instinctu . saravia would take advantage of this place , to deduce this imparity as high as from the apostles times , because even then they began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollos : but sure s. ierome was not so weake as this man would make him , to speake inconsistencies ; and when he propounds it to himselfe , to prove that bishops and presbyters are in scripture the same , to let fall words that should confute his own proposition : whereas therefore s. ierome saith , that after men began to say , i am of paul , and i of apollos , &c. it was decreed that one of the presbyters should be set over the rest , &c. this is spoken indeed in the apostles phrase , but not of the apostles times , else to what purpose is that coacervation of texts that followes ? but suppose it should be granted to be of apostolicall antiquity ( which yet we grant not , having proved the contrary ) yet it appeares : it was not of apostolicall intention , but of diabolicall occasion : and though the divell by kindling divisions in the church , did minister occasion to the invention of the primacy or prelacy or one for the suppressing of schisme ; yet there is just cause to thinke , that the spirit of god in his apostles was never the author of this invention . first , because we reade in the apostles dayes there were divisions , rom 16.7 . and schismes , 1 cor. 3.3 . & 11.18 . yet the apostle was not directed by the holy ghost to ord●ine bishops for the taking away of those divisions ; neither in the rules hee prescribes for the healing of those breaches , doth hee mention bishops for that end : nor in the directions given to timothy and titus for the ordination of bishops or elders , doth he mention this as one end of their ordination , or one peculiar duty of their office . and though the apostle saith , o portet haereses inter vos esse , ut qui probati sunt manifesti fiant inter vos ; yet the apostle no where saith , oportet episcopos esse , ut tollantur haereses , quae mainifestae fiunt . secondly , because as doctor whitaker saith , the remedy devised hath proved worse then the disease , which doth never happen to that remedy whereof the holy ghost is the author . thirdly , because the holy ghost , who could foresee what would ensue thereupon , would never ordaine that for a remedy , which would not onely be ineffectuall to the cutting off of evill , but become a stirrup for antichrist to get into his ●addle . for if there be a necessity of setting up one bishop over many presbyters for preventing schismes , there is as great a necessity of setting up one archbishop over many bishops , and one patriarch over many archbishops , and one pope over all , unlesse men will imagine , that there is a danger of schisme only among presbyters , and not among bishops and archbishops , which is contrary to reason , truth , history , and our own experience . and lest our adversaries should appeale from hierome as an incompetent judge in this case , because a presbyter , and so a party , we wil therefore subjoyne the judgements of other ancient fathers who were themselves bishops . the commentaries that goe under the name of saint ambrose upon ephes. 4. mention another occasion of this discrimination or priority ; and that was a the increase and dilatation of the church , upon occasion whereof they did ordaine rectors or governours , and other officers in the church ; yet this he grants , that this did differ from the former orders of the church , and from apostolicall writ . and this rectorship or priority was devolved at first from one elder to another by succession , when hee who was in the place was removed , the next in order among the elders succeeded . but this was afterwards changed , and that unworthy men might not bee preferred , it was made a matter of election , and not a matter of succession . thus much we finde concerning the occasion of this imparity , enough to shew , it is not of divine authority . for the second thing , the persons who brought in this imparity , the same authours tells us : the presbyters themselves brought it in ; witnesse hierome ad evag. alexandriae presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum , episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faceret , aut diaconi de se archidiaconum . the presbyters of alexandria did call him their bishop , whom they had chosen from among themselves , and placed in a higher degree , as if an army should make an emperour , or the deacons an archdeacon . ambrose upon the fourth of the ephesians tells us , it was done by a councell , and although he neither name the time nor place of the councell , yet ascribing it to a councell hee grants it not to be apostolicall : this gave occasion to others to fixe it upon custome as hieronym . in tit. and august . epist. 19. secundùm honorum vocabula quae ecclesiae usus obtinuit episcopatus presbyterio major est . and had that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or prelacie had the seale and confirmation of divine or apostolicall authority , gregory nazianzene would never in such a patheticke manner have wished the abolition of it , as hee doth in his 28. oration . and now where is that acknowledgement , and conveyance of imparitie and iurisdiction which saith this remonstrant was derived from the apostles hands , and deduced in an uninterrupted line , unto this day : where is it ? we find no such imparity delivered from apostolicall hands , nor acknowledged in apostolicall writings ; yet had there beene such an acknowledgement and conveyance of imparity : how this should have beene deduced to us in an uninterrupted line , wee know not , unlesse our bishops will draw the line of their pedigree through the loynes of antichrist , and joyne issue , and mingle blood with rome : which it seemes they will rather doe then lose this plea for their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : their tyrannicall prerogative , as nazianzen calls it . suffer us therefore humbly to appeale to your honours , whether this remonstrant hath not given sentence against himselfe , who is so confident of the evidence of his cause , that he doth not feare to say , if there can be better evidence under heaven for any matter of fact then there is for his episcopacy : let episcopacy befor ever abandoned ovt of the chvrch of god. sect . vii . yet it seemes himselfe in the height of his confidence was not without jelousies , of some thing might be spoken against his cause , therefore he seemes to heare , what is spoken against it . that the apostles bishops and ours are two : there was no other then a parochiall pastor , a preaching presbyter without inequality , without any rule over his brethren . ours claime an eminent superiority , and a power of ordination and iurisdiction unknowne to the primitive times . that this which hee supposeth hee heares us say is scripture truth we have shewed already , &c. that there was a parity between presbyters and bishops : and that eminent superioritie and power of ordination and iurisdiction which our bishops claime , was unknowne to scripture , and are now prepared by gods assistance to prove , it was unknowne to primitive times . but how doth this remonstrant meete with this reply : alas alas hovv good people may be abused by misinformation ! it seemes the man judged this reply so poore as in his thoughts it was more worthy of his pitty , then of his paines to answer , or rather knew there was more in this reply , then hee knew how to answer , and therefore waves it with his rethoricke . and this we rather thinke , because hee knowes but little in antiquity , that knowes not , that there is so vast a difference betweene our bishops , and those that were not onely in the apostles dayes ( whom wee have proved to be undistinguished from presbyters ) but those bishops that were in the church 400 yeares after , when there began to bee some discrimination , that episcopacy may well be likened to the shippe argo , that was so often repaired , as there was nothing left of the first materialls ; yet stil it challenged the first name . which difference we spread before your honours in three particulars : first in point of election to their office ; secondly , in point of execution of their office ; thirdly , in point of state-imployment . first ( having discovered already upon what occasion this priority began to have existence in the church , and from whom it first received its being , not from god but from consent and custome of the churches , according to ambrose , ierom , augustine , &c. ) wee come now to declare what was the manner of election unto this prioritie in these times , and to shew first , how therein these bishops did differ from ours : for all their elections were ordered by the privity , consent , and approbation of the people , where the bishops was to serve . were there no other authours to make this good , cyprian alone would doe it , among other places let his 68. epistle witnesse , where he saith a plebs maxime habet potestatem , &c. the people specially have power either of chusing worthy priests , or rejecting the unworthy : for this is derived from divine authority , that the priests should bee chosen in the presence of the people , before all their eyes and approved as fit and worthy by their publike vote and testimony . this hee proves by the testimonie of sacred writ both old and new. where wee observe first , that the speciall power of judging of the worthinesse or unworthinesse of a man for the prelacy was in the breast of the people . secondly , the speciall power of choosing or rejecting to his place according as they judged him worthy or unworthy resided in the people . plebs maximé habet potestatem , &c. thirdly , that this power did descend upon the people de divina authoritate . nor was this the judgement of one sole man , but of an affrican synod consulted by the spanish churches in point of election , as the inscription of the epistle shewes . a the obtrusion of a bishop upon the church of alexandria without the presence , desire and vote of the clergie or people is condemned by athanasius not onely as a breach of canon , but as a transgression of apostolicall prescript , and that it did compell or necessitate the heathen to blaspheme . nor did onely christian bishops , but christian princes acknowledge the right and power of election of bishops to be in the people ; so that admired constantine the great promover and patron of the peace of the christian church writing to the church of nicomedia against eusebius and theognius , tells them the ready way to lay asleepe the tumults that did then disturbe the church about the election of a bishop was , si modo episcopum fidelem & integrum nacti fuerint , quod quidem in praesentia in vestrâ situm est potestate , quodque etiam dudùm penes vestrum iudicium fuerat , nisi eusebius de quo dixi pravo eorum , qui cum juverunt consilio hâc praeceps ruisset & rectum eligendi ordinem impudenter conturbasset . gelas in act. concil . nicen. part . 3. if they would get a faithfull and upright bishop which saith he , is in your power presently to doe ; and was long agoe , if eusebius with the ayd of his faction , had not rushed in upon you , and impudently disturbed the right order of election . that which this sacred emperour calls the right order of election ; what is it but the election by the people ? in whose power , he saith , it then was and long had beene to choose a bishop : and by whose power the next bishop was chosen . so the same author tells us , that after eusebius and theognius were cast out of their severall seats for arianisme , by the councell of nice , others were appointed in their roomes by the clergy and people of each diocesse . to this election in nicomedia , wee could ( if it were needfull in so cleare a truth ) adde many the like presidents of popular elections ; which for brevities sake , we passe over . not questioning , but that which hath beene spoken , is sufficient to informe the intelligent reader , that our bishops and the bishops of former times , are tvvo in point of election . sect . viii . a second thing wherein we have undertaken to shew , that our bishops and the bishops of former times , are tvvo , is in the execution of their office : and here there are three things , wherein he that will not wilfully shut his eyes against all light , may see a latitude of difference betweene ours and former bishops . first , in that sole iurisdiction which our bishops assume to themselves . secondly , in the delegation they make of the power of exercising this iurisdiction unto others . thirdly , in the way of the exercise of that power . for the first of these , their sole iurisdiction ; that our bishops assume this to themselves , it is knowne and felt , and that this sole iurisdiction was a stranger , a monster to former times , wee shall now prove , and make cleare , that the power of ordination , admonition , excommunication , absolution , was not in the hands of any sole man. first , for ordination , cyprian in his exile writing to his charge , certifies them , that aurelius was ordained by him and his colleagues , who were present with him ; who were these colleagues , but his presbyters ? as he himselfe expounds it , writing to lucius in his owne name , and the name of his clergie and people , ego & collegae & fraternitas omnis , &c. i and my colleagues , and my whole people send these letters to you , &c. so that it is cleare in cyprians time , presbyters had a hand in ordination , and bishops did not ordaine alone . firmilianus saith of them that rule in the church , quod baptizandi , manvm imponendi et ordinandi , possident potestatem . and who those be , he expresseth a little before , seniores & praepositi : by whom the presbyters as well as the bishops are understood . and as these places prove , that bishops in the primitive time , could not ordaine alone without the presbyters ; so there are that give us light to understand , that the presbyters might ordaine without the bishop . the author of the comment upon the ephesians , that goes under the name of ambrose , saith , apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus , in egypt the presbyters ordaine , if the bishop be not present , so saith augustine in the same words ; and the chorepiscopus , who was but a presbyter , had power to impose hands , and to ordaine within his precincts , with the bishops licence . now licences conferre not a power to him that hath it not , but onely a facultie to exercise that power he hath . the iniquitie of our times hath beene such , that a minister may not preach to his owne flocke , without a licence : doth this licence make a man a minister , and give him power to preach , or onely a facultie and libertie to exercise that power ? should a bishop give a laike a licence to preach , or to ordaine , doth that licence make him a minister , or a bishop ? sure all will say , no : why ? because in the laike there is not actus primus , the roote and principle of that power , which licence onely opens a way to the exercise of ; and therefore that must bee concluded to be in those chorepiscopi , or presbyters , by vertue of their place and calling , and not by vertue of a licence . so that the power of ordination was so farre from residing in the bishop alone , as that the presbyters and chorepiscopi had power to ordaine as well as he . neither was this onely a matter of ecclesiasticall custome , but of ecclesiasticall constitution , which binds the bishop ; first , in all his ordinations to consult with his clergy ; vt episcopus sine consilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet ; that the bishop shall not ordaine a clergy man without the counsel of the clergy ; this was cyprians practice , epist. 33. secondly , in his ordinations to take the concurrent assistance of his presbyters ; cum ordinatur presbyter , episcopo cum benedicent● , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri qui praesentes sunt , manu● suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant ; when a presbyter is ordained , the bishop blessing him , and holding his hand upon his head , all the presbyters that are present , shall likewise lay their hands upon his head , with the hands of the bishop . in which canon , we have the unanimous vote of two hundred and fourteene bishops , declaring that the power of ordination is in the hands of presbyters as well as bishops . and whereas it may be objected , that hiorome and chrysostome , affirming bishops to differ from presbyters in the power of ordination ; seeme to imply , that that power is soly theirs : here we desire it may be observed ; first , that these fathers put all the difference that lyes betweene bishops and presbyters , to be in point of ordination . quid facit episcopus , quod non facit presbyter exceptâ ordinatione . and therefore chrysostome himselfe confesseth , that in his dayes there was little or no difference between a bishop and a presbyter . inter episcopū et presbyterū interest fermè nihil , &c. secondly , that this difference is not so to be understood , as if these fathers did hold it to be by divine right ( as bellarmine and our episcopall men would make us beleeve ) but by a humane constitution . and therefore they doe not speak de jure , but de facto , quid facit , &c. not quid debet facere . and this hierom confesseth . so leo prim . ep . 88. upon complaints of unlawfull ordinations , writing to the germane and french bishops , reckons up what things are reserved to the bishops , among which he set down presbyterorum & diaconorum consecratio , and then adds , quae omnia solis deberi summis pontificibus authoritate canonam praecipitur : so that for this power of ordination , they are more beholden to the canon of the church , then to the canon of gods word . thirdly , we answer that this very humane difference was not in the primitive antiquity . it was not so in cyprians time , as we even now shewed . and when it did prevaile , it was but a particular custome ( and sometimes usurpation ) of some churches . for it was otherwise appointed in the councell of carthage , and in egypt , and other places , as is declared in the former part of this section ; and even in chrysostomes time , it was so little approved of , that it was one great accusation against chrysostome himselfe , that hee made ordinations without the presbytery , and without the consent of his clergie . this is quoted by bishop downam , lib. 1. cap. 8. pag. 176. sect . ix . nor had the bishop of former times more right to the power of sole iurisdiction , then of sole ordination : and here we have confitentem reum , our very adversaries confesse the votes of antiquity are with us . cyprian professeth , that hee would doe nothing without the clergie ; nay , he could doe nothing without them ; nay , hee durst not take upon him alone to determine that which of right did belong to all : and had hee or any other done so , the fourth councell of carthage condemnes the sentence of the bishop , as irrita nisi clericorum sententiâ confirmetur . would yee know the particulars , wherein the bishops had no power of judicature without their presbyters . first , in judging and censuring presbyters themselves , and their doctrine ; for this the canon law in gratian is full and cleare : episcopus non potest iudicare presbyterum vel diaconum sine synodo & senioribus : thus basill counselled and practised , epist. 75. so ambr. lib. 10. epist. 80 cyrill in epist. ad iohannem antiochen . thus gregory ad iohan. panormitan . lib. 11. epist , 49. secondly , in judging of the conversation or crimes of any of the members of the church : penes presbyteros est disciplina quae facit hom ines meliores ; that discipline that workes emendaion in men , is in the power of the elders . and therefore when any was questioned in point of conversation , hee was brought , saith tertullian , into the congregation where were exhortations , castigations , and divine censures : and who had the chiefe stroke in these censures , he tells us after : praesident probati quique seniores ; all the approved elders sit as presidents . and those censures that passed by the whole presbytery were more approved by the church in ancient times , then such as were passed by one man ; for wee finde that when syagrius and ambrose passed sentence in the same case , the church was unsatisfied in the sentence of syagrius , because he past it sine alicujus fratris consilio , without the counsell or consent of any of his brethren . but were pacified with the sentence of saint ambrose : because , saith hee , hoc iudicium nostrum cum fratribus & consacerdotibus participatum processerit . nor was there any kinde of censures that the bishops did administer alone : admonitions were given by the elders ; augustine tells us the elders did admonish such as were offenders ; to the same purpose speakes origen contra celsum . lib. 3. a so excommunication , though that being the dreadfullest thunder of the church , and as tertullian calls it , summum praejudicium futuri iudicij , the great fore-runner of the judgement of god , was never vibrated but by the hand of those that laboured in the word and doctrine : yet was no one man in the church invested with this power more then another . therefore saith b hierom ; presbytero si peccavero licet me tradere satanae in interitum carnis . if i sinne , a presbyter ( not a bishop onely ) may deliver me to satan , to the destruction , &c. where the reader may please to take notice that saint hierom speakes not of one particular presbyter , but of the order of presbyters . the same s. hierom saith againe , sunt quos ecclesia reprehendit , quos interdum abijcit , in quos nonnunquam episcoporum & clericorum censura desaevit . there be some whom the church reprooves , and some which shee casts out ; against whom the censures of bishops and presbyters sharply proceed ; where we see , the censures whereby wicked men were cast out of the church , were not the sole hands of the bishops , but likewise in the hands of presbyters . syricius bishop of rome signifies to the church of m●llaine , that iovinianus , auxentius , &c. were cast out of the church for ever , and he sets downe how they did it , omnium nostrum tam presbyterorum quam diaconorum , quam totius etiam clerisciscitata fuit sententia . there was a concurrence of all presbyters , deacons , and the whole clergie in that sentence of excommunication . the truth herein may be further evidenc●d by this , because the whole clergie as well as the bishops imposed hands u●on such , as rep●nting were a●solved : nec ad communicationem ( saith cypr●an ) venire quis possit , nisi prius ab episcopo & clero manus illi fuerit imposita : no man that hath beene excommunicated might returne to church-communion , before hands had been laid upon him by the bishop and clergie . also writing to his clergie concerning lapsed christians , he tells them , exomologe si facta & manu eis a vobis in poenitentiam impositâ , &c. that after confession and the laying on their hands , they might be commended unto god : so when certaine returning from their heresie were to be received into the church at rome in the time of cornelius , they came before the presbyterie , and therefore confessed their sinnes , and so were admitted . but though the sentence of excommunication was managed one●y by the hand of those that laboured in the word and doctrine , yet we will not conceale from you , that neither excommunication nor absolution did passe w●thout the knowledge and approbation of the body of the church , to which the deliquent did belong . so we have learned out of tertullian , that their censures were ordered in their publike assemblies ; and good reason , because the people were to forbeare communion with such . 2 thes. 3.6 , 14 , 15. and publick censures of the church were inflicted not onely for the emendation of delinquents , but for the admonition of others , and therefore ought to be administred in publick that others might feare . 1 tim. 5.20 . origen speaking of the duty and power of the church in cutting off a scandalous person though a presbyter : making the case his owne he saith thus : in uno consensu eccl●sia universa conspirans excidat me dextram suam & projiciat a se , he would have the consent of the whole church in that act. and when the lapsed christians were received againe into the church , the peoples consent was required therein ; else why should cyprian say , vix plebi persuadeo imò extorqueo ut tales patiantur admitti : i can scarce perswade the people to suffer such to be admitted : and in another epistle written to his people in his banishment , he promiseth to examine all things , they being present and judging . examinabuntur singula praesentibus & judicantibus vobis . but of this power of the people wee shall have a further occasion to speak afterwards , when we come to discourse of governing elders . onely may it please your honours from hence to take notice , how unjustly our bishops have invaded this right and power of presbyters and people in church censures , and devesting both of it , have girt it wholly upon themselves , and how herein they and the bishops of former times are two . sect . x. and as our bishops , and the bishops of former times are two in point of sole iurisdiction , so also in the delegation of this power of iurisdiction unto others : a to their chancellours , commissaries , officers , &c. was ever such a thing as this heard of in the best primitive times ? that men that never received imposition of hands , should not onely be received into assistance , but be wholly intrusted with the power of spirituall iurisdiction : even then when it is to be exercised over such persons as have had hands laid upon them . we may observe in cyprian , whilst persecution separated him from his church , when questions did arise among his people , he doth not send them to his chancellour or commissarie ; no , he was so farre from su●stituting any man ( much lesse a lay man ) to determine or give judgement in such cases , that hee would not assume that power wholly to himselfe , but suspends his judgement , till the hand of god should restore him to his church againe , that with the advice and counsell of the presbyters , he might give sentence : as may appeare to any that shall peruse his epistles . sure if god had ever led his church to such a way of deputation , it would have been in such a case of necessity as this was : or had any footsteps of such a course as this beene visible by this holy martyr in the goings of former ages , hee needed not have deferred the determination of the question about the receiving of some penitent lapsed ones into the bosome of the church againe , till his returne and the returne of his clergie , as he doth . we will instance in his 28 epistle , wherein giving direction for the excommunicating of such as would rashly communicate with lapsed christians , he gives this charge not to his chancellor or commissarie , or any other man upon whom he had devolved his power , and set him as his deputie or vicar generall in his absence , but ad clerum , to the whole presbyterie . this truth is so cleare , that bishop downam the great ad●ocate of episcopacie confesseth , that in ambrose his time , & a good while after ( which was about 400 yeers ) til the presbyters were in a manner wholly neglected , the bishops had no ordinaries , vicars , chancellors , or commissaries , that were not clergie-men : but this is but a blind , wherewith the bishop would dorre his reader , for wee challenge any man to produce the names of any clergie-man that was vicar to ambrose , or chancellour to augustine , or any other of the bishops of these times ; so that herein our bishops and theirs are two . sect . xi . a third branch wherein the difference betweene our bishops , and the bishops of former times , inpoint of exercising their jurisdiction , is visible , is the way or manner of exercising that power . for brevities sake we will onely instance in their proceedings in causes criminall ; where let them tell us , whether any good antiquity can yeeld them one president for their oath ex officio , which hath been to their courts , as purgatory fire to the popes kitchin : they have forgotten that old maxime in the civill law , nemo tenetur prodere seipsum , which as it is grounded upon naturall equity , so it is confirmed by a law enacted by dioclesian and maximilian , nimis grave est quod petitis , &c. it is too grievous that the adverse part should be required to the exhibition of such things as should create trouble to themselves . vnderstand therefore that you ought to bring proofes of your intentions , and not to extort them from your adversaries against themselves . shall the lamp of nature in the night of ethnicisme enable heathen princes , ( yea persecutors ) to see and enact thus much , and shall not the glorious sunne of the gospell convince these of their iniquities in transgressing this law , that call themselves the fathers of the church ? if neither the light of nature , nor gospell light can , yet the custome of the church , to which they so oft appeale , may both convince them of this iniquitie , and discover to all the world the contrarietie of their proceedings , to the proceedings of former times , in this particular . for of old , both the plaintiffe and defendant were brought face to face , before the parties , in whose power it was to judge : which way of proceeding , athanasius affirmes to be according to scripture , the law of god. and because those that condemned macarius , did not thus proceed , he condemnes their sentence as malicious and unjust . of old , no sentence passed against any man , but upon the testimony of other witnesses besides the accusers : after complaint exhibited , the first thing they applyed themselves to , was to consider the person and qualit●e of the accuser , concil● prim constant. can. 6 then they heard the witnesses , who were two at least , can. apost . can. 75. and these witnesses must be such , as might not be imagined to be partiall , nor to beare enmity nor malice against the party accused . ambros. epist. 64. so gratian , caus. 3. quae 5. cap. quod suspecti . of old , none might be party , witnesse , and iudge , which gratian proves at large , caus. 4. qu 4. cap. nullus unquam praesumat accusator simul esse , & iudex & testis . we grant indeed the canon law permits in some cases tryall without witnesses : si crimen ita publicum est , ut meritò debeat appellari notorium ; if the crime be so publique , that it may deservedly be called notorious . which law further determines what is notorious , sa●ing , offensam illam nos intelligimus manifestam , quae vel per confessionem vel probationem legitime nota fuerit , aut evidentiâ rei , quae nulla possit tergiversatione celari ; we count that offence manifest , which either by confession , or by lawfull proofe comes to be knowne , or by evidence of fact , so as it can be hid by no tergiversations . so that all was done in former times with mature deliberation , upon examination and evidence produced , and proved by such witnesses , as against whom the d●fendant could lay in no just exception . and not as now an accusation whispered against a man , he knowes not by whom , to which he must take his oath to answer , before he knowes what his accusation is . which oath , if he takes , without further witnesse , he is censured upon the witnes●e of his owne oath . if he takes it not , he is sent presently to prison , there to lie without bayle or mainprize , till the insupportable miseries of his long durance , compel him to take an oath against nature , scripture , conscience , and the just defence of his owne innocencie . that our bishops therefore and former bishops are two , in the point of executing their judicatory power , we need spend no more time to prove . but come to the third thing , in which the difference betweene ours and former bishops is to be evidenced . sect . xii . and that is state imployment , or attendance upon civill and secular affaires , &c. which both christ and saint paul prohibits , which prohibition reacheth every bishop ( to speake in chrysostomes words ) as well as timothy , to whom it is directed ; nullus ergo episcopatu praeditus haec audire detrectet , sed agere ea omnia detrectet ; let no man that is a bishop , refuse to heare what the apostle saith , but to doe what the apostle forbids . we deny not but that bishops were in the primitive times often incumbred with secular businesse ; but these were put upon them , sometimes by emperours , who sought the ruine of the church , as iulian , of whom niceph . lib. 10. cap. 13. doth report , that in clerum coaptatos senatorum munere & ministerio perversè fungi jussit sometimes the gracious disposition of princes towards christian religion , made them thus to honour bishops , thinking thereby to advance religion ; as constantine the great enacted , that such as were to be tryed before civill magis●rates , might have leave to appeale ad iudicium episcoporum , atque eorum sententiani ratam esse tanquam ab ipso imperatore prolatam : and this the historian reckoneth as one argument of his reverend respect to religion . sometimes the excellency of their singular parts cast civill dignities upon them . tiberius granted a questors dignitie unto a bishop for his eloquence . chrysostome for his notable stoutnesse and freedome of speech , was sent as the fittest man to gainas , with the emperours command . sometimes the people observing the bishops to be much honoured by the emperour , would sollicite them to present their grievances to the emperour . and sometimes the aspiring humour of the bishops raised them to such places , as appeares by cyrill , who was the first bishop in alexandria , who had civill dignities conferred upon him , as socrates relates it , from whom civill authority did descend upon succeeding bishops . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : of whom nicephorus therefore recorded , episcopatum majoricum fastu , prophanorum magistratuum more , quam praedecessores ejus episcopi , ingressus est , unde adeo initium sumptum est in ecclesia alexandrina ut episcopietiam profana negotia curarent ; he entred upon his episcopacie with more pomp then his predecessors , with a pomp conformable to the heathen magistrates . both these historians relate the sad consequence that followed upon this , that orestes the roman governour seeing his power much weakned by the bishops interposing in secular affaires , hated the bishop ; and this ( as the historian calls it ) his usurped power . this president of the alexandrian bishop , the bishop of rome did soone follow ; et romanus episcopatus non aliter quam alexandrinus , quasi extra sacerdotii fines egressus ad secularem principatum erat jam delapsus ; the bishop of rome as well as the bishop of alexandria breaking the limits of the priestly function , did degenerate into a secular principalitie : which purchased no lesse envie to him then that to the other . and though these two bishops went at first abreast in this point , yet in a short time the roman had outstripped the alexandrian in that power , till the church degenerating more and more , that roman priest advanced his power not onely above all the bishops , but all the monarchs in the christian orbe . yet notwithstanding , he that shall look into the ancients , shall finde ; first , that the best of them held , that they were not to be molested with the handling of worldly affaires , cyprian epist. 66.1 . singuli divino sacerdotio honorati non nisi altari & sacrificiis deservire & precibus atque orationibus vacare debent , molestiis secularibus non sunt obligandi , qui divinis rebus & spiritualibus occupantur . secondly , that they complained of them as of heavy burthens , aug. calles it angaria , yea austin himselfe in his 81. epistle complaines , that worldly businesse hindered his praying , and so pressed him , that vix respirare potuit : and gregory the great , non sine dolore in secularibus versabatur , praefat . in dial. thirdly , cyprian construed it as one great cause of persecutions raised against the church , de lapsis , sect. 4. fourthly , it was much cryed downe as unlawfull by the holy fathers , many canons forbidding it , and that under paine of being removed from their places . can. apost . can. 6. can. 81. hee that did presume to administer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a roman command or administration of military affaires or civill place ( as zonaras there ) he should be deposed , can. apo. can. 83. hiring of ground , medling with worldly affaires is to be laid asid by them : otherwise they are threatned to be liable to ecclesiasticall censures , conc. cal. cano. 3. conc. carth. can. 16. we will ad this for a conclusion in this point , it is observed by athanasius , sulpitius , severus , and other ecclesiasticall historians , that the arians were very expedite in worldly affaires , which experience they gained by their constant following and attendance upon the emperours court ; and what troubles they occasioned to the church thereby , is notoriously knowne to any that have seene the histories of their times . and in this our bishops have approved themselves more like to the arian bishops then the purer bishops of purer times : but how ever cleare it is , that our bishops and the bishops of former times are two : two in election to their office ; two in the discharge of their office ; two in their ordination , iurisdiction , processes , censures , administrations , and the difference betweene our bishops and those of former times , is greater then between the great bishop of rome and them . sect . xiii . but it seemes our remonstrant soared above those times even as high as the apostles dayes , for so hee saith , if our bishops challenge any other spirituall power , then was by apostolike authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angels of the seven asian churches , let them be disclaimed as vsvrpers . and the truth is , so they deserve to be , if they do but challenge the same power that the apostle did delegate to timothy and titus ; for timothy and titus were evangelists , and so moved in a sphere above bishops or presbyters . for timothy , it is cleare from the letter of the text , 2 tim. 4.5 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : doe the worke of an evangelist : if timothy had beene but a presbyter or bishop , paul had here put him upon imployment , vltra sphara activitatis . and to any man , that will but understand and consider what the office of an a evangelist was , and wherein it differed from the office of a presbyter or bishop , it will bee manifest that timothy and titus were evangelists , and no bishops : for the title of evangelist is taken but two wayes ; either for such as wrote the gospell , and so wee doe not affirme timothy and titus to bee evangelists : or else for such as taught the gospell ; and those were of two sorts , either such as had ordinary places and ordinary gifts , or such whose places and gifts were extraordinary ; and such evangelists were timothy and titus , and not bishops , as will appeare if wee consider , what was the difference betweene the evangelists and bishops● bishops or presbyters were tyed to the particular care and tui●ion of that flock over which god had made them overseers , acts 20.28 . but evangelists were not tyed to reside in one particular place , but did attend upon the apostles by whose appoyntment they were sent from place to place , as the necessity of the churches did require . as appeares first in timothy ● whom s. paul besought to abide at ephesus . 1 tim. 1.3 which had been a needlesse importunity , if timothy had had the episcopall ( that is the pastorall ) charge of ephesus committed to him by the apostles , for then hee might have laid as dreadfull a charge upon him to abide at ephesus , as he doth to preach the gospell . but so far was paul from setling timothy in cathedrâ in ephesus , that he rather continually sends him up and downe upon all church services , for we ●inde acts. 17.14 . that when paul fled from the tumults of berea to athens , he left silas and timothy behinde him , who afterwards comming to paul to athens , paul sends timothy from athens to thessalonica , to confirme the thessalonians in the faith , as appeares 1 thes. 3.1.2 . from whence returning to paul to athens againe , the apostle paul before hee left athens and went to corinth , sent him & silas into macedonia , who returned to him againe to corinth , act. 18.5 . afterwards they travelled to ephesus , from whence we read paul sent timothy and erastus into macedonia , act. 19 22. whither paul went after them , & from whence they & divers other brethren journied into asia , acts 20.4 . all which brethren paul calles , as it is probable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the messengers of the churches , 2 cor. 8.23 . and being thus accompanied with timothy , and the rest of the brethren he comes to miletum , and calls the elders of the church of ephesus thither to him , of which church had timothy beene bishop , the apostle in stead of giving the elders a charge to feede the flock of christ , would have given that charge to timothy , and not to them . and secondly , the apostle would not so have forgotten himselfe , as to call the elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before their bishops face . thirdly , it is to be conceived , the apostles would have given them some directions , how to carry themselves towards their bishop , but not a word of this , though timothy were then in pauls presence , and in the presence of the elders . the cleare evidence of which text demonstrates , that paul did not leave timothy at this time as bishop of ephesus . but it is rather evident that hee tooke him along with him in his journey to hi●rusalem , and so to rome ; for wee finde that those epistles paul wrote while hee was a prisoner , beare either in their inscription or some other passage of them , the name of timothy , as pauls companion , viz. the epistle to the philippians , colossians , hebre●es , philemon , which epistles he wrote in bonds as the contexture , which those two learned professors , the one at heydelberge , the other at saulmur , make of saint pauls epistles , doth declare . so that it appeares that timothy was no bishop , but a minister , an evangelist , a fellow labourer of the apostles , 1 thess. 3.1 . an apostle , a messenger of the church , 2. cor. 8.3 . a minister of god , 1 thess. 3.2 . these titles the holy ghost gives him , but never the title of a bishop . the like we find in scripture concerning titus , whom paul as it is conceived by learned men , did first assume into the fellowship of his labours in the place of iohn , and made him his companion in his journey through a antioch to herusalem , b so we find gal. 2.1 , from thence returning to antioch againe ; from thence hee passed through syria and cilicia , confirming the churches , & from cilicia , he passed to creet , where having preached the gospell , and planted churches , he left titus c there for a while , to set in order things that remaine . yet it was but for a while he left him there , for in his epistle which he wrote to him not many yeares after , hee injoynes him to come to him to nicopolis d where he did intend to winter , but changing that purpose sends for him to ephesus , where it seemes his hyemall station was , and from thence sends him before him to corinth , to enquire the state of the corinthians e . his returne from thence paul expects at troas f , and because comming thither he found not his expectation there , he was so grieved in his spirit , 2 cor. 2.12 . that hee passed presently from then●e into macedonia , where titus met him ; and in the midst of his afflictions joyed his spirits with the glad tydings of the powerfull and gracious effects , his first epistle had among the corinthians , 2 cor. 7 , 5 , 6 , 7. paul having there collected the liberalities of the saints , sends titus againe to the g corinthians , to prepare them for the same service of ministring to the necessities of the saints , 2 cor. 8.6 . and makes him with some others the conveyers of that second epistle to the corinthians . all these journeyes to and fro did titus make at the designement of the apostle , even after hee was left in creet . nor doe we finde , h that after his first removall from creet , he did ever returne thither . wee reade indeed , 2 tim. 4.10 . hee was with paul at rome ; and from thence returned not to creet , but into dalmatia . all which doth more then probably shew , it never was the intendment of the apostle to six titus in creet as a bishop , but onely to leave him there for a season for the good of that church , and to call him from thence , and send him abroad to other churches for their good , as their necessities might require . now who that will acknowledge a distinction betweene the offices of bishops and evangelists , and knowes wherein that distinction lyes , will not upon these premisses conclude that , timothy and titus were evangelists and not bishops . i but some of the fathers have called timothy and titus bishops . we grant it true ; and it is as true , that some of the fathers have called them archbishops , and patriarks ; yet it doth not follow , they were so . wee adde , secondly , that when the fathers did call them so , it was not in a proper but in an improper sense ; which we expresse in the words of our learned orthodox raynolds ; you may learne by the fathers themselves , saith hee , that when they tearmed any apostle a bishop of thi● or that city ( as namely saint peter of antioch or rome ) they meant it in a generall sort and signification , because they did attend that church for a time , and supply that roome in preaching the gospell , which bishops did after ; but as the name of bishop is commonly taken for the overseer of a particular church , and pastor of a severall flocke ; so peter was not bishop of any one place ; therefore not of rome . and this is true by analogy of all extraordinary bishops , and the same may be said of timothy and titus , that he saith of peter . but were it true that timothy and titus were bishops ; will this remonstrant undertake , that all his party shall stand to his conditions ? if our bishops challenge any other power then was by apostolique authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angells of the seaven asian churches , let them be disclaimed as usurpers . will our bishops indeed stand to this ? then actum est . did ever apostolique authority delegate power to timothy or titus , to ordaine alone ? to governe alone ? and doe not our bishops challenge that power ? did ever apostolique authority delegate power to timothy and titus , to rebuke an elder ? no ; but to entreate him as a father : and doe not our bishops challenge to themselves● and permit to their chancellours , commissaries , and officialls power not only to rebuke an elder , but to rayle upon an elder ? to reproach him with the most opprobrious tearmes of foole , knave , jack-sauce , &c. which our paper blushes to present to your honours view . did ever apostolique authority delegate to timothy and titus power to receave an accusation against an elder , but before two or three witnesses ? and doe not our bishops challenge power to proceed ex officio , and make elders their owne accusers ? did ever apostolique authority delegate power to timothy or titus , to reject any after twice admonition , but an heretick ? and doe not our bishops challenge power to reject and eject the most sound and orthodox of our ministers , for refusing the use of a ceremony ; as if non-conformity were heresie . so that either our bishops must disclaime this remonstrance , or else themselves must be disclaimed as usurpers . but if timothy and titus were no bishops , or had not this power , it may bee the angells of the seven asian churches had ; and our remonstrant is so subtile as to twist these two together , that if one fayle , the other may hold . to which we answer ; first , that angell in those epistles is put collectively , not individually ; as appeares by the epistle to thyatira , cap. 2. vers . 24. where wee reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. but i say unto you ( in the plurall number , not unto thee in the singular ) and unto the rest in thyatira , &c. here is a plaine distinction betweene the members of that church . by you , is signified those to whom hee spake under the name of the angell . by the rest , the residue of the people . the people governned , and the governours in the plurall number . what can be more evident to prove , that by angell is meant not one singular person , but the whole company of presbyters that were in thyatira . this also further appeares , because it is usuall with the holy ghost , not only in other books of the scripture , but also in this very booke of the revelation , to expresse a company under one singular person . thus the civill state of rome , as opposite to christ , is called , a beast with ten hornes : and the ecclesiasticall state antichristian is called the whore of babylon , and , the false prophet : and the devill and all his family is called an old red dragon . thus also the seven angels that blew the seven trumpets , revel . 8.2 . and the seven angels that poured out the seven vialls , are not literally to be taken , but synecdo●hically , as all know . and why not then the seven angels in those epistles ? master meed● in his commentaries upon the revelation , pag. 265 , hath these words ; denique ( ut jam semel iterumque monuimus ) quoniam deus adhibet angelos providentiae sitae in rerū humanarum motibus & conversionibus ciendis , gubernandisque administros : idcirco , quae multorum manibus peraguntur , angelo tamen tanquam rei gerendae praesidi & duci pro communi loquendi modo tribuuntur . adde , thirdly , that the very name angell is sufficient to prove , that it is not meant of one person alone , because the word angell doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction or preheminence , but is a common name to all ministers , and is so used in scripture . for all ministers are gods messengers and embassadours , sent for the good of the elect. and therefore the name being common to all ministers , why should wee thinke that there should bee any thing spoken to one minister , that doth not belong to all ? the like argument wee draw from the word starres , used revel . 1.20 . the seven starres are the angels of the seven churches . now it is evident , that all faithfull ministers are called starres in scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the churches , in all purity of doctrine and holinesse of conversation . and in this sence , the word is used , when it is said , that the third part of the starres were darkened , revel . 8.12 . and that the dragons taile drew the third part of the starres of heaven , & cast them to the earth , revel . 12.4 . which is meant not onely of bishops , but of other ministers , unlesse the bishops will appropriate all corruption and apostacy unto themselves . adde , fourthly , out of the text it selfe , it is very observable , that our saviour in opening the mystery of the vision , revel . 1.20 . saith ; the seven candlestickes which thou sawest , are the seven churches , but hee doth not say . the seven starres are the seven angels of the same churches , but the angels of the seven churches ; wherein not without some mystery the number of the angels in omitted , least we should understand by angell , one minister alone , and not a company . and yet the septenary number of churches is twice set down . lastly , though but one angell bee mentioned in the forefront , yet it is evident , that the epistles themselves are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in every church , and to the churches themselves . and if to the whole church , much more to the presbyters of that church . this is proved revel . 1.11 . what thou seest write in a book and send it to the seven churches which are in asia . and also by the epiphonema of every epistle ; he that hath an eare to heare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the churches . upon which words , ambrosius ausbertus in his second booke upon the revelation , saith thus ; vnâ ead●mque locutione & angelos & ecclesias ●num esse designat . nam cum in principio locutionū quae ad sep●em fiunt angelos dicat , & angelo illius ecclesiae scribe ; in ●ine tamen carundem non dicit , qui habet aurem audiat quod spiritus dicat angelo , sed quid ecclesiae dicat . by one and the same phrase of speech hee sheweth , the angels and the churches to bee one and the same . for whereas in the beginning of his speech , which he makes to the seven churches , he saith ; and write to the angell of the churches ; yet in the close of the same , he doth not say , hee that hath an eare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the angel , but what he saith to the church . and this is further proved by the whole argument of those epistles , wherein the admonition● , threatnings , commendations , and reproofes , are directed to all the ministers of all the churches . revel . 2.10 . the devill shall cast some of you into prison , &c. rev. 2.16 . i will fight against them with the sword of my mouth , rev. 2.24 . i will put upon you no other burden , &c. i say unto you and the rest of thyatira , as many as have not this doctrine , and which have not known the depths of satan , &c. and when it is said in the singular number ( as it is often ) i know thy works and thy labour , &c. vers . 2. & vers . 4. repent and doe thy first works ; and verse 13. thou hast not denied my faith , &c. and cap. 3.26 . because thou art neither hot nor cold , &c. all these and the like places , are not to bee understood as meant of one individuall person , but of the whole company of ministers , and also of the whole church , because that the punishment threatned , is to the whole church ; revel . 2.5 . repent and doe thy first works , or else i will come unto thee quickly , and remove thy candlestick out of his place ; rev. 2.16 . repent , or else i will come unto thee quickly , and will fight against them with the sword of my mouth ; revel . 2.24 . i will not put upon you any other burden . now wee have no warrant in the word to thinke that christ would remove his gospell from a church for the sinne of one bishop , when all the other ministers and the churches themselves are free from those sinnes . and if god should take this course , in what wofull and miserable condition should the church of england be , which groaneth under so many corrupt prelates ? by all this it appeares , that the word angell , is not to be taken , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not properly , but figuratively . and this is the judgement of master perkins upon the second chapter of the revelation ; and of master brightman ; and of doctor fulke , who in answer to the rhemists in apoc. 1.20 . hath these words ; s. iohn by the angels of the churches meaneth not all , that should weare on their heads myters , and hold crosier staves in their hands , like dead idolls , but them that are the faithfull messengers of gods word , and utter and declare the same . againe , they are called the angels of the churches , because they be gods messengers . master fox likewise in his meditation upon the revelation ( pag. 7 . 9.17● . ) is of this opinion , and hath gathered to our hands the opinions of all interpreters hee could meete , and saith that they all consent in this , that under the person of an angell , the pastors and ministers of the churches were understood . saint austin in his 132. epistle , saith thus ; sic enim in apocalypsi legitur angelus , &c. quod si de angelo superiorū coelorum , & non de praepositis ecclesiarum vellet intelligi , non consequenter diceret , habeo adversum te , &c. and so in his second homily upon the revelation ( if that booke be his ) quod autem dicit angelo thyatirae ● habeo adversum te pauca , dicit praepositis ecclesiarum , &c. this also gregory the great , lib. 34. moral● in iob cap. 4. saepè sacrum scripturam pr●dicatores ecclesiae , pro eo quod patris gloriam annunciant , angelorum nomine solere de signare : & hinc esse , quod iohannes in apocalypsi septem ecclesiis scribens , angelis ecclesia●um loquitur , id ●st , praedicatoribus populorum . master fox citeth primasius , haymo , beda , richard , thomas , and others , to whom we referre you . if it be here demanded ( as it is much by the hierarchicall side ) that if by angell bee meant the whole company o● presbyters , why christ did not say , to the angels in the plurall number , but to the angell in the singular ? wee answer , that though this question may savour of a little too much curiosity , yet wee will make bold to subjoyn three conjecturall reasōs of this phrase of speech . first , it is so used in this place , because it is the common language of other scriptures in types and visions to set down a certaine number for an uncertaine , and the singular number for the purall . thus the ramme , dan. 8.3 . is interpreted vers . 20. to be the kings of media and persia and the enemies of gods church are set out by foure ho●nes . and the deliverers by foure carpenters , zach. 1.18 20. and the wise and foolish virgins are said to be five wise and five foolish . and many such like . and therefore as we answer the papists , when they demand why christ if he meant figuratively when he saith , this is my body , did not speake in plaine language , this is the signe of my body ? we say , that this phrase of speech is proper to all sacraments : so we also answer here , this phrase of speech , angell for angels , is common to all types and visions . secondly , angell is put , though more be meant , that so it may hold proportion with the vision which iohn saw● chap , 1.12.20 . he saw seven golden candlestickes , and seven starres . and therefore to hold proportion , the epistles are directed to seven angels , and to seven churches . and this is called a mystery , revel . 1.20 , the mystery of the seven starres , &c. now a mystery is a secret , which comprehends more then is expressed ; and therefore though but one angell be expressed , yet the mystery implyes all the angels of that church . thirdly , to signifie their unity in the ministeriall function , and joynt commission to attend upon the feeding and governing of one church , with one common care , as it were with one hand and heart . and this is more fitly declared by the name of one angell , then of many . wee often finde the name of ( one ) prophet or priest to be put for the generall body of the ministery , or whole multitude of prophets or priests , in the church of israel or iudah , when the spirit of god intendeth to reprove , threaten , or admonish them . thus it is iere. 6.13.18.18 . isa. 3.2 . hos. 9.8 . ezek. 7.26 . hos. 4.6 . mal. 2.7 . neither should it seeme strange , that a multitude or company of ministers should bee understood under the name of one angell , seeing a multitude of heavenly angels ( implyed in one service for the good of gods saints ) is sometimes in the scripture shut up under one angell in the singular number , as may be gathered from gen. ●4 . 7 . 2 kings 19.35 . psal. 34.7 . compared with psalme 91.11 . gen. 32.1.2 . kings 6.16 , 17. and also a multitude of devils or evill angels , joyntly labouring in any one worke , is set forth under the name of one evill or uncleane spirit , 1 kings 22.21 , 22. mark. 1 23 , 24. mark● 5.2.9 . luke 4.33 , 34. luk. 8.27.30 . 1 pet. 5.8 . heb. 2.14 . ephes. 6.11.12 . but now let us suppose ( which yet notwithstanding we will not grant ) that the word angell is taken individually for one particular person , as doctor reynolds seemes to interpret it , together with master beza , yet neverthelesse , there will nothing follow out of this acception , that will any wayes make for the upholding of a diocesan bishop , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , as a distinct superior to presbyters . and this appeares . first , because it never was yet proved nor ever will ( as we conceive ) that these angels were diocesan bishops , considering that parishes were not divided into diocesses in s. iohns dayes . and the seven starres are said to bee fixed in their seven candlestickes or churches , not one starre over divers candlestickes . neither can those churches be thought to be diocesan , when not only tindall and the old translation , calls them seven congregations , but we reade also acts 20. that at ephesus which was one of those candlesticks , there was but one flock . and secondly , we further finde that in ephesus one of those seven churches , there were many presbyters , which are all called bishops , acts 20.28 . and we finde no colour of any superintendency or superiority of one bishop over another . to them in generall the church is committed to be fed by them without any respect had to timothy , who stood at his elbow and had beene with him in macedonia , and was now waiting upon him to ierusalem . this is also confirmed by epiphanius , who writing of the heresies of the meletians , saith , that in ancient times this was peculiar to alexandria , that it had but one bishop , whereas other cities had two . and hee being bishop of cypres , might well be acquainted with the condition of the churches of asia , which were so nigh unto him . thirdly , there is nothing said in the seven epistles that implyeth any superiority or majority of rule or power that these angels had over the other angels that were joyned with them in their churches . it is written indeed , in commendation of the angell of the church of ephesus , that he could not beare them that were evill , and that he had tryed them which say they were apostles and are not , & had found them lyars . and it is spoken in dispraise of the angell of pergamus , that he suffred them which held the doctrine of balaam , &c. but these things are common duties , requirable at the hands of all ministers , who have the charge of soules . but suppose that there were some superiority and preheminency insinuated by this individuall angell , yet who knoweth not that there are divers kinds of superiority ; to wit , of order , of dignity , of gifts and parts , or in degree of ministery , or in charge of power and jurisdiction . and how will it be proved that this angell if he had a superiority , had any more then a superiority of order , or of gifts and parts ? where is it said , that this angell was a superior degree or order of ministery above presbyters ? in which epistle it is said that this angell had sole power of ordination and jurisdiction ? and therefore as our learned protestants prove against the papists , that when christ directed his speech to peter in particular and said , i will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , &c. that this particularization of peter did not import any singular preheminence or majority of power to peter more then to the other apostles . but that though the promise was made to peter , yet it was made to him in the name of all the rest , and given to all as well as one . and that therefore it was spoken to one person , and not to all , that so christ might fore signifie the unity of his church , as a cyprian , austin , hierome , optatus , and others say . so when christ directs a● epistle to one angell , it doth not imply a superior power over his fellow angels , but at most onely a presidency for order sake . and that which is written to him , is written to the rest as well as to him . and therefore written to one , not to exclude the rest , but to denote the unity that ought to bee betweene the ministers of the same church in their common care and diligence to their flocke . and this is all that doctor reynolds saith , as you may reade in his conference with hart , cap. 4. divis . 3. ad finem . for it is evident that doctor reynolds was an utter enemy to the i●● divinum of the episcopall preheminency over presbyters by his letter to sir francis krolls . and learned master beza also saith something to the same purpose in his annotations upon revel . 2.1 . angelo . i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem nimirum oportuit imprimis de his rebus admoneri , ac per eum caeteros collegas , totamque adeo ecclesiam . sed hinc statui episcopalis ille gradus postea humanitus in ecclesiam dei invectus certe nec potest nec debet , imo ne perpetuum quidem istud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 munus esse necessariò oportuisse , sicut exorta inde tyrannis oligarchica ( cujus apex est antichristana bestia ) certissima cum totius non ecclesia modo , sed etiam orbis pernicie , nunc tandem declarat . if therefore our remonstrant can produce no better evidence for his hierarchy then timothy , and titus , and the angels of the asian churches , let not this remonstrant and his party , cry out of wrong , if this claimed hierarchy be for ever hooted o●t of the church , seeing it is his owne option . and yet we cannot cōceale one refuge more out of scripture , to which the hierarchy betake themselves for shelter . and that is the two postscripts in the end of pauls second epistle to timothy , and of that to titus ; where in the one , timothy is said to be the first bishop of ephesus , and in the other , titus is said to be the first bishop of the church of the cretians : to both which places wee answer . that these two postscripts ( and so all the rest ) are no part of canonicall scripture . and therefore our former and ancienter english translations , though they have these postscripts , yet they are put in a small character different from that of the text , that all men might take notice they were no parts of the text . although our episcopall men of late in newer impressions have inlarged their phylacteries , in putting those postscripts in the same full character with that of the text , that the simple might beleeve they are canonicall scripture . the papists themselves ( baronius , serrarius , and the rhemists ) confesse that there is much falsity in them . the first epistle to timothy , is thus subscribed : the first to timothy was written from laodicea , which is the chiefest city of phrygia pacatiana . here we demand , whether paul when he writ the first epistle to timothy , was assured he should live to write a second , which was written long after ? and if not ; how comes it to be subscribed , th● first to timothy , which hath relation to a second ? besides , the epistle is said to be writ from loadicea , whereas beza in his annotations proves apparently , that it was written from macedonia ; to which opinion baronius and serrarius subscribe . it is added , which is the chiefest city of phrygia pacatiana . but this epithete is no where read in the writers of those ages , saith beza , sed apud recentiores illos , qui romani imperii jam inclinantis provincias descripserunt . so that by this place it is evident , that the subscription was added a long while after the writing of the epistles by some men , for the most part vel indoctis , saith beza , vel certe non satis attentis , either by a learned , or negligent man. the second epistle is thus subscribed ; the second epistle unto timothy ordeined the first bishop of the church of the ephesiās , was written from rome , when paul was brought before nero the second time . now these words ordained the first bishop , is wanting , saith beza , in quibusdam vetustis codicibus , in veteri vulgat● editione , & apud syrum interpretem . if saint paul had written this postscript , he would not have said , to timothy the first bishop , &c. whereas it was not yet certaine whether ever there should be a second . neither would it bee said when paul was brought , &c. but when i was the second time brought before nero. the syriack interpreter reads it , here ends the second epistle to timothy written from rome . the epistle to titus is thus subscribed : written to titus , ordained first bishop of the church of the cretians , from nicopolis of macedonia . here it is said that this epistle was written from nicopolis , whereas it is cleare that paul was not at nicopolis when he wrote it , tit , 3.12 . be diligent to come to me to nicopolis , for i have determined there to winter . he doth not say , here to winter , but there ; where note , for the present hee was not there . and besides , it is said , that titus was ordained the first bishop , &c. and who was the second ? or was there ever a second ? and also he is said to be bishop , not onely of a diocesse , but of all creet . was there ever such a second bishop ? adde , lastly , that it is said , bishop of the church of the cretians ; whereas it would bee said of the churches of the cretians . for the christian churches of any nation are called churches by luke and paul , not church . therefore codex claremontanus subscribes ; here ends the epistle to titus , and no more . so the syriack ; finitur epistola ad titum quae scripta fuit è nicopoli . the old vulgar edition hath nothing of the episcopacy of titus . by all this it appeares , that if the bishops had no more authority to urge us to subscribe to their ceremonies , then they have authority for their episcopall dignity by these subscriptions , there would be no more subscription to ceremonies in the churches of england . but some will say , that there is one objection out of scripture yet unanswered , and that is from the inequality that was betweene the twelve apostles , and the seventy disciples . to which we answer ; first , that it cannot bee proved that the twelve apostles had any superiority over the seventy , either of ordination , or jurisdiction . or that there was any subordination of the seventy unto the twelve . but suppose it were yet we answer . secondly , that a superiority and inferiority betweene officers of different kindes , will not prove that there should be a superiority and inferiority betweene officers of the same kinde . no man will deny but that in christs time , there were apostles , evangelists , prophets , pastors , and teachers , and that the apostles were superior to evangelists and pastors . but it cannot bee proved , that one apostle had any superiority over another apostle , or one evangelist over another . and why then should one presbyter be over another ? hence it followeth , that though we should grant a superiority betweene the twelve and the seventy , yet this will not prove the question in hand . because the question is concerning officers of the same kinde , and the instance is of officers of different kinds , amongst whom no man will deny but there may be a superiority and inferiority , as there is amongst us between presbyters and deacons . and now let your honours judge ( considering the premisses ) how farre this episcopall government is from any divine right , or apostolicall institution . and how true that speech of hierome is , that a bishop as it is a superior order to a presbyter , is an humane praesumption , not a divine ordinance . but though scripture failes them , yet the indulgence and munificence of religious princes may support them , and to this the remonstrant makes his next recourse , yet so as he acknowledgeth here , ingagements to princes onely for their accessory dignities , titles , and maintenance ; not at all for their stations and functions , ( wherein yet the author plainely acknowledgeth a difference betweene our bishops and the bishops of old by such accessions . ) for our parts , we are so farre from envying the gracious munificence of pious princes , in collating honourable maintenance upon the ministers of christ , that we beleeve , that even by gods owne ordinance , double honour is due unto them . and that by how much the ministery of the gospell is more honourable then that of the law ; by so much the more ought all that embrace the gospell , to bee carefull to provide , that the ministers of the gospell might not onely live , but maintaine hospitalitie , according to the rule of the gospell . and that worthy gentleman spake as an oracle , that said ; that scandalous maintenance is a great cause of a scandalous ministery . yet wee are not ignorant , that when the ministery came to have agros , domos , locationes , vehicula , equos , latifundia , as chrysost. hom. 86. in matth. that then religio peperit divitias , & filia devoravit matrem , religion brought forth riches , and the daughter devoured the mother ; and then there was a voyce of angels heard from heaven ; hodie venenum in ecclesiam christi cecidit , this day is poyson shed into the church of christ. and then it was that ierome complained , christi ecclesia postquam ad christianos principes venit , potentiâ quidem & divitiis major , sed virtutibus minor facta est . then also was that conjunction found true ; that when they had woodden chalices , they had golden priests ; but when their chalices were golden , their priests were wooden . and though we doe not thinke , there is any such incompossibility , but that large revenues may be happily managed with an humble sociablenesse , yet it is very rare to finde . history tells us , that the superfluous revenues of the bishops not onely made them neglect their ministery , but further ushered in their stately and pompous attendance ; which did so elevate their spirits , that they insulted over their brethren , both clergy and people , and gave occasion to others to hate and abhorre the christian faith , which eusebius sets forth fully in the pride of paulus samosatenus , who notwithstanding the meannesse and obscurity of his birth , afterwards grew to that height of insol●nc● and pride in all his carriage ; especially in that numerous traine that attended him in the streetes , and in his stately throne raised after the manner of kings and princes , that fides nostra invi●●ia , & odi● , propter fostum & superbi●m cordis illius , facta fuerit obnexia ; the christian faith was exposed to envy and hatred through his pride . and as their ambition ( fed with the largenesse of their revenewes ) discovered it selfe in great attendance , stately dwellings , and all lordly pompe , so hierom complaines of their pride in their stately seates , qui velut in aliqua sublimi specula constituti , vix dignantur vid●re mortales & alloqui conservos suos : who sitting aloft as it were in a watch tower , will scarce deigne to looke upon poore mortalis , or speake to their fellow servants . here we might bee large , in multiplying severall testimonies against the pride of ecclesiasticall persons , that the largenesse of their revenues raysed them to : but we will conclude with that grave complaint of sulpitius severus . ille qui ante pedibus aut asello ire consueverat , spumante equo superbus invebitur : parvá prius ac vili cellula contentus habitare , erigit celsa laquearia , construit multa conclaviu , sculpit postes , pingit armaria , vestem respuit gressiorem , indumentum molle desiderat , &c. which because the practise of our times hath already turned into english , wee spare the labour to translate . onely suffer us ( being now to give a vale to our remonstrants arguments ) to recollect some few things . first , whereas this remonst●ant saith ; if we doe not shew out of the true & genuine writings of those holy men , that lived in the apostles dayes a cleare and received distinction of bishops● presbyters , and deacons , as three distinct subordinate callings , with an evident specification of the duty belonging to each of them : let this claimed hierarchie be for ever rooted out of the church : we beseech you let it be rememred how we have proved , out of the genuine and undeniable writings of the apostles themselves : that these are not three distinct callings : bishops are presbyters , being with them all one , name and office , and that the distinction of bishops and presbyters was not of divine institution , but humane : and that these bishops , in their first institution did not differ so much from presbyters , as our present bishops differ from them . secondly , whereas this remonstant saith , if our bishops challenge any other power then was by apostolike authority delegated to , and required of timothy and titus , and the angells of the asian churches : let them bee disclaimed as usurpers . wee desire it may be remembred , how wee have proved first ; that timothy and titus and the angels were no diocesan bishops ; and secondly , that our bishops challenge ( if not in their polemicks , yet in their practicks ) a power that timothy and titus , and those angels never did . thirdly , whereas this remonstrant saith , if there can be better evidence under heaven for any matter of fact , let episcopacy be for ever abandoned out of gods church : we beseech you remember how weake we have discovered his evidence to be ; and then the inference upon all these we humbly leave to your honours wisedome and iustice. sect . xiiii . having thus considered the validity of those arguments , whereby this remonstrant would suffult episcopacy , we descend now to inquire what satisfaction he gives to those objections , which himselfe , frames as the maine , if not the sole arguments , that episcopacy is asfaultable by , and they are two . first , that pleading the divine right of episcopacy , is to the prejudice of soveraignty : secondly , that it casts a dangerous imputation upon all those reformed churches that want this government . to the first , the prejudice of soveraignty ; he answers there is a compatiblenesse in this case of gods act , and the kings : it is god that makes the bishop , the king that gives the bishopricke . but we have proved already , that god never made a bishop , as he stands in his superioritie over all other presbyters , he never had gods fiat : and if they disclaime the influence of soveraignty unto their creation to a priority , and assert , that the king doth not make them bishops , they must have no being at all . sure we are , the lawes of the land proclaime , that not onely bishopricks , but bishops and all the iurisdiction they have is from the king : whereas the remonstrant acknowledgeth no more , but the bare a place and exercise to be from regall donation , which cannot bee affirmed without apparent prejudice of that soveraigntie which the lawes of the land have invested our princes with . and for his unworthy comparison of kings in order to bishops and patrons in order to their clerkes , when he shall prove that the patron gives ministeriall power to his clerke , as the k●n● according to our laws gives episcopall power to the bishop ● it may be of some conducement to his cause , but till then , we leave the unfitnesse of this comparison , and the unthankfulnesse of those men to the indulgence of their soveraigne , to their deserved recompence . his learned answer to such men as borrowing saint ieroms phrase , speake saint pauls truth , is in summe this : that he kn●w●s not how to prescribe to mens thoughts , but for all his rhetoricke , they will thinke what they list ; but if they will grant him the question , they shall soone be at an end of the quarrell : which one answer if satisfactory , would silence all controversies to as good purpose as he did bellarmine , who said , bellarmine saith it is thus , and i say it is not , and where is bellarmine now ? to the second objection , that episcopacie thus asserted casts an imputation upon all the reformed churches , that want that government , hee saith ; that the objection is intended to raise envie against them ; who ( if they may be beleeved ) love and honour those sister churches , and blesse god for them . but doe they not plucke all this envie upon themselves , who in their conferences , writings , pulpits , vniversities , disputes , high commission , declamations , have disclaimed them us no churches , that have disclaimed the prelats ? and have honoured the most glorious lights of those reformed churches , calvin , beza , and others with no better titles than of rascalls , blasphemers , &c. but the pith of his answer after a few good words is this : that no such consequent can be drawne from their opinion , for their ius divinum pleads only for a iustifiablenesse of this holy calling : not for an absolute necessity of it , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; but not fixing upon the church that wants it , the defect of any thing of the essence of a church , but only of the glory and perfection of it ; neither is it their sin , but their misery . and is it so , doth not this ius divinum argue a necessitie , but onely a iustifiablenesse of this calling ; nor is the want of it a want of any thing of essence , but onely of perfection ? wee had thought , that page the twentieth , where this remonstrant strives to fetch the pedegree of episcopacie from no lesse than apostolicall , and in that right divine institution he had reckoned it among those things , which the apostles ordained for the succeeding administration of the church in essentiall matters : but here it seemes he is willing to retract what there fell from him : there it was to his advantage to say , this government was a thing essentiall to the church , and here it is no lesse advantage to say , it is not essentiall . but if it be not essentiall , then what is the reason that when a priest who hath received orders at rome turnes to us , they urge not him to receive ordination among us againe : but when some of our brethren , who flying in queene 〈◊〉 dayes , had received imposition of hands in the reformed churches beyond the seas returned againe in the dayes of queene elizabeth , they were urged to receive imposition of hands againe from our bishops , and some did receive it . if those churches that want bishops want nothing essentiall to a church ; then what essentiall want was there in the ordination of those ministers that received imposition of hands in those churches , that might deserve a re-ordination , more than if they had first received their ordination at rome ? and what is the reason that bishop mountague so confidently affirmes , that ordination by episcopall hands is so necessary , as that th● church is no true church without it , and the ministery no true ministery , and ordinarily no salvation to be obtained without it ? and if this remonstrant should leave bishop mountague to answer for himselfe , yet notwithstanding he stands bound to give us satisfaction to these two questions , which arise from his owne booke . first , whether that office , which by divine right hath the sole power of ordaining , and ruling all other officers in the church , ( as he saith episcopacy hath ) belong not to the being , but onely to the glory and perfection of a church . secondly , there being ( in this mans thoughts ) the same ius divinum for bishops , that there is for pastors and elders , whether if those reformed churches wanted pastors and elders too , they should want nothing of the essence of a church , but of the perfection and glory of it ? but this remonstrant seemes to know so much of the minde of those churches , that if they might have their option , they would most gladly embrace episcopall government , as littl● differing from their owne moderatorship , save onely in the perpetuitie of it , and the new invention ( as hee odiously calls it ) of lay elders . but no question those learned worthies that were entrusted by the churches to compile their confessions , did comprise their iudgements better than the composer of this remonstrance . and to his presumption , wee oppose their confession . wee will begin with the french church , who in their confession speake thus . credimus veram ecclesiam gubernari debere ea politia , quam dominus noster iesus christus sancivit , ita videlicet , ut sint in ea pastores , presbyteri , sive seniores , & diaconi , ut doctrinae puritas retineatur , &c. ar. 29. credimus omnes pastores ubicunque collocati sunt , cádem & aequali potestate inter se esse praeditos sub uno illo capite summoque & solo universali episcopo iesu christo . art. 30. gallicae confessionis . credimus veram hanc ecclesiam debere regi , ac gubernari , spirituali illâ politiâ quam nos deus ipse in verbo suo edocuit ; it a ut sint in ea pastores ac ministri qui pure & concionentur , & sacramenta administrent ; sint quoque seniores , & diaconi qui ecclesiae senatum constituant , ut his veluti mediis vera r●ligio conservari , hominesque vitiis dediti spiritualiter corripi & emendari possint . tunc enim ritè & ordinate omnia siunt in ecclesia , cum viri fid●les , & pii ad ejus gubernationem deligūtur juxta divi pauli praescriptum , 1 tim. 3. confes. belgic . art. 30. caeterum ubicunque locorum sunt verbi dei ministri eandem atque aequalem omnes habent tum potestatem tum authoritatem , ut qui sunt aeque omnes christi unici illius universalis episcopi & capitis ecclesiae ministri . we beleeve that the true church ought to be governed by that policie which christ jesus our lord established , viz. that there bee pastors , presbyters , or elders and deacons . and againe , wee beleeve that all true pastors where ever they be , are endued with equall and the same power , under one chiefe head and bishop christ jesus . consonant to this the dutch churches . we beleeve ( say they ) the true church ought to be ruled with that spirituall policie which god hath taught us in his word , to wit , that there bee in it pastours to preach the word purely ; elders and deacons to constitute the ecclesiasticall senate , that by these meanes religion may be preserved , and manners corrected . and so again , we beleeve where ever the ministers of god are placed , they all have the same equall power and authoritie , as being all equally the ministers of christ. in which harmony of these confessions , see how both churches agree in these five points : first , that there is in the word of god , an exact forme of governement set downe , deus in verbo suo edocuit . secondly , that this forme of governement christ established in his church ; iesus christus in ecclesiâ sancivit . thirdly , that this forme of government is by pastors , elders , and deacons . fourthly , that the true church of christ ought to be thus governed ; veram ecclesiam debere regi . fifthly , that all true ministers of the gospell are of equall power and authority . for the reason he assignes , why those churches should make this option , wee cannot enough admire that such a passage should fall from his pen , as to say , there is little difference betweene their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and our episcopacie , save onely in perpetuity and lay elders , for who knowes not that between these two , there is as vast a difference as between the duke of venice and an absolute monarch . for , 1. the moderator in geneva is not of a superiour order to his brethren ; nor 2. hath an ordination differing from them ; nor 3. assumes power of sole ordination or jurisdiction ; nor hath he 4. maintenance for that office above his brethren ; nor 5. a negative voyce in what is agreed by the rest ; nor 6. any further power then any of his brethren . so that the difference betweene our bishops and their moderators is more then little : but if it be so little as this remonstrant here pretends ; then the alteration and abrogation of episcopacie will be with the lesse difficultie , and occasion the lesse disturbance . sect . xv. but there is another thing , wherein our episcopacie differs from the geneva moderatorship , besides the perpetuity ; and that is the exclusion of the lay presbytery , ( which if we may beleeve this remonstrant ) never till this age had footing in the christian church . in which assertion , this remonstrant concludes so fully with bishop halls irrefragable propositions , and his other book of episcopacie by divine right ; as if he had conspired to sweare to what the bishop had said . now , though we will not enter the lists with a man of that learning and fame that bishop hall is , yet we dare tell this remonstrant , that this his assertion hath no more truth in it , then the rest that wee have alreadie noted . wee will ( to avoyd prolixity ) not urge those a three knowne texts of scripture , produced by some for the establishing of governing elders in the church , not yet vindicated by the adversaries . nor will wee urge that famous text of b ambrose in 1 tim. 5. but if there were no lay elders in the church till this present age , wee would be glad to learne , who they were of whom origen speakes , when he tels us , it was the custome of christian teachers , first to examine such as desired to heare them , of whom there were two orders ; the first were catechumeni , or beginners ; the other was of such as were more perfect : among whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & c● nonnulli praepositi sunt quì in vitam & mores eorum qui admittuntur inquirant , ut qui turpia committant iis communi caetu interdicant , qui vero ab istis abhorrent , ex anima complexi , meliores quotidiè reddant : there are some ordained to enquire into the life and manners of such as are admitted into the church , that they may banish such from the publique assembly , that perpetrate scandalous acts ; which place tells us plainely : first , that there were some in the higher forme of heares ( not teachers ) who were censores morum over the rest . secondly , that they were designed or constituted to this work , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , that they had such authority instrusted into their hands , as that they might interdict such as were scandalous from the publique assemblies . we would gladly know , whether these were not , as it were , lay elders . that there were such in the church ( distinguished from others that were called to teach ) appeares . augustine writing to his charge directs his epistle , dilectissimis fratribus , clero , senioribus & universae plebi ecclesiae hipponensis : where first there is the generall compellation . fratribus , brethren , then there is a distribution of these brethren into the clergie , the elders , and the whole people ; so that there were in that church elders distinguished both from the clergie , and the rest of the people . so againe , contra cresconium grammaticum : omnes vos episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi , & seniores scitis ; all you bishops , elders , deacons , and elders , doe know . what were those two sorts of elders there mentioned in one comma , & ibidem cap. 56. peregrinus presbyter & seniores ecclesiae musticanae regiones tale desiderium prosequuntur ; where againe we reade of elder and elders , presbyter , and seniors in one church . both those passages are upon record in the publike acts , which are more fully set downe by baronius , ao. 303. num. 15.16 , 17. as also by albaspineus , in his edition of optatus : in which acts the seniors are often mentioned . in that famous relation of the purging of cecilianus and felix , there is a copie of a letter ; fratribus & filiis : clero & senioribus , fortis in domino aeternam salutem : another letter is mentioned a little before clericis & senioribus cirthensium in domino aeternum salutem . these seniors were interessed in affaires concerning the church as being the men , by whose advise they were managed . the letter of purpurius to silvanus saith , adhibete concl●ricos , & seniores plebis , ecclesiasticos viros , & inquirant quae sunt ista dissensiones : ut ea quae sunt secundum fidei praecepta fiant , where wee see the joynt power of these seniors , with the clergie in ordering ecclesiasticall affaires ; that by their wisedome and care peace might be setled in the church ; for which cause , these seniors are called ecclesiasticall men ; and yet they are distinguished from clergie men . they are mentioned againe afterwards by maximus , saying ; loquor nomine seniorvm populi christiani . greg. mag. distinguisheth them also from the clergie : tabellarium cum consensu seniorvm & cleri memineris ordinandum . these seniors had power to reprove offenders , otherwise why should augustine say , cum ob errorem aliquem à senioribus arguuntur & imputatur alicui cur ebrius fuerit , cur res alienas pervaserit , &c. when they were by the elders reproved for their errors , and drunkennes is laid to a mans charge &c. so that it was proper to the seniors to have the cognizance of delinquents , and to reprove them . the same augustine in psalme 36. necesse nos fuerat primianicausam , quem , &c. seniorū literis ejusdem ecclesiae postulantibus audire . being requested by letters from the seniors of that church , it was needfull for me to heare the the cause of primian , &c. so againe , optatus , who mentioning a persecution that did for a while scatter the church , saith , erant ecclesiae ex auro & argento quàm plurima ornamenta , quae nec defodere terrae , nec secum portare poterat , quare fidelibus senioribus commendavit . albaspin●us , that learned antiquarie , on that place acknowledges , that besides the clergie , there were certaine of the elders of the people , men of approved life , that did tend the affaires of the church , of whom this place is to be understood . by all these testimonies it is apparent ; first , that in the ancient church there were some called seniors . secondly , that these seniors were not clergie men . thirdly , that they had a stroke in governing the church , and managing the affaires thereof . fourthly , that seniors were distinguished from the rest of the people . neither wou●d we desire to chuse any other iudges in this whole controversie ; then whom himselfe constituted ; forraine divines , taking the generall suffrage and practise of the churches , and not of particular men . as for the learned spanhemius whom hee produceth , though wee give him the deserved honour of a worthy man : yet wee think it too much to speake of him , as if the judgement of the whole church of geneva were incorporated into him , as this remonstrant doth . and for spanhemius himselfe , we may truly say , in the place cited , he delivered a complement , rather then his judgment , which in dedicatorie epistles is not unusuall . wee know that reverend calvin and learned beza have said as much upon occasion in their epistles , and yet the christian world knowes their judgement was to the contrary . little reason therefore hath this remonstrant , to declaime against all such as speake against this governement as unlawfull , with the termes of ignorant and spitefull sectaries , because they call the governement unlawfull : had they proceeded further to call it antichristian , ( which he charges upon them ) they had said no more , then what our eares have heard some of their principall agents , their legati à latere speake publikely in their visitations : that how ever the church of england be as sound , and orthodox in her doctrine as any church in the world , yet in our discipline and governement , wee are the same with the church of rome , which amounts to asmuch as to say , the governement is antichristi●n , unlesse they will say the governement of rome is not so , nor the pope antichrist . sect . xvi . now our remonstrant begins to leave his dispute for the office , and flowes into the large pra●ses of the persons , and what is wanting in his arguments for the place , thinks to make up in his encomiasticks of the persons , that have possest that place in the church of god and tels us , that the religious bishops of all times are and have been they , that have strongly upheld the truth of god against satan and his antichrist . it is well he sets this crown only upon the heads of religious bishops , as knowing that there are and have been some irreligious ones , that have as strongly upheld satan and his antichrist against the truth of god. but the religious bishops are they that have all times upheld the truth . what ? they , and only they ? did never any uphold the truth , but a religious bishop ? did never any religious minister or professor preach , or write , or die , to uphold the truth , but a religious bishop ? if so then there is some perswasive strength in that hee saith ; and a credulous man might bee induced ●o thinke , if bishops goe downe , truth will goe downe too : but if wee can produce for one bishop many others that gave beene valiant for the truth , this rhethoricall insinuation will contribute no great help to their establishment . nor indeed any at all ; unles he were able to make this good of our times , as well as of all others , which he assaies ; for saith he , even amongst our own how many of the reverend & learned fathers of the church now living , a have spent their spirits , & worne out their lives in the powerfull opposition of that man of sinne ; how many ? i sir ; wee would faine know how many : that there are some that have stood up to beare witnesse against that man of sin , we acknowledge with all due respect , to the learning and worth of their persons . but that their episcopall dignity hath added either any flame to their zeal , or any nerves to their ability : we cannot believe , nor can we thinke they would have done lesse in that cause , though they had beene no bishops . but what if this be true of some bishops in the kingdome , is it true of all ? are there not some that have spent their spirits in the opposition of christ , as others have in the opposition of antichrist ? & are there none but zealous , religious prelates in the kingdom ? are there none upon whom the guilt of that may meritoriously bee charged , which others have convincingly and meritoriously opposed ? and are there not some bishops in the kingdome , that are so far from opposing the man of sin , that even this remonstrant is in danger of suffering under the name of p●ritan for daring to call him by that name , we doubt not but this r●monstrant knowes there are . but if he will against the light of his own conscience , bear up a known errour out of private repects , ( wee will not say these papers ) but his own conscience , shall owne day be an evidence against him before the dreadfull tribunall of the almighty . but there is yet a second thing that should endeare episcopacie , and that is the carefull , peaceable , painefull , conscionable mannaging of their charges ; to the great glory of god , and the comfort of his faithful people . which ( in not seeming to urge ) hee urgeth to the full and beyond . this care , conscience , paines of our bishops , is exercised and evidenced , either in their preaching or in their ruling ; for their preaching , it is true , some few there are that labour in the word and doctrine ; whose persons in that respect wee honour : but the most are so farre from preaching , that they rather discountenance , discourage , oppose , blaspheme preaching . it was a non-preaching bishop , that said of a preaching bishop , he was a preaching coxcomb . as for the discharge of their office of ruling , their entrusting their chancellors , and other officers , with their visitations , and courts ( as ordinarily they doe , whiles themselves attend the court ) doth abundantly witnesse their care in it . the many and loud cryes of the intolerable oppressions and tyrannies of their court-proceedings witnesse their peaceablenesse , their unjust sees , exactions , commutations ; witnesse their conscionablenesse in mannaging their charges , to the great glory of god , and the comfort of his faithfull people . and hence it is that so many at this day here ill ; ( how deservedly , saith this remonstrant , god knows ) and doe not your honours know , and doth not this remonstrant know ? and doth not all the nation ( that will know any thing ) know how deservedly some , nay , most , nay , all the bishops of this nation heare ill , were it but onely for the late canons and oath ? but why should the faults of some , diffuse the blame to all ? why ? by your owne argument , that would extend the deserts of some ; to the patronage of all ; and if it bee a fault in the impetuous and undistinguishing vulgar , so to involve all , as to make innocency it selfe a sinne ; what is it in a man able to distinguish , by the same implication , to shrowd sinne under innocencie , the sinne of many , under the innocencie of a few . but have our bishops indeed beene so carefull , painfull , conscionable , in managing their charges ? how is it then that there are such manifold scandalls of the inferiour clergy presented to your honours view , which he cannot mention without a bleeding heart ; and yet could finde in his heart ( if he knew how ) to excuse them , and though hee confesse them to be the shame and misery of our church , yet is hee not ashamed to plead their cause at your honours barre , onuphrius-like , that was the advocate of every bad cause ; and to excite you by constantines example ( in a different cause alleadged ) if not to suffer those crimes , which himself calls hatefull , to passe unpunished , yet not to bring them to that open and publique punishment they have deserved . but what , if pious constantine ( in his tender care to prevent the divisions that the emulation of the bishops of that age , enraged with a spirit of envie and faction , were kindling in the church , lest by that meanes the christian faith should be derided among the heathens ) did suppresse their mutuall accusations , many of which might be but upon surmises ; and that not in a court of iustice , but in an ecclesiasticall synode ; shall this bee urged before the highest court of iustice upon earth , to the patronizing of notorious scandalls , and hatefull enormities , that are already proved by evidence of cleare witnesse . but oh forbid it to tell it in gath , &c. what ? the sinne ; alas , that is done already ; doe wee not know , the drunkennesse , profanenesse , superstition , popishnesse of the english clergie rings at rome already ? yes undoubtedly ; and there is no way to vindicate the honour of our nation , ministry , parliaments , soveraigne , religion , god ; but by causing the punishment to ring as farre as the sinne hath done ; that our adversaries that have triumphed in their sinne , may be confounded at their punishments . doe not your honours know , that the plaistring or palliating of these rotten members , will be a greater dishonour to the nation and church , then their cutting off ; and that the personall acts of these sonnes of beliall , being connived at , become nationall sinnes ? but for this one fact of constantine , wee humbly crave your honours leave to present to your wisedome three texts of scripture , ezek. 44.12 , 13. because they ministred unto them before their idolls , and caused the house of israel to fall into iniquity , therefore have i lift up my hand unto them , saith the lord , and they shall beare their iniquity . and they shall not come neere unto mee , to doe the office of a priest unto me , nor to come neere unto any of mine holy things in the most holy place , &c. the second is ierem. 48.10 . cursed be hee that doth the work of the lord negligently : and the third is , iudges 6.31 . he that will plead for baal , let him be put to death while it is yet morning . we have no more to say in this ; whether it be best to walk after the president of man , or the prescript of god , your honours can easily judge . sect . xvii . but stay saith this remonstrant ; and indeed he might well have stayed and spared the labour of his ensuing discourse , about the church of england , the prelaticall and the antiprelaticall church : but these episcopall men deale as the papists that dazle the eyes , and astonish the senses of poore people , with the glorious name of the church , the church ; the holy mother the church . this is the gorgons head , as a doctor white saith , that hath inchanted them , and held them in bondage to their errors : all their speech is of the church , the church ; no mention of the scriptures , of god the father ; but all of the mother the church . much like as they write of certaine aethiopians , that by reason they use no marriage , but promiscuously company together , the children only follow the mother ; the father and his name is in no request , but the mother hath all the reputation . so is it with the author of this r●monstrance , he stiles himselfe , a dutifull sonne of the church . and it hath beene a custome of late times , to cry up the holy mother the church of england , to call for absolute obedience to holy church ; full conformity to the orders of holy church ; neglecting in the meane time , god the father , and the holy scripture . but if wee should now demand of them , what they meane by the church of england , this author seemes to be thunder-stricken at this question ; and cals the very question , a new divinity ; where he deales like such as holding great revenues by unjust titles , will not suffer their titles to be called in question . for it is apparent , ac si solaribus radiis descriptum esset ( to use tertullians phrase ) that the word church is an equivocall word , and hath as many severall acceptions as letters ; and that dolus latet in universalibus . and that by the church of england ; first by some of these men is meant onely the bishops ; or rather the two archbishops ; or more properly the archbishop of canterbury : just as the iesuited papists resolve the church and all the glorious titles of it into the pope ; so do these into the archbishop , or at fullest , they understand it of the bishops and their party met in convocation ; as the more ingenuous of the papists , make the pope and his cardinals to be their church : thus excluding all the christian people and presbyters of the kingdome ; as not worthy to be reckoned in the number of the church . and which is more strange , this author in his simplicitie ( as he truly saith ) never heard , nor thought of any more churches of england then one ; and what then shal become of his diocesan churches , and diocesan bishops ? and what shall wee think of england , when it was an heptarchy ? had it not then seven churches when seven kings ? or if the bounds of a kingdome must constitute the limits and bounds of a church , why are not england , scotland , and ireland , all one church ? when they are happily united under one gracious monarch , into one kingdome . wee reade in scripture , of the churches of iudea , and the churches of galatia ; and why not the churches of england ? not that we denie the consociation , or combination of churches into a provinciall or nationall synod for the right ordering of them . but that there should be no church in england , but a nationall church : this is that which this author in his simplicity affirmes , of which the very rehearsall is a refutation . sect . xviii . there are yet two things with which this remonstrance shuts up it selfe , which must not be past without our obeliskes . first , he scoffes at the antiprelaticall church , and the antiprelaticall divisions ● for our parts we acknowledge no antiprelaticall church . but there are a company of men in the kingdome , of no meane ranke or quality , for piety , nobility , learning , that stand up to beare witnesse against the hierarchie ( as it now stands : ) their usurpations over gods church and ministers , their cruell using of gods people by their tyrannicall governement : this we acknowledge ; and if hee call these the antiprelaticall church , we doubt not but your honours wil consider , that there are many thousands in this kingdome , and those pious and worthy persons , that thus doe , and upon most just cause . it was a speech of erasinus , of luther , vt quisque vir est optimus , ita illius scriptis minimè offendi , the better any man was , the lesse offence he tooke at luthers writings : but we may say the contrary of the prelates , vt quisque vir est optimus , ita illorum factis magis offendi , the better any man is , the more he is offended at their dealings . and all that can be objected against this party , will be like that in tertullian , bonus vir cajus sejus , sed malus tantum quia antiprelaticus . but he upbraides us with our divisions and subdivisions , and so doe the papists upbraid the protestants with their lutheranisme , calvinisme , and zuinglianisme . and this is that the heathens objected to the christians , their fractures were so many , they knew not which religion to chuse if they should turn christians : and can it be expected that the church in any age should be free frō divisions , when the times of the apostles were not free ? and the apostle tells us , it must needs be that there be divisions : in greg. naz. dayes there were 600 errours in the church ; doe these any wayes derogate from the truth and worth of christian religion ? but as for the divisions of the antiprelaticall party , so odiously exaggerated by this remonstrant : let us assure your honours , they have beene much fomented by the prelates , whose pract●se hath beene according to that rule of machiavill : divide & impera , and they have made these divisions , and afterwards complained of that which their tyranny and policie hath made . it is no wonder considering the pathes our prelates have trod , that there are divisions in the nation . the wonder is our divisions are no more , no greater ; and wee doubt not but if they were of that gracious spirit , and so intirely affected to the peace of the church as greg. naz. was , they would say as he did in the tumults of the people , mitte nos in mare , & non erit tempestas ; rather then they would hinder that sweet con●ordance , and conspiration of minde unto a governement that shall be every way agreeable to the rule of gods word , and pro●itable for the edification and flourishing of the church . a second thing , wee cannot but take notice of , is the pains this author takes to advance his prelaticall church : and forgetting what he had said in the beginning : that their party was so numerous , it could not be summed ; tells us now , these severall thousands are punctually calculated . but we doubt not but your honours will consider that there may be mul●i homines & pauci viri . and that there are more against them then for them . and whereas they pretend , that they differ from us onely in a ceremony or an organ pipe , ( which however is no contemptible difference ) yet it will appeare that our differences are in point of a superiour alloy . though this remonstrant braves it in his multiplyed quere's . what are the bounds of this church ? what the distinction of the professours and religion ? what grounds of faith ? what new creed doe they hold different from their neighbours ? what scriptures ? what baptisme ? what meanes of salvation other then the rest ? yet if hee pleased hee might have silenced his owne queres : but if hee will needs put us to the answer , wee will resolve them one by one . first , if he ask what are the bounds of this church , we answer him out of the sixt of their late founded canons : where we find the limits of this prelaticall church extend as farre as from the high and lofty promontory of archbishops , to the terra incognita of an , &c. if what distinction of professors and religion ; we answer their worshipping towards the east , and bowing towards the altar , prostrating themselves in their approaches into churches , placing all religion in outward formalities , are visible differences of these professours and their religion . if what new creed they have , or what grounds of faith differing from their neighbours , we answer ; episcopacy by divine right is the first article of their creed absolute and blinde obedience to all the commandements of the church ( that is the bishop and his emissaries ) election upon faith foreseene , the influence of works into iustification , falling from grace , &c. if what scripture , we answer ; the apocrypha and unwritten traditions . if what baptisme ? a baptisme of absolute necessity unto salvation ; and yet insufficient unto salvation : as not sealing grace to the taking away of sinne after baptisme . if what eucharist ? an eucharist that must be administred upon an altar or a table set altar-wise , rayled in an eucharist in which there is such a presence of christ , ( though modum nesciunt ) as makes the place of its administration the throne of god , the place of the residence of the almighty ; and impresseth such a holinesse upon it as makes it not onely capable , but worthy of adoration . if what christ ? a christ who hath given the same power of absolution to a priest that himselfe hath . if what heaven ? a heaven that hath a broad way leading thither , and is receptive of drunkards , swearers , adulterers , &c. such a heaven as we may say of it , as the the indians said of the heaven of the spaniards : unto that heaven which some of the prelaticall church living and dying in their scandalous sinnes , and hatefull enormities goe to , let our soules never enter . if what meanes of salvation ? we answer , confession of sinnes to a priest as the most absolute , undoubted , necessary , infallible meanes of salvation . farre be it from us to say with this remonstrant , we do fully agree in all these and all other doctrinall , and practicall points of religion , and preach one and the same saving truths . nay , we must rather say as that holy martyr did , we thank god we are none of you . nor doe we because of this dissension feare the censure of uncharitablenesse from any but uncharitable men . but it is no unusuall thing with the prelats and their party , to charge such as protest against their corrupt opinions and wayes , with uncharitablenesse and schisme , as the papists do the protestants : and as the protestants doe justly recriminate , and charge that schisme upon the papists , which they object to us ; so may we upon the prelats : and if austin may be judge , the prelats are more schismaticks then we . quicunque ( saith he ) invident bonis , ut quaerant occasiones excludendieos , aut degradandi , vel crimina sua sic defond●re parati sunt ( si objecta vel prodita fuerint ) ut etiam conventiculorum congregationes vel ecclesiae perturbationes cogitent excitare , jam schismatici sunt . whosoever envie those that are good , and seeke occasions to exclude and degrade them , and are so ready to defend their faults , that rather then they will leave them , they will devise how to raise up troubles in the church , and drive men into conventicles and corners , they are the schismaticks . and that all the world may take notice what just cause wee have to complaine of episcopacie , as it now stands , wee humbly crave leave to propound these quaeries . quaeries about episcopacie . vvhether it be tolerable in a christian church , that lord bishops should be held to be iure divino ; and yet the lords day by the same men to be but iure humano . and that the same persons should cry up altars in stead of communion tables , and priests in stead of ministers , and yet not iudaize , when they will not suffer the lords day to be called the sabbath day , for feare of iudaizing . whereas the word sabbath is a generall word , signifying a day of rest , which is common as well to the christian sabbath , as to the jewish sabbath , and was also used by the ancients , russinus in psal. 47. origen hom. 23. in num. gregory nazian . whether that assertion , no bishop , no king , and no ceremonie , no bishop , be not very prejudiciall to kingly authoritie ? for it seemes to imply , that the civill power depends upon the spirituall , and is supported by ceremonies and bishops . whether seeing it hath beene proved that bishops ( as they are now asserted ) are a meere humane ordinance , it may not by the same authoritie be abrogated , by which it was first established ; especially , considering the long experience of the hurt they have done to church and state. whether the advancing of episcopacie into ius divinum , doth not make it a thing simply unlawfull to submit to that government ? because that many consciencious men that have hitherto conformed to ceremonies and episcopacie , have done it upon this ground , as supposing that authoritie did not make them matters of worship , but of order and decencie , &c. and thus they satisfied their consciences in answering those texts , colos. 2.20 . 21 , 22. math. 15.9 . but now since episcopacy comes to be challenged as a divine ordinance , how shall wee be responsable to those texts . and is it not , as it is now asserted , become an idoll , and like the brazen serpent to be ground to powder ? whether there be any difference in the point of episcopacie between ius divinum and ius apostolicum . because we finde some claiming their standing by ius divinum ; others by ius apostolicum . but wee conceive that ius apostolicum properly taken , is all one with ius divinum . for ius apostolicum is such a ius , which is founded upon the acts and epistles of the apostles , written by them so as to be a perpetuall rule for the succeeding administration of the church , as this author saith pag. 20. and this ius is ius divinum , as well as apostolicum . but if by ius apostolicum , they meane improperly ( as some doe ) such things which are not recorded in the writings of the apostles , but introduced , the apostles being living , they cannot be rightly said to be jure apostolico , nor such things which the apostles did intend the churches should be bound unto . neither is episcopacie as it imports a superioritie of power over a presbyter , no not in this sense jure apostolico , as hath beene already proved , and might further be manifested by divers testimonies , if need did require . we will only instance in cassander , a man famous for his immoderate moderation in controverted points of religion , who in his consultat . articul . 14. hath this saying ; an episcopatus inter ordines ecclesiasticos ponendus sit , inter theologos & canonistas non convenit . convenit autem inter omnes , in apostolorum aetate presbyterum & episcopum nullum discrimen fuisse , &c. whether the distinction of beza , betweene episcopus divinus , humanus , & diabolicus , be not worthy your honours consideration . by the divine bishop , he meanes the bishop as he is taken in scripture , which is one and the same with a presbyter ; by the humane bishop he meanes the bishop chosen by the presbyters to be president over them , and to rule with them by fixed lawes and canons . by the diabolicall bishop he meanes a bishop with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , lording it over gods heritage , and governing by his owne will and authority . which puts us in minde of the painter that limmed two pictures to the same proportion and figure ; the one hee reserved in secret , the other he exposed to common view . and as the phansie of beholders led them to censure any line or proportion , as not done to the life , he mends it after direction . if any fault bee found with the eye , hand , foot , &c. he corrects it , till at last the addition of every mans fancie had defaced the first figure , and made that which was the picture of a man , swell into a monster : then bringing forth this and his other picture which hee had reserved , he presented both to the people . and they abhorring the former , and applauding the latter , he cryed , hunc populus fecit : this the deformed one the people made : this lovely one i made . as the painter of his painting , so ( in bezaes sence ) it may be said of bishops , god at first instituted bishops such as are all one with presbyters ; and such are amiable , honourable in all the churches of god. but when men would bee adding to gods institution , what power , preheminence , iurisdiction ; lordlynes their phansie suggested unto them , this divine bishop lost his originali beauty , and became to be humanus . and in conclusion ( by these and other additions swelling into a p●pe . ) diabolicus . whether the ancient fathers , when they call peter marke , iames , timothy , and titus bishops , did not speak according to the language of the times wherein they lived , rather then according to the true acception of the word bishop ; and whether it bee not true which is here said in this booke , that they are called bishops of alexandria , ephesus , hierusalem , &c. in a very improper sense , because they abode at those places a longer time then at other places ? for sure it is , if christ made peter and iames apostles ( which are bishops over the whole world ) and the apostles made marke , timothy and titus evangelists , &c. it seemes to us that it wonld have beene a great sinne in them to limit themselves to one particular diocesse , and to leave that calling in which christ had placed them . whether presbyters in scripture are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that it is an office , required at their hands , to rule and to governe , as hath beene proved in this booke ; the bishops can without sinne arrogate the exercise of this power to themselves alone ; and why may they not with the same lawfulnesse , impropriate to themselves alone the key of doctrine ( which yet notwithstanding all would condemne ) as wel as the key of discipline , seeing that the whole power of the keyes is given to presbyters in sc●ipture as well as to bishops ; as appears , mat. 16.19 . where the power of the keyes is promised to peter , in the name of the rest of the apostles , and their successors ; and given to all the apostles , and their successors , mat. 18.19 . iohn 20.23 . and that presbyters succeed the apostles , appeares not onely mat. 28.20 . but also acts 20 28. where the apostle ready to leave the church of ephesus commends the care of ruling and feeding it to the elders of that church . to this irenaeus witnesseth , lib. 4. cap. 43.44 . this bishop iewell against harding , artic. 4. sect . 5.6 . saith , that all pastors have equall power of binding and loosing with peeter . whether since that bishops assume to themselves power temporall ( to be barons and to sit in parliament , as judges , and in court of star-chamber , high commission , and other courts of justice ) and also power spirituall over ministers and people to ordaine , silence , suspend , deprive , excommunicate , &c. their spirituall power be not as dangerous ( though both bee dangerous ) and as much to be opposed as their temporall ? 1. because the spiritual is over our consciences , the temporall , but over our purses , 2. because the spirituall have more influence into gods ordinances to defile them , then the temporall . 3. because spirituall judgements and evills are greater then other , 4. because the pope was anticstrist , before he did assume any temporall power . 5. because the spirituall is more inward and lesse discerned : and therefore it concernes all those that have spirituall eyes , and desire to worship god in spirit and truth to consider , and and endeavour to abrogate their spirituall usurpations as well as their temporall . whether acrius bee justly branded by epiphanius and austin for a hereticke ( as some report ) for affirming bishops , and presbyters to be of an equall power ? wee say , as some report , for the truth is , he is charged with heresie meerely and onely because he was an a arian . as for his opinion of the parity of a presbyter with a bishop ; this indeede is called by austin , proprium dogma aerii , the proper opinion of aerius . and by epiphanius it is called dogma furiosum & stolidum , a mad and foolish opinion , but not an heresie neither by the one nor the other . but let us suppose ( as is commonly thought ) that he was accounted an heretike for this opinion : yet notwithstanding , that this was but the private opinion of epiphanius , and borrowed out of him by austin , & an opinion not to be allowed appeares ; first , because the same authors condemne aërius , as much for reprehending and censuring the mentioning of the dead in the publique prayers , and the performing of good works for the benefit of the dead . and also for the reprehending statu jejunia , and the keeping of the week before easter as a solemne fast ; which if worthy of condemnation , would bring in most of the reformed churches into the censure of heresie . secondly , because not onely saint hierome , but anstin himselfe , sedulius , primasius , chrysostome , theodoret , oecumenius , theophilact , were of the same opinion with aërius ( as michael medina , observes in the councell of trent , and hath written , lib. 1. de sacr . hom . origine ) and yet none of these deserving the name of fools , much lesse to be branded for hereticks . thirdly , because no counsell did ever condemne this for heresie ; but on the contrary , concilium aquisgranens . sub ludovico pio imp. 1. anno 816. hath approved it for true divinitie out of the scripture : that bishops & presbyters are equall , bringing the same texts that aerius doth , and which epiphanius indeed undertakes to answer ; but how slightly let any indifferent reader judge . whether the great apostacie of the church of rome hath not been , in swarving from the discipline of christ , as well as from the doctrine . for so it seems by that text . 2. thess. 2.4 . and also revel . 18.7 . and divers others . and if so , then it much concernes all those that desire the purity of the church to consider , how neere the discipline of the church of england borders upon antichrist ; least , while they indeavour to keepe out antichrist from entring by the doore of doctrine , they should suffer him secretly to creep in by the doore of discipline , especially considering , what is heere said in this booke . that by their owne confession , the discipline of the church of england is the same with the church of rome . whether episcopacy be not made a place of dignity , rather then duty , and desired onely for the great revenues of the place : and whether , if the largenesse of their revenues were taken away , bishops would not decline the great burthen and charge of soules necessarily annexed to their places , as much as the ancient bishops did , who hid themselves that they might not be made bishops and cut off their eares rather then they would bee made bishops : wheras now bishops cut off the eares of those that speak against their bishopricks . how it comes to passe , that in england there is such increase of popery , superst●tion , arminianisme ; and profanenesse more then in other reformed churches ; doth not the root of these disorders proceed from the bishops an● their adherents , being forced to hold correspondence with rome , to uphold their greatnesse , and their courts and canons , wherein they symbolize with rome ; and whether it bee not to be feared , that they will rather consent to the bringing in of popery , for the upholding of their dignities , then part with their dignities for the upholding of religion . why should england that is one of the chiefest kingdomes in europe , that seperates from antichrist , maintaine and defend a discipline different from all other reformed churches , which stand in the like separation ? and whether the continuance in this discipline will not at last bring us to communion with rome from which wee are separated , and to separation from the other reformed churches , unto which wee are united . whether it bee fit that the name bishop , which in scripture is common to the presbyters with the bishops ( and not onely in in scripture , but also in antiquitie for some hundreds of yeeres ) should still bee appropriated to bishops , and ingrossed by them , and not rather to bee made common to all presbyters ; and the rather because : first we finde by wofull experience , that the great equivocation that lyeth in the name bishop hath beene and is at this day a great prop & pillar to uphold lordly prelacy , for this is the great goliah , the master-peece , and indeed the onely argument with which they thinke to silence all opposers . to wit , the antiquity of episcopacie , that it hath continued in the church of christ for 1500 yeeres , &c , which argument is cited by this remonstrant ad nauseam usque & usque . now it is evident that this , argument is a paralogisme , depending upon the equivocation of the name bishop . for bishops in the apostles time were the same with presbyters in name and office and so for a good while after . and when afterwards they came to bee distinguished . the bishops of the primitive times differed as much from ours now , as rome ancient from rome at this day , as hath beene sufficiently declared in this booke . and the best way to confute this argument is by bringing in a community of the name bishop to a presbyter as well as to a bishop . secondly , because wee finde that the late innovators which have so much disturbed the peace & purity of our church , did first begin with the alteration of words ; and by changing the word table into the word altar ; and the word minister , into the word priest ; and the word sacrament into the word sacrifice , have endevoured to bring in the popish masse . and the apostle exhorts us , 2 tim. 1.13 . to hold fast the forme of sound words : and 1 tim 6.20 . to avoid the prophane novelties of words . upon which text we will onely mention what the rhemists have commented , which wee conceive to be worthy consideration . ( nam instruunt nos non solum docentes , sed etiam errantes ) the church of god hath alwayes been as diligent to resist novelties , of words , as her adversaries are busie to invent them , for which cause shee will not have us communicate with them , nor follow their fashions and phrase newly invented , though in the nature of the words sometimes there bee no harme . let us keepe our forefathers words , and wee shall easily keepe our old and true faith , that wee had of the first christians ; let them say amendment , abstinence , the lords supper , the communion table , elders , ministers , superintendent , congregation , so be it , praise yee the lord , morning prayer , evening prayer and the rest , as they will , let us avoide those novelties of words , according to the apostles prescript and keepe the ole termes , penance , fast , priests , church , bishop , masse , mat●in , evensong , the b. sacrament , altar , oblation . host , sacrifice , halleluja , amen ; lent , palme-sunday , christmasse , and the words will bring us to the faith of our first apostles , and condemne these new apostates , new faith and phrase . whether having proved that god never set such a government in his church as our episcopall government is wee may lawfully any longer be subject unto it , bee present at their courts , obey their injunctions and especially bee instruments in publishing , and executing their excommunications and absolutions . and thus we have given ( as wee hope ) a sufficient answer , and as briefe as the matter would permit , to the remonstrant . with whom , though we agree not in opinion touching episcopacie and liturgie ; yet we fully consent with him , to pray unto almighty god , who is great in power , and infinite in wisdome , to powre downe upon the whole honourabe assembly , the spirit of wisdome and understanding , the spirit of councell and might , the spirit of knowledge and of the feare of the lord. that you may be able to discerne betwixt things that differ ; separate betweene the precious and the vile , purely purge away our drosse , and take away all our tinne ; root out every plant that is not of our heavenly fathers planting . that so you may raise up the foundations of many generations , and be called the repairers of breaches , and restorers of paths to dwell in . even so , amen . finis . a postscript . though we might have added much light and beauty to our discourse , by inserting variety of histories upon severall occasions given us in the remonstrance , the answer whereof wee have undertaken ; especially where it speaks of the bounty and gracious munificence of religious princes toward the bishops , yet unwilling to break the thread of our discourse , and its connexion with the remonstrance , by so large a digression , as the whole series of history producible to our purpose , would extend unto : wee have chosen rather to subjoyne by way of appendix , an historicall narration of those bitter fruits , pride , rebellion , treason , vnthankefulnes , &c. which have issued from episcopacy , while it hath stood under the continued influences of soveraigne goodnesse . which narration would fill a volume , but we wil bound our selves unto the stories of this kingdome , and that revolution of time which hath passed over us since the erection of the sea of canterbury . and because in most things the beginning is observed to be a presage of that which followes , let their founder austin the monk come first to be considered . whom wee may justly account to have beene such to the english , as the arrian bishops were of old to the goths , and the jesuits now among the indians , who of pagans have made but arrians and papists . his ignorance in the gospell which he preached is seene in his idle and judaicall consultations with the pope , about things cleane and uncleane ; his proud demeanour toward the british clergy , appeares in his counsell called about no solid point of faith , but celebration of easter , where having troubled & threatned the churches of wales , and afterwards of scotland , about romish ceremonies , hee is said in fine to have beene the stirrer up of ethelbert , by meanes of the northumbrian king , to the slaughter of twelve hundred of those poore laborious monks of bangor . his successors busied in nothing but urging and instituting ceremonies , and maintaining precedency we passe over . till dunstan , the sainted prelate , who of a frantick necromancer , and suspected fornicatour , was shorne a monk , and afterwards made a bishop . his worthy deeds are noted by speed to have beene the cheating king edred of the treasure committed to his keeping ; the prohibiting of marriage , to the encreasing of all filthinesse in the clergie of those times ; as the long oration of king edgar in stow well testifies . in edward the confessors dayes , robert the norman no sooner archbishop of canterbury , but setting the king and earle godwine at variance for private revenge broached a civill warre , till the archbishop was banisht . now william the conquerour had set up lanfrank bishop of canterbury , who to requite him , spent his faithfull service to the pope gregorie , in perswading the king to subject himselfe and his state to the papacy as himselfe writes to the pope , suasi , sed non persuasi . the treason of anselm to rufus was notorious , who not content to withstand the king , obstinately in money matters made suit to fetch his pall or investiture of archiepiscopacie from rome , which the king denying as flat against his regall soveraigntie , he went without his leave● and for his romish good service received great honour from the pope , by being seated at his right foot in a synod , with these words , includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis papam . whence perhaps it is that the sea of canterbury hath affected a patriarchy in our dayes . this anselm also condemned the married clergie . henry the first reigning , the same anselm deprived those prelats that had beene invested by the king , and all the kingdome is vext with one prelat , who the second time betakes himselfe to his old fortresse at rome , till the king was faine to yeeld . which done , and the archbishop returned , spends the rest of his dayes in a long contention and unchristian jangling with york about primacie . which ended not so , but grew as hot betweene york and london , as dean to canterbury , striving for the upper seat at dinner , till the king seeing their odious pride put them both out of dores . to speak of ralf . and thurstan , the next archbishops , pursuing the same quarrell , were tedious as it was no smal molestation to the king and kingdome , thurstan refusing to stand to the kings doome , and wins the day , or else the king must be accurs't by the pope ; which further animates him to try the mastry with william next archbishop of canterbury , and no man can end it but their father the pope , for which they travel to rome . in the mean while , marriage is sharply decreed against , speed 448. and the legate cremonensis , the declamor against matrimony taken with a strumpet the same night . in king stephens reigne , the haughty bishops of canterbury and winchester bandy about precedencie ; and to rome to end the duell . theobald goes to rome against the kings will ; interdicts the realme , and the king forc't to suffer it ; till refusing to crowne eustace the kings sonne , because the pope had so commanded , he flies againe . beckets pride and outragious treasons are too manifest ; resigning the kings gift of his archbishoprick to receive it of the pope ; requiring the custody of rochester castle , and the tower of london , as belonging to his seignorie . protects murthering priests from the temporall sword ; standing stifly for the liberties and dignities of clerkes , but little to chastise their vices , which besides other crying sinnes , were above a hundred murthers since henry the seconds crowning , till that time to maintaine which , most of the bishops conspire , till terror of the king made them shrink ; but becket obdures , denies that the king of englands courts have authority to judge him . and thus was this noble king disquieted by an insolent traytor , in habit of a bishop , a great part of his reigne ; the land in uproar ; many excommunicate , and accursed . france and england set to warre , and the king himselfe curbed , and controlled ; and lastly , disciplin'd by the bishops and monks , first with a bare foot penance , that drew blood from his feet , and lastly , with fourescore lashes on his anointed body with rods . in the same kings time it was that the archbishop of york , striving to sit above canterbury , squatts him down on his lap , whence with many a cuffe hee was throwne downe . next the pride of w. longchamp , bishop of elie was notorious , who would ride with a thousand horse , and of a governour in the kings absence , became a tyrant ; for which ●lying in womans apparell he was taken . to this succeeds contention betweene canterbury and york , about carriage of their crosses , and rome appeal'd to : the bishop of durham buyes an earldome . no sooner another king , but hubert another archbishop to vex him , and lest that were not enough , made chancellor of england . and besides him , geffry of york , who refusing to pay a subsidy within his precincts , and therefore all his temporalities seaz'd ; excommunicates the sheriffe , beats the kings officers , and interdicts his whole province . hubert outbraves the king in christmasse house-keeping : hinders king iohn by his legantine power from recovering normandy . after him stephen-langton , set up by the pope in spight of the king , who opposing such an affront , falls under an interdict , with his whole land ; and at the suit of his archbishop to the pope , is depos'd by papall sentence ; his kingdome given to philip the french king , langtons friend , and lastly resignes and ●nfe●ds his crowne to the pope . after this tragicall stephen , the fray which boniface the next archbishop but one had with the canons of saint bartholmews is as pleasant ; the tearing of hoods and cowles , the miring of copes , the flying about of wax candles , and censors in the scuffle , cannot be imagined without mirth ; as his oathes were lowd in this bickering , so his curles were as vehement in the contention with the bishop of winchester for a slight occasion . but now the bishops had turned their contesting into base and servile f●atteries , to advance themselves on the ruine of the subjects . for peter de rupibus bishop of winchester perswading the king to displace english officers and substitute poictivines , and telling the lords to their ces , that there were no peeres in england , as in france , but that the king might do what he would , and by whom he would , became a firebrand to the civill warres that followed . in this time peckam archbishop of can. in a synod was tempering with the kings liberties , but being threatned desisted . but his successor winchelsey on occasion of subsidies demanded of the clergie , made answer , that having two lords , one spirituall , the other temporall , he ought rather to obey the spirituall governour the pope , but that he would send to the pope , to know his pleasure , and so persisted even to beggerie . the bishop of durham also cited by the king flies to rome . in the deposing of this king who more forward , then the bishop of hereford ? witnesse his sermon at oxford , my head , my head aketh concluding that an aking , and sick head of a king was to be taken off without further physick . iohn the archbishop of canterbury , suspected to hinder the kings glorious victories in flanders , and france , by stopping the con●eyance of moneys committed to his charge , conspiring therein with the pope . but not long after was constituted that fatall praemunire , which was the first nipping of their courage , to seeke aide at rome . and next to that , the wide wounds , that wickleffe made in their sides . from which time they have beene falling , and thenceforth all the smoke , that they could vomit , was turned against the rising light of pure doctrine . yet could not their pride misse occasion to set other mischief on foot . for the citizens of london rising to apprehend a riotous servant of the bishop of salisbury then lord treasurer , who with his fellowes stood on his guard in the bishops house , were by the bishop , who maintained the riot of his servant , so complained of , that the king therewith seized on their liberties , and set a governour over the citie . and who knowes not , that thomas arundell archbishop of canterbury was a chiefe instrument , and agent in deposing king richard , as his actions and sermon well declares . the like intended the abbot of westminster to henry the fourth , who for no other reason , but because hee suspected , that the king did not favour the wealth of the church , drew into a most horrible conspiracie the earles of kent , rutland , and salisbury , to kill the king in a turnament at oxford , who yet notwithstanding was a man that professed to leave the church in better state then hee found it . for all this , soone after is richard scroop archbishop of york in the field against him , the chiefe attractor of the rebellious party . in these times thomas arundell a great persecutor of the gospel preached by wifclefs followers , dies a fearefull death , his tongue so swelling within his mouth , that hee must of necessity starve . his successor chickeley nothing milder diverts the king , that was looking too neerely into the superfluous revenewes of the church , to a bloody warre . all the famous conquests which henry the fifth had made in france , were lost by a civill dissension in england , which sprung first from the haughty pride of beaufort bishop and cardinall of winchester , and the archbishop of york against the protector , speed 674. in the civill warres the archbishop sides with the earle of warwick , and march in kent , speed 682. edward the fourth , mountacute archbishop of yorke , one of the chiefe conspirators with warwicke against edward the fourth , and afterwards his jaylor , being by warwickes treason committed to this bishop . in edward the fifths time , the archbishop of york was , though perhaps unwittingly ( yet by a certaine fate of of prelacie ) the unhappy instrument of pulling the young duke of yorke out of sanctuary , into his cruell unckles hands . things being setled in such a peace , as after the bloodie brawles was to the af●licted realme howsoever acceptable , though not such , as might bee wished : morton bishop of ely , enticing the duke of buckingham to take the crowne , which ruin'd him , opened the vaines of the poore subjects to bleede afresh . the intollerable pride , extortion , bribery , luxurie of wolsey archbishop of yorke who can bee ignorant of ? selling dispensations by his power legantine for all offences , insulting over the dukes and peeres , of whom some hee brought to destruction by bloodie policie , playing with state aff●ires according to his humour , or benefit : causing turnay got with the blood of many a good souldier , to be rendred at the french kings secret request to him , not without bribes ; with whom one while siding , another while with the emperour , hee sold the honour and peace of england at what rates hee pleased ; and other crimes to bee seene in the articles against him , hol. 912. and against all the bishops in generall● 911. which when the parliament sought to remedie , being most excessive extortion in the ecclesiasticall courts , the bishops cry out ; sacriledge , the church goes to ruine , as it did in bohem , with the schisme of the hussites , ibid. after this , though the bishops ceased to bee papists ; for they preached against the popes supremacie , to please the king , yet they ceased not to oppugne the gospel , causing tindals translation to be burnt , yet they agreed to the suppressing of monasteries , leaving their revenewes to the king , to make way for the six bloodie articles , which proceedings with all crueltie of inquisition are set downe holinsh. pag. 946. till they were repealed the second of edward the sixth , stopping in the meane while the cause of reformation well begunne by the lord cromwell . and this mischiefe was wrought by steven gardiner , bishop of winchester . the sixe articles are set downe in speed , pag. 792. the archbishop of saint andrewes , his hindring of englands and scotlands union , for feare of reformation , speed 794. as for the dayes of king edward the sixth , we cannot but acknowledge to the glorie of the rich mercie of god , t●at there was a great reformation of religion made even to admiration . and yet notwithstanding we doe much dislike the humour of those , that crie up those dayes as a compleat patterne of reformation , and that endeavour to reduce our religion to the first times of king edward , which wee conceive were comparatively very imperfect , there being foure impediments which did much hinder that blessed work . the three rebellions . one in henry the eighths time , by the priests of lincolne and yorkeshire , for that reformation which cromwell had made . the other two in king edwards dayes . one in cornewall , the other in yorkeshire . the strife that arose suddenly amongst the peeres emulating one anothers honour . speed pag 837. the violent opposition of the popish bishops , which made martin bucer write to king edward in his booke de regno christi . lib. 2. cap. 1. and say , your majestie doth see , that this restoring againe the kingdome of christ , which wee require , yea , which the salvation of us all requireth , may in no wise bee expected to come from the bishops , seeing there be so few among them which doe understand the power and proper offices of this kingdome ; and very many of them by all meanes ( which possibly they can and dare ) either oppose themselves against it , or deferre and hinder it . the deficiencie of zeale and courage even in those bishops who afterwards proved martyrs , witnesse the sharp contention of ridley against hooper , for the ceremonies . and the importunate suit of cranmer and ridley for tolleration of the masse for the kings sister , which was rejected by the kings , not only reasons , but teares ; whereby the young king shewed more zeale then his best bishops . 839. the inhumane butcheries , blood-sheddings , and cruelties of gardiner , bonner , and the rest of the bishops in queene maries dayes , are so fresh in every mans memory , as that we conceive it a thing altogether unnecessary to make mention of them . onely wee feare least the guilt of the blood then shed , should yet remaine to be required at the hands of this nation , because it hath not publikely endeavoured to appease the wrath of god by a generall and solemne humiliation for it . what the practises of the prelats have beene ever since , from the beginning of queene elizabeth to this present day , would fill a volume ( like ezekiels roule ) with lamentation , mourning , and woe to record . for it hath beene their great designe to hinder all further reformation ; to bring in doctrines of popery , arminianisme , and libertinisme , to maintaine , propagate and much encrease the burden of humane ceremonies : to keepe out , and beate downe the preaching of the word , to silence the faithfull preachers of it , to oppose and persecute the most zealous professours , and to turne all religion into a pompous out-side . and to tread downe the power of godlinesse . insomuch as it is come to an ordinary proverb , that when any thing is spoyled wee use to say , the bishops foot hath beene in it . and in all this ( and much more which might be said ) fulfilling bishop bonners prophesie , who when hee saw that in king edwards reformation , there was a reservation of ceremonies and hierarchy , is credibly reported to have used these words ; since they have begun to tast of our broath , it will not be long ere they will eat of our beefe . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52036-e170 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 23. pag. 1. pag. 2. pag. 3. pag. 6. pag. 2. pag 7. vntruths . r●mo●● pag 8. malmesbury lib. 4. hist. concil . trid. pag. 9. liturgie . pag. 10. a ad hoc malarum dev●lutae est ecclesia dei & spon●a christi ut haereticorum exempla sectentu● & ad celebranda sacramenta coelestia , disciplinam . lux mu●uetur de teneb●●● & ●d faciant christiani quod antichristi faciunt . cypr. ep. 74. page 13. iust. mar. apost . 2. tert. ap. ad gen. c. 39. iust. mar. apost . 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . la. can. 18. conc. carth. 3. can. 23. anno 397. conc. milev . 2. can. 12. an. 416. pag. 10. pag. 12. pag. 18. pag. 11. euseb. de vit . con. li 4. cap. 18. pag. 11. pag. 12. pag. 12. pag. 13. d. corbet . m. novel . pag. 13. pag. 13. pag. 13 , 14. abbot against church ●o●sakers . ob. answ. pag. 17. pag. 17. pag. 17. * pag. 2. a one of these sonnes of the church of england whose messenger this remonstrance is , was he who swore by the eternall god , he would be the death of those that did appeare to move against the grievances of episcopacy , and if the rest of these millions mentioned pag. 2. whos 's thousands are so punctually calculated p. 41 be of his spirit : they are an army of very peaceable & right-affected men . pag. 7. evaristus . 100. dionysius . 260. some say 267. as pol. virg. ioh. maior l. 2. hist. de gest . scot. cap. 2. heylins geog. p. 55. gener. hist. of spain l. 22 pag. 9. pag. 18. pag. 18. pag. 18. a frustra consuetudinē nobis opponunt , quasi consuetudo major sit v●ri●tate , aut non id sit in spiritualibus s●quendu● , quod in melius ●uerit à spiritu sancto r●velatum , cypr ep. 73. b it is well observed by gerha●d , that a bishop ●hrasi apostolicâ , that is , a bishop that is the same with a presbyter , is of fifteene hundred yeares standing ; but a bishop , ●hrosi pon● si●iâ , that is , a distinct order superiour to a presbyter invested with sole power of ordination and iurisdiction , is but a novell invention● pag. 19. pag. 19. a what the establishment of episcopacy by the lawes i● , and upon what grounded , the learned sir edward cooke informes us , who reports , that in an act of parliament holden at carlile in the 25. yeare of edw. 1. it is de●lared that the holy church of england was founded in the state of prelacy within the realme of england , by the king and h●s progenitours , &c. for them to info●me the people in the law of god , and to keep ●ospitality , and give alme● , and do other workes of charity . and the said kings in times past were wont to have their advise and counsell for the safe-guard of the realme , when they had need of such prelates and clarkes so advanced . cooke de jure regis ecclesiast●co . but whether bishops have observed the orders of their first foundation , &c. pag. 19 , 20. pag. 21. pag. 8. pag. 24. hierony . ep. ad euag. & ad ocea . iren. adver . haer . l. 4. cap. 43.44 . hist. lib. 5. cap. 23. bellarm. de cleric . lib. 1. cap. 15. a presbyte 〈◊〉 secut ep●s●●pis 〈…〉 d●icommissa est : presunt eum ecclesiae christi : in consecrat●one domi●ici 〈…〉 cons●r●es 〈…〉 e●i●copis : & 〈◊〉 in doctrina populorum & in 〈…〉 propt●r autorit●tem , summo sacerdott clericorum ordina●io reserv●●a ●st : co●●● . 1 〈◊〉 . pri● . m , can. 8. e●●ngeli●m ●●but his qui prae●unt ecclesie ma●●atum docendi evang●lii , rem●tt●●di pec●●●● , adm●●●stra●di sa●ramenta : prae●erea jurisdictionem ; videlicet ma●datum excomm●n●andi cos q●●rum 〈◊〉 sunt crimina , & resipiscen es rursum absolvendi : ac oma●● 〈◊〉 , etiam advers●rioru● 〈◊〉 , hinc potesta●em jare divino comm●● 〈…〉 qui presant ecclesiae , sive pastores vo●●atur , sive presbyteri , sive e●is●opi . s●rip●●● philip. melanch . in conventu smalcald . anno. 1540. a precipuis illar●m ecclesiarum dictoribus commani consensu comprobatum de potestate & jurisdictione episc●porum . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ierom. isa. 3. igna. epis. ad magnes . conc. ancyr . can. 18. pag. 20. tertull. a at ubi omnia ●oca circumplexa est ecclesia , ●conventicula con●itula sunt : & caeperunt r●ctores : & caetera ossi●●a in ecclesia sunt ordinata . caepit aliot ordine & providentia g●bernari ecclesia . ideo non per omnia conveniunt sc●ipta apostoli ordinationi quae nunc in ecclesia est , quia haec inter i●sa primordia scripta sunt . na● & timothe●m à se presbyterum creatum episcopam v●ca● , &c. sed quia cae●erunt sequentes presbyteri indigns inventri ad pruratus t●nendos , immu●ata est 〈◊〉 , &c. hierom ad evag. ambros. ubi prius . grego . naz. orat. 28. pag. 21.22 . greg. nazi . vbi prius . pag. 22. pag. 23. pag. 23. a plebs ipsa maximè habet potestatem vel eligendi . dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi , quod & ipsum videmus de divina authoritate descendere : ut sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur , & dignus atque idoneus publico iudicio ac testimonio comprobetur . by priests the author here understands bishopps , as the whole series of the epistle shewes . a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . athanas. epist. ad othodoxos . idem ubi supra . cyprian , cornelius , athanasius , and others . cypr. epist. 33. epist. 58. apud cypr. epist. 75. cumjure divino non sint diversi gradus episcopi et pastores : manifestum est ordinationem in suâ ecclesiâ factam ivre divino ratam esse . itaque cum episcopi ordinarii fiant hostes ecclesiae aut nolunt ordinationē impert●re , ecclesia retinet jus suum . melanch . ubi supra , pag. concil . antioc . can. 10. & aneyr. can. 13. concil 4. carthag . can. 2● . ibid. c●n 3. hicronym . in epist. ad evag. chrysost. hom. 1● . in 1 ad tim chrysost. upon the 1 tim. libro d● settem ordinabus . concil . aquisgra . 1. can 8. solum propter author●tatem clericorum ordinatio et consecratio reservata est summo sacerdoti . bilson . spalat . franc. à sancta clara. cyp. epist. 6. & 28. concil . 4. carthag . can. 23. vid russ hist. lib. 10. cap 9. soz● . li. 2. c 23. possidon . de vita● aug. c. 4. orig. hom. 11. in exo. pag 97. decret . part . 2. can. 15 quae . 7. per totum & parte ● dis. 93. cap. 5.6 . clem. alex. stroma● . lib. ● . tertull. apol. advers . gent. ambros. epist. ad syagrium . aug. de verb. apost . ser. 19. a constat , iurisdictionem illam excommunicandi reos manifestorum criminum pertinere ad omnes pastores , hanc ad se solos tyrannicé transtulerunt , & ad quaestum contulerunt episcopi , melanc . ubi sup . b hieron . epist. ad heliodor . ep. ad demet. ambros. lib 10 epist. 80. cypr. epist. 12. ana this was the custome saith cyprian in minoribus delictis . cypr. epist 46 vide etiam cypr epist. 6. tertul. apol. adver gent. cap. 39. origen . hom. 7. in j●sh . cypr. epist 55. cypr. epist. 11. ad plebem . a indecarum est laicum vicarium esse episcopi , & seculares in eccl●sia judicare : in uno ●●nim eod●mque o●er● non decet d●sp●r prosessio quod etiam in lege divina prohibetur dicen●● mose , non ●rabis in ●ove & asino simul , concil . hispal . 2. cyp. epist. 28. downam in the defence of his sermon . lib. 1. cap. 8. cod. li. 4. tit. 20. l. 7. athan. aso. 2. apud zonaram . greg. decret . lib. 3. tit. 2. cap. 8 q●● vos . decret . greg. ●ib . 5. tit. 4. cap. 24. chrysost. hom. 40● in 2 in ti. recording this among those things that hee did dolo malo ducere . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sozom. 1.9 . niceph. 18.5 . socra . 7.7 . lib. 14. c. 14. soc. li. 7. c. 19. niceph. ● . 14. cap. 14. possidon . in vita august . a let the reader plea●e to consult euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap. 33 according to some , after others . cap. 37. and view the description , he there makes of an evangelist , and then judge of what wee speake . anno. aera christi receptae , 47. anno 48. anno 51. anno. 53. anno 53. paraeus . capellus . heb. 13.23 . wee finde not only that timothy was with paul at rome , but a prisoner with him there . a anno 43. b anno. 45. c anno 46. d anno 51. e anno 51. f anno 52. g anno 53. h anno 64. raynolds contra hart. ca. 6. pag. 23. a hoc erant utique & cateri apostoli quod fuerat pe●rus , par● consort●o pr●di●i & honoris & potestatis , sed exordium ab 〈◊〉 pro●icistitur , ut ecclesia una menstretur . euseb. lib. 7. cap. 29. pag. 24. pag. 23. pag. 22. 37. hen. 8. cap. 17. a the remonstrant here acknowledges the same of the king , that frier simon , a florentine , did of the pope , who affirmed the degree of a bishop was de jure divino , but every particular bishop de jure pontificio . hist. con . trid. pag. 28 , 29. pag. 29. originum ecclesi●st . car●m 〈◊〉 prioris pars posterior 463 , 464 pag. 32. a 1 〈◊〉 . ● . 17 1 cor. 12.28 . rom. 12.8 . b vnde & syn●goga , & postea ecclesia seniores habuit , quorum sine con●il●o n●hil agebatur in ●●c . ●lisi●i . quod qua negligent●i obso verit nescio , nisi forte doctorum desid â , aut magis superbia , dumsoli volunt aliq●id videri . origen . lib. 3. contra ceisum . ep. 137. lib. 3. cap. august . ser. 19. de verb. dom. august . in psal. 38. conc. 2. pag. 32. pag. 33. pag. 33. d. ducke . pag. 34. pag. 35. a wee may ●ather thinke that they would have done ●o●e . remembring what marti●us was wont to say to his friend su●●itius , n●quaqaum sib●m epis●op●tu c●m ●●tulum gra●i●m suppe●●sse , quam p●●● se 〈…〉 . sulpitius severus dial 2 pag. 35. pag. 35. pag. 36. pag. 36. pag. 36. pag. 37. pag. 37. pag. 39. a in his preface to his booke called the way to the true church . solinus . pag. 39. tertull. adverb . gent. pag. 2. pag. 41. pag. ●1 . pag. 41. pag. 42. hunc populus fecit . epiphanius saith he did arrium ip●um dogmatum novitate superare . austin saith in ar●anorum haeresin lapsum . epiphall . accused him because he said that super●●●●m preces did not opitulari eis q●i ex hac vita discesserint . and austin accused aerius because he said , non lic●t orare , vel offerre pro mortuis oblationem . whitaker respons . ad campian rat . 10. hath these words : a●●●um esi 〈◊〉 & augustinus in ●aere 〈…〉 , & praeter eo an qui pa●●● 〈…〉 e●iscopo aequa●e ●it ●ae ●ticum , nihil catholicum essi potest . cum aerio hieronymus de presbyteris omnino s●nsit . illos enim jure divino epis 〈◊〉 aequales esse ●lat●●t . sozomen . hist. lib. 6. c●p . 10. quest. 16. notes for div a52036-e29630 bed. holinsh. speed. holinsh. out of capgrave . osborn , higden . edw. conf. holinsh. 191 will. conq. speed. pag. 442. will. ruf. henry 1 holinsh. 3● holinsh. 3● holinsh. 42. 43. k. stephen . holinsh. 57. 58. 59. henry 2. speed 467. out of nubrigens . yet this mans life is lately printed in english as a thing to be imitate●● holinsh. 70. speed. 469. hol. pag. 98. richard 1. pag. 129. 130. 132. 144. k. iohn . speed. 503 speed. 509 hen. 3. stow 188. hol. 247. speed 529.530 . edward 1. hol. 280. hol. 301. hol. 315. edward 2. speed 574. edward 3. speed 586. hol. 409. richard 2. hol. 478. pag. 506. henry 4. pag. 514. speed 631. hol. 529. henry 5. speed 638. henry 6. hol. 596. pag. 620. edward 4. speed 699. edward 5. richard 3. henry 8. hol. 845. 462. speed 784. hol. 992. speed 792. speed. statut. hen. 8. anno. 35. cap 5. edward 6. a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the see of constantinople / by william cave ... cave, william, 1637-1713. 1683 approx. 344 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 201 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31419 wing c1595 estc r19344 12605651 ocm 12605651 64253 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31419) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64253) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 347:9) a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome and the encroachments of that upon other sees, especially the see of constantinople / by william cave ... cave, william, 1637-1713. [47], 334, [8] p. printed for r. chiswel ..., london : 1683. errata on p. [47]. advertisements: [8] p. at end. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church polity -history -early church, ca. 30-600. episcopacy -early works to 1800. patriarchs and patriarchate. papacy. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church , by bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs . more particularly , concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , and the encroachments of that upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . by william cave , d. d. one of his majesties chaplains in ordinary . omne genus ad originem suam censeatur , necesse est . tert. de praescript . c. 20. p. 208. london , printed for r. chiswel , at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard , mdclxxxiii . to the right reverend father in god henry lord bishop of london , one of the lords of his majesties most honourable privy-council . my lord , in compliance with the good old rule of s. ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , do nothing without leave from the bishop , i have taken the confidence to lay these papers at your lordships feet ; being well content , they should receive from you a sentence of life or death ; either to come abroad into open light , or be condemn'd to be thrown aside , if you shall judge them useless and unprofitable . for i am not so fond of my own undertakings , as to flatter my self , that any thing that i can do , will work much upon the obstinate humour of a perverse and contentious age. my lord , the church of england is usually assaulted by two sorts of adversaries . the one declar'd enemies to the episcopal government , or if at any time in a good humour they allow the name , they deny the thing making the bishop of the primitive times no more in effect than a meer parish-priest . the other are great pretenders to antiquity , and strongly enough assert the episcopal order , but withall would obtrude upon us a supreme and universal bishop , to whom all others are to be subject and accountable , and he we may be sure is the bishop of rome . as for the first of these , i have not directly enter'd the lists with them , though what is here said concerning the ancient church-government might be enough to satisfie men modest and unprejudic'd ; and more i did not think fit to add . they have been so often baffled upon that argument , that nothing but a resolv'd obstinacy could make them keep a post , so utterly indefensable . but the men of that way seem generally too over-weaning and opiniative , and i have no hopes of doing good upon that man , that 's wiser in his own conceit , than seven men that can render a reason . indeed the nature of my design led me more immediately to encounter with the other party , whose cause ( so far as it relates to the subject under debate ) i have examin'd , and brought to be tried by the standard of antiquity , the truest rule to proceed by in this matter ; and this managed without any needless exasperations . for i never could think it a reasonable method of conviction to rail at popery , or to load the bishop of rome with ill names , and spiteful characters . the best way sure in such cases is to appeal to the judgment of the ancients , and to enquire what power and authority was allow'd him in the wiser and better ages of christianity . which i hope i have done with all truth and fairness in the following discourse . my lord , your lordships known zeal for the protestant cause , and ( what next the goodness of the divine providence is the strongest bulwark and defence of it ) the honour and interest of the church of england , might give you a just title to this discourse , though there were no other inducement to it . but we that are the clergy of your diocess , think our selves oblig'd to take all occasions of letting the world know , how much we rejoyce under the happy influences of your care and conduct ; how much we are beholden to that great example of pastoral industry and diligence , you daily set before us ; that we have to deal with a temper so incomparably sweet and obliging , and that not only in private converses , but in all public cases that concern the church under your charge , you are pleased so freely and familiarly to consult and advise with us . 't is this ( to mention no more ) that creates in us so just a regard and veneration for your lordship . and i verily believe , since the primitive times there never was a more mutual endearment and correspondence . never bishop , that treated his clergy with a more paternal kindness and condiscention ; never clergy that paid a greater reverence , and a more chearful obedience to their bishop . that this concord and agreement may not only continue , but encrease , and the happy effects of it visibly spread over your whole diocess , and especially this great city , is the earnest prayer of , my lord , your lordships faithful and sincerely devoted servant , william cave . to the reader . among the several virtues , wherewith the religion of our lord does at once refine and adorn humane nature , there are none conduce more , both to the peace of the world , and the quiet of private and particular persons , than humility and contentment ; the laying aside the vain and fond opinion of our selves , a lowliness of mind to esteem others better than our selves , in honour preferring one another ; an easiness and satisfaction under that place and portion , which the wisdom of the divine providence has thought fit to allot us , and a generous contempt of those little and sordid arts , by which men hunt after power and greatness , and impatiently affect dominion and superiority over others . a noble and divine temper of mind , which our lord has effectually recommended both by his doctrine , and the example of his life . he has taught us , that we should not , after the proud and hypocritical manner of the pharisees , do our works to be seen of men , make broad our phylacteries , and enlarge the borders of our garments , love the uppermost rooms at feasts , and the chief seats in the synagogue , and greetings in the markets ; that we should not affect proud titles , and the honour of a name , to be call'd of men , rabbi , rabbi , for that one is our master , even christ , and all we are brethren , ( not that our lord here absolutely forbids all honour and precedence , no more than he does all mastership and superiority in what follows , but only an inordinate desire , a vicious and irregular inclination toward these things , and an undue and tyrannical exercise of them ) that we should call no man our father upon earth , that is , in the same sence , and with the same respect , wherewith we do god , for that one is our father , which is in heaven , neither that we be called masters , for that one is our master , even christ : for that whosoever should exalt himself , shall be abased , and he that should humble himself , shall be exalted . and then for his own practice , how openly did he protest against seeking his own glory , or receiving honour from men ? how studiously did he stifle the fame of his own miracles , and whatever might raise him in the esteem and value of the world. when an appeal was made to him to judge a cause , he rebuk'd the motion with a who made me a judge , and a ruler over you ? when the jews were resolv'd to have made him king , he fled from the very shadow of a crown . when there was a strife amongst his own apostles , which of them should be accounted the greatest , like the kings of the gentiles which exercis'd lordship and authority over their subjects , he ended the controversy with a short decision , but ye shall not be so . this charge s. peter particularly applies to the bishops and rulers of the church , that they should not be lords over god's heritage ; that the younger should submit themselves to the elder ; yea , all of them be subject one to another , and be cloathed with humility : for that god resisteth the proud , and giveth grace to the humble . had the excellent rules here laid down by s. peter , been observ'd by those who pretend to be his successors , the christian world had been free from those infinite disturbances and distractions , which the pride and ambition of the roman bishops have brought upon it . for certainly among all the corruptions and innovations of that church , nothing is more palpable and notorious , than an intolerable usurpation over the rights of their brethren ; nothing more wild and extravagant , than the challenging a supremacy over the christian church , as affix'd to the see of rome , expresly contrary not only to the scripture , the great canon of our faith , but to the laws of all ancient councils , and the practice of the church ; which however it allow'd a primary honour and respect to the roman prelate , yet still set him out , as it did to all other bishops , the particular extent of his jurisdiction . this is that which i have endeavoured to evince in the following discourse , wherein i have trac'd the papal authority to those proper bounds and limits , within which it was confin'd of old . and upon that occasion have briefly survey'd the frame and constitution of the ancient church , and that policy and government , whereby it was manag'd in its purer and better times . that which gave birth to the whole discourse , was this : i had elsewhere in relating the acts of the second general council , represented the third canon of that council , which decreed , that the bishop of constantinople , upon the account of its being new rome , or the imperial city , should have the priviledge of honour next to the bishop of rome . a canon which they of rome could never pardon , as which limits the power of the roman prelate , and declares the foundation upon which it stands . for the illustration of this canon , i intended im that place to have added a digression concerning the ancient power and precedence of the bishops of rome ; but upon second thoughts , referr'd it to an appendix at the end of the book . but that book swelling into too great a bulk , and this discourse being grown beyond the proportion that was at first design'd , i was over-perswaded by some friends to venture it abroad alone . a thing which had i intended from the beginning , it had come forth , at least in some parts , more perfect than it is , and with some advantages which now it is forc'd to go without . i have wholly wav'd all debates concerning the jus divinum of episcopacy , and the controversies that depend upon it , ( enough has been said upon that argument ) and have chiefly insisted upon those branches of the ecclesiastic government , which have been less canvassed amongst us . for the same reason i have more lightly touch'd upon the pope's universal supremacy , 't was his metropolitical and patriarchal power i principally design'd to enquire into . i know volumes have been written de primatu papae , de ecclesiis suburbicariis , &c. and therefore i have reduc'd what concerns those matters into as narrow a compass as i could , and have said no more than what is necessary to clear the argument , and express my own sense about it . if what is here said shall administer any light to this part of church-antiquity , i shall be very glad ; if not , i am content it should follow the fate of many much better books to be thrown aside . 't was never design'd to instruct the learned , but only to form a short scheme of the true state of things , for the benefit of those , who have not been much conversant in the antiquities of the church ; at least to give some aid and direction to the younger sort , who first apply themselves to the study of those ancient times . and if it may but attain this end , i shall think my time and pains have been well bestow'd . the contents . chap. i. the state of the church-government , and power of the roman bishops 'till the council of nice . an equality among the apostles as church governours appointed by christ . peter's pretended supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . if any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the roman bishops . early appearances of the pride and usurpation of the bishops of that church . special advantages of that see to set up for tyranny and usurpation . the foundation of that church by two great apostles , peter and paul. rome the seat of the empire . the honour and advantages of that church thereby . the catholick faith long time preserv'd entire in the church of rome . it s large revenues affording liberal hospitality . it s sending forth emissaries to plant christianity in other countries , and thereby claiming superiority over them . the pride of that church severely censur'd by s. basil . a general scheme of the subordination in the government of the primitive church , by bishops , archbishops , and patriarchs , and the conformity herein to the civil state. episcopal government , how it spread it self at first ? metropolitans introduc'd , and why ? a brief account of the ancient way of ecclesiastical administration out of cyprian and others , by the bishop and his clergy , by provincial synods . what things usually manag'd there . foreign churches how mutually transacting with one another . the bishops of rome had no more authority in this period , than the bishops of other greater sees . pope melchiades appointed commissioner by constantine . donatus appeals from his judgment . his sentence brought under examinations in the synod of arles . page 1 chap. ii. the government of the church , and power of the bishops of rome , as 't is represented in the canons of the nicene council . the sixth canon of the synod of nice set down , with the occasion of it . seven observations drawn from that canon . i. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . a. province , what . whether the countries in italy so called . ii. that the chief church-governour in every province was the metropolitan . the prudence and convenience of that way of government . patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the nicene canon . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this own'd by some of the greatest champions of rome . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch , were ever of the greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . the eminency of sees according to the greatness of the cities wherein they were planted . this gave precedency to the church of rome . the three sees of rome , alexandria and antioch ascribed to s. peter . blasphemous things spoken of the pope upon that account . primacy allow'd to the see of rome . no supremacy belonging to it . the christian church then knew of no such supereininent power . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custom and the practice of the church . this plainly shew'd to be the sence of this and other following councils . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . the fourth , sixth , and seventh canons of this council noted to that purpose . the same shew'd to be the determination of other synods . what other rights belong'd to metropolitans . vii . that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custom and practice . what this antiquity implies . the original of metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . several instances of this way of government noted in the second and third centuries . the word metropolitan not met with 'till the council of nice . but the thing long before . the sum of the observations upon this canon . page 46 chap. iii. the extent of the bishop of rome's jurisdiction , considered as a metropolitan . a search into the proper bounds of the roman bishop . his power fourfold , episcopal , metropolitical , patriarchal , apostolical . the first not controverted ; the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the reformed , and greek church . l. allatius's jeer of his country-men . his metropolitical jurisdiction considered , as concurrent with that of the provost of rome . that how great , and how far extending . the suburbicary regions , what . sicily no part of the urbicary regions . the usual conformity between the extent of the civil and ecclesiastick jurisdiction in those times . the power of the roman metropolitan confin'd within an hundred miles of rome . rufinus his exposition of the suburbicary churches . greatly quarrell'd at by the romish writers . his authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . his book approv'd by pope gelasius and others . no probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the canon , or the extent of the roman metropolitanship , or the suburbicary churches . his explication confirm'd by most ancient interpreters of this canon . the bishops of rome and italy distinct . the bishop of milan rank'd with him of rome . the objection of the bishop of rome's being confin'd to so narrow a compass , consider'd and answer'd . the majores dioeceses in the epistle of the synod of arles , what . the bounds of the roman bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient notitia episcopatuum . the fraud in the first publication of that notitia . morinus noted . the greatness of rome equivalent to a large extent . page 98 chap. iv. an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in the christian church . an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in general . none before the council of nice . what that council contributed to them . civil dioceses , when , and by whom introduc'd . these gave start to primary metropolitans . dioceses , when first brought into the church . the title of patriarch borrow'd from the jews . who their patriarchs , and whence descended . exarchs , what . the word patriarch , when first us'd by church-writers in a strict and proper sence . the patriarchs among the montanists , who . a short survey of the four great patriarchates . the extent of the patriarchate of alexandria . the dioecesis aegyptiaca , what . the patriarchal jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the augustal prefect . little gain'd to this patriarchate more than a title of honour . the patriarchate of antioch commensurate to the eastern diocess . the contest about cyprus , how determin'd . palestine for some time under antioch . the patriarchship of constantinople . by what degrees it arose . what privilege conferr'd upon it by the second general council . the bishops of it hence forwards exercising a kind of patriarchal power over the churches of the neighbouring provinces . the power granted to that see by the council of chalcedon . its ninth , seventeenth , and eight and twentieth canons considered to that purpose . jurisdiction over the three dioceses of asiana , pontica , and thrace . this setled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . this power own'd by the synod to have been exercised of a long time before . this grant urg'd against the universal supremacy of the see of rome . the extent of the constantinopolitan patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient notitiae . the patriarchate of jerusalem . the honour confirm'd to this church by the nicene council . it s subjection to the see of caesarea . when first attempting a metropolitical power . the contest between this bishop , and the bishop of antioch , how determin'd in the council of chalcedon . when first styl'd patriarch . the extent of this patriarchate . page 137 chap. v. the bounds of the roman patriarchate . a return to the roman patriarchate . the limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . unjustly pretended to reach over the whole west . this granted by them of the greek church , and why . the pope's patriarchal power disown'd by the churches of milan , aquileia , and ravenna . the independency and opposition of those churches to the roman see , severally evinc'd by particular cases and instances . the power of metropolitans in france kept up independant from rome . the truth of this confess'd and clear'd by de marca . other instances of preserving their rights against the pretensions of rome , hincmar of rhemes , and the synod of metz. two other national churches instanc'd in , the african , and the britannick churches . the famous case of appeals in the church of africk . a clear account of that matter . their publick rejecting the power which the pope challeng'd over those churches . the letters of the council of carthage to pope boniface and caelestine to that purpose . several useful and proper corollaries deduc'd from this story , for the evincing the vain pretensions of the papal power over those churches . the boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . the state of the britannick church . the progress of religion and church-government here 'till the times of pope gregory . the church govern'd here by an archbishop and bishop at austin's arrival . their customs wholly different from , and independant upon rome . their absolute refusal to own the authority of austin or the pope . the slaughter of the bangor-monks suspiciously charg'd upon austin . the pope's proper patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the jurisdiction of the vicarius urbicus . what provinces under his government . the roman synod consisting of the bishops of those provinces . a twofold patriarchate of the pope trifling and precarious . the bishops of rome daily amplifying their jurisdiction . the means whereby they did this briefly intimated . page 198 chap. vi. the encroachments of the see of rome upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . the roman bishops breaking the bounds of all laws and canons . their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . instances of julius , damasus , innocent , zosimus , to this purpose . the briskness and activity of pope leo. his many letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . his jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the see of constantinople . the attempts and actings of his legates in the council of chalcedon . their mighty opposition against the passing the xxviii . canon of that synod . the fraud of paschasinus in citing the sixth canon of nice . their protestation against the power granted to the bishop of constantinople . pope leo's zeal and rage against these synodal proceedings . faelix his excommunicating acacius of constantinople . the pretended occasion of that sentence . the same spleen continued and carried on by pope gelasius . a reconciliation procur'd by the emperour justin between the bishops of rome and constantinople . pope john's insulting over epiphanius in his own church at constantinople . john the second's ranting letter to justinian . the bishop of constantinople assumes the title of oecumenical patriarch . this in what sence ( probably ) meant . the passionate resentment of pope pelagius hereat . the same zeal shew'd by his successor gregory the great . his letters written upon that occasion . the hard words he every where bestows upon that title . his mistake about the offer of that title to the pope in the chalcedon council . the true state of that case . this title frequently given to the constantinopolitan bishops in the council under mennas , before john assumed it . baronius's poor evasion of that matter . gregory still continues to thunder out anathema's against this title . all this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . phocas his usupation of the empire . the monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. pope gregory's scandalously flattering caresses to him and his empress . boniface the third makes suit to phocas , and procures the title of oecumenical to be affixt to the see of rome . the pope's daily enlargement of their power and tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . the whole concluded with the canons or dictates of pope hildebrand . page 267 errata . page 5. line 8. read whosoever . p. 52. l. 21. r. administration . p. 73. marg . r. iii. p. 75. l. 12. r. head . p. 110. l. 19. r. crustuminum . p. 133. l. 15. r. larger . p. 136. l. 3. r. desire . p. 152. l. 12. after who , add are . p. 173. l. 4. r. this . p. 187. l. 22. r. them . p. 300. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 304. l. 13. r. isidore . a dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church , by bishops , metroplitans , and patriarchs , &c. chap. i. the state of the church-government , and power of the roman bishops till the council of nice . an equality among the apostles as church governours appointed by christ . peters pretended supremacy over the rest shewed to be vain and groundless . if any such had been granted , it belong'd not to the roman bishops . early appearances of the pride and usurpation of the bishops of that church . special advantages of that see to set up for tyranny and usurpation . the foundation of that church by two great apostles , peter and paul. rome the seat of the empire . the honour and advantages of that church thereby . the catholick faith long time preserv'd intire in the church of rome . it s large revenues affording liberal hospitality . it s sending forth emissaries to plant christianity in other countries ▪ and thereby claiming superiority over them . the pride of that church severely censur'd by st. basil . a general scheme of the subordination in the government of the primitive church , by bishops , arch-bishops and patriarchs , and the conformity herein to the civil state. episcopal government how it spreads it self at first ? metropolitans introduc'd and why . a brief account of the ancient way of ecclesiastical administration out of cyprian and others , by the bishop and his clergy , by provincial synods . what things usually manag'd there . foreign churches how mutually transacting with one another . the bishops of rome had no more authority in this period than the bishops of other greater sees . pope melchiades appointed commissioner by constantine . donatus appeals from his judgment . his sentence brought under examinations in the synod of arles . i. order and government are so essentially necessary to the peace and welfare of mankind , that no society whether civil or sacred can subsist without it : where there is none to command , there will be none to obey , and where every one is left to do what he please , there must be confusion and every evil work . no sooner therefore had our blessed saviour laid the foundation of the christian church , but he chose twelve , whom he named apostles , to whose care and conduct he committed the administration of it . these he invested with equal powers , upon these he deriv'd the same mission , which he himself had receiv'd from god , as my father sent me , so send i you . all had the same authority to preach , plant , and propagate the church , to feed and rule the flock of christ , to go teach and baptize all nations ; the same keys of the kingdom of heaven committed to one as well as another , that whatsoever sins they should remit , they should be remitted , and whosoever sins they retain , they should be retained : the same holy spirit breathed upon all with a receive ye the holy ghost . notwithstanding all which , it is confidently pretended on the behalf of s. peter , that a paramount authority was conferr'd upon him , and that not only above , but over the rest , that he was constituted by our lord , prince and head of the colledge ; the other apostles were indeed shepherds of the flock , but were themselves christs sheep , and st. peter appointed pastor over them ; with a great deal more , boldly asserted at a venture , and attempted to be made good by such warrant from scripture , as any thing , but the necessity of maintaining a desperate cause would be ashamed to produce . and as no such charter can be produc'd , sign'd by our saviour , so neither do we find s. peter challenging , much less exercising any such superiority . he submitted to the orders of the apostolical colledge , and rendered himself accountable to them for his actions , styles himself no more than their fellow-presbyter , and cautions against lording over god's heritage . how openly did s. paul assert , that he came not a whit behind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the very chiefest apostles ? and that the gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto him , as well as that of the circumcision was to peter . james and john are said to be pillars as well as he ; nay , the whole twelve apostles are equally styl'd the twelve foundations of the new jerusalem , that descended out of heaven , and it was indifferently promised to all , that they should sit upon twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel . nay , when a strife arose amongst them , which of them should be greatest in his kingdom , our lord on purpose to silence all such ambitious attempts for the future , plainly told them , that though the kings of the gentiles exercised dominion over their subjects , and they that are great exercised authority upon them : yet ye shall not be so ; but whosoever will be great among you , let him be your minister , and whosoever will be chief among you , let him be your servant . ii. and yet after all should it be granted , that our lord gave s. peter some kind of superiour power over the rest , yet what is this to the bishops of rome ? unless it could be prov'd , that those priviledges were to be haereditary , and were not to determine and expire with s. peter's person . bellarmine * pleads , that it is founded in a right of succession , and this right settled jure divino , and by our lords own institution , who expresly commanded s. peter to fix the apostolical seat at rome . the proofs he brings to make good this command are a passage out of an apocryphal epistle of pope marcellus , long since discarded together with the rest , as the most notorious cheat and imposture that ever was put upon the christian church ; and at best an uncertain story of our lords appearing to peter , and that too nothing to his purpose . and therefore not daring to trust to them , he fairly quits * the jus divinum , and confesses that the pontifical succession has no foundation in scripture : however , that 't is not improbable , and that 't is a thing piously to be believed ; that is , perhaps it may be so , and perhaps not , we may do well to believe it , but there 's no certain ground for it . an admirable foundation to build so important a claim upon , and for the sake whereof they have now for many ages created so much trouble and disturbance to the christian world. and besides , there 's a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this case lies at the bottom , it being generally taken for granted , that s. peter was in a proper sence bishop of rome , which yet i believe can never be made good . that he constituted that church , and laid down his life there for the confirmation of it , i easily grant , but this makes him not properly bishop of it , and consequently the popes cannot properly be his successours . dye he might there , but how comes this to entitle the bishops of rome to the succession ? if so , then ( as a learned man * of the greek church long since urged in this case ) because our lord died at jerusalem , therefore the bishop of jerusalem , as possessing the seat of our great high-priest , may claim an universal superiority , and challenge to be as much greater than the bishop of rome , as christ is than peter . once more , let it be suppos'd that this supremacy was entail'd not only upon s. peter , but upon his successors , how comes it to pass that it was not lodg'd in the see of antioch , where they grant s. peter resided as bishop several years before he went to rome , and which therefore in all reason ought to challenge a primary title ? an objection which bellarmin with all the subtilties of his wit and learning is not able to claw off . so many insuperable barrs are there lying in the way to this soveraign and unaccountable authority of their church . iii. but what power soever the bishops of rome may pretend to derive from s. peter , sure i am they thus far inherit too much of his spirit and temper , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i mean , that rash and busie fervour and eagerness , so frequently noted in him by the ancients : forward like him to speak , run , and interpose at every turn ; and forward like him too to smite with the sword , when meeting with the least opposition . no sooner were the heats of the fifth persecution somewhat cooled , and the church entred a little upon more calm and prosperous days , but we find pope victor , an. 196. picking a quarrel with some of the eastern churches about the time of celebrating easter , and though they justified themselves to the christian world by apostolical practice , and a constant uninterrupted observation ever since , yet because refusing to comply with the custome of the church of rome , he hastily threw them under excommunication , to the great disturbance and amazement of the christian world , for which he was severely rebuked by the wise and good men of that time , especially the mild and peaceable irenaeus . it was not much above half an age after this , when the practice of baptizing a new those who had been baptized by hereticks begun mightily to prevail in some parts of the east , but especially in the african churches . stephen , who was then bishop of rome , storm'd hereat , and in a great rage publickly declared , that he would hold no communion with them ; and when , according to the custome whereby churches mutually acted in those days , they sent some bishops to give him an account of their opinion and practice , he proudly refused * either to see them , or speak with them ; and not content to deprive them of the peace and communion of the church , he denied them the common offices of humanity and charity , forbidding the christians at rome so much as to entertain them . to cyprian he gave very hard words , calling him false christ , false apostle , deceitful worker ; and no better did he treat firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , and the churches of iconium . but cyprian ( though a man otherwise of great gentleness and moderation ) plainly told him , * that this was nothing but the effect of a proud , impertinent , imprudent , self-contradicting humour , that it proceeded from blindness and perverseness , from obstinacy and presumption , and directly tended to the patronage and encouragement of error and heresie . firmilian charg'd * him with inhumanity , audaciousness and insolence , with doing very unjust and unwarrantable things ; that they at rome , however vainly pretending apostolical authority , did not themselves exactly observe primitive tradition , that he could not but disdain stephens open and manifest folly , who while he boasted so much of the eminency of his episcopal place , and contended that he had the succession of peter , upon whom the foundations of the church were laid , did yet hereby introduce several other rocks , and build new churches upon them . and when not long after the controversie came to be canvass'd in a synod of eighty seven african bishops , whom cyprian had assembled at carthage for that purpose , in the speech that he made at the opening of the council , cyprian tax'd the pride and ambition of the bishop of rome , telling * them that they should all freely speak their minds , without judging , or excommunicating any that were of another opinion , that none of them took upon himself to make himself bishop of bishops , or by a tyrannical threatning to force his colleagues into a necessity of compliance : since every bishop , according to the power and liberty granted to him , had his proper rule and jurisdiction , and could no more be judg'd by another , than he himself could judge others ; that in these matters they were to expect the judgment of our lord jesus christ , who alone had power both of appointing governours over his church , and of calling them to an account for their administration . iv. by these instances ( and many more no doubt , which the history of those times would have set before us , had the churches records come safe to us ) it appears , how early the bishops of rome set out to usurp a dominion over the church , and though they generally met with opposition , yet they still went on , and vigorously improv'd all advantages , with what success , the christian world has now for many ages found to their cost . and certainly never any stood fairer to start and carry on such a design . for , first , their church was not only apostolical , but had been founded by two of the most eminent apostles , peter and paul , which gave a mighty reputation to it in after ages ; the christian world bearing an extraordinary reverence to those great names , which the bishops of that see knew how to improve to their own advantage . for this reason irenaeus * calls the church of rome the greatest and most eminent church , and most universally known , as being founded by the two most glorious apostles peter and paul ; and s. augustine * says , that in it there always flourished the principality of the apostolick chair ; and origen took a journey * on purpose to rome , to gratify his curiosity with the sight of so ancient and renowned a church . and upon this account must be discharged very many of those great things , which several of the fathers speak so liberally concerning the church of rome ; who thought they could never express a veneration big enough towards s. peter , and consequently towards the place which he had honoured with his doctrine and residence , and watred with his blood : which however spoken by them out of a devout intent , prov'd the first rounds of that ladder , by which the roman bishops mounted up to a supremacy above the rest . it happening in a few ages that nothing was talkt of at rome , but of the prince of the apostles , and the authority of the apostolick see , 'till almost every thing there became apostolical , and was covered with s. peters name . secondly , their church was planted in the imperial city , a place that seem'd born for empire and soveraignty , that had long since conquered , and at that time governed the greatest part of the world ; a city that was the center of all nations , and the seat of majesty and magnificence , where all great affairs were transacted , and all the scenes of glory and greatness represented in a little compass . which could not but reflect a more than ordinary lustre upon those bishops that sat at the upper end of the world , and make them appear considerably bigger , more conspicuous and useful than the rest of their brethren , and by reason of the general confluence of all nations to rome , enable them in a little time to draw the cognizance of ecclesiastick causes from all parts thither . 't was this conveniency of situation gave them opportunity to insinuate themselves into the favour of the emperors , and by their power to enlarge their own borders , yea , and to succour and relieve their clients and dependants , which made many to court their protection and assistance , though often with the loss of their own freedom and liberty . this was especially done after the emperours became christians , the roman church being by them enrich'd with vast honours and priviledges , accounting that the greatness of that church would not a little contribute to the splendour and magnificence of the empire . and though the imperial seat was quickly translated to another place , yet besides that the emperours a long time retain'd their affection for rome , what the pope lost in one sence , he gain'd in another , making use of the emperours absence to enhance his own power and revenue , 'till he was able not only to lord it over his brethren , but over princes themselves . thirdly , the roman church continued for several ages the seat of true apostolick doctrine , maintaining that character that s paul had given them , that their faith was spoken of throughout the whole world , it being here preserv'd pure and uncorrupt , while a great part of the christian world besides was over run with error and heresie , and torn in pieces by schisms and factions . this made rome in those days ( while it remain'd sound and orthodox ) in a manner the standard of catholick communion , most other churches veering in point of communion , as they found the wind blow from that quarter , and saw how the business far'd at rome . accordingly theodosius in the beginning of his reign resolving to reform the doctrine of the church , then miserably degenerated in the eastern parts , commanded , * that that faith only should take place , that was profess'd by pope damasus , and peter of alexandria , that faith and religion which s. peter had delivered to the church of rome , and which had all along 'till that time flourisht there . this made way for appeals , every party being desirous to gain the good will of that church , and to have its bishop pronounce for their cause , 'till from an honourary arbitration it came to be claim'd as a right and due . and persons ( especially those who were persecuted in their own countries for their adherence to the catholick faith ) were the more encourag'd to repair hither , because here they were kindly treated , and hospitably entertain'd ; a piece of charity which the bishops of that church by reason of their ample possessions and large endowments , were very capable to afford . for besides their standing rents and revenues , their gains by collections and oblations was so great , that by them alone in the time of pope damasus , they were enabled to live in a state and grandeur like that of temporal princes , if we may believe the account given by ammianus marcellinus ; * and the story is known of praetextatus ( a zealous gentile ) design'd to be consul , who reflecting upon the plenty of that see , was wont pleasanly to tell * pope damasus , make me but bishop of rome , and i will immediately become a christian . 't is certain that church could never want plentiful incomes flowing in upon it ; and as charitable it was in those days , as it was wealthy , and was not only very kind to strangers when they came thither , but was wont to transmit very liberal distributions of its charity to forreign churches , to relieve the necessities of the brethren that were under persecution , and were condemned to the mines , as dionysius bishop of corinth tells us in his letter * to soter bishop of rome , written about the year clxxiv . and that this had been the custome of that church from the very infancy of christianity . fourthly , the church of rome by the advantage of the imperial city was capable of propagating the christian doctrine into several parts of the west , to send out disciples , receive dispatches , transmit directions , and supply all emergencies that might arise . accordingly upon this foundation the popes built and advanc't a claim to superiority and dominion . thus damasus writing * to the bishops of africk , tells them , that in all doubtful cases they ought to have recourse to him as to the head , and thence to take their determination , from whence they had received their institution and instruction in the christian faith. and pope innocent tells * decentius bishop of eugubium , that all the churches in those parts ought to take their measures from rome , and nothing to be valid , but what 's received from thence ; it being evident , that no churches had been planted in italy , france , spain , africk , sicily , and the interjacent islands by any , but such as had been ordain'd by s. peter , or his successors . and this is the plea we are so often urg'd with , whereby the roman see challenges jurisdiction over england , its commissionating augustine the monk to convert the saxons , and settle religion in these parts . but were there no more to be offered in answer to it , this were enough , that christianity had for several ages been planted here , before ever austin set his foot on english ground : as perhaps we may have occasion to shew afterwards . in short , though it became churches thus planted , to bear a very grateful respect to that mother church , that was the instrument to convey to them the christian faith ; yet did it lay them under no obligation to subjection and servitude : however the church of rome has handled the matter to its own advantage , and from the lenity and tenderness of a parent , had degenerated into the pride and cruelty of a stepmother ; and not content to exercise authority over its own colonies , began to advance its banners over all the rest ; proudly proclaiming it self the mother and mistres of all churches . i observe no more , then that pride seems to be a vice more peculiar to rome , than other places : 't was this put the old romans upon subduing the world ; and by this the emperors tyrannized over it for some ages , and when rome shifted its lords , it did not change its task-masters ; the ambition which the emperors laid down , the popes took up , and prosecuted it by far worse arts and methods , than ever the romans did of old . s. basil more than once complains * of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pride of the west , and how little help was to be expected from them that neither understood the truth , nor would be content to learn it ; that he was resolved to write to the pope , to let him know that it did not become him to insult over and add to the miseries of the afflicted , nor to think pride to be honourable ; a thing alone sufficient to render a man odious in the sight of god : and elsewhere he expresses * a very passionate resentment , that he hated the pride of that church . v. furnished with these advantages , the roman prelates set up for themselves , and gave not over , till they had by right and wrong spread such an ecclesiastic empire over the world , as would admit neither superior nor equal . in order to the discovery whereof , it will be necessary to enquire what was of old the proper jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , before they removed those antient land-marks which the fathers had set . we have elsewhere * observ'd , ( what has been remarkt by many , and indeed is evident to any one vers'd in church-antiquity ) that in the primitive times , the external polity of the church was conform'd as near as might be to the mode that obtain'd in the civil state. now the whole roman empire consisted of thirteen dioceses , ( for so they began to style those large divisions about the time of constantine , ) whereof seven in the eastern parts , egypt , the orient , or east properly so call'd , asiana , pontica , thrace , macedonia and dacia ; and six in the west , italy , afric , illyricum , france , spain , and britain ; besides the roman praefecture , extending to the provinces round about the city , which had anciently been a peculiar government , equal , yea superior in dignity to any diocess ; whereof hereafter . in each of these diocesses were several provinces , ( 118 in all ) the chief city whereof in every province , was the metropolis , that had a kind of jurisdiction over all the rest ; both title and dignity being peculiarly settled by imperial constitution . now the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction , were concurrent after this manner ; in every city there was a civil judge , who presided over it , and the towns about it ; and to him answered the bishop of that city : in every province a proconsul or president resided at the metropolis , govern'd that whole division , received appeals , and determined all important cases brought before him from the inferior cities . correspondent to him was the metropolitan , or ( as they after call'd him ) the archbishop , whose see was in the same city , who superintended the several churches , and ordained the several bishops within his province . and then in every diocess , there was a vicarius or lieutenant , who kept his residence in the principal city , thence dispatcht the imperial edicts , and there heard and decided those causes , that were not finally determin'd by inferiour courts . and concurrent with him in ecclesiastical matters was the primate , or ( as some of them were more eminently stiled ) the patriarch , who presided over the several metropolitans within that diocess , appointed the conventions of his clergy , umpir'd the differences that arose between the several bishops , and gave the last determination to all appeals brought before him . and thus by an orderly subordination of deacons and presbyters to their bishops , of bishops to their immediate metropolitans , of metropolitans to their respective primates or patriarchs , and by a mutual correspondence between the several primates of every diocess , the affairs of the christian church were carried on with great decorum and regularity . vi. this excellent platform was not fram'd and set up all at once . in the more early ages christianity being generally first preacht and planted in the greater cities , and the ecclesiastical government settled there , thence spread it self into the neighbouring country , and persons were thence dispatcht to preach and attend the ministeries of religion in those rural plantations , who yet were in all things steer'd and directed by the bishop and his ecclesiastick senate residing in the city . as churches multiplied , and christianity extended it self into wider circles , it was found necessary to fix a particular bishop almost in every city , to whom was committed the care and superintendency over all the clergy and people there , and in all the towns and villages belonging to the jurisdiction of that place . but because controversies began to arise between the several bishops ( and sometimes between them and the inferiour clergy ) which could not easily be determin'd , where every ones authority was independant , it was necessary that some one should preside over all the other bishops of that province , as the proconsul did in the civil state , who might convene synodical assemblies , adjust the differences , and manage the ordinations of the provincial bishops . and for this none could be so fit as he that resided in the metropolis of the province ( thence call'd metropolitan ) partly because the countries for the most part round about had originally derived their christianity from thence , and 't was but fit they should pay a peculiar respect to the mother-church , partly because most persons had occasion to resort thither for the dispatch of business , and might with the same opportunity conveniently transact both their civil and ecclesiastick matters , and partly because 't was but reasonable , that the bishop of so eminent a place should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have an honourable presidency over the rest , as the council of antioch particularly provides * in this case ; ordaining accordingly , that tho every bishop might ordain presbyters and deacons , and manage the affairs of his own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or particular diocess ( as we now call it ) yet that all the bishops of the province should acknowledge the metropolitan , and attempt nothing of moment without his knowledge and consent ; which they there enact , not as any novel constitution , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they tell us , according to a most ancient rule and canon , that had been in force from the times of their fore-fathers . to the metropolitan then upon every extraordinary occasion the provincial bishops addressed themselves , to him also other metropolitans , such especially as lay nearest to him , were wont to send letters of communion , to testify their consent with him in the faith ( a confession whereof every new metropolitan us'd to send abroad upon his advancement to his see ) and mutually to consult each others advice in all important cases . vii . this 't is plain from the writings of s. cyprian and others , was the way of administration during those first and most early ages of christianity : private causes every bishop judg'd of within his particular jurisdiction , where taking to him the assistance of his clergy , his presbyters and deacons , they did communi consilio ponderare , * weigh things by common advice and deliberation ; where the case was of greater importance , or more general concernment , it was referr'd to a provincial synod , wherein the chief bishop of the province presided , and directed all affairs . here the ordination of bishops was usually perform'd , or where a synod could not conveniently be had , by as many bishops as could be got together , the rest * who were absent by writing under their hands testifying their consent , and the whole either actually manag'd by , or at least done by the allowance and confirmation of the chief bishop . here also criminal bishops were depos'd , and the same way of general suffrage observ'd : thus when cornelius and his synod at rome * had condemn'd and cast out novatian for his schismatical usurpation of that see , the bishops that were not present at the council , did by their letters ratify and subscribe that decree . viii . in reference to the affairs of churches abroad , they acted by a kind of mutual consociation , they communicated councils , interpos'd in differences , oppos'd the same common enemies , and upon all occasions afforded ready help and assistance to one another , that dilectio communis , that cyprian so often speaks of , * the common bond of love and charity obliging them to advise together , that so by joynt consultations things might be carried on to the best advantage of ecclesiastick administration . for they look'd upon themselves , he tells us , * as members of the same body of the church , though stretcht out into many several provinces , and that therefore they were bound to have care one of another , and to watch over the welfare of the whole body . upon a persons election to any of the greater sees , they were wont to send their congratulatory letters , to give him joy of that place , to signify their concurrence with his advancement to a share of the government of the church , and their communion with him in the faith. thus cyprian by letters * approv'd cornelius his election to the see of rome , which he did , he tells us according to divine tradition and ecclesiastick institution ; nay he sent to all the bishops of his province , requiring them by their letters to do the like . and when marcian bishop of arles was depos'd for his siding with novatian , cyprian wrote * to pope stephen to send him word who succeeded in that bishopprick , that so he might know to whom to direct his communicatory letters . when any person was duly excommunicated in on church , he could not be admitted to communion in another . thus when felicissimus , who had been excommunicated by cyprian and the african synod , fled to rome , * and came thither guarded with a potent faction , he found the doors shut against him , whereof cornelius advis'd cyprian by letters , which the good man commends as replenisht with brotherly love , ecclesiastick discipline , and episcopal censure . and when the legats of novatian ( who had procur'd himself to be irregularly ordain'd bishop of rome , for which he was synodically condemn'd ) came into africk , cyprian rejected them , * and utterly refus'd to receive them to communion . in short , no sooner did any extraordinary emergency arise , but notice was presently given of it to other churches , and advice return'd what was fit to be done in those matters , and all possible assistance afforded towards the dispatching of them . in all which transactions the bishop of rome was no otherwise considered than ( as all others were ) as a bishop of the catholick church , nor was his sentence any more regarded than that of other bishops . donatus à casis nigris accus'd * cecilian bishop of carthage to constantine the great . the emperour referr'd the case to pope melchiades , and three french bishops , together with whom assembled fifteen bishops of italy , who gave judgment against donatus . wherein as the pope acted as the emperours delegate , and had no more power than the rest of his collegues , so the sturdy african slighted his judgment , and appeal'd from it . constantine hereupon referrs the business to a synod at arles in france , ann. cccxiv . where the former sentence is again brought under examination , and this thought no injury or dishonour to the bishop of rome , nay , his legates in that council subscribed only in the fifth place , * as the subscriptions publisht by sirmoud out of an ancient copy , stand at this day . in short , 't is ingenuously confess'd by pope pius the second , * then cardinal , that before the time of the nicene council very little regard was had to the church of rome . by all which we see how the government of the church in those days was carried on ; bishops superintended the affairs of the church in every city and its adjacent territory , over them were metropolitans and provincial synods , and with foreign churches they transacted by a mutual agreement and confederation for the good of the whole , but without any coercive power over one another . chap. ii. the government of the church , and power of the bishops of rome , as 't is represented in the canons of the nicene council . the sixt canon of the synod of nice set down , with the occasion of it . seven observations drawn from that canon . i. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . a province what . whither the countries in italy so called . ii. that the chief church-governour in every province was the metropolitan . the prudence and convenience of that way of government . patriarchs prov'd not to be intended in the nicene canon . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this own'd by some of the greatest champions of rome . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch were ever of the greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . the eminency of sees according to the greatness of the cities wherein they were planted . this gave precedency to the church of rome . the three sees of rome , alexandria and antioch ascrib'd to s. peter . blasphemous things spoken of the pope upon that account . primacy allow'd to the see of rome . no supremacy belonging to it . the christian church then knew of no such supereminent power . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but by custome and the practice of the church . this plainly shew'd to be the sence of this , and other following councils . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . the fourth , sixth and seventh canons of this council noted to that purpose . the same shew'd to be the determination of other synods . what other rights belong'd to metropolitans . vii . that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but founded upon ancient custome and practice . what this antiquity implies . the original of metropolitans briefly enquir'd into . several instances of this way of government noted in the second and third centuries . the word metropolitan not met with till the council of nice . but the thing long before . the sum of the observations upon this canon . in this condition stood things at that time when the great council assembled at nice , an. cccxxv . where what had hitherto been transacted only by custome and mutual consent , became then a law of the church . for alexander the venerable bishop of alexandria having complain'd to the synod , that the metropolitical rights of that see had been invaded by the irregular and ambitious attempts of meletius , the schismatical bishop of lycopolis in thebais , who during the late persecution had amongst other crimes taken upon him to ordain bishops , and to confer inferiour orders where-ever he came , the synod did not only depose meletius , and in a manner null his ordinations , but pass'd among others this following canon . let ancient customs still take place ; those that are in egypt , libya and pentapolis , that the bishop of alexandria have power over all these ; because such also is the custome of the bishop of rome . and accordingly in antioch , and in other provinces , let the priviledges be preserved to the churches . this also is altogether evident , that if any man be made a bishop without the consent of the metropolitan , this great synod decrees such a one to be no bishop . and if two or three , out of a contentious humour , shall oppose the common election duly and regularly made according to the canon of the church , let the majority of voices in this case prevail . in this canon , which has been the subject of infinite debate and controversie , there are several things very observable to our purpose , which every impartial unprejudicate reader will see do naturally flow from it . first , that the larger bounds of ecclesiastical jurisdiction at that time were concurrent with the roman provinces . secondly , that the chief church governour within every province was the metropolitan . thirdly , that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . fourthly , that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch were ever of greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . fifthly , that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but flow'd only from custome and the practice of the church . sixthly , that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . seventhly , that this way of ecclesiastick admiration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . all which observations i shall briefly explain and make good . 1. that the larger bounds of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were the roman provinces . every city , besides what was within its walls , and immediate suburbs , had usually some adjacent territory , whither its government did extend , as strabo * notes of nemausus or nismes , a city of the gallia narbonensis , that it had under it twenty four villages , all well peopled and inhabited , and so commonly in other places ; and these were the towns and villages ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are call'd in the ninth canon of antioch ) that were under the superintendency and jurisdiction of the city-bishop . but a province was a collection of many cities , with all the tracts and territories belonging to them ; and was greater or less according to the custome of places , or as the will of princes had set them out . augustus ( as strabo who lived about that time informs * us ) when he resolv'd to commit some parts of the empire to the immediate care of the senate , and to reserve the rest to himself , divided each moiety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into several provinces , and caus'd a rationarium or book to be made of it ( this he did out of the commentaries * of balbus , whom he had appointed to measure the several parts of the empire : ) some account of these provinces strabo there gives us , but a more full and particular account is given by dion cassius . * how these provinces stood divided in the following ages , especially from the times of constantine , is distinctly and accurately set down in the notitia imperii , compos'd under the reign of the younger theodosius . i observe no more then that if at augustus his settlement ( which is taken notice of , and objected by some * ) the countries in italy were not styl'd provinces , but regions , ( he divided it says pliny * into eleven regions ; whence italy and the provinces , and jus italicum , and jus provinciale are frequently distinguisht ) yet this distinction held not long , nor universally , the words being promiscuously us'd , as is evident from the scriptores rei agrariae ( some whereof if their titles bely them not , liv'd not long after augustus his age ) where we find more than once , the territory of the province of picenum , as well as the region of picenum , the province of apulia and calabria * , of valeria ‖ , of tuscia * , and the like . and for after ages , especially from the times of constantine , no man can doubt of it , that has but once lookt either into the justinian , or theodosian code . ii. that the chief church-governour within every province was the metropolitan , that is , the bishop that resided in the metropolis , or mother-city of the province . for as the preventing schism and disorder had necessitated provincial bishops ( who being all equal had no power one over the other ) to chuse one common president to umpire and determine differences , and manage those affairs which could not be done by every single bishop , so reason and conveniency , the example of the civil government , and the greatness of the place , pleaded for the bishop of the metropolis to be the person , who hence deriv'd the title of metropolitan . and this salmasius * himself , how ill a friend soever to the whole episcopal order , cannot but confess was wisely contriv'd , and that had but metropolitans contain'd themselves within their proper bounds , there could not have heen a more useful and laudable institution . his business was upon all important occasions synodically to summon together the bishops of his province , and therein to enquire into their miscarriages and misdemeanors , to judg of the contentions that arose between them , to ordain persons to vacant bishopricks , or at least to ratify their ordination , and to direct all transactions that were of greater and more general concernment . therefore the fathers of antioch take care , that forasmuch as all that have any business to dispatch , are forc'd to go to the metropolis , therefore the bishops in every province should own , honour and give precedence to the bishop that presided in the metropolis , and attempt nothing of moment without his concurrence , and this according to a more ancient canon derived to them from their fore-fathers . by the ancient canon here spoken of cannot be meant this of nice , which was but sixteen years before it , and therefore without doubt referrs to the xxxiv . canon of the apostles , which almost in the same words commands the bishops in every nation to own him who is first or chief amongst them , and to esteem him as head , and to do nothing of moment without his consent , which truly expresses the ancient practice of the church ; these apostolick canons being nothing else but a collection of rules and customes agreed upon in the first ages of christianity . for ( that i may note this by the way ) 't is vain to think , that a thing then first began to be , when we find it first mention'd or enjoyn'd by a synodal decree ; the canons in such cases being very oft expressive of a more ancient practice , which they then take notice of , or enforce , only because some extraordinary accidents at that time may have given particular occasion for it . as here at nice , in the case of the rights of metropolitans , which the canon mentions and resettles , only because meletius's usurpation had brought it into question . it had been long before an ancient custome , and having lately received some little shock , the church no sooner had an opportunity of meeting together in a general council , but it establisht these metropolitical priviledges by its oecumenical authority . there are , i know , and they too men of no mean name and note , both heretofore and of later times , who tell us , that this nicene canon is to be understood not of metropolitans , but patriarchs : but where does the council say , or so much as hint any such thing , the synod both here and in all other places constantly calls them metropolitans , and makes the bounds of their jurisdiction to be provinces , not diocesses . and indeed the word diocese , as relating to this extent of ecclesiastick government , was not in use till above an intire age after . nay perhaps at this time it was scarce in use for the larger division of countries in the civil state : for it was but about this time that constantine new modell'd the government , and brought in dioceses as comprehending several provinces under them . so that either here must be patriarchs without dioceses , or if the canon be meant ( as some explain it ) of metropolitani metropolitanorum , of some prime and principal metropolitans , that presided over the metropolitans of the several provinces within their jurisdiction , then 't is plain the synod must intend such whereever it mentions metropolitans , for it all along speaks of them as of the same . in the fourth canon it provides , that in every province a bishop ordain'd shall be confirm'd by the metropolitan ; which is necessarily to be restrain'd to proper provincial metropolitans . in this sixth canon it speaks more particularly , and because the metropolitick rights had been invaded in egypt , ordains that the bishop of alexandria , no less than he of rome , and that he of antioch , and the churches in all other provinces should still enjoy their ancient priviledges . where we see it speaks of them all without any difference in this respect as provincial churches . and thus the ancient version of this canon ( whereof more hereafter ) understood it , when it rendred it thus , in caeteris provinciis privilegia propria reserventur metropolitanis ecclesiis , that at antioch , and in the other provinces , the metropolitan churches should have their own priviledges . and to put the case out of doubt what the council meant , the canon adds in the close , that no bishop should be made without the consent of the metropolitan . nothing therefore can be more absurd , than to say , that patriarchs are meant in the former part of the canon , and metropolitans only in the latter , when as the canon it self makes no difference . and indeed were that the meaning , the grave and wise fathers of that council took an effectual course that posterity should never understand their mind . if we look into the following canon , that secures the rights of the metropolitan church of caesarea in palestine , and though it grants the next place of honour to the bishop of jerusalem , yet still it subjects him to his own metropolitan . and i suppose it will puzzle any man to give a wise reason , why the church of jerusalem ( for which the christian world ever had so great and so just a veneration ) should be subject to that of caesarea , but only that caesarea was the metropolis of that province , and so had been ever since the time of vespasian , and accordingly josephus says * 't was the greatest city in the country , and tacitus * calls it the head of judaea . so miserably does alexander aristinus blunder in his exposition of this canon , when by virtue of it he makes the bishop of jerusalem to become a patriarch , and yet withal to be subject to the metropolitan of caesarea , or , which is all one , that the metropolitan of caesarea should not hereby lose his ancient power and dignity . as if any patriarch , and much more one of the five greater , could be subject to a private metropolitan , or a metropolitan could have his ancient rights reserv'd to him , when at the same time a considerable part of them are taken from him . but patriarchs were not then heard , or so much as dreamt of in the church ; nothing being truer than what balsamon has observ'd * in this case , that anciently all the metropolitans of provinces were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolute and independent , and ordain'd by none but their own provincial bishops . iii. that the bishop of rome no less than the rest had his proper and limited metropolitical power . this is so evidently the sence of the canon , that few , who have otherwise will good enough , have yet the hardiness to oppose it . the sun it self is not clearer at noon-day , than that hereby the council design'd , that the bishop of alexandria should have the same power within his province , that the bishop of rome had in his . let the bishop of alexandria ( says the canon ) have all his ancient and accustomed powers and priviledges in egypt , libya and pentapolis , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 since , or forasmuch as the bishop of rome has the like custome , that is , ( as a learned and zealous champion * for the popes supremacy does yet with great ingenuity expound it ) that he and none but he should exercise jurisdiction within his own bounds ; as the alexandrian bishop has prescrib'd limits to his diocess , so also has he of rome : and as he of rome manages the affairs of his own diocess without the interposal or medling of any other person , so we will that he of alexandria shall have the same power , and that none shall obstruct him in the exercise of it . the canon then makes a double comparison between these two metropolitans , the one respecting the extent of their jurisdiction , that one was confin'd and limited as well as the other ; the other the fulness of their power , which they might exercise within their respective limits , and that none might presume to invade or hinder it , but by the same right by which the roman prelate govern'd his churches , by the same might he of alexandria the churches subject to him . one of the greek scholiasts * summs up the canon into these words . let the bishop of alexandria have power over egypt , libya and pentapolis : and the roman bishop over those places that are subject to rome . harmenopulus * expresses it in somewhat more general terms : let the ancient customes of arch-bishops still prevail , and every one have power over his own province . i enquire not now what were the peculiar bounds , within which the power of the bishops of rome was terminated . 't is enough at present , that whether larger or narrower , limits he had , which he might not regularly pass , and that the church of rome was in those days accounted a particular church , and as much a member of the church universal , as alexandria , antioch , or that of any other province . iv. that the metropolitick sees of rome , alexandria and antioch , were ever of greatest note in the christian church , and of these rome the chief . hence they are here particularly named , while others are dismist with an et caetera , and rome as the most eminent , made the exemplar according to which the rights of alexandria were to be recovered and resettled . 't were impertinent to shew that respect was always paid to places proportionable to their temporal power and greatness ; s. cyprian * long since told us , that the reason why rome had the precedency of carthage , was pro magnitudine sua , because 't was the greater city . and 't were as endless as 't is needless to prove , that the places mention'd in this canon were capital cities of the empire : rome was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as athanasius styles * it ) the metropolis , or chief city of the roman world , it had for several ages been the governing city , and was still the seat of empire , the greatness whereof the geographical poet * has no less briefly than elegantly thus summ'd up . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rome triumphs in th' imperial seat , and is wealth 's store-house , and the world's metropolis . alexandria besides the vastness of the place , numerousness of its inhabitants , the riches and plenty of its traffick , was the seat of the imperial vice-roy , call'd the augustal prefect : indeed it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * the second city under the sun , that is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as aristides * styles it , the greatest next to rome ; and thence by ancient writers * emphatically call'd the city . antioch was frequently the court of emperors , constantly the residence of their lieutenants , the most ancient , rich and populous city of the east , commonly styl'd antioch the great : now the greatness of these places added a proportionable reputation to their several bishops , it being but reasonable that they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as the fathers at antioch speak * ) precede others in honour , who presided in the most eminent and honourable cities . and because rome was confessedly the greatest and noblest city of the empire , hence the church there had an honourary precedency before all others , and the bishops of it in all publick meetings and consultations had the first place allowed them , and upon all occasions a mighty deference and respect paid to them , and their favour was courted , and addresses made to them from all parts . and in this sence 't is plain the ancients understood the honour due to the roman bishop . when the council of constantinople decrees , * that the bishop of that city shall have the next place to him of rome , for that constantinople was new rome , it sufficiently shews upon what foundation the precedency of the roman prelate stood . and that of chalcedon * much more expresly , that the cause why the fathers gave priviledges to the see of old rome was , because that was the imperial city . and in pursuance of these canons ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the emperour justinian enacts , * that the bishop of old rome should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first of all bishops . i know there are , ‖ who place the eminency of these three great sees upon another bottom , and tell us it was , because they were all founded by s. peter , two of them by himself , and that of alexandria by the ministry of s. mark his peculiar disciple , sent thither by his immediate direction and authority : and the assertion further improv'd , that these three cities being severally the chief cities of the three then known parts of the world , europe , asia and africa , thence it follows that the government of these three great churches , and in them of the whole christian world is lodg'd in s. peters successour , and 't is added * ( with greater boldness shall i say , or blasphemy ? ) that s. peter herein exprest a lively representation both of the unity of the godheads , and of the holy trinity , and that as 't is but one and the same episcopal office that is in a bishop , a metropolitan , and a patriarch , so a trinity of patriarchs meets in the unity of the pope ; so that in the see of the prince of the apostles , there is an unity in trinity , and a trinity in unity . but where men can suffer their wits want only to sport at this rate ( though 't is gravely brought in by way of argument , by some otherwise learned enough ) 't is no wonder , that nothing should be stuck at , true or false , that may serve their cause . but i spare any farther censure of this authour , finding by his life * ( publisht since the writing of these papers ) that he repented afterwards of so hasty and inconsiderate an undertaking , and oft intended to have brought that work under a review and castigation . and indeed any man may at first sight discern 't was the issue of a juvenile heat , and wanted the corrections of calmer and maturer thoughts . but perhaps it might prove no such easie task to make it out that s. peter founded those three sees , and if he did , that any such authority as is claim'd , is thence deriv'd to the see of rome . antioch and alexandria did always maintain their jurisdiction independent , though the popes frequently inculcated their being originally instituted by s. peter , as a kind of obligation to rome , and that which reflected the greatest honour upon those churches . and the fathers we see found their preheminence upon the glory and majesty of their cities , and none more expresly than that of rome , the bishop whereof was therefore honoured , caress'd and add rest unto , because bishop of rome . and had he contented himself with that place and deference which the fathers gave him , and not broken down inclosures , and trampled over the heads of his brethren , we should neither have envied , nor denied it . and though perhaps it might admit some dispute , whether rome having for so many ages lost the honor of being the imperial city , the privileges conferr'd upon that church , upon that account , ought not in reason to abate proportionably ; yet we are willing to grant , what genuine antiquity did allow , that the bishop of that place containing himself within primitive rules and orders , should be esteemed the most honourable among all christian bishops , that he should be first , but not lord , much less tyrant over his brethren . the priviledges assign'd him by the ancient canons , were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( says a late learned patriarch of alexandria * ) priviledges of honour , not conveyances of a tyrannical power to make or abrogate laws as he pleases . and therefore suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the primacy of the church of rome ( mention'd in the beginning of this sixt nicene canon , as 't is quoted by paschasinus the popes legate in the council of chalcedon ) were granted , yet who knows not that there is a primacy of order as well as power ; a primacy amongst equals ; and such 't is plain was that which the ancient councils did assign him , not an universal , monarchical , uncontroulable power and supremacy over the whole christian church , which would have fundamentally destroy'd the very design of this nicene canon , which makes the bishops of alexandria , antioch , the other provinces , independent , and as supream within their own limits , as the pope is in his . is there no difference between precedency and supremacy , between dignity and dominion ? let the roman church be the head of all churches ( as 't is sometimes styl'd by the ancients , and frequently challeng'd by the popes ) 't is so only in an honourary sence , and in that respect other churches , especially that of * constantinople , have the same title given to them . where then shall we find the soveraign , arbitrary , and unbounded power of the bishop of rome ? and where , but in the pride , ambition and usurpation of that see ? certain i am it has not the least footing in this or any other ancient council . nor can it be suppos'd , that had the fathers of this venerable synod known of any such supereminent power of the roman bishop , as is now pretended to ( and know it they must , if there had been any , meeting from all parts of the world ) we cannot suppose , i say , they would have given the bishops of alexandria , antioch , &c. equal power within their respective provinces , without inserting into the canon a salvo to the supreme rights and prerogatives of the see of rome , especially when we find them in the very next canon , giving the bishop of jerusalem an honourable session , but still with a proviso to preserve the rights of the metropolitan of that province . v. that the rights of the roman metropolitan were not due by any divine constitution , but flow'd only from custome and the practice of the church . this is here laid down as one of the main foundations upon which the whole body of the canon is built , the right here convey'd not being divine institutions , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ancient customs , introduc'd by time and use and a wise contrivance . which is not only the case of metropolitans in general , but is particularly applied to him of rome , it being ( says the canon ) the custome for the bishop of rome to have such metropolitick power . had these good fathers known of any peculiar commission given by christ to peter , and in him to the bishop of rome , to be his supream and universal bishop upon earth , to govern his church by a despotical unaccountable power , or that our lord had but so much as authorized and appointed him to be superiour to all the bishops within the roman province , it had been hard , not to say unjust and unreasonable in them to conceal it , and an irreparable injury to that church , to derive its authority from any meaner original . an injury , which we cannot conceive but that the popes legates , who were then in council , must have immediately entred their protest against . but the christian world was as yet unacquainted with such notions , and the popes then either did not claim any such power , or to be sure durst not challenge it in that assembly , where they knew it must be shamefully baffled and rejected . what power soever our lord or his apostles convey'd to bishops , this is certain , that all bishops as such stand upon a common level , and that superiority and subordination among them is meerly from humane positive institution , borrowed from the forms in the civil state , and with great reason brought in to comply with the conveniencies and necessities of the church . and to this the fathers usually refer it . thus we see they here determined the case of metropolitans . and in the following canon the bishop of jerusalem's taking place next to his metropolitan before all the other bishops of that province , is ascrib'd to custome , and ancient tradition . in the council of ephesus the bishop of antioch was complain'd of for invading the rights of the metropolitan of cyprus , in deciding whereof the fathers affirm , * it would be sufficient prejudice to his cause , if he had not ancient custome on his side : and having determin'd the case against him , decree , that every province should enjoy those original rights pure and inviolable , which had been deriv'd to them by long continuance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according as the power of ancient custome had prevail'd . and when some years after by reason of the incursions of the barbarous people , the metropolitan of cyprus was forc't to remove to nova justinianopolis in the hellespont , the fathers of the sixt council in trullo confirm'd * his rights to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to ancient custome : for the holy fathers ( say they ) have determin'd , that customs should be preserv'd in every church . vi. that the ordination of provincial bishops was one of the prime rights and priviledges of every metropolitan within his own jurisdiction . no man in those days was bound to go beyond his own metropolis , much less did they know of any obligation to seek to rome either for consecration , or confirmation . and for this the laws of the church are as express and peremptory as words could make them . our great council had made provision herein by their fourth canon , that a bishop should be ordain'd by all the bishops in the province : but because pers haps business , or distance , might render that inconvenient , and sometimes impossible , they decree that it should be done by three , the rest testifying their consent in writing ; and that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the validity of what was done , should be from the confirmation of the metropolitan in every province . and because the case of meletius was then before them , and had rais'd a mighty noise and clamour , they again establish this matter in the close of the sixth canon by way of recapitulation , that whoever should be made bishop without the consent of his metropolitan , his ordination should be null and void , and that if any doubt and dispute arose in this case , the majority of votes should carry it : accordingly in their synodical epistle * to the church of alexandria they tell them , they had taken care about the election of their bishops , and that it must be with the concurrence and confirmation of the bishop of alexandria . this constitution we find unanimously ratified by almost all following councils ; by that of antioch a most expresly , by that of laodicea b , by that of sardica c , by the second d and fourth e councils of carthage , by the general council of chalcedon f , who take notice of the neglect of some metropolitans in delaying the ordinations of their provincial bishop ; and in the particular controversie between anastasius of nice , and eunomius of nicomedia g , they all with one voice ratify the nicene canon . in all which canons , and infinite more that might be mention'd , there is not the least intimation given of any prerogative peculiar to the bishop of rome , or that he has any power to take this right out of the hands of the respective metropolitans . nor is ordination the only priviledge which the synod of nice vests in metropolitans , for though they more particularly insist upon this , because meletius had given such fresh occasion by violating the metropolitan rights of alexandria , yet in the beginning of the sixt canon they establish their priviledges in general , that they should have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all the ancient powers and priviledges that belong'd to their churches in every province . what these were , practice and the subsequent canons of the church do inform us ; to take care that vacant sees were well supplied , to call provincial synods , to disperse canons there agreed on for the common good , to end controversies between their bishops , to admonish the unruly , to censure and suspend the irreregular , to give communicatory letters to their provincial bishops that were to go into foreign parts , and such like . in short , the synod of antioch ( than which perhaps none ever made wiser and better rules for the government and discipline of the church ) order * the bishops of every province not only to honour their metropolitan , but to do nothing of moment without his consent . lastly , i observe hence , that this way of ecclesiastick administration was not any late novel institution , but was founded upon ancient custome and practice . 't was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , says the canon most expresly . how far this antiquity does extend , it is not easie precisely to determine . salmasius * himself grants it for an hundred years before the synod of nice : and we would not have thankt him for a larger concession , had the state of things before that council been as clearly transmitted to us , as they were afterwards . indeed the records and writings of those early ages are generally lost , and the defending christianity from the assaults of heathens on the one side , and hereticks on the other , take up the far greatest part of those few that remain . so that little light is afforded us to discover the originals of particular churches , and to trace out the gradual advances of polity and church-discipline . whether the apostles themselves fixt a superiour bishop in every metropolis of the civil state , as some will have it ; or whether the apostles only form'd the scheme and draught , but left it to following ages to erect and set it up , as de marca * thinks , i leave it to the reader , who is curious about these matters , to weigh their arguments , and then pass his sentence . to me it seems probable that it actually commenc'd not long after the apostolick age , when sects and schisms began to break in apace , and when the apostles who were the supream governours and moderators being remov'd off the stage , and controversies multiplying between particular bishops , it was found necessary to pitch upon one in every province , to whom the umpirage of cases might be referr'd , and by whom all common and publick affairs might be directed . in the declining part of the second century we find philip styl'd * not only bishop of the diocess of gortyna , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) but also of all the rest of the churches or dioceses ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in crete , among which pinytus is reckon'd bishop of the parochia of gnossus . towards the latter end of the same century we find several provincial synods conven'd for determining the paschal controversie * : pope victor presided in that at rome ; in that of palestine , theophilus bishop of caesarea , and narcissus of jerusalem ; where narcissus is joyn'd with theophilus , because the bishop of jerusalem had ever the place of honour next to his metropolitan of caesarea , and this ( say our nicene fathers ) from custome and ancient tradition . polycrates bishop of ephesus , at the request of victor summon'd a synod of the bishops of asia ( i. e. of the lydian or proconsular asia , whereof ephesus was the metropolis ) wherein he was president , who all subscrib'd his opinion , as he tells us in his letter to pope victor . in france there was a convention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the bishops of the several gallick dioceses , wherein irenaeus bishop of the metropolis of lyons was chief moderator . bacchylus also bishop of corinth ( that was a metropolis too ) held a synod of the bishops of achaia ( if s. jerome * understand eusebius aright ) and in their name wrote an epistle about this matter . this the author of the ancient synodicon * calls a provincial synod , and expresly styles bacchylus arch-bishop of corinth . how oft does s. cyprian * mention his province , and his fellow-bishops in it , to whom he communicated affairs of the church , and commanded ( mandavimus is his own word ) their help and assistance : and this province no mean one neither , as extending over africk properly so call'd , numidia , and the two mauritania's . nor can i see any reason with salmasius * to understand it of the civil province , especially when the best reason he gives , is , that the power of primates or metropolitans was not yet in force , which is a plain and shameful begging of the question . indeed if he means it only of the title , by which they were call'd , i grant that the word metropolitan is very rarely , if perhaps at all , to be found in any authentick writer before the time of the nicene council : they were in those days styl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first bishops , and the heads of provinces , ( as is plain from the xxxiv . apostolick canon ) i. e they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the chief bishops that resided in the several metropoles , as zonaras truly expounds that canon . but whatever becomes of the title , the thing it self is plain to all that are not byass'd by prejudice and partiality , that there was a superiour bishop in every province , resident at the metropolis , who partly by himself , partly by the assistance of his provincial bishops meeting in council , usually manag'd all the more important church-affairs within that province . the sum in short of this great nicene canon amounts to this that the greater limits of ecclesiastick jurisdiction were concurrent with the provinces of the roman empire , that the prime governours within those bounds were the metropolitans , and though some were more honourable than others , by reason of the eminency of their episcopal stations , yet that every metropolitan had a free and independent power of ordination , and steering the main affairs of the church within that province ; that the bishop of rome had the same , and no more within the roman province ; a power not granted by any immediate commission , or divine authority , but introduc't for conveniency , and setled by custome and long continuance . chap. iii. the extent of the bishop of romes jurisdiction , considered as a metropolitan . a search into the proper bounds of the roman bishop . his power four-fold , episcopal , metropolitical , patriarchal , apostolical . the first not controverted . the last discharg'd as extravagant and groundless , and as frequently baffled , both by the reformed , and greek church . l. allatius's jeer of his country-men . his metropolitical jurisdiction considered as concurrent with that of the provost of rome . that how great , and how far extending . the suburbicary regions what . sicily no part of the urbicary regions . the usual conformity between the extent of the civil and ecclesiastick jurisdiction in those times . the power of the roman metropolitan confin'd within an hundred miles of rome . rufinus his exposition of the suburbicary churches . greatly quarrell'd at by the romish writers . his authority in other cases allow'd sufficient and unquestionable . his book approv'd by pope gelasius and others . no probability of his being mistaken in the sence of the canon , or the extent of the roman metropolitanship , or the suburbicary churches . his explication confirm'd by most ancient interpreters of this canon . the bishops of rome and italy distinct . the bishop of milan ranckt with him of rome . the objection of the bishop of romes being confin'd to so narrow a compass , considered and answered . the majores dioeceses in the epistle of the synod of arles what . the bounds of the roman bishops shew'd to have been heretofore small from an ancient notitia episcopatuum . the fraud in the first publication of that notitia . morinus noted . the greatness of rome equivalent to a large extent . i. thus far then we have gain'd ; that the bishop of rome as well as the rest was bounded within his metropolitical province ; the council supposing this as the ground of its constitution , that the bishop of alexandria should have jurisdiction over all within his province , as the bishop of rome had in his . 't is true , the council does not assign the proper limits of the roman metropolitanship , as it does that of alexandria , there being a more particular reason why it should specify the latter , that being the subject under debate , and the main , if not only occasion of the canon ; we must therefore search it out some other way . and here we are told * of a three-fold power vested in the pope ; episcopal , patriarchal , and apostolical ; or as others * distinguish a little more accurately , he may be considered under a four-fold capacity , as a bishop , as a metropolitan , as a patriarch , and lastly as pope , or as he is the vicar of christ , and head of the universal church . in which capacity he is not only more honourable than all other bishops and patriarchs , but has full authority over them , to consecrate , confirm , or depose them , yea when he pleases , to suppress old , and to erect new episcopal sees . hereby ( they tell us ) he is constituted judge over all churches in the world , and may at pleasure visit , govern , and give laws to them . for the first of these , as he is a private bishop , we have no controversie with him : and for the last , his supreme and apostolical power over the whole christian church ; 't is so wild and extravagant a claim , so groundless and precarious , so utter a stranger to scripture and primitive antiquity , that it 's needless to take pains in the refuting of it . nay , the popes themselves how desirous soever to amplify their own power , have not yet dar'd to challenge it where they knew it would be disputed or denied . in the discourse that past between constantius and pope liberius about the condemnation of athanasius , the emperour askt him , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , what great part of the world are you , that you only should take his part ? and that ( as he urges a little before ) when the whole world had past sentence upon him . the proper answer to which ( had liberius known of any such power ) had been this . i only am intrusted by christ with supream authority over the whole church , and i having acquitted him , 't is no matter though the whole world besides has condemn'd him . and so no doubt he would have answered , had he been aware of any such prerogative affixt to his see. but popes had not then set this claim on foot , nor 't is like dreamt of it , nor if they had , was the world as yet dispos'd to receive it . something we said to this before , when we considered the bishop of rome as standing uppermost among the metropolitans mention'd in the nicene canon . to add more , were a vain , and impertinent loss of time ; especially after so much as has been said upon this argument , both by the writers of the greek church , ( alexius aristinus , zonar as , balsamon , matthaeus blastares , pet. antiochenus , macarius ancyranus , demetrius chomatenus , barlaam , nilus thessalonicensis , nicetus seidus , nilus doxopatrius , geo. coressius , gabriel philadelphensis , maximus margunius , meletius alexandrinus , &c. whom leo allatius * in a scornful insultation over the deplorable state of his own country is pleas'd to style graecanica ingenia , the witts of greece ) and by them of the reform'd religion , and by some too of their own church , by whom all pleas and pretences to this power have been so often and so shamefully baffled , that a man would wonder if at this time of the day they should be again rallied , and brought into open field . it remains then that we consider him in his metropolitical , and patriarchal capacity . ii. and first we shall enquire what were the bounds of his metropolitical power . and the best measures we can take in this matter , will be to enquire into the extent of the civil jurisdiction of the provost of rome , with which that that of the roman prelate must run parallel , no man can doubt , that considers the course of things in those times , when in this respect the church and the state went so fairly hand in hand . a thing not only affirm'd by protestants , but granted by the most learned and zealous writers of the church of rome . let us therefore consider first how the case stood in the civil state. the prefect of rome was an officer of great antiquity , instituted in the very infancy of that state , while govern'd by kings , but being only of a pro tempore-use , was never made fixt and ordinary till augustus , who being much engag'd in foraign wars , appointed a magistrate , who might in the interim supply his room , manage his affairs , and administer justice at home . his publick appearances were very pompous and stately , and he had several great officers under him , as may be seen in the notitia imperii . the greatest persons in the city were not exempt from his power , for calling five persons of the senatorian order to his assistance , he might try and pass sentence upon the head of a senator himself . his government extended not only to rome , but to an hundred miles round about it , where the limits of his jurisdiction ceas'd , as is expresly said in a rescript a of the emperour severus . ditioni suae non solum roma commissa ( quamvis in illa contineantur universa ) verum etiam intra centesimum miliarium potestatem te protendere , antiqua jura voluerunt , as his patent runs in b cassiodore . within this compass were several countries , which partly from their lying round about , partly from their subjection to , and dependance upon the praefecture of rome , were usually styl'd urbicariae c and suburbicariae d , and suburbanae regiones e , sometimes also regiones solitae f , the countries within which the governour of rome was wont to exercise his solemn jurisdiction , and vicinae regiones g , countries that lie next to the city . and these i doubt not are those four regions mention'd in a law h of constantine m. directed to orfitus praefect of the city . iii. this circumference salmasius conceives * ( though herein stiffly oppos'd by his learned antagonist ) to be the romana regio , mention'd in an old inscription at nola , and by the historian ( as he corrects * him out of an ancient manuscript ) in the life of probus , where 't is oppos'd to verona , benacum , and other regions of italy ; and that this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the region of the romans , spoken of by ignatius in the front of his epistle to that church . what these four regions were , mention'd in the law of constantine , is not agreed by those that have searcht furthest into this matter . gothofred * makes them to have been tuscia suburbicaria ( another part of it being call'd annonaria ) picenum suburbicarium ( to distinguish it from the annonarium ) and of these there is no doubt : the other two he makes to be latium vetus , and latium novum , lying south of rome , and extending as far as sinuessa upon the river safo , which divided beween latium and campania . salmasius * will have the latium vetus and novum to have been but one and the same , and which was afterwards call'd campania latina , and to fill up the number , substitutes the province of valeria , so call'd from the valerian way , that lay through it . another french lawyer , * who takes upon him in less than half a sheet of paper ( which he publisht on purpose ) to state the controversie , will have five of the eleven regions ( into which pliny tells us augustus the emperour divided italy ) to belong to this , viz. the first , fourth , fifth , sixth and seventh , as those that lay next the city , and were bounded with the rivers tifernus and silarus on the east , and marca and constantinum on the west . but herein he offers no other evidence than his own conjecture . sirmondus * ( and others after him ) extends the number of the suburbicary countries to ten , which he makes the same with the ten provinces , that were under the vicarius urbicus , and to have thence taken their denomination . but there are two things amongst many others that lye strongly in prejudice of that opinion , and with me turn the scales . first , that some of these ten provinces , especially the three islands of sicily , sardinia and corsica lay too remote to come under the notion of suburbicary regions : for urbicarium , and suburbicarium , suburbanum , and suburbicum all importing the same thing ( as the learned jerom aleander * readily grants ) must necessarily imply their lying within some tolerable neighbourhood to the city . secondly , that sicily , one of the ten provinces belonging to the vicarius urbicus , is most expresly distinguish'd * from the urbicary regions , and as equally as 't is from italy , strictly so call'd , that is , the seven provinces that constituted the italick diocess . a case so clear , that sirmond * though he endeavours to say something to it , yet 't is so thin and trifling , that it rather shews he had a good mind to answer it , than that his answer would ever hold water . others * are willing to suggest , as if in that law of constantius , illyricum ought to be read instead of sicily : but this is thrown in only as a conjecture , and that too against all reason , illyricum belonging at that time to another jurisdiction . for by the famous distribution * which constantine the great made of the parts and offices of the empire , illyricum was under a praetorian prefect of its own , and so i suppose continued all the time of constantius ( in the latter part of whose reign this law was made ) though afterwards a great part of it was laid to the command of the praetorian prefect of italy . but morinus * like a young and daring champion that was resolv'd to do the work , is for quite dashing it out of the body of the law , as a word contrary to the usage of that time . all which shuffling artifices are a shrew'd sign it was a bad cause they had to manage . in short , though men of learning may by tricks and subtilty intangle and perplex an argument ( as they have done in this controversie ) yet two things are plain beyond all just exception . first , that the jurisdiction of the city-praefect reacht an hundred miles about rome . secondly , that the urbicary and suburbicary regions lay chiefly , and in all likelyhood , intirely within that compass , and deriv'd that title from their vicinity to the city , and their immediate dependance upon the government of its provost . and i cannot but a little wonder that sirmond , who more than once grants * the praefect of rome to have had jurisdiction within an hundred miles , should yet as often deny * , that he had any provinces under his government , as if there had been no provinces within that compass , when they are expresly call'd the suburbanae provinciae in the theodosian code * , and the ordinary judges in those parts commanded to return all greater causes to the tribunal of the city-praefect , and this in contradistinction to the course of other provinces , which were to be accountable to the praetorian praefect . iv. having thus found out the jurisdiction of the roman praefect , it should one would think be no hard matter to discover that of the bishop of rome , there being so known a correspondence between the civil and ecclesiastical government of those days . and though this did not always , nor universally take place ( and how should it , when time , and the will of princes made such alterations in the bounds of places and provinces ? ) yet did it generally obtain . a thing introduc'd at first for greater conveniency , founded upon long custome , and settled by several laws and canons of the church , insomuch that if a change or alteration had been , or should hereafter be made by imperial authority in any city , that then the order of episcopal sees should follow the civil and political forms , as is expresly provided by two general councils , the one of chalcedon * , the other of constantinople * . nor can any reason be given , why the bishop of alexandria should exercise a pastoral authority over three such large provinces , as egypt , libya and pentapolis , but only because they were under the civil government of the praefectus augustalis , the imperial vice-roy , who kept his residence in that city . the jurisdiction then of the bishop of rome being of equal circumference with that of the roman provost , must extend to all the city-provinces , that lay within an hundred miles round about it . accordingly we find that when great disturbances were made in the church of rome by the manichees , and other hereticks and schismaticks , valentinian the third writes * to faustus praefect of rome to expel them all out of the city ; but especially to proceed against those who separated themselves from the communion of the venerable pope , and whose schism did infect the people ; commanding him , that if upon warning given they should not within twenty days reconcile themselves , he should banish them one hundred miles out of the city ; that so they might be punisht with their self-chosen solitude and separation . the emperour thinking it but just , that they who had voluntarily rejected , should be themselves cast out of the bounds of his jurisdiction , that they who had perverted many in the capital city , should not be left within any part of his diocess to infect the people . and this was done in compliance with the course observ'd in civil cases , where notorious malefactours were so us'd . thus symmachus * the gentile was for his insolence banish'd an hundred miles out of rome . and some ages before that , severus having cashiered the souldiers that murdered the emperour pertinax , banisht * them , and charg'd them at the peril of their heads not to come within an hundred miles of rome , that is , within the limits of the city-praefecture . and more plainly yet , in the case of ursicinus , who had rais'd infinite stirs at rome about the choice of pope damasus , and had set up himself as competitor in that election , for which he had been banish'd into france , valentinian the elder afterwards ( as appears by his rescript * directed to ampelius the city-provost ) gave him and his companions leave to return into italy , provided they came not to rome , nor any place within the suburbicary regions , that is , within the jurisdiction of the roman bishop . but rufinus has put the case beyond all question , who in his short paraphrase ( for for a translation we may be sure he never intended it ) of the sixt nicene canon , tells * us , that according to ancient custome , as he of alexandria had in egypt , so the bishop of rome had the care and charge of the suburbicary churches . the champions of the roman church finding themselves sorely pinch'd with this authority , have no other way to relieve themselves but to throw it quite off their necks , and to fall foul upon rufinus , loading him with all the hard names and characters of reproach , charging him with malice , falshood , ignorance , want of learning , and indeed what not . but the world is not now to be taught that rufinus was a man of parts and learning , witness the reputation which his works had of old , and still have to this day . pope gelasius with his synod of seventy bishops allow'd * them ( the case only of free-will excepted : ) and among the rest his ecclesiastical history , wherein this very nicene canon is extant , and gives him too the title of a religious man into the bargain . so that rufinus his exposition has the popes own approbation on its side . and surely if ever his judgment be infallible , it is , when he has his council about him to advise and assist him . and though perhaps that gelasian synod , if searcht into , may not be of that authentick credit , as to lay any considerable stress upon it , yet however it stands good against them , that own its authority , and thereby approve its determination . and though it had not given this testimony to rufinus , yet there wants not other evidence that the thing was so . accordingly hincmar of rhemes , speaking of this very book of rufinus whence this passage is taken , assures us * , it was one of those that were receiv'd in the catalogue of the apostolick see. nay , his ecclesiastical history obtain'd such credit , that it was wont solemnly to be appeal'd * to by fathers and councils in some of the most weighty and important cases of the church . v. nor is there any shadow of probability , that he should be mistaken either in the sence of the nicene canon , or in the province of the bishop of rome . he was himself an italian , born not above twenty years after the synod of nice , baptiz'd , and perhaps born at aquileia , a famous city of friuli , ( honoured heretofore with the residence of augustus and some other emperours , and made afterwards a metropolis , and the seat of the praetorian prefect ) and himself a presbyter of that church : he had been frequently conversant at rome , had travell'd over most parts of the christian world , and had convers'd with persons of the greatest note and eminency in every place . in all which respects he could no more mistake the jurisdiction of the see of rome , than we can suppose , that a prebend of york born and bred in the church of england , should be ignorant how far the province of canterbury does extend . nor can there be the least reason to imagine , either that by suburbicary churches rufinus should mean any other , than what lay within those provinces , that were universally known by that title , or that he should dare so openly , and in the face of the world to shut up the bishop of rome within those suburbicary regions , had not his power at the time of the nicene council ( whose canon he must in all reason be suppos'd to explain as things stood at the time of that synod ) been notoriously known to have been confin'd within those limits . but what need we take pains to vindicate the credit of our witness ? he stands not alone in this matter , his testimony being sufficiently justified by concurrent evidence . the ancient version of the nicene canons ( publish'd by sirmond * out of the records of the vatican , and another exactly agreeing with it by mons. justell , from a very ancient manuscript ) the author whereof was perhaps not much later than rufinus , renders it by suburbicaria loca , the suburbicary places ; the three arabick versions , the alexandrian , that of the melchites , and the paraphrase of joseph the egyptian , all express it to the same effect , that he should have power over his countries and provinces , and what ever lay next to him : alex. aristenus , and sim. logotheta , two greek canonists , and a third ancient epitomizer of the canons , mention'd by leo allatius * , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the places and provinces that lay under rome , i. e. the suburbicary countries . nor will it a little contribute to the further clearing of this matter , to observe , that as the civil government of the roman provost is distinguish'd from that of italy in the writings of those times , so is this of the roman prelate : and this distinction very ancient . when paul of samosata bishop of antioch refus'd to give domnus possession of that church , an appeal was made to the emperour aurelian , who referr'd the decision of the case to the bishops of italy and of rome , as eusebius * tells us : and in the title of the letter written by the sardican synod to the church of alexandria , 't is said , * that the bishops assembled from rome and italy , i. e. italy taken in its strict and peculiar notion , as 't is there distingusht from campania , calabria , &c. thence milan as being head of the italick dioces , is in an ecclesiastick sence call'd * the metropolis of italy , and dionysius bishop of that church styl'd * bishop of the metropolis of italy , and sulpitius severus speaking of priscilian and his company coming into italy , says * they address'd themselves to damasus bishop of rome , and ambrose of milan , as bishops that had the greatest authority in those days . and in this respect in the civil sence berterius * truly makes rome to be the metropolis of the suburbicary regions , as milan was of the rest of italy . vi. but it seems no small prejudice to the great men of that church , that so venerable a person as the bishop of rome should be pent up within such narrow limits , much inferiour to many others , especially him of alexandria or antioch . but besides that the eastern dioceses ( as some think ) were generally larger than those of the west , the ecclesiastick provinces ( as we noted before ) were restrain'd to the form of the civil constitution , and were more or fewer , as it happened in the political distribution : wherein if the roman bishop had not so large an extent as some others , yet was it made up in the number , and frequency of episcopal sees , beyond what was in all those times in other places of the like extent . and therefore when the synod at arles in their letter * to pope sylvester , say that he did majores dioeceses tenere ( a passage frequently quoted by the writers of the roman church ) possess greater dioceses ; besides , that the place as salmasius * observes is very corrupt , and affords no currant sence , 't is plain that the word diocess there cannot be understood of patriarchal dioceses ( constantine not having yet made the division of the empire , nor dioceses come up in a civil , much less in an ecclesiastical sence ) and must therefore be meant of single bishopricks , in the modern use of the word , and which was not unusual in those days , as is evident from the code of the african church , and the conference between the catholicks and donatists at carthage , where nothing is more common and obvious than this usage of the word diocess , for a single episcopal see ; the places * are too numerous to be reckon'd up . and thus also . pope leo uses * the word in the case of restitutus an african bishop . vii . and indeed that the bounds of the church of rome for several ages after the nicene council were much narrower than some others , appears from an old greek notitia episcopatuum , wherein the five patriarchates are distinctly reckon'd up , with all the provinces and bishopricks contain'd under them . where under him of rome , are set down no more than six provinces ( whereof the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the province of urbicary rome is the first ) containing not above one hundred and eight episcopal sees . a number far inferiour to the rest , especially the patriarch of constantinople , who had subject to him xxxiii provinces , and in them ccclxxxix bishopricks , besides some others then newly added to him . this notitia had been heretofore publisht by carolus a s. paulo in his geographia sacra , but when he came to that part of it that concerns the diocess of rome , he quite leaps over it , pretending the manuscript copy to be imperfect , and that the words were so corrupted , that scarce any one remain'd entire ; leaving somewhat more than a bare suspicion , that he himself , or some before him had purposely rac'd the manuscript , least the nakedness of the country , the thinness and smallness of the roman diocess in comparison of others , should be discovered . but to their great confusion it has been lately publish'd * intire and perfect out of the oxford library , where the account that we have given is plain and notorious . all which considered , with how little reason and pretence to truth does morinus * appeal to the ecclesiastick notitia's , even such as were made long after the times of constantine , to prove the amplitude of the roman province , as to the jurisdiction of the bishop of rome . but to return , there can be no reason to expect , that the ecclesiastick limits in those days should be longer than those of the state , which were the standard and measure , by which the others were ordinarily regulated . nor is the greatness of any jurisdiction so much to be measured by the largeness of its extent , as by the honor and authority of the place , where 't is exercised ; as that of the lord mayor of london , though reaching no further than the liberties of the city , ( which take not in half the suburbs ) is yet a more honourable authority , than that of a sheriff of the largest county in england . in this regard the bishop of rome had though a shorter cut , a better and more noble jurisdiction , than any other prelate in the world besides ; rome being the seat of majesty and power , the residence of the emperours , the highest court of justice , the place to which all parts paid either homage , or at least respect and veneration , honoured with the title of rome the great , the provost whereof was reckoned next * in honour to the emperour , and upon all occasions went equal in dignity to the praetorian prefect , who yet commanded ten times as many provinces : he had the precedence a of all the great officers of rome , and to him belong'd civilium rerum summa , b the management of all civil affairs . hence the title given to sylvester , is that of bishop of the imperial city c and the council of chalcedon tells us , that the fathers therefore gave a prerogative to the see of rome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because that was the governing and imperial city ; and constantius the emperour though he had already condemn'd and depos'd athanasius , did yet to put the better colour upon it , desires to have it ratified by the authority enjoy'd by the bishops of the eternal city , as the heathen historian * has remark'd . and thus much may serve for the metropolitical bounds of the roman prelate . chap. iv. an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in the christian church . an enquiry into the rise and original of patriarchs in general . none before the council of nice . what that council contributed to them . civil dioceses when , and by whom introduc'd . these gave start to primary metropolitans . dioceses , when first brought into the church . the title of patriarch borrowed from the jews . who their patriarchs , and whence descended . exarchs what . the word patriarch when first us'd by church-writers in a strict and proper sence . the patriarchs among the montanists , who . a short survey of the four great patriarchates . the extent of the patriarchate of alexandria . the dioecesis aegyptiaca , what . the patriarchal jurisdiction in what sence larger than that of the augustal prefect . little gain'd to this patriarchate more than a title of honour . the patriarchate of antioch commensurate to the eastern diocess . the contest about cyprus how determin'd ? palestine for some time under antioch . the patriarchship of constantinople . by what degrees it rose . what priviledge conferr'd upon it by the second general council . the bishops henceforwards exercising a kind of patriarchal power over the churches of the neighbouring provinces . the power granted to that see by the council of chalcedon . it 's ninth , seventeenth and eight and twentyeth canons considered to that purpose . jurisdiction over the three dioceses of asiana , pontica , and thrace . this settled upon a full debate and discussion of the matter . this power own'd by the synod to have been exercised of a long time before . this grant urg'd against the universal supremacy of the see of rome . the extent of the constantinopolitan patriarchate in after times manifested from several ancient notitiae . the patriarchate of jerusalem . the honour confirm'd to this church by the nicene council . it s subjection to the see of caesarea . when first attempting a metropolitical power . the contest between this bishop , and the bishop of antioch how determin'd in the council of chalcedon . when first styl'd patriarch . the extent of this patriarchate . i. proceed we in the second place to consider him as a patriarch , the highest degree of ecclesiastick government which the church ever owned . and in order to the better clearing the whole matter , it will be of some advantage , and perhaps not unpleasant to the reader , to enquire briefly into the rise and original of patriarchs in general , and then survey each particular patriarchate . the rise of patriarchs is but obscurely delivered in the records of the church , the thing not being particularly and by name taken notice of , 'till like a river that has run a great way , and gathered many tributary rivulets , it had swell'd it self into a considerable stream . that there were none at the time of the nicene council we shew'd before , the chief church-governours then being the metropolitans , some of which soon after set up for more room , and began to enlarge the bounds of their jurisdiction . and two things there were greatly contributed to that attempt . first , the mighty reputation which the synod of nice had given to metropolitans , and especially to the particular sees of rome , alexandria and antioch . this inspir'd them with an ambitious affectation of extending their superiority and jurisdiction , and prepar'd the way among their brethren , for the easier reception of it . socrates observ'd , * that long before his time ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which must reach as far as the council of nice at least ) the bishop of rome ( as he also of alexandria ) had gone beyond the bounds of his place , and had aspir'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to a power and dominion over his brethren . a remark so very clear and plain ( especially as to the bishop of rome ) that nothing is more obvious in the whole history of the church . the synod of nice was beholden by all with a just regard and veneration , and its decrees receiv'd as oracles from heaven , and the christian world finding what particular care it had taken of those three great sees , were the more ready to submit and strike sail to their usurpations . hence the following popes , but especially leo the first , do upon all occasions magnifie the nicene canons , and amplify their meaning beyond what was at first intended by them . secondly , the late division of the empire , and the alteration of it from that form , whereinto it had been cast , first by augustus , and afterwards by the emperour hadrian , new modell'd by constantine the great much about the time of the nicene council , gave a singular advantage and opportunity to promote and further this design . ii. for constantine introduc't four praetorian praefectures , each praefecture containing several dioceses ( xiii . in all ) and each diocess comprehending several provinces , the vicar or civil lieutenant residing in the metropolis of every diocess , and presiding over all the provinces within that division . and how easie was it , the world being so prepar'd and dispos'd , and the church so readily embraceing the forms of the civil state , for the chief metropolitan of every diocess to set up for himself . the dignity of the city where he resided , and the resort of people thither for the dispatch of business made him at first be esteem'd and honored as the first bishop of the diocess , and this in a little time brought on the priviledge of ordaining the metropolitans of the several provinces , and to be intrusted with almost the same powers over metropolitans , which they had over provincial bishops . and no doubt it made persons more willing to comply with such a model , that haveing frequent occasion of repairing to the metropolis , ( as is intimated in the ninth canon of antioch ) they might with the greater conveniency dispatch their civil and ecclesiastical affairs both at once . it serv'd not a little to help on this business , that the second general council gave the bishop of constantinople the next place of honour to him of rome upon the account of its being the imperial city ; which gave no small encouragement to the bishops of all diocesan metropoles to attempt the extending their superiority equal to that of the imperial governour that kept his residence in that city . but that which puts the case past dispute is ▪ that that council took in the form of civil dioceses into the church , at least , approv'd what was already taken in : for so they provide * that bishops should not go beyond the diocess to meddle in churches that were without their bounds . socrates * giving an account of this canon , says expresly , that the fathers of the synod having made division of the provinces , constituted patriarchs . and though perhaps by patriarchs socrates means no more than those pro tempore commissioners who were within such and such places appointed to judge who should be received to catholick communion ( as we have elsewhere * observ'd ) yet very plain it is , that the council there intends diocess properly , and in an ecclesiastick sence , and therefore opposes it to province , ordaining that bishops should not ordinarily go out of the diocess to celebrate ordinations , or any other church-offices ; and that the canon concerning dioceses being observ'd , the synod in every province should manage the affairs of it according to the nicene constitution . and in the sixt canon they speak yet more expresly , that if any take upon him to accuse a bishop , he shall first exhibit and prosecute his charge before the provincial synod ; and in case they cannot end it , that then the accusers shall apply themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the greater synod of the bishops of that diocess , who shall be assembled for that purpose . and if any slighting the bishops of the diocess , shall sue to the emperour , or the secular tribunals , or to a general council , he shall not in any wise be admitted to exhibit an accusation , but be rejected as a violator of the canons , and a disturber of ecclesiastick order . and to name no more in a case so evident , pope innocent * in a letter written about the year ccccviii . says of the church of antioch , that its authority reacht not over a single province , but over a diocess ; though withal he falsly makes it to have been so settled by the synod of nice . nay long before all this we meet with ecclesiastick dioceses in this sence . for by a law * of the emperour gratian bearing date may the xvii . ann. ccclxxvi . it is provided , that the same customs that were in use in civil judicatures , should obtain in church matters , and the final decision and determination of ecclesiastick causes should be made in their proper places , and by the synod of every diocess . and this course the emperour insinuates , as that which was not then first introduc't . iii. from all this it appears that according to the political constitution , diocesan or , as 't was after call'd patriarchal , jurisdiction was brought into the church , and that accordingly the bishops of some of those cities , who had hitherto been but metropolitans , advanc't into the title and dignity of primates ( which was the word that generally obtain'd in the western parts , the word patriarch being late , and little us'd in the western church ) extending their superintendency commensurate to the jurisdiction of the vicar of the diocess . and because some of these metropoles were cities of far greater eminency and account than others , as rome , alexandria , &c therefore the bishops of them were ( in the east especially ) honoured with the title of patriarchs , differing at first from other primates not so much in power , as in dignity and honour , they were diversorum nominum , sed ejusdem officii , as gratian * notes . that this title of patriarch was borrowed from the jews , there can be no doubt . upon the final destruction of their church and state , they were dispers'd into several countries , especially in the eastern parts , where not being capable of continuing their levitical polity , exactly according to the mosaick institution , they constituted some persons to exercise the chief authority among that people , who kept their residence in some of the greater cities , as at babylon , alexandria , tiberias , and afterwards probably at jerusalem . the persons thus made choice of , are thought to have been of the tribe of judah , and more particularly to have descended from the line of david . epiphanius * seems to make them ( at least them of tiberias ) to have been the posterity of gamaliel , the great councellour spoken of in the acts. but theodorit * has a more peculiar fancy , that they were the descendants of herod the great , who was by his fathers side an ascalonite , by his mothers an ●dumaean . but however descended , they were entrusted with the chief power and government over the jews within their particular jurisdictions . these are they who so often calld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the heads of the exiles , and otherwhiles princes , and frequently patriarchs ( though besides these supream , it seems probable from some of the imperial laws , that they had an inferiour sort of patriarchs , who were but just superiour to their presbyters , or elders ) of these jewish patriarchs there is frequent mention both in jewish a , and christian b writers , and especially in the theodosian c code : whence also 't is evident that this office and title ceas'd , or rather was abolisht by the imperial authority not long before the year d ccccxxix . in the time of the younger theodosius . but though it be plain whence this title was deriv'd , yet when it first sprung up in the christian church , it is hard to say . in the canons * of the chalcedon council he is call'd exarch of the diocess , and any bishop or clergy-man that has a controversie with his own metropolitan , is allow'd to appeal to him ( the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indifferently notes any chief person in place or power , and the sence or it is to be determin'd according to the circumstances of the case : thus the canons mention both exarch * of the province , and exarch of the diocess , the first denoting a metropolitan , the second a patriarch ) but in the acts * of that council we are told of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the most holy patriarchs of every diocess ; and in the several libels * exhibited against dioscurus , pope leo is intitled patriarch of great rome . and that this title was not then newly taken up we are assured from the letters * of theodosius and his empress placidia , about calling the third general council , holden at ephesus ann. ccccxxxi . in both which leo is styl'd the most reverend patriarch . this is the first time that i remember to have met with a patriarch strictly so call'd , unless we will understand the passage of socrates i mention'd concerning patriarchs in a proper sence . iv. indeed the montanists or cataphrygians , who started up under the reign of the emperour antoninus , had their patriarchs . they had three orders * of church-officers , patriarchs , cenones and bishops . but besides that they were an odd and absurd sect , whom the catholick church alwas disown'd , 't is not easie to guess what they meant by patriarchs , whom they plainly make distinct from bishops . they were it seems their prime ecclesiastick governours , the chief whereof resided probably at pepuza in phrygia , which they fantastically call'd * jerusalem , affirming it to be the new jerusalem , that came down out of heaven , and this 't is like in imitation of the jewish high-priest ; for from the judaical constitution they borrowed many of their devices , and perhaps might borrow the very name as well as thing from them , the prime church-officer among the jews after the destruction of the temple , and the abrogation of that polity , being styl'd patriarch , as we noted before . but it may be doubted , whether the montanists had those three orders from the beginning of their sect , it being taken notice of by none elder than s. jerome , nor that i know of , mention'd by any other ancient writer after him . however 't is certain , that in the common use of the word , it occurrs not till the time of pope leo , and the ephesine and chalcedon councils . after that the title became fixt , and nothing more common than the word patriarch , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patriarchal sees in the writings of the church . what and how many these particular sees were , we are told by the sixt council in trullo * , where they are particularly enumerated , and their order and precedency adjusted in this manner , rome , constantinople , alexandria , antioch , jerusalem . from hence then we descend to survey these particular patriarchates ; not designing to meddle with secondary and later patriarchates , such as that of aquileia , grado , russia , the patriarchs of the maronites , jacobites , armenians , the catholick or patriarch of bagdad or mauzel and the like . our business now is with the five ancient , and eminent patriarchships , and though first in order , we shall reserve that of rome to be treated of in the last place , intending to discourse more fully concerning it . v. we begin with the patriarch of alexandria ( for i shall take them in order , as i conceive they grew up in time ) who seems to have gain'd little by his new patriarchship besides the honour of the title , whether we consider him in point of precedency , in point of power , or in the extent of his jurisdiction ; nay in some respects he was a loser rather than a gainer by it . in point of precedency , he was before the second metropolitan in the whole christian world , whereas now he was thrust down into the third place . in point of power he was before this change sole metropolitan of those parts , and the ordination of his suffragan bishops intirely belong'd to him , or depended upon his consent and confirmation , which now according to the constitution of church-policy must be devolv'd upon the several metropolitans under him : nor was he much advanc't in the extent of his jurisdiction . 't is true the dioecesis aegyptiaca consisted of six large provinces , all under the government of the augustal praefect , who constantly resided at alexandria ( and consequently in spirituals belong'd to the patriarch of that place : ) these in the notitia imperii * we find thus reckon'd up ; libya superior , libya inferior , thebais , aegyptus , arcadia , augustanica . whereas in the nicene canon the alexandrian metropolitanship is said to extend but over three , egypt , libya and pentapolis . but when it is considered , that thebais , arcadia and augustanica , were of old parts of , and lay hid under the more general name of egypt , and that pentapolis was the same with the upper libya , the account will be much the same . we find in the council of nice * that the bishop of alexandria was appointed to give an account of those synodal transactions to the churches throughout all egypt , libya and pentapolis , and the neighbouring countries as far as the provinces of india . where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or whole egypt ( in opposition to the other two which were but single provinces ) takes in egypt strictly so call'd , thebais , arcadia and augustanica ; and by the neighboring regions that lay as far as india , are doubtless meant the frontier countries that bordered upon the roman provinces , and were perhaps confederate with the empire , and wherein 't is like the bishops of alexandria had propagated christianity ( as we know athanasius did in india ) whose churches therefore own'd a dependance upon the see of alexandria . and in this respect i grant the bishop had somewhat a larger jurisdiction than the augustal praefect , tho otherwise they were the same . upon the erection of this see into a patriarchate , several metropolitans start up : ten of the metropolitans of his diocess , the emperour theodosius * commanded dioscorus to bring along with him to the council of ephesus . how many more he had is not certain . nilus doxopatrius in his notitia * says there were thirteen ; the old greek notitia we mention'd before a reckons ten provinces , and in them ninety nine bishopricks , which surely argues that a miserable desolation had laid waste those countries , and reduc't the number of episcopal sees . seeing before the time of the nicene council there met in synod near an hundred * bishops out of egypt and libya , whom alexander had summon'd to the condemnation of arius . and that so many there were , athanasius expresly * tells us more than once . and how greatly bishopricks were multiplied afterwards , the reader who is vers'd in these matters needs not be told . vi. the see of antioch always took place next that of alexandria , being ever accounted the prime city of the east . like the rest it arose by degrees into a patriarchate , first getting an honourary , then an authoritative superiority over that diocess . during the session of the second general council , the bishops not only of that province , but of the eastern diocess met together to ordain flavianus bishop of antioch , whose act herein was ratified by the vote of that council , as the remaining part of the synod , meeting again the next year , tell * pope damasus in their letter to him . about this time , or rather sometime before , i guess the bishop of antioch had set up for a patriarchal power , and had begun to enlarge his jurisdiction from a province to a diocess . now the eastern diocess * under the care of the comes orientis contain'd fifteen provinces , the three palestine's , phoenice , syria , cyprus , phoenice libani , euphratensis , syria salutaris , osrhoëna , mesopotamia , cilicia secunda , isauria and arabia ; cyprus indeed stood out , and would not submit to the see of antioch , and though the bishop stickled hard to bring them under , yet the cyprian bishops stoutly maintain'd their ancient rights . the case was canvass'd and debated at large in the council of ephesus * , and upon hearing the whole matter , the council adjudg'd it for the cyprian churches , that they should still enjoy their ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their liberties independent upon the see of antioch , and pass'd a particular canon in favour of them . and so they continued for many ages : and therefore in the old notitia * cyprus is not plac'd under any of the patriarchates , but is noted to be a province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having jurisdiction within it self . but the rest of the provinces for any thing that appears , submitted , and the bishop of jerusalem with his metropolitan of caesarea , were both for some time under the see of antioch . and this renders s. jerom's meaning plain enough in that known passage * , when he tells john bishop of jerusalem , who in the controversie between him and epiphanius had appeal'd to theophilus of alexandria , that if he would have appeal'd , it should have been either to him of caesarea , who was his metropolitan , or to the bishop of antioch as metropolitan of the whole east , that is , of the eastern diocess . but when he says , this course was settled by the synod of nice , 't is plain 't was his mistake . and indeed his own ni fallor shews he was not very confident and peremptory in the case . the account of this patriarchate , as delivered by * nilus doxopatrius ( with whom in the main concurr many other ancient notitiae * ) stands thus . immediately subject to the patriarch were viii . metropolitans , who had no suffragan bishops under them , and viii . or as others reckon , xii . arch-bishopricks : besides which he had xiii . metropolitick sees ; tyre containing under it xiii . bishopricks ; tarsus vi ; edessa xi . or as others x ; apamea vii ; hierapolis xi , the latine notitiae reckon but viii ; bostra xix , or xx ; azarbus ix . seleucia in isauria xxiv ; damascus xi ; amida viii , or as the latins vii ; sergiopolis v , but by some one less ; daras x , the latin notitiae call it theodosiopolis , and allow but vii . episcopal sees ; and lastly emesa containing vi. this was the state of that once venerable patriarchate . vii . the next that succeeds is the patriarchate of constantinople , which though starting later in time , soon got beyond the other two . the bishop of byzantium or constantinople had for several ages been only a private bishop , subject to the metropolitan of heraclea , which anciently had the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as procopius * tells us ) the primacy of all the cities of that country ; in acknowledgment of which subjection the bishops of heraclea had ever the priviledge to ordain the patriarch of constantinople . but no sooner was that city made the seat of the empire , but great things were spoken of it , 't was styl'd the governing city , the metropolis of the whole world a , a great city ( says nazianzen b in one of his sermons to the people of that place ) and the very next to rome , nay not at all yielding the primacy to it , it being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first and chiefest city of the empire . and now the bishop of constantinople began to appear considerable in the world , and both church and state conspir'd to render him great and powerful . the fathers of the second general council holden in that city , considering that constantinople was new rome , conferr'd * upon him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priviledge of honour and respect next to the bishop of rome . this at one lift set him over the heads of the bishops of alexandria and antioch . accordingly in the preceding canon of that council , and in a law * of theodosius conforme thereto concerning the bounds of dioceses , and catholick communion , he is set before both the bishops of those sees ; and if the subscriptions to this synod be of any credit , we find nectarius subscribing first to the decrees of the council . and when the acts of the clancular synod at ephesus were read in the chalcedon council * , and it was found that the bishop of constantinople was therein put in the fifth place , the bishops presently rais'd a clamour , why had he not his proper place , why was he thrust down into the fifth place ; whereupon paschasinus the popes legate declar'd that he held anatolius of constantinople in the first place : which diogenes of cyzicum affirm'd was according to the constitutions of the fathers . but to return to what we were upon . though this canon of constantinople gave the bishop no direct power , yet it gave him so mighty a value and reputation , that he wanted not opportunities enough to carve for himself . he was soon courted on all hands , his mediation requested , and his interposal desired for the ending differences , and where provincial bishops could not agree about the election of their metropolitans , the case was very often referr'd to him , and he perform'd the ordination . this in time begat a right , at least a claim , over the churches in those countries that lay next him , especially the dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace , in which 't is plain he exercised a patriarchal power . thus to omit other instances , s. chrysostom synodically heard the cause of antoninus bishop of ephesus ( the metropolis of the asian diocess ) and afterwards went himself in person thither , where he conven'd a synod of lxx . bishops of those parts , heard the cause over again , gave judgment upon it , and ordain'd a metropolitan in that city . he likewise depos'd gerontius bishop of nicomedia , which lay in the diocess of pontica , and some others , and fill'd up their sees ; whereof we have elsewhere given an account at large . and this very instance we find produc'd and pleaded in the chalcedon synod * to prove the rights of the constantinopolitan see over those churches . i know the validity of these good mans proceedings in this matter is disputed by some , and was of old put among the articles exhibited against him to the synod at the oke . but no doubt can be made , but chrysostom thought he had sufficient authority and right to do it , and would not have attempted it , had it not been warranted by the practise of his predecessors . in the mean time i cannot but smile at the grave fancy of a learned man * , who without the least shadow of any other warrant than his own conjecture , will have chrysostom to have acted herein as the popes legate , and to have done all this by vertue of his absolute and supreme authority . so quick-sighted and acute are men to discern what never was , and so willing to believe , what 't is their interest should be true . viii . but to proceed with our patriarch of constantinople , he held on much at this rate till the general council at chalcedon holden there ann. ccccli . when what he had hitherto holden by custome , canonical authority made his right . by their ninth canon they provide , that if any bishop or clergy-man have a controversie with his own metropolitan , it shall be at his liberty to appeal either to the exarch , that is , primate of the diocess , or to the see of constantinople , where his cause shall be heard . a canon that invested him with a vast power , putting him into a capacity of receiving and determing final appeals from all those parts . the same they again ratify by their seventeenth canon , and by their twenty-eight make a more particular provision for him . first , they profess in general altogether to follow the decrees of the holy fathers , then they recognize the third canon of the second general council ( which was then read before them ) and decree the same priviledges , and upon the same account , as that had done to the church of constantinople . forasmuch ( say they ) as the reason why the fathers conferr'd such priviledges upon the see of old rome , was , that it was the imperial city . and upon the same consideration the bishops of that second general council gave equal priviledges to the see of new rome ; rightly judging ( as the canon goes on ) that the city which was honoured with the empire , and the senate , and enjoy'd equal priviledges with old imperial rome , should also in ecclesiastical matters have the same honour with it , only coming after it in the second place . and because the bishop of constantinople had hitherto had no certain diocess , nor any place wherein to exercise jurisdiction , but what he held precariously , and as it were by courtesie , in the latter part of the canon they fix his bounds , giving him power over the three dioceses of pontica , asiana and thrace , that the metropolitans of all those places , and all the bishops of the barbarous countries belonging to those dioceses , should be bound to come , and receive their ordination from the bishop of constantinople . and now he lookt like bishop of the imperial city , being invested with so ample and extensive a jurisdiction . for the three dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace were great and large . the first * containing eight provinces ( viz. pamphylia , lydia , caria , lycia , lycaonia , pisidia , phrygia pacatiand , and phrygia salutaris , both which were anciently comprehended under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or greater phrygia , as it stood oppos'd to the lesser , that lay upon the hellespont : ) the second * eleven ( bithynia , galalatia , paphlagonia , honorias , galatia salutaris , cappadocia prima , cappadocia secunda , hellenopontus , pontus polemoniacus , armenia prima , armenia secunda : ) the third * six ( europa , thracia , haemimontus , rhodopa , maesia secunda , scythia . ) the popes legates were infinitely enrag'd at this canon , and the powers and priviledges hereby given to the see of constantinople , and us'd all possible arts to overthrow it , but all in vain , it pass'd clearly , and was subscrib'd by all the bishops then present in the synod , amounting to a very great number , whose subscriptions are still extant * in the acts of the council . after a full discussion of the whole matter , that no pretence of force or fraud might be objected , as many of the bishops of asiana and pontica as were then in the synod were desir'd to declare whether they had freely submitted to this constitution . who accordingly stood up , and one after another did most solemnly protest that they had voluntarily and unconstrainedly assented to , and subscrib'd the canon , and that nothing was more acceptable to them . and many of them expresly declar'd they did it for this reason , because not only themselves , but their predecessors had been ordain'd by the bishops of constantinople , and that the see of constantinople had these rights 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from canons and precedent customs . so that it 's more than probable that the bishop of constantinople had exercised this power within those dioceses almost ever since the time of , and by virtue of the third canon of the second general council . and 't is observable what eusebius bishop of dorylaeum , a city of the greater phrygia , tells the synod upon this occasion , that he had been at rome , and there in the presence of the clergy of constantinople that were with him had read the canon ( i suppose he means that of the second general council ) to the pope , who approv'd and received it , ( which i the rather take notice of because not only modern writers , but gregory the great * so confidently affirms , that the church of rome neither had copies , nor did admit the acts and canons of that council . ) and whereas eusebius of ancyra scrupled to subscribe , yet he confest , that he himself had been ordain'd by the bishop of constantinople , that he had ever declin'd ordaining provincial bishops , and had done it only by direction of the bishop of constantinople . and after thalassius of caesarea in cappadocia told the synod , that they were of arch-bishop anatolius his side , and did decree the same thing . the judges hereupon having weighed all that had past , declar'd , that in the first place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that precedency and singular honour should according to the canons be paid to the arch-bishop of old rome ; and that withal the arch-bishop of the imperial city of constantinople , being new rome , ought to enjoy the same priviledges of honour , and to have besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , power of himself , and by his own authority to ordain the metropolitans within the dioceses of asiana , pontica and thrace ; the election being first duly made within every province , and that then it shall be at the choice of the arch-bishop of constantinople , whether the metropolitan elect shall come to him for his consecration , or whether by his permission it shall be done at home by the provincial bishops ; and that this shall no ways prejudice the rights of metropolitans and provincial bishops in ordaining private and particular bishops , wherein the arch-bishop of constantinople shall not interpose . whereupon all with one voice cried out , 't was a righteous sentence , that they were all of that mind , that this just judgment pleas'd them all , that the things that had been establisht should take place , and that every thing had been done decently and in order . in conclusion , they wrote a synodical letter * to pope leo , acquainting him with what had past , and upon what grounds they had done it , and desiring his concurrence in it . and we may observe they tell him , that in settling this power upon the see of constantinople , they did but confirm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the custome which that church had of a long time obtained over those three dioceses . which puts it past all peradventure what we noted before , that from the very time of the second general council , the constantinopolitan bishops had exercised a kind of patriarchal jurisdiction over those churches , though never till now settled by canon . ix . and now let the reader impartially reflect upon the whole affair , and when he has considered what this wise and great council expresly affirm , that the priviledges which the fathers gave to the see of rome were meerly upon the account of its being the imperial city , and that for the very same reason they gave equal priviledges to the see of constantinople , only reserving a honourary precedence to him of rome ; let him tell me , whether it can be suppos'd , they could or would have said and done this , had they known , or but so much as dream't of any supream authority , which christ had immediately given the bishops of rome over the whole church of god. nor was this the only council that thus honoured the constantinopolitan see ; somewhat more than two ages after met the sixt general council in the trullus , or great arch'd-hall or secretarium of the pallace , who confirm'd * what both the former councils , that of constantinople , and the other of chalcedon , had done in this matter , and assigned each patriarch his proper place . x. what additions , or alterations after ages made in the see of constantinople , the reader may perceive somewhat by perusing the following accounts . in the greek notitia publisht * not long since out of the bodleian library , compos'd in the reign of the emperour leo the wise , about the year dcccxci . this patriarchate had under it xxxiii . metropolitans , who had under them ccclxxv . episcopal sees , besides xli . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or independent arch-bishopricks , subject to no metropolitan . leunclavius * presents us with another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disposition of the churches of this patriarchate made by this same emperour , wherein are set down lxxxi . metropolitans , containing under them dlxxiv . suffragan sees , and xxxix . arch-bishopricks . but surely this list is either greatly interpolated , or must be of a later date than it pretends to , being so different from the other both in the number , and the names of places , and not very consistent with it self . for whereas it reckons up lxxxi . yet when it comes to set down each metropolitan with his particular suffragans , it gives but an account of lvii . of the number . but however this be , within an age or two after , partly by the addition of new provinces , partly by erecting new metropoles , it was enlarg'd for in the notitia , or discourse concerning the five patriarchal sees written by nilus doxopatrius the archimandrite , ann. mxliii . the account stands thus . * metropolitans lxv . under the bishopricks dcxl. arch-bishopricks without suffragans , and immediately subject to the patriarch xxxiv . ann. mcclxxxiii . andronicus palaeologus entred upon the empire : he publisht an order * according to which the metropolitans were to take place , wherein they are reckon'd up to the number of an hundred and nine . and in another , agreed upon by the emperour and the patriarch , put out by leunclavius * , but without any date either of time or persons , are mention'd lxxx . metropolitical sees , archiepiscopal xxxix . and thus much for the patriarchship of constantinople . xi . the fourth that remains is the patriarchate of jerusalem , the last in time , and least in circuit . for several ages the bishop of jerusalem was no more than a private prelate , subject to the metropolitan of caesarea . for so the notitia publisht by william archbishop of tyre informs * us , that according to ancient tradition , and records of good authority in those parts , the church of jerusalem had no bishop under it , nor enjoy'd any , or very little prerogative till the reign of justinian , and the times of the fifth general council ; though always out of reverence to the place , custom and ancient tradition ( as the fathers of nice inform * us ) had allow'd him a peculiar honour , and therefore those fathers decree him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the consequence of honour , that is , that he should have respect and precedence before all the bishops of that province next to his own metropolitan . and indeed whatever they of the church of rome may talk of the merit of s. peter , as the foundation of the supereminent authority of that church , surely if any church might have pleaded merit , one might have thought it should have been that of jerusalem , which for so many ages had been the metropolis of the jewish nation , the seat of their kings , adorn'd with a most magnificent temple , and all the solemnities of divine worship ; the place where our blessed saviour spent the greatest part of his publick ministry , where he preacht so many sermons , wrought so many miracles , where he suffered , died , and rose again , and whence he ascended into heaven , where the apostolical colledge was kept for some years , and all affairs of the church transacted there ; where s. james the brother of our lord was made ( and that say some of the ancients by our lords own hands ) the first christian bishop of that see ; the place where the first church was planted , and from whence christianity was propagated into all other parts of the world. this was the true mother church , and if merit might have challeng'd primacy and power , it had more to say for it self , than all other churches in the world besides . but caesarea happening to be the metropolis of that province , and the seat of the roman governour , carried away the superiority , and so jerusalem though it had an honourary respect , continued a private see , subject to the metropolitan of caesarea , as he for some time was to the patriarch of antioch . but after that the empire was become christian , and that constantine the great , and his mother helena , and some following emperours began to reflect some peculiar favours upon that place , and had grac'd it with stately and magnificent buildings , and other marks of honour ; and after that the devotion of christians began to pay an extraordinary respect to the places of our lords crucifixion , sepulchre , and resurrection , the bishops of that church lookt upon themselves as hardly dealt with to be coop'd up within so narrow a compass , and to be subjected to another jurisdiction , and therefore resolv'd to throw off the yoke , and to get what power they could into their own hands . the first that graspt at the metrpolitick rights was s. cyrill , who disputed the case with acacius bishop of caesarea , for which acacius depos'd him , and persecuted him both in the synod at seleucia , and in that which followed at constantinople about the latter end of constantius his reign . what immediately followed in this controversie , is uncertain , the history of the church being silent in that matter . in the council of ephesus , juvenal bishop of jerusalem laid claim to the metropolitical jurisdiction of that province , and sought to have it confirm'd by a decree of that synod . but cyrill of alexandria president of the council , oppos'd and hindred it . after this a high contest arose between him and maximus bishop of antioch , who challeng'd jerusalem and palestine as within his diocess . the case was brought before the chalcedon council * , where it was debated , and at last by compromise between the two contending parties brought to this issue , that the bishop of antioch should retain the two phoenicia's and arabia ( which it seems were also in dispute ) and the see of jerusalem should have the three palaestine provinces for the bounds of his ecclesiastick jurisdiction . this was assented to , and ratified by the decree of the council . and now the bishop of jerusalem had his peculiar diocess , though of no very great extent , allotted him , and the tables were turn'd , and caesarea it self subjected to him , and the fifth and last place among the patriarchs assign'd to him ; as appears from the constitution of the sixth general council . and because jerusalem lay in the borders both of the antiochain , and alexandrian patriarchates , therefore to make up its jurisdiction , we are told * that something was taken out of each , the metropolitick sees of rabba and berytus , from him of alexandria , as caesarea and scythopolis from him of antioch . and that as a badge of his ancient subjection , the metropolitan of caesarea still had the honour * to ordain the patriarch of jerusalem , as upon the fame account he of heraclea had to consecrate the patriarch of constantinople . and in this patriarchal capacity we find the bishop of jerusalem subscribing in all councils , and upon occasions summoning the bishops of his patriarchate . thus ann. dxviii . we find john bishop of jerusalem with his synod of the bishops of the three palaestines sending a letter * to john patriarch of constantinople . and when the council at constantinople under mennas had condemn'd anthimus , severus , and the rest of the acephali ann. dxxxvi . peter patriarch of jerusalem ( as he is all along call'd in the acts * of his council ) summon'd a patriarchal synod of all the bishops of the three palaestine provinces , who confirm'd what had been done in the council at constantinople . and thenceforwards the patriarchate of jerusalem runs smooth and currant through the history of the church . as to what bishops and metropolitans he had under him , the old notitiae * give us this account . the patriarch himself had immediately under him xxv . bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nilus doxopatrius * calls them , independent bishopricks , because subject to no other metropolitan ; besides which he had four metropolitans : the metropolitan of caesarea , who had twenty bishops under him ; he of scythopolis or basan , who had nine ; rabba moabitis , or as doxopatrius has it , petra , who had twelve , and berytus , who had xxxv . which by the authors we have cited are particularly reckon'd up . chap. v. the bounds of the roman patriarchate . a return to the roman patriarchate . the limits hereof not expresly set down by the ancients . unjustly pretended to reach over the whole west . this granted by them of the greek church , and why . the popes patriarchal power disown'd by the churches of milan , aquileia and ravenna . the independency and opposition of those churches to the roman see , severally evinc't by particular cases and instances . the power of metropolitans in france kept up independant from rome . the truth of this consess'd and clear'd by de marca . other instances of preserving their rights against the pretensions of rome ; hincmar of rhemes , and the synod of metz. two other national churches instanc't in : the african , and the britannick churches . the famous case of appeals in the church of africk . a clear account of that matter . their publick rejecting the power which the pope challeng'd over those churches . the letters of the council of carthage to pope boniface , and caelestine to that purpose . several useful and proper corollaries deduc't from this story for the evincing the vain pretensions of the papal power over those churches . the boldness of some in denying the truth of this whole story . the state of the britannick church . the progress of religion and church-government here 'till the times of pope gregory . the church govern'd by an arch-bishop and bishop at austin's arrival . their customs wholly different from , and independant upon rome . their absolute refusal to own the authority of austin or the pope . the slaughter of the bangor-monks suspiciously charg'd upon austin . the popes proper patriarchate most probably shew'd to be of equal extent with the jurisdiction of the vicarius urbicus . what provinces under his government . the roman synod consisting of the bishops of those provinces . a two-fold patriarchate of the pope trifling and precarious . the bishops of rome daily amplyfying their jurisdiction . the means whereby they did this briefly intimated . i. having thus dispatcht the other patriarchs , we return to him of rome , ever allow'd to be the first , and most honourable of the number . what his patriarchal bounds were , the records of the church have not so particularly set out , as they have done the rest . and here the champions of that church when they find themselves prest upon , and that rhe popes universal and apostolical power is a post not to be defended , presently retreat to his patriarchate , which with great confidence they extend over the whole western world , being content with half , when they cannot have all . and to this prodigious latitude some * of them stretch the suburbicary churches , ( as if the whole western empire had been nothing but the suburbs of rome ) and in this sence they tell us rufinus meant the canon of nice , and this upon no wiser reason than ( what is as trifling and precarious as the other ) that the whole west was the special diocess of the bishop of rome . but this looks rather like fancy and romance , than that grave and sober arguing that becomes those great names that use it . omitting therefore this extravagant notion of suburbicary churches , come we to the thing it self . and herein it must be granted , they have the later greeks , zonaras , balsamon , barlaam , nilus , &c. on their side , who very liberally give him all the western provinces , and that too by vertue of the sixth canon of nice . a concession which they make not so much out of any kindness to the church of rome , as partly out of a design to magnifie the power and greatness of their own patriarch of constantinople , who was to share equal priviledges with him of rome ; partly because they were willing to keep the pope within any bounds , whose restless ambition they saw carrying all before it , and therefore car'd not to throw him the west for his portion , for which they had no care or concernment what became of it , being mainly intent upon preserving their jurisdiction at home . and here i cannot but by the way remark the indiscreet and injudicious zeal of a very learned man * , who confidently asserts , that in the expedition of the franks for the recovery of the holy land , god by a peculiar providence let the eastern parts be subdued by the western armies ; that so those famous patriarchal sees might learn to strike sail to the see of rome , and own the greatness and dignity of that church . besides , 't is to be considered , that in this concession the greeks took their measures of things from the state of the church as it was in their time , when the pope had in a manner intirely subdued the western provinces to the see of rome . but in the better and more early ages the case was otherwise . and indeed that the popes patriarchal jurisdiction was far enough from extending over the whole west , there can be no better evidence , than that there was scarce any western church in those days , that did not upon occasion oppose the power , and remonstrate against the usurpations of the see of rome . in italy we need go no further than to those churches that lay next it , i mean the great churches of milan , aquileia , and ravenna . ii. how great milan was , and of how great reputation the bishop of it , so that he stood upon a level with him of rome , we briefly noted before ; it being next rome , the largest , richest , most plentiful , and populous city of the west , as procopius * tells us . s. ambrose his election and ordination to that see was made purely by the provincial bishops , and at the command of the emperour , without the least notice taken of the roman bishop . a case so clear , that de marca * fairly gives up the cause , and confesses that in those times and for some ages after , the pope had nothing to do in the ordination of the metropolitan of milan : nay , that this was the case of all metropolitans out of the popes jurisdiction in italy , where the bishops of every province constantly ordain'd their own metropolitans without any authority ; or so much as consent had from the bishop of rome . but then not being able to shift off the evidence of truth , and yet willing withall to serve his cause , he does in order to that design , distinguish the roman patriarchate into ordinary , over a great part of italy , and extraordinary , over the whole west . a distinction wholly precarious , and which is worse , false . and indeed what kind of patriarchate that must be , that could consist without right of ordaining metropolitans , the first and most inseparable branch of patriarchal power , would have become a person of his , i say not ingenuity , but wisdom and learning to have considered . as for milan , the metropolitick rights of that church , he confesses , continued independant at least till the year dlv. and indeed 't is plain from the epistle * of pope pelagius ; who confesses that the bishops of milan did not use to come to rome , but they and the bishops of aquileia ordain'd each other : and when he was not able to reduce them by other means , he endeavour'd to bring them in by the help of the secular arm , as appears from his letter * to narses the emperours lieutenant to that purpose . and afterwards upon a difference that hapened , milan withdrew it self from the communion of the church of rome for two hundred years * together . and though with others it was brought at last under the common yoke , yet upon every little occasion it reasserted its original liberty . thus when ann. mlix . great disturbances arose in that church * , pope nicolaus the second sent peter damian as his legate to interpose . this made it worse , the common out-cry presently was , that the ambrosian church ought not be subject to the laws of rome , and that the pope had no power of judging , or ordering matters in that see ; that it would be a great indignity , if that church which under their ancestors had been always free , should now to their extream reproach ( which god forbid ) become subject to another church . the clamour increas'd , and the people grew into an higher ferment , the bells are rung , the episcopal pallace beset , the legate threatned with death , who getting into the pulpit , and having in a short speech set forth the pope's and s. peter's power , and wheedled the people with some popular insinuations , reduc'd things to a better order . iii. the church of aquileia was much at the same pass with that of milan , the bishops whereof mutually ordain'd one another , without so much as asking the pope leave . and though pelagius * would insinuate , that this was done only to save the trouble and charge of a journy to rome , yet de marca * honestly confesses the true reason was , that milan being the head of the italick diocess , the ordaining the metropolitan of aquileia belong'd to him as primate ; and the ordaining the primate of milan belong'd to him of aquileia , as being the first metropolitan of the diocess of italy . upon this account , and that of the tria capitula , this church held no correspondence with that of rome for above an hundred years , and when gregory the great having got the emperour on his side , attempted by force and armed violence to bring them to answer their stubbornness at rome , the bishop of aquileia with his provincial synod met , and wrote an humble remonstrance * to the emperour mauricius , wherein they set forth the true state of their case , and the unjust and violent proceedings of the pope , and plainly tell him that they had at the time of their ordination given caution in writing to their metropolitan , which they never had , nor would violate , and that unless his majesty was pleas'd to remove this compulsion , their successours would not be suffered to come to aquileia for ordination , but would be forc't to fly to the arch-bishops of france , as being next at hand , and receive it there . the emperour was satisfied with their addresses , and wrote * to the pope ( baronius calls them imperious letters , written more tyrannico , like a tyrant ) commanding him to surcease the prosecution , and to create those bishops no farther trouble , 'till the affairs of italy were quieted , and things might more calmly be enquired into . baronius is strangely angry at this letter , even to the heighth of rudeness and passion , especially towards so good an emperour , that he should take upon him arroganti fastu , with so much pride and arrogancy not to beseech , but to command the pope , which he again says was done not like an emperour , but a tyrant . but the istrian and ligurian bishops , little regarded how it thundred at rome . nay , to make the ballance hang more even , they had some time since advanc't their metropolitan to the title and honour of a patriarch , which baronius * himself grants was done while paulinus was metropolitan of aquileia about the year dlxx. an honour a long time resident at aquileia , then translated to grado , and at last fixt at venice . though withal aquileia having recovered its broken fortunes , resum'd the style and dignity of a patriarch , an honour which it retains to this day . iv. let us next view the church of ravenna , and see whether that was any more conformable to rome than the rest . ravenna had for some time , especially from the days of honorius , been the seat of the roman emperours ; and in the declining times of the empire , the exarchs of italy , who govern'd in chief under the emperour , constantly resided there , while rome was under the command of a petty duke : swell'd with so much honour and advantage , the bishops of ravenna for some ages disputed place with them of rome , the exarchs taking all occasions to curb and repress the pope . ann. dcxlix . maurus , sometimes steward of that church * , entred upon the archiepiscopal see of ravenna . a man as my author grants , wise , and of a shrew'd sharp wit. he without taking any notice of rome , was consecrated by three bishops of his own province , ordain'd his own provincial bishops , and was so far from seeking any confirmation from the pope , that he received his pall from the emperour . this gave infinite distaste to pope martin , and 't is like to his successour eugenius , who sat but one year . but pope vitalian who succeeded , would not so put it up , but summons maurus to appear , and answer his contempt at rome , but he slighted the summons , for which the pope excommunicated him , and he in requital did the like to the pope , nay upon his death-bed oblig'd his clergy never to submit themselves to the bishop of rome . reparatus his successour trod in the same steps , and procur'd the emperours rescript to free that church from any subjection to the roman see. ann. dccviii . * felix of ravenna was content to receive his ordination at the hands of the pope , but when he came thither , an oath of allegiance and fidelity was required of him to the see of rome . this he utterly denied , a confession of his faith he offered , but homage he would not pay , nor engage to send money to rome . nor more he did , but home he goes , where his people gave him little thanks for what he had done , and both agreed to defend their liberty ; but it cost the old man dear , and them too for that attempt . for justinian rhinotmetes the emperour ( who favoured the pope ) being made acquainted with what was done at ravenna ; a fleet is sent under the command of theodorus patricius , the city besieg'd , and taken , several of prime quality lost their lives and fortunes , and the poor arch-bishop had his eyes put out , and was banisht into pontus , where he remain'd , 'till the severity of discipline had taught him better manners . the same courage in asserting the priviledges of their church against the papal encroachments was afterwards shewn by john , and guibert successors in that see , as were it necessary , might be particularly related . but the case is too evident to be denied , and the argument thence too strong to be evaded , how little those times understood of any patriarchal jurisdiction which the pope had over all italy , much less over the whole west . v. if we look into france , we shall find them careful to secure the rights of metropolitans , and the priviledges of provincial bishops , without being oblig'd to fetch them from rome . the second council of arles ann. cccclii . decree * , that no bishop shall be ordain'd without his own metropolitan , and three of the provincial bishops , the rest testifying their consent by letter . the second of orleans holden ann. dxxxiii . renew * the ancient form and manner of ordaining metropolitans , that it shall be done by the bishops of the province , which shews how little they depended upon any foreign power in this matter . but it 's needless to insist upon this point , which the learned de marca * has so fully cleared and vindicated , as a fundamental part of the liberties of the gallican church , and has deduc't it through the several ages and dynasties of their kings . i shall only remark , that when hincmar arch-bishop of remes had depos'd rothald bishop of suessons for great misdemeanours , rothald appeal'd to rome , and pope nicolaus espous'd his cause , wrote sharply to hincmar , and cited him to appear , and answer what he had done at rome . but hincmar would not stir , but publisht a large apologetick * to the pope , wherein he justifies his act , and though he gives good words , and great deference to the see apostolick , yet stoutly contends , that he ought to be content with a general care and inspection , and not interrupt the ordinary rights of metropolitans , and that 't was infinitely reasonable , that the criminal should be referr'd to the judgment of his own province . two years before this , viz. ann. dccclxiii . a french synod met at metz * about the marriage of king lotharius , wherein they determin'd contrary to the liking of the papal legates . however they sent letters with the reasons of their proceedings by guntharius arch-bishop of colen , and theatgaud of triers to pope nicolaus . the pope upon their arrival call'd a synod , wherein he excommunicated the synod of metz , and depos'd the two arch-bishops that were sent with the letters , and publisht * a manifesto of what he had done . to this the bishops return'd an answer , wherein having represented the personal affronts , and ill usage they had met with from him , they tell him chap. iv. that as for his froward , unjust , and unreasonable sentence , contrary to all canons , they did not own it , yea as being illegal and unwarrantable , they together with the rest of their brethren slighted and despised it , and utterly renounc'd communion with him , contenting themselves with the communion and fellowship of the whole church , over which he had so proudly exalted himself , and from which through his pride and contempt he had separated himself . and whereas he had styl'd them his clerks , they bid him take notice they were none of his clerks , but persons , whom , if his pride would have suffer'd him , he ought to have own'd and treated as his brethren and fellow bishops , with much more there spoken with a just , but smart resentment . and now can any man believe , the pope should have met with such treatment upon all occasions , and that from the wisest , gravest , most learned , and eminent persons in their several ages , had his title to the jurisdiction of the west been so clear and unquestionable , as some men seem to represent it . the same might be shew'd in other countries , and he must be a great stranger to church-history , that can be at a loss for instances of this nature . i shall therefore instance only in two more ( and with them dispatch this argument ) the african and the britanick churches . vi. i chuse to instance in the churches of africk , because so confidently challeng'd by them of rome at every turn , and because they were under the civil jurisdiction of the praetorian praefect of italy . and here omitting infinite arguments that offer themselves , i shall insist only upon the famous case of appeals , commenc'd under pope zosimus , ann. ccccxviii . and not ended 'till some years after , which will furnish us with a plain and uncontroulable evidence , how little authority more than what was honourary , the see of rome in those days had over those churches . the case , as briefly as it can well be summ'd up , stands thus , * apiarius a presbyter of sicca in africk had been depos'd by his diocesan urbanus for very notorious and scandalous offences , and the sentence ratified by a provincial council . hopeless of any relief at home , over he flies to rome , tells his tale to pope zosimus , who restores him to communion , espouses his cause , and sends him back with faustinus an italian bishop , and two roman presbyters into africk , to see him resettled in his former place . when they arriv'd in africk , they found a council of african bishops to the number of ccxvii . sitting at carthage , to whom they delivered their message partly by word of mouth , partly by writing . but the writing being demanded , a memorial was produc't containing instructions from pope zosimus what they should insist upon ; it consisted of four heads . first , concerning the appeals of bishops to the see of rome . secondly , against the busie resorting of bishops to court. thirdly , concerning the handling the causes of presbyters and deacons by the neighbouring bishops , where they were unjustly excommunicated by their own . fourthly , concerning the excommunicating bishop urban ( who had depos'd apiarius ) or at least his appearing at rome , unless he corrected what he had done amiss . but the main thing insisted on was that of appeals , and the popes sending legates thither to hear causes , and this too challeng'd by zosimus in his memorial by vertue of a canon of the council of nice , giving leave to bishops accus'd or condemn'd to appeal to rome , and power to the pope to hear and determine those appeals , either immediately by himself , or by commishoners which he should send to that purpose . the african fathers were infinitely surpriz'd to hear such a power claim'd , and more to hear it claim'd as due by a canon of nice . they had search'd into the canons of that council , which they found to be but twenty , and not one of that number to this purpose . while these things were debating , zosimus dies , and boniface succeeds , and the case is again canvast , and the result of the consultation was , that for the present things should rest upon that bottom , whereon the popes memorial had plac't them , 'till they could send to the three great churches of constantinople , antioch and alexandria for authentick copies of the nicene canons , to adjust and decide this matter . they wrote likewise to pope boniface by his legates ( who then return'd ) acquainting him with the state of the case , and what was done in it , and withal tell him , that if it were as those pretended canons claim'd , the issue would be intolerable to them : but they hop'd it would be found otherwise , no such thing appearing in their copies of that council . however they had sent to the eastern churches for such as were most authentick , and intreated him also to do the like . vii . some years pass'd in this matter , at length the messengers that had been sent into the east return'd , and brought letters * from cyril of alexandria , and atticus of constantinople , importing that they had sent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most true and exact copies of the authentick synod of nice , preserv'd in the archives of their churches , copies of which they had also sent to pope boniface . hereupon a full council of african bishops is conven'd , to which pope caelestine ( for boniface was lately dead ) dispatcht faustinus as his legate . and now the case of apiarius is again brought under examination , and found worse than it was before , the farther they rak'd into it , the more foul and offensive did it appear to them , 'till the conviction of his conscience , though sore against his will , forc'd him to confess all , and save them the trouble of any farther scrutiny . and now this cause being over , and the pretence of appeals overthrown by the authentick copies of the canons of nice , nothing remain'd but to write to caelestine , which they did in a quick and smart strain , wherein they first give him an account of the case of apiarius , and how troublesome and injurious his legate faustinus had been to the whole synod , in asserting the priviledges of the church of rome , and by vertue thereof challenging that apiarius should be readmitted to communion , because his holiness ( believing his appeal , which yet could not be made good ) had restor'd him to communion , a thing which he ought in no wise to have done . next they proceed earnestly to beseech him , that henceforth he would not so easily give ear to those that came from hence , nor admit any to communion , whom they had excommunicated , which he might easily perceive was prohibited by the council of nice , which if it has taken so much care about the inferiour clergy , how much more did it intend it in the case of bishops , that where any are suspended from communion within their own province , his holiness should not rashly and unduly readmit them , that he should , as became him , reject the unwarrantable repairing of presbyters and others of the inferiour clergy , there being no canon of any council that has depriv'd the african church of this right , and that the decrees of nice have most plainly committed both the inferiour clergy , and the bishops themselves to their own metropolitans ; having most wisely and justly provided , that all affairs shall be determin'd in the very places where they arise , and that the grace of the holy spirit will not be wanting to every province , whereby equity may be prudently discern'd , and constantly maintain'd by the ministers of christ , especially since every man has liberty , if he be offended with the determination of his judges , to appeal to a provincial , or if need be , to a general council : unless perhaps any one can think , that god should enable single persons to examin the justice of a cause , and deny it to a vast number of bishops assembled in council . or , how shall a judgment then made beyond sea be valid , whereto the persons that are necessary to give in evidence , either through the infirmity of their sex , or age , and many other impediments that will intervene , cannot be brought ? for that any commissioners should be sent hither by your holiness , we do not find ordain'd by the fathers in any synod . for as to what you long since sent us by faustinus as part of the nicene council , in the true and authentick copies of that council ( which we received from cyril of alexandria , and atticus of constantinople , and which we sent to your predecessour boniface ) we could find no such matter . in conclusion , they advise him , that he should not upon the request of any man , send any of his clerks thither to execute his sentence , nor grant such leave to any , lest they should seem to introduce the smoaky pride of the world into the church of christ , which holds forth the light of simplicity , and the brightness of humility to all them that are desirous to see god : that as to faustinus , they are confident , that brotherly love continuing through the goodness and moderation of his holiness , africa shall no longer be troubled with him . such was their letter to the pope , a letter not fuller fraught with true matters of fact , than fortified with clearness and strength of reason . viii . from this naked and unartificial representation of the case , its plain ; first , that whatever power the ●●shop of rome claim'd in africk , was even by his own tacit confession , founded upon the canons of the church . zosimus did not pretend a commission from christ , or a delegation from s. peter , but only a canon of nice to justify his proceedings . secondly , that the canons of the church give the bishop of rome no power over foreign churches , either to receive their excommunicated members , to hear and decide their causes , or to restore them to communion , or to send legates and commissioners with authority to determine the cause at home ; for this , say the african fathers , nullâ invenimus patrum synodo constitutum . thirdly , that zosimus was guilty of a notorious forgery and imposture in falsifying the nicene canons , pretending a canon of sardica to be a canon of nice , and as such endeavouring to impose it , and his own power by it upon the african churches . can it be suppos'd , that zosimus should be ignorant what and how many the nicene canons were ? the popes legates were present , and as we are often told , presided in that synod , brought the decrees home with them ( as all other great churches did ) where they were no doubt carefully preserv'd among the records of that church , and the frequent occasions of those times , made them be daily lookt into . was not the pope , think we , able to distinguish between nice and sardica , between an oecumenical council , and a synod only of western bishops , call'd in another emperours reign above twenty years after . no , no , it was not a sin of ignorance , but the pope knew well enough which council would best serve his turn , that the world had a just and a mighty veneration for that of nice , and that his design would be easily swallowed , if he could gild it over with the reputation and authority of that synod . it was obvious to except against sardica , that it was but a particular council , and that the canon it made for appeals to rome was only a provisionary decree , when the injur'd person was not like to meet with justice at home , but the whole mass of bishops was corrupted , and set against him , as was the case of athanasius and two or three more in respect of the arians , who were the occasion , and for whose sakes that canon was made . but that of nice was universal , and unexceptionable , and which he hoped would pass without controul . but the african bishops according to the humour of that nation were of too honest and blunt a temper to be cajol'd by the arts of rome . they requir'd to have the matter brought to the test , and to be judg'd by the original canons , and so the fraud was discovered , and brought to light in the eye of the world. fourthly , that the church of africk , and accordingly every national church , has an inhaerent power of determining all causes that arise within it self : that this right is founded both upon most evident reason , ( nothing being fitter than that controversies should be ended in the places where they began , where there are all advantages of bringing matters to a more speedy and equal trial ) and upon the wisdom and justice of the divine providence , which would not let his assistance be wanting in one place more than another , and especially there where doing right to truth did more immediately make it necessary ; and that 't was as probable two or three hundred should sift out truth as a single person . that the nicene synod had made this the right of the african no less than other churches , and they did not understand how they had forfeited it , or that any council had taken it from them . fifthly , that it was not lawful for any person , accused or proceeded against in africk , to appeal to transmarine churches , no not to the see of rome . this they tell coelestine most expresly , and call them improba refugia , wicked and unwarrantable refuges . against this they had particularly provided in the council at milevis * not long before this contest arose , that if any clergyman had a controversie with his bishop , the neighbouring bishops should hear and determine it . but if there were any occasion of appealing , they should appeal no further than to an african council , or to the primates of those provinces . and that if any should resolve to appeal to any transmarine judgment , no man in africk should admit them to communion . the canon 't is true expresses only the appeals of presbyters , deacons , and the inferiour clergy ; but as the fathers in their letters to caelestine argue strongly , if this care be taken about the inferiour clergy , how much more ought it to be observ'd by bishops . sixthly , that the power which the bishop of rome sought to establish over other churches , evidently made way to bring pride , and tyranny , and a secular ambition into the church of god , and that if this course were follow'd , it would let in force , and domination , and a scornful trampling over the heads of our brethren , and perhaps the calling in the secular arm to remove the opposition it would meet with ; principles and practices infinitely contrary to the mild and humble spirit of the gospel . and now let the reader judge what power the pope had over the african churches , so solemnly denied , so stiffly oppos'd , not by two or three , but by two or three hundred bishops , twice met in council upon this occasion , and their judgment herein not precipitated , but past upon most mature and deliberate debate and consultation , and after that the cause had been depending for five or six years together . the truth is , so great a shock is this to the papal power , that the advocates of that church know not which way to decline it . at last stands up one , * who not being able to unty , resolv'd to cut the knot , directly charging both the acts of the council , and the epistles to boniface and caelestine , without any warrant from antiquity , to be forg'd and supposititious . but the best of it is , the writers in this cause that came after him , had not the hardiness to venture in his bottom . nor have any of the many publishers of the councils since that time stigmatiz'd them with the least suspicion of being spurious , nor taken any notice of the trifling exceptions he makes against them . ix . from africk let us sail into britain , and see how things stood in our own country , the first nation of the whole western world that received the christian faith ; it being planted here ( as gildas , an authour of untainted credit , and no inconsiderable antiquity , informs us , and he speaks it too with great assurance ) * tempore summo tiberii caesaris , in the latter time of tiberius his reign , which admit to have been the very last year of his life ( he died march the xvi . ann. chr. xxxvii . ) it was five or six years before 't is pretended s. peter ever came at , or founded any church at rome . christianity though struggling with great difficulties , and but lukewarmly entertain'd by some , yet as gildas assures us , made shift to keep up its head in the following ages , as is evident from some passes in origen , tertullian , and others , and from the known story of king lucius ( leuer maur as the britains call him , the great brightness ) the first christian king. but this we have particularly noted elsewhere * . religion being settled , that church government grew up here as in other countries , by bishops and then metropolitans , or superiour bishops , there can be no just cause to doubt . at the council of arles ann. cccxiv . we find three british bishops among others subscribing the decrees of that synod , eborius of york , restitutus of london ( the same perhaps that subscrib'd the determination made by the sardican synod ) adelfius de civitate coloniae londinensium , with sacerdos a priest , and arminius a deacon . after the empire had submitted to christianity , we cannot question but that religion prospered greatly in this island , and that constantine who made it his business to advance it in all places , would much more give it the highest encouragement in that place , to which he owed both his first breath and empire . what progress it made afterwards , i may not stand nicely to enquire ; 't is certain it flourish'd here under the roman government 'till the declension of the empire , when that guard and protection being withdrawn , the country became a prey to the neighbour picts and scots , as not long after to the saxons , a war-like but pagan nation , whom the britains had call'd in to their assistance , who drove the remainder of the britains , and with them religion into the mountains , where yet it throve under the greatest hardships . things continued thus , when ann. dxcvi. pope gregory the great sent austine the monk to convert these saxons , who after his first expedition being at arles consecrated arch-bishop of canterbury , applied himself more closely to this errand than he had done before . he found paganisme covering the greatest parts of the island , but withal a considerable church among the britains ; seven bishops * they had as bede informs us ; a number says bale * , conform'd to the seven churches of asia ; their sees were hereford , tavensis or landaff , lhan-padern-vaur , bangor , elviensis or s. asaph , worcester and morganensis , suppos'd by many to be glamorgan , but that being the same with landaff , r. hoveden * reckons chester in the room of it , or as bishop usher * thinks not improbable , it might be caer-guby or holy-head in the isle of anglesey . these seven were under the superintendency of a metropolitan , whose archiepiscopal see had been formerly at caer-leon upon uske ( the famous river isca ) in monmouthshire , but some years before austins arival had been translated to menevia or s. davids ( so call'd from the bishop that translated it ) in pembrook-shire , though for some time after retaining the title of arch-bishop of caer-leon . and to him were the welsh bishops subject , and by him ordain'd , as he by them , until the time of king henry the first . besides these episcopal sees , the britains had colledges or seminaries , and in them vast numbers of christian monks , who dwelt especially at bangor under the care and superintendency of abbot dinooth . but that which spoil'd all was , that this church had rites and usages * vastly different from them of rome , both in the observation of easter , the administration of baptism , and many other customes . a most infallible argument , that the britannick church had no dependance upon , had held no communication with the church of rome . their celebration of easter after the manner of the ancient asiatick churches , clearly shewing that they had originally deriv'd their religion from those eastern parts . to reduce therefore this church into subjection to rome , was a great part of austins work . in order whereunto by the help of king ethelbert , he procur'd a conference with them at a place upon the borders of worcester-shire , call'd from this occasion augustins oke . austin us'd all his arts to prevail upon them , perswaded , intreated , threatned , but in vain . after a long disputation they declar'd they preferr'd their own ancient traditions and customs , from which they might not depart without leave and liberty from their own church . nay , if the british fragment produc'd by one of our great antiquaries * be of any credit , abbot . dinoth plainly told him with a be it known to you , and without doubt , that they ow'd no more to the pope of rome , than to every godly christian , vzi. the obedience of love and brotherly assistance , other than this he knew none due to him , whom they call'd pope , and who claim'd to be own'd and styl'd father of fathers ; that for themselves they were under the government of the bishop of caer-leon upon uske , who under god was to oversee and guide them ▪ austin saw 't was to no purpose at present to treat further , and so reserv'd himself for another conference . a second therefore and a more general meeting is propounded and agreed to , whereto came the seven british bishops , and many other persons of learning , especially of the college of bangor . austin as before press'd them to a compliance with the roman and apostolick church . but they , offended with his proud and contemptuous treatment of them , never so much as rising out of his chair , at their coming to salute him , told him plainly , they would do nothing of what he demanded , nor would they own him for archbishop ; prudently arguing among themselves , if he would not now vouchsafe so much as to rise up to us , how much more when we have submitted to him , will he despise and scorn us . austin finding no good was to be done upon them , parted from them with this passionate farewel , that since they would not have peace with their brethren , they should have war from their enemies , and for as much as they refus'd to preach the way of life to the english , they should be punisht with death by their hands . and his word it seems was made good : for soon after ethelfrid king of northumberland , at the instigation ( as is said ) of ethelbert king of kent , march'd with a powerful army to caer-leon , and made great havock and destruction , and among the rest slew twelve hundred of the innocent monks of bangor , who were come along with their army , by fasting and prayer to intercede with heaven for its prosperous success . that austin was the first spring of this fatal tragedy , moving ethelbert , as he did ethelfrid , there are not only strong suspicions , but the thing is expresly affirm'd by several historians of no inconsiderable credit and antiquity . 't is true bede says this happened not till after austins death . but besides the inconsistency in point of chronology , 't is suspicious that passage was foisted into bede , it being wanting in the ancient saxon translation of king alfred , done within cl. years after bedes death . nay , though we should grant the slaughter to have happened after the death of austin , yet who knows not but he might easily lay the design with ethelbert , though himself liv'd not to see the execution . and the proud and haughty spirit of the man gives but too much encouragement to the suspicion . what became of the british churches after this , i am not concern'd to relate . 't is enough to my purpose , that from the very originals of this church it was independant upon rome , and that for six hundred years together ; nor could be brought to strike sail , 'till fire and sword ( the most powerful arguments of the papal cause ) had converted , that is , in effect ruin'd and destroy'd it . x. from the whole of what has been said , laid together , the impartial reader will easily make this conclusion , how vain and frivolous the pretences are to the popes patriarchal authority over the whole west , when there 's scarce any one western church that did not in those times stoutly appear against the incroachments of rome . but you 'll say , where then shall we find the roman patriarchate ? certainly within much narrower limits . and here nothing can offer it self with so much rational probability , as that his patriarchal jurisdiction was concurrent with that of the vicarius urbicus , or the lieutenant of rome , as his metropolitical was with that of the praefectus urbis , or city-provost . now the vicarius urbicus had ten provinces * under his government , four consular , viz. campania , tuscia , and umbria , picenum suburbicarium ( the suburbicary as well as other provinces being in some cases * , especially that of tribute , under the inspection of the praetorian praefect , and his lieutenant ) sicilia ; two correctorial , apulia with calabria , and lucania brutiorum ; four praesidial , samnium , sardinia , corsica , and valeria . this was the urbicary diocess , distinct from the italick diocess , the metropolis whereof was milan . within these bounds the bishops of rome , especially after the times of the nicene council took upon them to exercise jurisdiction , to call synods , ordain metropolitans , and dispatch other church-afairs . hence they had their usual synod , which was a kind of council in ordinary to the bishop of rome , and met upon all important occasions . such was the synod of pope damasus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the bishops that assembled with him at rome , mention'd by athanasius * , as conven'd about his cause . such that of the bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in those parts , spoken of by pope julius * , as concurring with him in his letter to the eastern bishops . the old roman notitia ( produc'd by baronius * out of the records of the vatican , but of an age much later than the times we write of ) tells us this synod consisted of lxx . bishops . and much about that number , we find them in the acts of councils , as in the synod under pope gelasius a , and in that under symmachus b . thus we find pope leo c requiring the bishops of sicily to send three of their number every year upon michaelmus-day to meet the roman synod , fraterno concilio soc●andi . and the synod of sardica * sending their decrees to pope julius , desire him to communicate them to the bishops in sicily , sardinia and italy , ( i. e. that part of italy that lay within the urbicary diocess ) that none of them might receive communicatory letters from any that had been depos'd in that council . and this was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the multitude of bishops wherewith pope leo was encompast , and whom by vertue of the power and preheminence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of his own proper place and jurisdidiction he had conven'd out of many cities in italy , as the empress galla placidia speaks in her letter * to theodosius . not but that sometimes here ( as in other places ) ▪ we find foreign bishops convening in synods , with those under the jurisdiction of the roman bishop , especially upon some extraordinary emergencies : but then this was only in a brotherly way , and at the invitation of the chief bishop of those parts , and not that they were under his charge and government . he had no direct and immediate influence over any but those who lay within the bounds , over which the civil governours who resided at rome , extended their authority , and who no doubt fell in the willinglier with his jurisdiction , for the conveniency of their being aided and assisted by the church of rome . by all which we see , that no sooner were dioceses divided and settled by the civil constitution , but the roman bishop began to extend his jurisdiction commensurate to the urbicary diocess , within which his metropolitical was at last swallowed up . this the learned arch-bishop of paris * readily grants , and thinks is intimated in the ancient version of the nicene canon , which we mention'd before , where the bishop of rome is said to have principality over the suburbicary places , and all the province ; the first denoting the government of the provost , the latter that of the vicarius , or lieutenant of rome , and consequently the one represents the popes metropolitical , the other his patriarchal jurisdiction . 't is true he often tells us of a two-fold patriarchate the pope had , ordinary , and extraordinary , the one reaching to the urbicary diocess , the other over the whole west . but with how little reason and pretence of truth we noted before . we grant the pope had always great honour given him by all , and more by the western churches , but authoritative power he had not but over his own special diocess , nor does s. basil's styling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief of the western bishops , imply any more than dignity and precedence ; or the empires being divided into east and west , and in allusion thereto the churches being sometimes distinguish'd into eastern and western make any more for his western patriarchate , than it did for the bishop of constantinoples being patriarch over the whole east . arguments which i should be asham'd to mention , but that they are produc'd by such great names , and are indeed the best they have in this matter . i grant that according to the ambitious humour of that church they were always attempting to enlarge their borders , and to propagate their power beyond its just limits : and partly by recommending persons to be bishops in foreign churches , and thence proceeding to impose them , partly by interposing in ordinations , and exacting an oath of obedience to the see of rome from the persons consecrated , partly by challenging the immediate decision of episcopal causes , and a power to confirme , translate , excommunicate , depose , or restore all delinquent bishops , partly by drawing appeals to rome , and taking the determination of matters from the cognizance of their proper judges , and arrogating the sole priviledge of judging and condemning heresies , partly by claiming to preside in all councils , and if disoblig'd , withholding their assent to the decrees of synods , partly by sending their legates into foreign countries to hear and decide cases , and take up controversies , by taking off , and engaging brisk and active bishops by honourary imployments , by sending commissions to the bishops of the greater sees , and lodging certain powers in their hands to act as their vicars within their several provinces , that so they might seem to derive their authority from the roman see , as they did at thessalonica , corinth , justiniana prima , arles , &c. partly by giving all imaginable encouragement to persons , whether of the clergy or laity to send to rome for the resolution of difficult and important cases , and partly by dispatching missionaries to convert pagan countries ; by these and infinite other the like arts and methods , they grew in time though not 'till some ages , to challenge and exercise a power over all the churches of the west . but from the beginning it was not so . the summ then of all that has been discours'd hitherto is this ; that as 't was the dignity of the city of rome gave the bishops of that place preheminence above all other primates or patriarchs , so 't was the division of the empire made by constantine , exalted his power from that of a metropolitan to a patriarch , and enlarged it to an equal extent with the diocess of the lieutenant of rome ; within which bounds they pretty well contain'd themselves 'till their pride and ambition began more openly to break out , and to disturb the peace and order of the church . chap. vi. the encroachments of the see of rome upon other sees , especially the see of constantinople . the roman bishops breaking the bounds of all laws and canons . their taking hold of all occasions of magnifying their own power . instances of julius , damasus , innocent , zosimus to this purpose . the briskness and activity of pope leo. his many letters written to advance the reputation of his authority . his jealous eye upon the growing greatness of the see of constantinople . the attempts and actings of his legates in the council of chalcedon . their mighty opposition against the passing the xxviii . canon of that synod . the fraud of paschasinus in citing the sixth canon of nice . their protestation against the power granted to the bishop of constantinople . pope leo's zeal and rage against these synodal proceedings . faelix his excommunicating acacius of constantinople . the pretended occasion of that sentence . the same spleen continued and carried on by pope gelasius . a reconciliation procur'd by the emperour justin between the bishops of rome and constantinople . pope john's insulting over epiphanius in his own church at constantinople . john the seconds raving letter to justinian . the bishop of constantinople assumes the title of oecumenical patriarch . this in what sence ( probably ) meant . the passionate resentment of pope pelagius hereat . the same zeal shew'd by his successour gregory the great . his letters written upon that occasion . the hard words he every where bestows upon that title . his mistake about the offer of that title to the pope in the chalcedon council . the true state of that case . this title frequently given to the constantinopolitan bishops in the council under menans , before john assum'd it . baronius's poor evasion of that matter . gregory still continues to thunder out anathema's against this title . all this suspected to be but noise , and the quarrel only because themselves had not the title . phocas his usurpation of the empire . the monstrous villany and wickedness of that man. pope gregory's scandalously flattering caresses to him and his empress . boniface the third makes suit to phocas , and procures the title of oecumenical to be affixt to the see of rome . the popes daily enlargement of their power and tyranny , and their advantages for so doing . the whole concluded with the canons or dictates of pope hildebrand . i. though custome and the canons of the church had set out the bishop of rome his proper portion in the ecclesiastick government , yet how hard is it for covetousness and ambition to keep within any bounds ? a spirit of pride still fermented in that see , that made them restless , 'till they had thrown down all enclosures , and that their sheaf alone ( as it was in joseph's vision ) arose and stood upright , and the sheaves of their brethren stood round about , and did obeysance to it . in the discovery whereof we shall only remark the more general attempts they made concerning it . and first nothing made more way to their usurpt dominion , than the magnifying their own power , and the priviledges of their church upon all occasions . ii. to begin no earlier than pope julius ; in his letters to the bishops of antioch , to make them more willing to submit their cause to be tried at rome , he had it seems highly extoll'd the greatness of that church , and the dignity and authority of his see , as appears by the summ of their answer * , and his rejoynder to their letter . not long after pope damasus writing also to the eastern bishops , commends * them that they had yielded due reverence to the apostolick see : and though this was spoken with modesty enough ( aw'd hereinto perhaps by the synod at rome , in whose name he wrote ) yet in his epistle * to them of numidia , and in general to all catholick bishops ( if that epistle be genuine ) he speaks out , telling them that according to ancient institutions , they did well in all doubtful cases to have recourse to him as to the head , and that this was founded upon custome and ecclesiastick canons ; concluding his long epistle thus , all which decretals , and the constitutions of all my predecessors , which have been publish'd concerning ecclesiastical orders and canonical discipline , we command to be observ'd by you , and all bishops and priests , so that whoever shall offend against them , shall not be received to pardon , the cause properly respecting us , who ought to steer the government of the church . this was most pontifically spoken , and boldly ventured at , especially if we consider how little the african bishops regarded the authority of the roman church , when the case of appeals arose a few years after , as we have already seen at large . siricius came next to damasus , and he in his letter * to himerius of taragon in spain , magnifies the roman church as the head of that body , and bids him convey those rules he had sent to all the bishops in that and the neighbour countries , it not being fit that any bishop should be ignorant of the constitutions of the apostolick see. innocent the first , more than once and again styles * the church of rome the fountain and head of all churches , and this built upon ancient canons ; and yet perhaps meant no more , than that it was the principal and most eminent church of the christian world : an honour , which upon several accounts intimated before , antiquity freely bestow'd upon it . zosunus in a letter to the council of carthage ( produc'd by baronius * out of a vatican copy ) makes a mighty flourish with the unlimited power of s. peter , that he had the care not only of the roman , but of all churches , ratified by the rules of the church , and the tradition of the fathers , that both by divine and humane laws this power descended upon the bishop of that see , whose sentence none might presume to reverse . iii. leo the great entred that see about the year ccccxl. a man of somewhat a brisker and more active temper , than those that had been before him , and one that studied by all imaginable methods to enlarge his jurisdiction , and being a man of parts and eloquence , did amplify and insinuate his power with more advantage . he tells * the mauritanian bishops , that he would dispence with the election of those bishops , who had been immediately taken out of the laity , so they had no other irregularity to attend them , not intending to prejudice the commands of the apostolick see , and the decrees of his predecessours ; and that what he pass'd by at present , should not hereafter go without its censure and punishment , if any one should dare to attempt , what he had thus absolutely forbidden . and elsewhere * that bishops and metropolitans were therefore constituted , that by them the care of the universal church might be brought to the one see of s. peter , and that there might be no disagreement between the head and the members . and in a sermon upon the martyrdom of peter and paul , in a profound admiration he breaks out * into this rhetorical address . these ( says he ) are the men that have advanced thee to this honour , that thou art become a holy nation , a peculiar people , a royal and priestly city , that being by the holy see of s. peter made head of the world , thou mightest govern farther by means of a divine religion , than by worldly power . for although enlarg'd by many victories , thou hast extended the bounds of thy empire both by sea and land , yet is it far less which thou hast conquer'd by force of arms , than that which thou hast gain'd by the peace of the church . iv. but leo was a man not only for speaking , but for action . he saw the emperours and the eastern bishops were resolv'd to advance the see of constantinople , that it might bear some proportion to the imperial court , and that the synod of constantinople had already adjudg'd it the place of honour next to rome ; that therefore it concern'd him to bestir himself to stifle all attempts that way , well knowing that the glory of that would eclipse his lustre , and cramp those designs of superiority and dominion , which the bishops of rome were continually driving on over the church of christ . a general council was now call'd to meet at chalcedon , ann. ccccli . wherein were present no less than six hundred and thirty bishops : hither pope leo sent his legates , furnished with peremptory instructions ( which they afterwards read openly in the synod ) to keep a quick eye upon all motions that way , and with all possible resolution to suppress them . at the opening of the council , the legates cunningly slipt in a clause , telling * the fathers , that they had such and such things in command from the most blessed and apostolical bishop of the city of rome , which was the head of all churches : which either was not heeded by that synod , or pass'd by in the sence before declar'd , as allowing it an honourary preheminence above the rest . in the fifth session of that council * the papal legates mov'd that the epistle of leo about the condemnation of nestorius might be inserted into the very definition of the council against that heresie . craftily foreseeing what a mighty reputation it would give the pope in the eye of the world , and to what vast advantage it might be stretch'd afterwards . but the council stiffly oppos'd the motion , and said , they freely own'd the letter and were ready to subscribe it , but would not make it part of the definition . the legates were angry , demanded the letter back again , and threatned to be gone , and to have a synod at rome . and when the emperour intimated some such thing , the bishops cried out , they were for the definition as it was , and they that did not like it , nor would subscribe it , might if they please get them gone to rome . after this , all things went on smoothly 'till they came to frame the canons , among which one was * , that the bishop of constantinople should enjoy equal priviledges with the bishop of rome ; and then the legates could hold no longer , plainly telling them , that this was a violation of the constitution of the great synod of nice , and that their commission oblig'd them by all ways to preserve the papal dignity , and to reject the designs of any , who relying upon the greatness of their cities , should attempt any thing to the contrary . to prove that this was contrary to the nicene decrees , they produc'd the sixth and seventh canons of that council , beginning thus as paschasinus repeated them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. the church of rome ever had the primacy . let egypt therefore have this priviledge , that the bishop of alexandria have power , &c. where instead of the first words of that canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let ancient customs still take place , the legate shuffled in this sentence as more to his purpose , the church of rome ever had the primacy . and admitting here that this was only the title to that canon in the roman copy , yet 't is somewhat more than suspicious , that paschasinus intended it should be understood as part of the canon it self . which if so , there could not be a bolder piece of forgery and imposture . but the fathers were not to be so impos'd upon . aetius arch-deacon of constantinople produc'd a copy from among the records of that church , which he delivered to constantine the secretary , who read it according to the genuine words of the canon , without any such addition , let ancient customs still take place , &c. and in confirmation of that were next read the second and third canons of the second general council at constantinople . and because the legate had objected that the canon had been procur'd by fraud , the judges requir'd the bishops concern'd to declare their minds , who all readily declar'd the contrary . the case having been thus fully debated , and nothing material being alledg'd against it , the canon pass'd by the unanimous suffrage of the fathers , the roman legates only entring their protestation , and resolving to acquaint the pope with what was done , that so he might judge both of the injury done to his own see , and the violence offered to the canons . v. no sooner did the news of what had pass'd in the synod arrive at rome , but pope leo storm'd to purpose , wrote * to anatolius bishop of constantinople , charging him with pride and ambition , with invasion of the rights of others , with irreverence towards the nicene canons , contrary to which he had exalted himself above the bishops of alexandria and antioch . he dispatch'd * letters also to the emperour marcianus , to his lady the empress pulcheria , and to juvenal bishop of jerusalem , and the rest of the fathers of the synod , all to the same effect , complaining of the pride of anatolius , and the irregular proceedings of the council , that the priviledges of churches were destroy'd , the bounds of metropolitans invaded , many depressed to make way for one , venerable decrees made void , and ancient orders trodden in the dirt . that whatever rules were made contrary to the canons of nice were null , that the care and inspection of these things was committed to him , a duty which he could not neglect without being guilty of unfaithfulness to his trust , that therefore by the authority of s. peter he repeal'd and made void what ever any council had agreed upon , repugnant to the nicene canons , yea , though done by many more in number than were in that venerable synod , declaring that no regard or reverence was to be paid to their constitutions . in all which though nothing appear above ground but a mighty zeal for the honour of the nicene canons , yet 't is plain enough 't was his own ambition , his envy and emulation that lay at the bottom . and indeed , neither leo , nor any of the bishops of that see could ever pardon the chalcedon synod , not only for making the bishop of constantinople equal to him of rome , but for placing the primacy of the roman church , not in any divine right , but only in romes having been the seat of the empire . vi. henceforward they beheld the bishops of that place with an evil eye , as competitors with them in the government of the church , and the likeliest persons to give check to their extravagant designs , and therefore laid hold upon all occasions to weaken their interest , and to vent their spleen against their persons . and it was not long after , that a fit occasion presented it self . john the tabennosiot * had by gifts and bribes ( enabled thereto by being steward and treasurer of that church ) procur'd himself to be made bishop of alexandria , expresly contrary to his oath lately made to the emperour zeno , that he would never attempt that see. for which he caus'd him to be expell'd , and peter mongus , who had been heretofore consecrated to that place to be restor'd . peter was a patron of the eutychian heresie , but which at first he craftily dissembled , insinuating himself into the favour and friendship of acacius bishop of constantinople , who constantly held communion with him . but was so far from siding with him in any heretical sentiments , that no sooner did he hear * that peter had publickly anathematiz'd the chalcedon council , but he dispatch'd messengers to alexandria to know the truth of things , before whose eys peter cast a mist , having form'd a judicial process about that matter , and brought in persons to depose that he had done no such thing . nay , he himself wrote * to acacius , assuring him , that the charge was false , and that he had , and did confirm and embrace the council of chalcedon ; though all this was pretence and elaborate hypocrisie . john driven out from alexandria , flies to rome , giving out himself to be a martyr for the cause of pope leo , and the faith of the chalcedon synod . welcome he was to pope simplicius , who wrote to the emperour in his behalf ; but dying not long after his arrival , his successour faelix readily espous'd the quarrel , and after some preparatory messages and citations ( wherein he required of the emperour zeno , that acacius might be sent to rome , there to answer what john of alexandria laid to his charge ) taking advantage of two synods at rome , held one soon after the other , twice excommunicated and depos'd acacius , for communicating with him of alexandria . letter after letter he wrote both to the emperour , and the clergy and people of constantinople , that the sentence against acacius might be own'd and put into execution , who yet continued in his see 'till his death , without any great regard to the sentence from rome , which he so far slighted * , that to be even with him , he struck the popes name out of the diptychs , to shew the world he renounc'd all communion with him . this so much the more enrag'd his enemies at rome , who all his life long pelted him with continual clamours and threatnings . nay , faelix and his successours persecuted his very memory , denouncing censures against any that should mention his name with respect and honour . and i cannot but observe that in the edict * that was pass'd against him at rome , mention is made of nothing but contumacy against the popes admonitions , the ill usage and imprisonment of his legates , and the affront therein offered to his person , and in the excommunicatory letter sent to acacius himself , though favouring of hereticks was the great and indeed only thing pretended abroad , yet the very first thing wherewith he charges him , is contempt of the nicene council , and invading the rights of other mens provinces . it seems though he was loth to speak out , it was the decree of the late synod of chalcedon still stuck in his stomach , by which the constantinopolitan patriarch had been advanc'd to so much power in the east , and made equal to him of rome . and indeed gelasius , who came after faelix , says * plainly , that the apostolick see never approv'd that part of the chalcedon canons , that it had given no power to treat about it , and by its legates had protested against it , and thence most infallibly inferrs , that therefore it was of no authority or value ; and accordingly peter of alexandria , which was the second see ( i. e. according to the constitution of the nicene canon ) could not be duly absolv'd by any other power then that of the first see , i. e. his own ; accounting that of constantinople ( as he elsewhere * asserts ) not to be reckon'd so much as among metropolitan sees : and as he argues in his epistle * to the emperour anastasius , if christians be oblig'd in general to submit to their regular bishops , how much more should submission be made to the bishop of that see , to whom both god and the subsequent piety of the church have always given the preheminence above all bishops ; and so he goes on , according to the custome of the men , to speak big words of the authority and priviledges of the apostolick see. vii . several years this breach that had been made remain'd , 'till justin , a man of very mean originals , having by no good arts gain'd the empire , thought it his interest to oblige and unite all parties . and first he begins to court the pope , to whome he wrote * , giving him an account of his advancement to the empire , and begging his prayers to god to confirm and establish it . this hormisda in his answer calls a paying the first fruits of his empire due to s. peter . hereupon reconciliation is offered , and john bishop of constantinople writes to him to that purpose , which he at length consents to upon this condition , that the name of acacius might be stricken out of the diptychs ; which at last is done , and that of the pope again put in , and so a peace is piec'd up , and the catholick faith profess'd on both sides , according to the decrees of the four general councils . and though epiphanius , who succeeded john in the see of constantinople , maintain'd the same correspondence , yet when ever it came to any important instance , the pope could not forget his proud domineering temper over the bishops of that church . which sufficiently appear'd about this very time , when john the first , hermisda's successour , being by theodorick king of the goths sent embassadour to constantinople , with this message to the emperour justin , either that he should restore to the arians their churches in the east , or expect that the catholicks in italy should have the same measures , he departed from rome with weeping eyes and a sad heart , being grieved not more to be made the bearer of a message , so contrary to his judgment , than to be put upon an imployment that seemed a diminution to the papal dignity ; he being ( as marcellinus * observes ) the only pope that had ever been commanded out of the city upon any such errand . however arriving at the imperial city , he resolved to keep up his port , entred with great state , and being invited * to sit upon a seat even with that of epiphanius bishop of that church , he refus'd , telling them he would maintain the prerogative of the apostolick see , not giving over , 'till a more eminent throne was purposely plac'd for him above that of the bishop of constantinople . as if it had not been enough to reproach and vilify him at a distance , unless contrary to all laws and canons , and to the rules of modesty , civility and reason , he also trampled upon him in his own church . nay , anastasius * adds , that the emperour in honour to god came before him , and prostrated himself upon the ground to adore and worship him . pope john the second , about ten years after writing * to justinian ( though there want not very learned men , who question the credit of that epistle ) talks stylo romano , just after the rate of his predecessours ; he tells the emperour , 't was his singular honour and commendation , that he preserv'd a reverence for the roman see , that he submitted all things to it , and reduc'd them to the unity of it , a right justified by s. peter's authority , conveyed to him by that authentick deed of gift , feed my sheep ; that both the canons of the fathers , and the edicts of princes , and his majesties own professions declar'd it to be truly the head of all churches . where yet ( as in infinite other expressions of that nature in the pontifical epistles ) he warily keeps himself within general terms , capable of a gentler or a brisker interpretation , as it stood with their interest to improve . viii . wearied out with continual provocations , oppositions and affronts from rome , the patriarchs of constantinople began to think upon some way , by which they might be better enabled to bear up against them . to this end , john who from his extraordinary abstinence was sir-nam'd nesteutes or the faster , being then bishop of that see in a synod conven'd there ann. dlxxxix . about the cause of gregory bishop of antioch , procur'd the title of oecumenical or universal bishop to be conferr'd upon him ; with respect probably , to that cities being the head seat of the empire , which was usually styl'd orbis romanus , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the universe , or whole world , and it could not be therefore thought extravagant , if the bishop of it did assume a proportionable title of honour , nothing appearing that hereby he laid claim to any extraordinary jurisdiction . nor indeed is it reasonable to conceive , that the eastern patriarchs ( who as evagrius , who was advocate for gregory in that synod , tells us * ) were all either by themselves or their legates present in this council , together with very many metropolitans , should at one cast throw up their own power and authority , and give john an absolute empire and dominion over them ; and therefore can be suppos'd to grant no more , than that he being the imperial patriarch should alone enjoy that honorable title above the rest . besides that every bishop as such , is in a sence intrusted with the care and sollicitude of the universal church , and though for conveniency limited to a particular charge , may yet act for the good of the whole . upon this ground it was , that in the ancient church , so long as order and regular discipline was observ'd , bishops were wont upon occasion not only to communicate their councils , but to exercise their power and functions beyond the bounds of their particular diocess , and we frequently find titles and characters given to particular bishops ( especially those of patriarchal sees ) equivalent to that of universal bishop : i cannot but mention that passage of theodorit , who speaking of nestorius his being made bishop of constantinople , says * , that he was intrusted with the presidency of the catholick church of the orthodox there , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was nothing less then that of the whole world. a passage which perhaps might the more incourage and invite john at this time to assume the title . ix . but in what sence soever intended , it sounded high ▪ but especially made a loud noise at rome , where they were strangely surpris'd to find themselves outshot in their own bow ; for though they had all along driven on the design with might and main , yet they had hitherto abstain'd from the title . pelagius , who at this time sat in that chair , was extreamly netled at it , and immediately dispatch'd letters * to john and the bishops of his synod , wherein he rants against this pride and folly , talks high of the invalidity of all conciliary acts without his consent and approbation , charges them , though summon'd by their patriarch , not to appear at any synod , without authority first had from the apostolick see , threatens john with excommunication , if he did not presently recant his error , and lay aside his unjustly usurpt title of universal bishop ; affirming that none of the patriarchs might use that profane title , and that if any one of them were styl'd oecumenical , the title of patriarch would be taken from the rest , a piece of insolence which ought to be far from all true christians ; with a great deal more to the same effect . i know the last publishers of the councils make this epistle to be spurious , a false piece of ware patch'd up in insidore mercators shop . but however that be , plain it is from s. gregory * , ( who sent copies of them to the bishops of antioch and alexandria ) that pelagius did write such letters , wherein by the authority of s. peter he rescinded the acts of that synod , propter nephandum elationis vocabulum , for the sake of that proud and ungodly title , prohibiting his arch-deacon then at constantinople , so much as to be present at prayers with the patriarch of that place . x. gregory the great succeeded pelagius , whose apocrisiarius , or agent he had been at constantinople when the thing was done . a man of good learning , and greater piety , and of somewhat a more meek and peaceable temper , then most of those that had gone before him , which perhaps he owed in a great measure , to those sad calamitous times , he so oft complains of , wherein he liv'd : and yet as tender in this point as his predecessours . john of constantinople had lately sent him an account * of the proceedings in the case of john presbyter of chalcedon , wherein he took occasion to style himself oecumenical patriarch almost in every sentence . this touch'd pope gregory to the quick , and as he had an excellent talent at writing letters , he presently sends to mauritius the emperour , to the empress constantina , to the patriarchs of alexandria and antioch , to john himself , and to sabinian his own deacon then residing at constantinople . in all which he strains all the nerves of his rhetoric to load the case with the heaviest aggravations , complaining * that by the contrivance of this proud and pompous title , the peace of the church , the holy laws , and venerable synods , yea and the commands of our lord jesus himself ( who by that instrument , tu es petrus , &c. had committed the care of the whole church to peter , prince of the apostles ) were disturb'd and shatter'd ; that it better became bishops of this time rather to lye upon the ground , and to mourn in sackcloth and ashes , than to affect names of vanity , and to glory in new and profane titles , a piece of pride and blasphemy , injurious to all other bishops , yea to the whole church , and which it became the emperour to restrain : * that by this new arrogancy and presumption he had lift up himself above all his brethren , and by his pride had shewn , that the times of antichrist were at hand ; that he wondred the emperour should write to him to be at peace with the bishop of constantinople , chiding * sabinian his deacon for not preventing the emperour's commands being sent to him . to eulogius bishop of alexandria , and anastasius of antioch ( whom elsewhere * he tickles with their three sees being the only three apostolical sees founded by s. peter prince of the apostles , and that they mutually reflected honour upon each other ) he represents , * how great a diminution this was to their dignity , that they should therefore give none this title , for that so much undue honour as they gave to another , so much they took away of what was due to themselves ; that this fond attempt was the invention of him , who goes about as a roaring lyon , seeking whom he may devour , and a forerunner of him , who is king over all the children of pride . he tells john * himself , and that as he pretends with tears in his eyes , that unless he quitted this proud foolish title , he must proceed further with him , and that if his profane and ungodly humour could not be cur'd by gentler methods , it must be lanc'd by canonical severity ; that by this perverse ▪ title he had imitated the devil , and had made himself like to lucifer son of the morning , who said , i will ascend above the heights of the clouds , i will exalt my throne above the stars of god ; telling us , that by clouds and stars we are to understand bishops , who water by their preaching , and shine by the light of their conversation , whom while he despis'd and trod upon , and proudly lift up himself above them , what did he but aspire above the height of the clouds , and exalt his throne above the stars of heaven ; that such proud attempts had been always far from him or his predecessors , who had refus'd the title of universal bishop , when for the honour of s. peter prince of the apostles , the venerable council of chalcedon offered it to them . xi . in which last passage ( inculcated by him at every turn , no less * than four or five several times ) i cannot but remark either his carelesness , or insincerity ; carelesness , in taking such an important passage upon trust ; or insincerity , if knowing it to be otherwise , to lay so much stress upon so false and sandy a foundation . for the truth is , neither were his predecessors so modest , that i know of , as to refuse such a title , neither did the synod of chalcedon ever offer it to them . there being nothing in all the acts of that council that looks this way more than this , that four persons that came from alexandria with articles against dioscorus their bishop , exhibited their several libels of accusation , which they had presented to pope leo ( who had beforehand espoused the quarrel ) with this inscription , to leo the most holy and religious oecumenical archbishop and patriarch of great rome . these libels the papal legats desired might be inserted into the acts of the council ; which was done accordingly ( as is usual in all judiciary proceedings ) for no other reason ( as the synod it self tells * us ) but this , that remaining there , they might thence be again rehears'd in council , when dioscorus himself should appear , and come to make his defence . this is the true state of the case , and now let the reader judge , whether the council offer'd the pope this title , when they were so far from approving it , that they did not so much as once take notice of it . i do not deny , but that the pope's legats might have an eye that way , and design to have that title remain among the records of the council ( as they were watchful stewards to improve all advantages for their master ; ) and therefore we find them sometimes subscribing * themselves vice-gerents of leo of rome , bishop of the universal church , which yet elsewhere * they thus explain , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the apostolical and chief bishop of the whole church . but however they intended it , certain it is for any thing that appears to the contrary , that the fathers themselves never dreamt of any such matter , and accordingly when they came * singly to declare their judgments about the epistle of pope leo , they style him only pope , or archbishop of rome , nor do his legates there give him any other title . and in their synodal epistle * to him , they superscribe it only , to the most holy and blessed archbishop of rome . binius * indeed will have the word oecumenical to have been in the inscription , and that it was maliciously struck out by some transcriber , because ( says he ) in the body of the epistle the fathers own leo to be the head of the universal church , and the father of all bishops . when as the letter has not one word to that purpose , more than this , that as the head presides over the members , so did leo over the bishops in that synod ; which can import no more than his presiding by his legates ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in his qui tuas vices gerebant , as the last publishers of the councils truly correct the translation ) in that council . but suppose the pope had had this title conferr'd upon him , ( as gregory untruly affirms ) 't was no more than what was frequently given to the patriarch of constantinople , as , to omit other instances , is evident from the council holden there ann. dxxxvi . under mennas , and another under john 18 years before , where john and mennas , successively bishops of that see , have both in the acts of those councils , and in libels of address from whole synods , the title of oecumenical patriarch near twenty times bestow'd upon them . and this was several years before it was assum'd by that patriarch john whom we mention'd before . and 't is methinks a sorry evasion of baronius * , and his footman binius ‖ ( though 't is that which they always have at hand , when an argument pinches , which they know not how to decline ) that this title was foisted into the acts of the council by some later greeks . and yet they produce no authority , no nor shadow of pretence from any ancient copy that ever it was otherwise . and what if the church of rome did receive the acts of that council , and yet make no such clamours and loud outcry against it ? perhaps it did not intirely admit the acts of that synod under john of constantinople ann. dxviii . binius himself says , they were but magna ex parte recepta , in a great measure receiv'd by the church of rome . and who knows whether this title might not be some part of what was rejected . but if not , perhaps the popes might slight it as a title only accidentally given , not claim'd as due . whereas pelagius and gregory rant so much against the other john , because he assum'd it in opposition to rome , and had it by a solemn synodical act conferr'd upon him . i observe no more concerning this , than that leo allatius * ( who is not wont to neglect the least hint that may serve his cause ) speaking of this passage , barely takes notice of baronius's inference , without the least sign of his approving it . but to return . xii . while gregory was venting these passionate resentments , john the patriarch dies . but the quarrel died not with him , cyriacus , who came after him , keeping up the title . this put the popes passion into a fresh ferment , and now all the hard things are said over again , and cyriacus * is warn'd to lay aside the scandal of that ungodly title , that had given so much offence ; and that * he would hold no communion with him 'till he had renounc'd that proud and superstitious word , which was the invention of the devil , and laid * a foundation for antichrist to take possession , nay peremptorily affirms * with an ego autem fidenter dico , that whoever either styles himself , or desires to be styl'd by others , universal bishop , is by that very pride of his a fore-runner of antichrist . and when he understood that john bishop of thessalonica , urbicius of dyrrachium , john of corinth , and several others , were summoned to a synod at constantinople , not knowing whether a snake might not lye hid in the grass , he writes * to them , giving them an account of the rise and progress of that proud and pestiferous title , ( as he calls it ) cautioning them not only not to use it themselves , but not to consent to it in others , nor by any overt act to approve or own it ; and if any thing should be craftily started in the synod in favour of it , he adjures them by all that is sacred , that none of them would suffer themselves to be wrought upon by any arts of flattery and insinuation , of rewards or punishments to assent to it , but stoutly oppose themselves against it , and couragiously drive out the wolf that was breaking into the fold . xiii . he that shall view these passages , and look no farther than the outside of things , will be apt to think , surely s. gregory was the most self-denying man in the world , and that he and his successors would sooner burn at a stake , than touch this title . and yet notwithstanding all these passionate outcries , 't is shrewdly suspicious , that they were levell'd not so much against the title it self , as the person that bore it . we have taken notice all along what an inveterate pique the bishops of rome had against those of constantinople , ever since the emperours and councils had made them equal to them , and this now added to all the rest , seem'd to exalt constantinople infinitely above s. peter's see. had this title been synodically conferr'd upon the pope , we had heard none of this noise and clamour ; but for him to be pass'd by , and his enemy the patriarch of constantinople to be crown'd with this title of honour , 't was this dropt the gall into his ink. and therefore in the midst of all this humility he ceas'd not to challenge a kind of supremacy over that bishop : who doubts ( says he * ) but that the church of constantinople is subject to the apostolic see , a thing which both the emperour , and eusebius the bishop of it , daily own . but this 't is plain is there spoken in the case of rites and ceremonies , wherein it seems all churches must take their measures from rome ; unless with spalato * we understand it of a subjection in point of order and dignity , that rome was the first see , and constantinople the second . the truth is , to me the passage seems suspected , and that constantinople is there thrust in for some other place ; and the rather , because there was no eusebius at that time bishop of that see , nor for a long time either before or after . however , gregory had all his eyes about him , that no disadvantage might surprise him ; and therefore in his letter to the bishops of greece ( mentioned before ) that were going to the synod at constantinople , he tells them , that although nothing should be attempted for the confirmation of the universal title , yet they should be infinitely careful , that nothing should be done there to the prejudice of any place or person : which though coucht in general terms , yet whoever understands the state of those times , and the pope's admirable tenderness in those matters , will easily see , that he means himself . and indeed , that the bishops of rome look'd upon the title of oecumenical bishop to be foul and abominable only 'till they could get it into their own hands , is evident , in that gregory had scarce been 12 months cold in his grave , when pope boniface the third got that title taken from constantinople , and affix'd to the see of rome ; the manner whereof we shall a little more particularly relate . xiv . mauricius the emperour had in his army a centurion call'd phocas , one whose deformed looks were the index of a more brutish and mishapen mind . he was * angry , fierce , bloody , ill-natur'd , debauch'd , and unmeasurably given to wine and women ; so bad , that when a devout monk * of that time oft expostulated with god in prayer , why he had made him emperour , he was answer'd by a voice from heaven , because i could not find a worse . this man taking the opportunity of the soldiers mutinying , murder'd the emperour , and possess'd his throne , which he fill'd with blood , and the most savage barbarities . ten of the imperial family * he put to death , and so far let loose the reins to fierceness and cruelty , that he had it in design , to cut off all those , whom nobility , or wisdom , or any generous or honourable actions had advanc'd above the common rank . and yet as bad as this lewd villain was , scarce was he warm in the throne when he receiv'd addresses from pope gregory , who complemented the tyrant , and that too in scripture-phrase , at such a rate , that i know not how to reconcile it with the honesty of a good man. his letter * begins with a glory be to god on high , who , according as it is written , changes times , and transfers kingdoms , who gives every one to understand so much , when he says by his prophet , the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. the whole letter is much of the same strain , representing the happy advantages the world would reap under the benign influences of his government . and in another * written not long after he tells him , what infinite praise and thanks they ow'd to almighty god , who had taken off the sad and heavy yoak , and had restor'd times of liberty under the conduct of his imperial grace and piety . he wrote * likewise to the empress leontia ( one who is said to have been not one jot better than her husband ) with flattering caresses ; and under abundance of good words , courts her kindness and patronage to the church of s. peter , which he fails not to back with , thou art peter , and upon this rock , &c. to thee i will give the keys , &c. xv. not long after gregory dies , and sabinian , who succeeded , living not full six months , boniface the third of that name takes the chair . he had very lately been apocrisiarius , or the pope's legate at constantinople , where he wanted not opportunities to insinuate himself into the favour of phocas , and the courtiers . and now he thought it a fit time to put in for what the popes notwithstanding all the pretences of self-denial , so much desir'd , the title of universal bishop , and the rather because cyriacus patriarch of constantinople , was at this time under disfavour at court. from the very first entrance upon the papacy he dealt * with phocas about this matter , and at length gain'd the point , though not without some considerable difficulty and opposition , aegre nec sine multa contentione , as my authors have it . at last out comes an edict from phocas , commanding , that the church of rome should be styl'd and esteem'd the head of all churches , and the pope universal bishop . a rare charter sure , not founded upon the canons of the church , but upon an imperial edict , and this edict too granted by the vilest and the worst of men. but so they had it , no matter how they came by it . and now that title that had so lately been new , vain , proud , foolish , prophane , wicked , hypocritical , presumptuous , perverse , blasphemous , devilish , and antichristian , became in a moment not only warrantable , but holy and laudable , being sanctified by the apostolic see. xvi . from henceforth the church of rome sate as queen , and govern'd in a manner without control . for the empire being broken in the west by the irruptions of the lombards into italy , and its power declining in the east by the successful invasions of the saracens , the emperours were but little at leasure to support and buoy up the honour of the constantinopolitan patriarchate . advantages which the popes knew well enough how to improve . and indeed every age made new additions to the height of the papal throne , and the pride of that church increasing proportionably to its power and grandeur , hector'd the world into submission to the see of rome , which as imperiously imposed its commands and principles upon other churches , as tyrants do laws upon conquer'd countries . witness ( for a concluding instance ) those extravagant canons * or articles , ( dictates he calls them ) which pope gregory the seventh publish'd about the year mlxxv. i know monsieur launoy ‖ has attempted to shew that these dictates concerning the prerogative of the see apostolic were not fram'd by gregory the seventh . whether his reasons be conclusive , i am not now at leasure to enquire . sure i am they are without any scruple own'd for his by baronius , and generally by all the writers of that church : and launoy himself is forc'd to grant , that several of them are agreeable enough to the humour , pretensions , and decrees of that pope . they run thus . 1. that the church of rome is founded by our lord alone . 2. that the bishop of rome only can be truly styl'd universal bishop . 3. that he alone has power to depose or reconcile bishops . 4. that his legate , though of an inferiour degree , is above all bishops in council , and may pronounce sentence of deposition against them . 5. that the pope may depose absent bishops . 6. that where any are excommunicated by him , we may not , among other things , so much as abide in the same house with them . 7. that he only may , according to the necessity of times , make new laws , constitute new churches , turn a canonry into an abby , and on the contrary divide a rich bishoprick , and unite such as are poor . 8. that it is lawful only for him to use the imperial ornaments . 9. that all princes shall kiss none but the pope's feet . 10. that his name alone shall be recited in churches . 11. that there is but one only name in the world [ that is , that of pope . ] 12. that it is in his power to depose emperours . 13. that in case of necessity he may translate bishops from one see to another . 14. that wheresoever he please , he may ordain a clerk to any church . 15. that whoever is ordain'd by him , may have the government of any other church , but may not bear arms , nor may receive a superiour degree from any bishop . 16. that no council ought to be call'd general without his command . 17. that no chapter nor book shall be accounted canonical without his authority . 18. that no man may reverse sentence past by him , and he only may reverse all others . 19. that he ought not to be judg'd by any . 20. that none presume to condemn any person that appeals to the apostolic see. 21. that the weightier causes of every church ought to be referr'd to that see. 22. that the church of rome never err'd , nor , as the scripture testifies , shall ever err . 23. that the bishop of rome , if canonically ordain'd , is by the merits of s. peter undoubtedly made holy , as s. ennodius bishop of pavia bears witness , favour'd herein by many of the holy fathers , as is contain'd in the decrees of the blessed pope symmachus . 24. that by his leave and command subjects may accuse [ their superiours . ] 25. that without any synod he may depose and reconcile bishops . 26. that no man shall be accounted catholic , that agrees not with the church of rome . 27. that it is in his power to absolve the subjects of unjust governours from their fealty and allegiance . these were maxims with a witness , deliver'd like a true dictator and head of the church . and it shew'd , the world was sunk into a prodigious degeneracy , when a man durst but so much as think of obtruding such principles upon the consciences of men , and imposing them upon the belief of mankind . the end . books printed for , and sold by richard chiswell . folio . speed's maps and geography of great britain and ireland , and of foreign parts . dr. cave's lives of the primitive fathers , in 2. vol. dr. cary's chronological account of ancient time. wanley's wonders of the little world , or hist . of man. sir tho. herbert`s travels into persia , &c. holyoak's large dictionary , latine and english . sir rich. baker's chronicle of england . wilson's compleat christian dictionary . b. wilkin's real character , or philosophical language . pharmacopoeia regalis collegii medicorum londinensis . judge jones's 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hook's new philosophical collections . dr. burnet's relation of the massacre of the protestants in france . dr. burnet's conversion and persecutions of eve cohan a jewess of quality lately baptized christian . dr. burnet's letter written upon discov . of the late popish plot. dr. burnet's impiety of popery being a second letter written on the same occasion . dr. burnet's sermon before the lord mayor upon the fast for the fire , 1680. dr. burnet's fast serm. before the house of com. dec. 22. 80. dr. burnet's sermon on the 30. of january 1681. dr. burnet's sermon at the election of the l. mayor . 1681. dr. burnet's sermon at the funeral of mr. houblon . 1682. dr. burnet's answer to the animadversions on his history of the rights of princes , 1682. dr. burnet's decree made at rome 1679. condemning some opinions of the jesuites and other casuists . published by dr. burnet , with a preface . dr. burnet's a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french 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antiquitate & dignitate . de ▪ physiognomia & de monstris . cum figuris & authoris notis illustratae , octavo . d. spenceri dissertationes de ratione rituum judaicorum , &c. fol. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31419-e270 epist . ad philadelph . p. 30. vid. ad trall . p. 16. notes for div a31419-e510 mat. xxiii . 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrysost . in loc . 1 pet. v. 3 , 5. life of s. greg. naz. sect. v. num. ix . notes for div a31419-e3100 joh. xx . 21. 1 pet. v. 1 , 2 , 3. 11 cor. xi . 5. gal. ii . 7. — 9. rev. xxi . 14. matth. xix . 28. matth xx . 25 , 26 , 27. * de rom. pontif. l. 2. c. 1. col. 5●9 . c. 12. col. 628. l. 4. c. 4. col. 803. * l. 2. c. 12. l. 4. c. 4. ubi supr . * barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 25. edit . graec. * firmil . ep. ad cypr. inter ep. cypr. p. 150. * epist . 74. ad pomp. per tot . p. 129. * epist . supr . cit . p. 143 , &c. * synod . carth. apud cypr. p. 282. * adv. haeres . l. 3. c. 3. p. 232. * epist . 162. col . 728. * euseb . h. eccl. l. 6. c. 14. p. 216. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 herod . hist . l. 1. in vit . commod . p. 32. tibi proficiscentium major facultas fuit : primò , quia in commune imperii caput undique gentium convenitur ; tum , quod clementissimum principem in hac parte degentem , varia omnium desideria vel necessitates sequuntur . symmach . l. 4. epist . xxviii . ( ad protad . ) vid. sis not lectii . * de fid . cathol . c. th. leg . 2. vid. soz. l. 7. c. 4. p. 708. * lib. 27. p. 1739. * hieron . ad pammach . adv . error . jo. hierosol . p. 165. * ap. euseb . h. e. l. 4. c. 23. p. 145. * epist . v. concil . tom. ii . col . 876. * innoc. epist . i. ibid. col . 1245. * epist . 10. ad gregor , p. 54. * ap. baron . ad an. 372. t. 4. p. 322. * prim. chr. part. 1. ch. 8. p. 227. edit . 1. vid. breerwoods quaer . 1. & berter . pithan . fere per tot . aliique . * can. 9. * cypr. epist . xxxiii . p. 47. xxxii . p. 46. * vid. cone . nic. can. iv . * cornel. epist . ad fab. antioch . ap . eus . l. 6. c. 43. p. 245. * epist . xxix . p. 41. * epist . xxx . p. 42. * epist . xlii. p. 56. * epist . lxvii . infin . * epist . lv. p. 78. * epist . xli. p. 55. * optat. l. 1. p. 27 , &c. & const . epist . ad melch. ap . euseb . l. 10. c. 5. p. 391. * vid. conc. tom. 1. col . 1428. * epist . cclxxxii . p. 802. vid. epiph. haeres . 68. p. 307. sozom . l. 1. c. 24. p. 438. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nist territorium est universitas agrorum intra fines cujusque civitatis : quod ab eo dictum quidam aiunt quod magistratus ejus loci intra eos fines terrendi , id est , submovendi jus habet . l. 239. § 7. de verb. signific . * geograph . l. 4 p. 186. vid. plin. l. 3. c. 4. p. 39. * lib. 17. p. 84. * vid. j. front. de colon . inter s●r . rei agr. à goes . edit . p. 141. frag . de term. ib. p. 148. * lib. 53. in vit . august . * sirmond . censur . p. 1. c. 2. p. 10. aleand . refut . conject . p. 1. c. 3. p. 25. * lib. 3. c. 5. p. 41. front. ib. p. 118. 123. & alibi . * ib. p. 127. ‖ ib. p. 144. * hyg . de limit . ib. p. 211. * appar . ad primat . pap . p. 273. can. ix . * de bell-jud . l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 854. * hist . l. 2. p. 359. * in can. ii. concil . c p. p. 88. * l. allat . de consens . eccles . orient . & occid . l. 1. c. 12. n. 4. p. 190. * alex. arist . in loc . * epit. can. sect. i. tit. i. in jur. gr. rom. p. 1. * epist . xlix . p. 63. * epist . ad solit . p. 644. * dionys . de script . orb. vers . 355. p. 8. * dion . orat. xxxii . ( ad alex . ) p. 362 * orat. in rom. p. 358. tom. 1. * alexand. ap . eustath . comment . in homer . i●iad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . stephan . in v. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * can. ix . * can. ii . * can. xxviii . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 8. edit . graec. vid. barlaam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 26. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 374. fac . 2. edit . graec. ‖ l. allat . ib. c. 2. n. 6 , 7 , &c. p. 12 , &c. morin . exercit . eccles . l. 1. exerc . 1. p. 9. * morin . ib. p. 8. 11. vide sis etiam hieron . aleand . de region . suburb . dissert . 11. c. 2. p. 90. * vit. i. morin . p. 5. 7. * melet. alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 14. * constantinopolitana ecclesia omnium aliarum est caput . lib. 1. cod. just . tit. 11. l. 24. * concil . ephes . can. viii . * can. xxxix * ap. theod. l. 1. c. 6. p. 31. a can. xix . b can. xii . c can. vi . d can. xii . e can. i. f can. xxv . g conc. chalced. act. xiii . col . 715. * can. ix . * de primat . c. 4. p. 57. * de concord . l. 6. c. 1. n. 9. p. 176. * epist . dionys . corinth . episc . ap . eus . l. 4. c. 23. p. 144. * euseb . h. eccl. l. 5. c. 23. p. 190 ▪ * de script . in bacchyl . c. 44. * a papp● edit . p. 7. * vid. epist . xlii. p. 56. xlv . p. 59. * loc. ●itat . * l. allat . ib. c. 8. n. 1. p. 158. filesac . de s. episc . auctor . c. 9. §. 3. p. 225. * bellarm. de r. pont. l. 2. c. 18. col . 659 aleand . de reg . suburb . part. ii. c. 4. p. 142. sirmond . censur . p. ii. c. 5. p. 76. * ap. theod. l. 2. c. 16. p. 94. * ib. 16 n. 2. col . 240. a ap. vlp. de offic praef . urb . l. 1. ff . §. 4. lib. 1. tit. 12. & collat . ll. mosac . tit. 14. de plag . b form. lib. 5. p. 207 c l. 3. c. th. lib. 9. tit. 30. l. 3. lib. 11. tit. 3. l. 9. tit. 16. ib. d l. 9. c. th. lib. 11. tit. 1. l. 12. tit. 16. ib. l. 12. tit. 28. e l. 13. c. th. lib. 9. tit. 1. f vlp. ubi supr . §. 13. g l. 4. c. th. lib. 14. tit. 10. h l. 1 c. th. lib. 14. tit. 6. * epist . ad amic . p. 4. euchar. p. 1. c. 1. p. 7. p. 11. c. 1. p. 249. * euchar. ib. p. 11. & not . salm. in vit . probi . * conjectur . de region . suburb . c. 5. p. 27. 30 , 31. & com . ad c. th. lib. 14. tit. 6. l. 1. * epist . cit . p. 23 , 24. eucharist . 1. c. 5. p. 170. 186 , &c. * io lechasser . observat . de eccles . suburb . p. 4 , 5. * censur . conject . l. 1. c. 4. p. 23. advent . p. 1. c. 3. p. 31. * refut conject . p. 1 c. 3. p. 26. * lib. 11. c. th. tit. 16. l. 9. p. 120. * censur . ubi supr . c. 6. p. 38. vid. advent . ib. p. 36. * aleand . ubi supr . c. 2. p. 23. * vid. zosim . hist . l. 2. p. 688. * exercit. eccles . l. 1. c. 30. p. 243. * cens . c. 1. p. 9. adv. c. 1. p. 7. * cens . p. 12. propemp . l. 1. c. 7. p. 87. * lib. 9. tit. 1. l. 13. * conc. chalc can . 17. * conc. c. p. in trull . c. 38. * l. 62. c. th ▪ lib. 16. tit. 5. * prosp . de promiss . div . p. iii. prom . 38. p. 60. * herodian . hist . l. 2. p. 97. * ext. ap . baron . ad ann. 371. vid. item rescr . ad maxim . v. v. ibid. * h. eccl. l. 1. c. 6. * distinct . xv . c. 3. sancta romana . p. m. 34. * adv. hincm . laud. cap. 21. p. 100. * vid. conc. nic. ii. act. 1 con. t. vii . col. 80. 85. vid. cyril . epist . ad pp . afric . conc. t. 2. col . 1143. * censur . p. ii . c. 4. p. 68. * de eccl. occid . & or. consens . l. 1. c. 12. s. 4. p. 191. * h. e. l. 7. c. 30. p. 282. * ap. athan. apol. ii. p. 588. vid. ad solitar . p. 640. * ap. ath. ib. p. 643. * ap. theod. h. eccl. l. 2. c. 15. p. 91. * sac. hist . l. 2. p. 169. * pithan . p. 1. c. 3. p. 26. * ext. conc. t. 1. col . 1429. * de primat . c. vlt. p. 390. * vid. cod. can. eccl. afric . can. 53. 56. 71. 93. 98. 99. 117. 118. 119 123. & in collat . carthag . passim . * epist . lxxxvii . c. 2. p. 158. * a d. bevereg . inter annot. ad can. xxxvi . conc. vi. in trull . p. 135. * exerc. eccl. l. 1. exercit . xxx . p. 250. * — adoratum populo caput , & crep●t ingens sejamis : deinde ex facie toto or be secunda , &c. juvenal . satyr . x. vers . 62. orbe &c. ] quia praefectus vrbi fuit venerabilis , secundus à caesare tiberio . vet. scholiast . ibid. — erubuit tanto spoliare ministro imperium fortuna tuum : stat proxima cervix ponderis immensi — p. stat. sylv. l. 1. c. 4. vers . 5. de rub. gallico . p. v. vid. gothofred . conjectur . dissert . i. c. 1. ii. c. 5. & j. dartis . de reg. suburb . part. i. c. 16. p. 147. a l 3. c. lib. 1. tit. 28. symmach . l. 10. epist . 36. p. 503. b id. ib. epist . 30. p 459. c ap. eus . de vis. c. l. 3. c. 7. p. 487. can. 28. * a. marcell . hist . l 15. p. m. 1454. * l. 7. c. xi . p. 347. * concil . c. p. can. 11. * l. 5. c. 8. p. 275. * life of greg. nazianz . sect. v. num. 8. * epist . xviii . non longe abinit ▪ * lib. 16. c. th. tit. 2 l. 23. * distinct . xcix . p. 302. * haeres . 30. p. 60. * dial. 1. tom. iv . p. 22. a seder olam , r. abraham , r. dav. ganz . in zemach , david . benjamin in itin . &c. b epiph. haeres . xxx . ubi supra . cyril . catech. xii . p. 261. hieron . comm. in esa . c. 3. p. 18. & alibi . chrysost . adv . jud. l. 4. p. 448. & de hisce intelligendus est locus in epistola hadriani ap . vopisc . in saturnino p. 960. c lib. 16. tit. viii . de judaeis . l. 1. 2. 8. 11. 13 , 14 , 15. 17. 22. 29. d vid. c. th. ubi supr . l. 29. & theod. loc . supr . citat . * can. ix . & xvii . * con. sard. can. vi . * conc. chal. act. ii . col . 338. tom. 4. * ib. act. iii. col . 395. * ext. ibid. col . 57. * hieron . epist . ad marcellam . p. 28 t. 2. habent primos de pepusa phrygiae patriarchas . secundos , quos , &c. * vid. apollon . ap . euseb . l. 5. c. 18. p. 184. &c. 16. p. 180. * can. xxxv . * ca. 116. fol. 76. ubi vid. comment . panciroll . * gel. cyz . h. conc. nic. l. 2. c. 32. p. 268. * conc. chalc. act. i. p. 100 t. iv . * ap. l. allat . de cons . eccl. or. & occid . l. 1. c. 9. n. 2. p. 167. a chap. 2. num. 7. * vid. alexand . epist . encycl . ap . socr. l. 1. c. 6. p. 11. * apol. ii. p. 611. vid. p. 560. * ap. theod. l. 5. c. 9. p. 211. * not. imp. orient . c. 104 fol. 71. * act. vii . col . 787. &c. tom. iii. * vbi supr . p. 147. * hier. ad pammach . tom. 2. p. 178 * ap. l. allat . l. 1. c. 9. n. 1. col . 165. * ap. guil. tyr. l. 23 mirae . notit . episc . &c. * de aedific . justin . lib. 4 c. 9. p. 87. vid. chron. alex. ad an. const . xxv . p. 666. a chrysost . homil. iv . de verb. esai . t. 2. p. 865. b orat. xxvii . p. 472. * can. iii. * c. th. lib. 16. tit. 1. l. 3. * conc. chalc. act. 1. col . 116. * act. xi . col . 669. * morin . l. 1. exercit. xiv . p. 102. impp. theodosius & honorius aa . philippo pf . p. illyrici . omni innovatione c●ssante , vetustatem & canones . pristinos ecclesiasticos , qui nunc usque tenuerunt , per omnes illyrici provincias , servari praecipimus : tum , si quid dubietatis emerserit , id oporteat , non absque scientia viri reverendissimi sacrosanctae legis antistitis vrbis constantinopolitanae ( quae romae veteris praerogativa laetatur ) conventui sacerdotali sanctoque judicio reservari . dat. prid. jul. eustathio & agricola coss. [ 421 ] * vid. notit ; imp. c. 122. fol. 78. * ib. c. 126. fol. 79. * ib. c. 132. fol. 82. * act. xvi . col . 798 , &c. tit. iv . * lib. 6. indict . xv . epist . 31. col . 614. * ext. ib. col . 833. vid. ib. col . 838. a. * can. xxxvi ▪ * inter annot . d. bevereg . ubi supr . * jur. gr. rom. l. 2. p. 88. * ext. ap . l. allat . loc . cit . c. 24. col . 411 , &c. * ext. ad calc . codin . cle offic . cp . p. 117. * ib. l. 3. p. 244. * ad colc . lib. 23. histor . suae p. 1015. * can. vii . * act. vii . col . 614. &c. * guilielm . tyr. loc . citat . * nil . doxopatr . ap . l. allat . ubi supr . c. 9. n. 5. col . 196. * ext. conc . t. v. col . 188. * ext. ibid. col . 276. &c. * ap. guil. tyr. ibid & miraeum notit . episc . p. 48. * vbi supra . * sirmond . censur . de eccl. suburb . c. 4. p. 69. advent . p. ii c. 1. p. 63. * ph. berter . pithan . diatrib . ii. c. 3. p. 170. 171. * goth. lib. 2. c. 7. p. 406. * deconcord . l. 6. c. 4. n. 7. 8 p. 188. vid. n. 6. * ext. conc. t. v. col . 805. * epist . v. ib. col . 794. * plat. in vit . steph. ix . p. 172. * p. dam. act. mediol . à seipso conscript . ext . ap . baron . t. xi . p. 265. & jo. monach. de vlt. p. dam. c. 16. * epist . supr . laud col . 815. * loc. supra citat . * ext. ap . baror . an. 590. n. xxxviii . tom. 8. * ext. ib. n. xliii . * tom. 7. p. 568. * hieron . rub. hist . ravennat . l. 4. ad ann. dcxlix . p. 203. 205. 206. vid. bar. ad ann. 669. n. ii . iii. t. 8. * baron . cod . an n. ii . iii. iv . rub. ibid. p. 213. 214. * can. v. conc. t. 4. col . 1012. * can. vii . ib. col . 1781. * de concord . l. 6. c. 3. per tot . c. 4. n. 3. 4. * ext. ap . bar. ad ann. 865. t. 10. n. xxxv . &c. * annal. incert . auct . ad ann. 863. inter script . coetan . a pith. edit . p. 62. * ext. loc . cit . * epist syv. afric . ad bonifac. concil . t. ii . col . 1670. item ad coelest . ib. col . 1674. concil . carth . vi . col . 1589. cod. can. eccles . afric . in init . * ext. ubi supr . col . 1143. * conc. mil. ii . can. xxii . t. 2. col . 1542. * m. a. capell . de apellat . eccl. afric . c. 4. p. 118. * gild. de excid . brit. non longe ab init . * antiq. apost . life of s. paul. §. x. n. 7. introd . to the apostolici . n. 8. 9. * bed. l. 2. c. 2. p. 111. vid. galfr. monomuth . l. 11. c. 12. girald . cambr. itin . cambr. l. 2. c. 1. p. 856. & not . d. powell . ibid. * de script . cent. i. n. 70. p. 64. * annal. par. post . sub joann . r. fol. 454. * de primord . eccl. brit. c. 5. p. 91. * bed. ubi supr . p. 110. * spelm. conc. brit. an. 601. t. 1. p. 108. * notit . imper . c. 48. fol. 149. * vid zosim . hist . l. 2. p. 688. * epist ad afric . in init . * ep. ad orient . ap . athan . apol. ii . p. 580. * ad. ann. 1057. tom. xi . p. 243. a concil . t. iv . col . 1260. b ibid. col . 1312. c ep. iv . c. 7. p. 101. * ext. ep. ap . hilar. in fragm . col . 407. * conc. t. 4. col . 53. * de concord l. 1. c. 7. §. 6. p. 26. * ap. sozom. l. 3. c. 8. p. 508. ap . alban . apol. ii. p. 579. * theod. h. e l. 5. c. 10. p. 212. * dam. epist . v. conc. t. 2. col . 876. * epist . 1. c. 15. ib. col . 1022. * vid. innoc. epist . 21. 24. 25. conc. t. 2. * ad an. 418. tom. 5. * epist . 87. c. 1. p. 157. * epost . 84. c. 11. p. 155. * serm. 1. in natal . app. c. 1. p. 79. * conc. chalc. act. i. conc. t. 4. col 93. * act. v. col . 555. &c. * ibid. act. xvi . col . 810. * epist . 53. c. 2. p. 130. * epist . 54. 55. 61. 62. 105. * evagr. h. e. l. 3. c. 11. 12. &c. p. 343 & seq . vid. gest . de nom . acacii . conc. t. 4. col . 1081 gelas. epist . 13. ad epp. dard. ib. 1199. & tom. de anath . vincul . ib. col . 1227. * evagr. ib. c. 16. p. 347. * ext. epist . ib. c. 17. * basil . cil. h. eccl. ap . niceph. l. 16. c. 17. p. 683. * ext. in calc . gest . de nom . acac. ubi supr . col . 1083. faelic . epist . vi . ib. col . 1073. * tom. de anath . ubi supr . * ad epp. dard. ib. col . 1207. * epist . viii . ib. col . 1182. * inter epist . hormisd . conc. t. 4. col . 1469. * chron. indict . 3. philox . & prob. coss . p. 61. * niceph. h. e. l. 17. c. 9. p. 746. * in vit . joan . 1 ▪ conc. t. 4. col . 1601. * epist . 2. ibid. col . 1745. * h. eccl. l. 6. c. 7. p. 450. * haeret. fab . l. 4. c. 12. t. 4. p. 245. * pelag. epist . viii . conc. t. 5. col . 949. * lib. 4. indict . 13. epist . 36. col . 549. vid. etiam epist . 38. ibid. * lib. ● ▪ pist . 39 ▪ 555. * ib. epist . 32. * epist . 33. * epist . 39. * lib 6. ind. 15. epist . 37. * lib. 4. epist . 36. * epist . 38. * epist . 32 , 36 , 38. lib. 7. epist . 30. * conc. chalc. act. iii. col . 419. conc. t. 4. * ib. act. vi . col . 579. * act. xvi . col . 818. * act. iv . col . 472. &c. * ext. ib. col . 834. * not. in loc . col . 997. * ad an. 518. t. 7. p. 5. ‖ not. in conc. sub menna . conc. t. v. col . 274. * de consens . eccl. or. & occ. l. 1. c. 19. n. 7. col . 289. * lib. 6. epist . 4. ( vid. l. xi . epist . 47. al. 45. * ib. ep. 24. * epist . 28. * ib. ep. 30. * lib. 7. epist . 70. * lib. 7. epist . 64. * de rep. eccl. l. 4. c. 4 , n. 28. p. 582. * cedren ▪ compend . hist . p. 404. * cedren . ib. p. 407. vid. anastas . sinait . quaest . xvi . p. 182. * vid. niceph . l. 18. c. 41 , 55. * l. xi . epist . xxxvi . indict . vi . col . 793. * ib. ep. xliii . col . 796. * ib. ep. xliv . * sabell . ennead . viii . l. 6. col . 528. plat. in vit . bonif. iii. p. 85. naucher . vol. ii . gener. xxi . p. 754. adon . martyrol . prid . id. novembr . * ext. inter epist . greg. vii . ad calc . ep. lv . conc. t. 10. col . 110. & ap . baron . ad ann . 1076. p. 479. ‖ epist . part. vi . epist . 13. ( ad ant. faur . ) the cyprianick-bishop examined, and found not to be a diocesan, nor to have superior power to a parish minister, or presbyterian moderator being an answer to j.s. his principles of the cyprianick-age, with regard to episcopal power & jurisdiction : together with an appendix, in answer to a railing preface to a book, entituled, the fundamental charter of presbytery / by gilbert rule ... rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. 1696 approx. 299 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92075 wing r2218 estc r42297 36272713 ocm 36272713 150243 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92075) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 150243) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2237:16) the cyprianick-bishop examined, and found not to be a diocesan, nor to have superior power to a parish minister, or presbyterian moderator being an answer to j.s. his principles of the cyprianick-age, with regard to episcopal power & jurisdiction : together with an appendix, in answer to a railing preface to a book, entituled, the fundamental charter of presbytery / by gilbert rule ... rule, gilbert, 1629?-1701. [6], 120 p. printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh, anno dom. 1696. reproduction of original in the william andrews clark memorial library, university of california, los angeles. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sage, john, 1652-1711. -principles of the cyprianic age. sage, john, 1652-1711. -fundamental charter of presbytery. cyprian, -saint, bishop of carthage. episcopacy. scotland -church history -17th century. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the cyprianick-bishop examined , and found not to be a diocesan , nor to have superior power to a parish minister , or presbyterian moderator : being an answer to j. s. his principles of the cyprianick-age , with regard to episcopal power & jurisdiction . together with an appendix , in answer to a railing preface to a book , entituled , the fundamental charter of presbytery . by gilbert rvle , one of the ministers of the city , and principal of the colledge , of edinburgh . edinbvrgh , printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson , printer to his most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1696. the preface . of this controversie about episcopacy , the learned vitringa , de synagog . vet . lib. 2. c. 2. p. 474. hath this observation ; à quo tempore ecclesia reformati nominis , secessionem fecit à pontificia romana , & diversam recepit regiminis formam , tantopere praeferbuit litibus , de vero typo regiminis ecclesiae , ut nulla controversia fere eruditorum calamos tam diu , tam seriò , & pertinaciter , & tanto utrinque studio & contentione , & vincendi tam spe , quam desiderio , exercuerit , atque haec ipsa . it also hath long divided the church in these nations , and seemeth , in our days , to be further from accommodation , than ever : presbyterians , on the one hand , growing daily more and more clear , and confident , that parity is of divine institution , and cannot lawfully be changed , tho' mean while , they have charity to good men who are otherwise minded : and some of our episcopal brethren , on the other side , beginning to talk higher for a jus divinum to be for prelacy , than their predecessors did : and counting all the societies of christians which are without bishops , to be no churches of christ , but a company of damnable schismaticks ; among whom there can be no salvation : if these men be for peace , let any judge . but it is unaccountable , that in a matter that salvation does so much depend upon , in their opinion , they should lay so much stress ( as they commonly do ) on the opinions of men , and the testimonies of the antient church : seing , 1. all , except papi●●s , agree , that matters of faith , and which salvation dependeth on , must be determined only by scripture : and that god speaking in his word , is the only judge in such controversies . secondly , the fathers themselves plead for this , and disown both each himself , and one another as either judge , or sufficient witness in such debates : optat. milevit . contra parmen . lib. 5. de coelo quaerendus est judex , sed ut quid pulsamus ad coelum cum habeamus hic in evangelio testamentum . jerom in a debate with august . had cited seven fathers for his opinion , and craved leave to err , ( if he did err ) with so many learned doctors , to whom augustine replyed , ipse mihi pro his omnibus , imò supra hos omnes , apostolus paulus occurit , ad ipsum confugio , ad ipsum omnes qui aliud sentiunt provoco , &c. augustin . hieron . ep. 19. the same august . ep. 3. fortunatiano . neque enim ( saith he ) quorumlibet disputationes quamvis catholicorum , & laudatorum hominum velut scripturas canonicas habere debemus , ut nobis non liceat salva honorificentia , quae illis debetur , aliquid contra &c. and tom. 2. ep. 112. paulinae : nunquid ullo modo evangelio nos comparabis , aut scripta nostra ( he speaketh of himself and ambrose ) scripturis canonicis coaequabis ? profecto si recte in judicando sapis , longe nos infra vides ab illa authoritate distare . yea , in particular , this mark of insufficiency to prove a divine truth , is set on cyprian ' s authority , by augustine , l. 2. contra crescon . cap. 32. hujus epistolae authoritate ego non teneor ; quia literas cypriani non ut canonicas habeo . et ibid. c. 31. nos nullam cypriano facimus injuriam , cum ejus quaslibet literas à canononica divinarum literarum authoritate distinguimus . thirdly , it is observable , that even the affrican fathers , after cyprian , do not speak so high of episcopal praelation , as cyprian doth ; as augustine , cited in the book it self , his secundum honorum vocabula , and usus obtinuit ; are two considerable diminutives , and derogate the one from the degree of episcopal authority , the other from the perpetuity and divine right of it . and primasius uticensis calleth the presbyterate , secundus , & penè unus gradus cum episcopatu ; sicut multis scripturarum testimoniis comprobatur . in tim. 1. c. 3. now these two affrican bishops could not but know cyprian ' s mind , and therefore they either differed from him in this matter , or ( which i rather think ) cyprian used higher , and more keen expressions , for the same things , and that out of a peculiar zeal , that he had for the dignity of the church ; and to magnifie his office. fourthly , it is evident that the antient bishops , and other divines , when they gave marks of the true church , brought them always from the scripture , not from humane testimony . august . ep. 50. bonifacio comiti : in sanctis libris ubi manifestatur dominus christus , ibi & ejus ecclesia declaratur : where also he chargeth them with wonderful blindness , who seek christ in the scripture , and the church in humane writings . also cyprian . ep. coecilio ; and in that to pompeius , proveth that we must follow christ and his written word only , as our rule , and not old customs and practices . the same thing gerson proveth , in a sermon before the pope , and asserteth that the scripture is sufficient for the government of the church : and calleth it blasphemy to say , that it can be better done by mens inventions . fifthly , the antient bishops ( even such of them as were holy and humble , ) might have too high thoughts of their own praelation , and too much inclination to greaten it . that temper appeared among the apostles , while christ was with them . great corruptions in the church have insensibly had their beginning from good and zealous men. sixthly , many famous and learned bishops , much later than these called fathers , and yet before the reformation from popery , held that bishops and presbyters were by divine institution every way one , so anselm arch-bishop of canterbury on philip. 1. and tit. 1. rich. armachan . in quaest . armenorum : aeneas sylvius , ( afterward pope pius secundus ) ep. 130 ; which is concerning his conference with the ministers of the taborites . also in the time of the reformation , the english bishops and clergy , who still were popish , in the book called the institution of a christian man ; chap. of the sacrament of orders . cassander in his consultation art. 14. saith , non convenit inter theologos , & canonistas , an episcopatus ponendus inter ordines ecclesiasticos : convenit autem inter omnes , apostolorum aetate inter episcopos & presbyteros nullum discrimen , &c seventhly , even mr. dodwell ( as high as he is for episcopal authority , ) saith , that the first bishops were made by presbyters : and that it behoved to be so , otherwise the succession could not be secured in the first times of persecution . how this consisteth either with our author's book or with his own , against separation from the episcopal chairs , let the reader judge . it 's true , mr. dodwell ( it is 521 , 522. ) pretendeth not to be afraid of the consequence of this assertion , with respect to the bishop's absolute power , because kings also are invested by their subjects , ( this paralell i might , but shall not debate with him , ) but how can he , on this supposition , defend their sole power of ordination to be of divine right ; i cannot see , but shall be glad to be instructed . i insist not on the suspicion , that cyprian ' s epistles are corrupted ; tho' augustine ep. 48. vincentio ; hath these words , neque enim potuit integritas atque notitia literarum unius quantumlibet illustris episcopi , ( cyprian scil . ) custodiri quemadmodum scriptura canonica , &c. what is said , may derogate much from the testimonies that my antagonist bringeth , and warrant our putting a sense on them , different from the sound they have in the ears of this author , and some others of his perswasion . the reader may know , that our debate is not about the jus , but factum ; not how the church should be governed , but how it was done in the age mentioned . in which , i affirm that tho' it is manifest , that the bishop was above the presbyter in dignity and order , yet he did not rule the church by himself , but the presbyters had equal power with him in managing church-government . the cyprianick-bishop examined , &c. some of the episcopal clergy of scotland , who have lost their places , wherein they sat silent , without troubling the presbyterians with their controversal writings ( for they then dealt with them by other weapons ) are now at leasure to maintain the stickle that way : and some are so irritated by their losses , that much more of their passionat resentment , and personal reflections against such as never did them wrong , appeareth in their books , than strength of arguments for what they hold in our present debates ; i have with much weariness and reluctancy considered some of these pieces : and hoped our debates had been at an end , after their silence for some time , and that we should no more be that way diverted from our more necessary work : till i lately met with a treatise called the principles of the cyprianick age , &c. which i find to be written in a more schollar like and less unchristian strain , than what i have hitherto seen from these men . he dealeth fairly by arguments , tho i am not terrified nor convinced by the strength of them , and i am resolved to treat him with the same civility , and for the weight of my reasonings , let the reader judge . it is not victory , but the clearing and maintaining of truth , that i design ; and shall not be ashamed to become his proselyte , if what i hold be found to be an error . § . 2. before i consider his book in the particular contents of it , i shall make a few general remarks about it . 1. then , if we should grant all that he pleadeth for , it would not ruine the cause of presbyterians , nor establish prelacy : it would amount to no more but this , that one presbyterian , and he among the meanest of them , did mistake in matter of fact , as it is related in the antient history . he might know , that neither the presbyterians generally , nor that author in particular , did ever lay the stress of their cause on the practice or principles of the church , after the apostolick age : tho' we will not yield the suffrage of later antiquity to be for our adversaries : yet that is the antiquity that we build upon ; for it is divine , not humane authority that we take for the rule of our belief and practice , in the matter of church-government , and managing the affairs of the house of god. timothy was to be guided by it , 1 tim. 3 14 , 15. and so will we . and even the defender of the vindication against the apologist , or his friend , ( as our author calleth him , p. 4. ) hath fully declared his opinion to this purpose ; rational defence of non-conformity , p. 158. which book our author seemeth to be no stranger to ; for he is ( p. 69 ) at pains to cite and try his critical skill upon a passage in it . he could not then , think to silence presbyterians by this his attempt : we have other grounds , if we were beaten from this , as i hope we shall not . if his book was written only to convince the world , that he who wrote the defence of the vindication against the apologist , is not infallible in all that he asserteth ; he might have spared his pains : that should easily have been yielded to him . to write a book of twelve sheets on such a subject , is such work as we have no time for . egregiam verô laudem , & spolia ampla — he had read cyprian's epistles ( which are not very voluminous ) and had made a collection of citations ; and thus they must have a vent . § . 3. the passage that he buildeth his whole fabrick upon , was by the defender ( which is my second remark ) set down with that brevity that was sutable to the purpose in hand ; tho' may be not sufficient to preclude all the critical notes that a man of this author's skill and learning could make , when he is so disposed to do ▪ the apologist had , in a rambling and incoherent way , started a number of debates that are between us and the prelatists , insisting on none of them : and the defender thought not fit to make a large treatise on each of these heads , but answered what he proposed , with a sutable succinctness ; if he had then thought it convenient , or had imagined that so large a book as our author 's , would have been built on this passage , he would have made the foundation broader , tho' not more commodious for what this author buildeth on it : he could have told him , that tho' he might be bold to venture his credit on the cyprianick age , being more on our side than on that of our adversaries ; and tho' our cause , duely and distinctly stated , should suffer no loss by being tryed at that barr , yet neither did he venture any bodies reputation but his own , nor will he quit the more divine letters patents that we have for presbytrey , to rest in this , either as our only ▪ or our chief strength . notwithstanding of what i have now remarked concerning this author snatching at a fancied advantage against us , i hope to make it evidently appear that he hath wholly missed his aim , and that these two or three lines of my book will stand against the shock of his long treatise . § . 4. i thirdly observe that this author , who is so profuse in his refutation of a few lines in my book , hath , in his own , given occasion ▪ to any one who were of as scripturient a disposition as himself ) for vast volums : as in his sarcastick denyal of ruling elders , p. 8. that presbyters , in the cyprianick age , were seldom called pastors . p. 9. that there can be no church without a bishop . p. 19. that the bishops power is monarchical . p. 22. that the bishops deed is the churches act. p. 24. that episcopacy is of divine institution . p. 26. that he is subordinate to none . p. 27 , 28 , 35. that the bishop is a supream ecclesiastical magistrat . p. 43. and majesty is ascribed to him , ibid. he is called a soveraign and peerless governour . p. 65. supream and unaccountable power is ascribed to him . p. 67. these , and many more such assertions , are the stars by which his treatises is bespangled : and each of them might afford matter for a long discourse , to one who hath nothing else to do . a fourth remark is , that through the whole course of his argumentations he useth such confidence , and these pretences to conclusive and irrefragable evidence , as may fright an unintelligent or unwarrie reader ; while the strength of his ratiocinations is no way proportionable , but apparent to be built on words rather than matter . every one knoweth that the signification of several words used about ecclesiastical things in cyprian's time , was far different from what is our modern dialect . the truth of this will , i hope , be more fully manifest in our considering his particular arguments . § . 5. my assertion against which his book is levelled , he seemeth to wonder at , as strangely rash , and a putting our being , or not being . schismaticks , on a desperate issue . the assertion is , a bishop in cyprian's time was not a diocesan , with sole power of jurisdiction and ordination : if he prove that , we shall give cyprian , and him , leave to call us schismaticks . a bishop , then , was the pastour of a flock , or the moderator of a presbyterie : if he can prove that we separate from our pastours , or from the presbytery , with their moderator , under whose inspection we ought to be , let him call us what he will : but we disown the bishops in scotland from being our bishops ; we can neither own their episcopal authority , nor any pastoral relation they have to us . he seemeth p. 1. to divide his book into two parts : first , to take to task what i had said ; to wit , the words above set down . 2. to add , perchance , something concerning our main argument . the first part he hath largely insisted on : with what strength or success , i am now to examine . of the 2 , i find nothing , but that , p. 94. he hath fairly waved it ; but with confidence that he could accomplish it : and leaving to the person to whom he directeth this long letter , to command him to prosecute what is left undone . the import of which is , that it is much more his inclination to write ad hominem , against a particular person ; than ad rem , for that which he taketh to be the truth of god. § . 6. his first work is to expose the above-mentioned passage in my book , as yielding a large field , if one had a mind to catch at words , and that it were easie to insist on such escapes , if one had a mind for it . his first remark is , suppose the word diocess was not in use in st. cyprian's time , as applyed to a bishops district , doth it follow that the thing now signified by it was not then in use . answ . pray sir , who made that consequence : the words cited ( catch at them as much as you will ) import no such consequence , and design no more but that which we call now a diocesan bishop , with sole power of jurisdiction and ordination , was not in that age. his next remark is in this question , what could move him ( the author of the passage now under debate ) to insinuate that we assign the sole power of jurisdiction and ordination to our diocesan bishop . answ . it is a greater wonder , what should move this author to except against our thinking that they assign such power to their bishop , seing himself ascribeth all that power to the cyprianick-bishop , and affirmeth him to be of divine institution ; as hath been already observed : hath he not said , that the bishops power is monarchial , pag. 23 , 32. and expresly , pag. 38. near the end he saith , the bishop had the sole power of ordination : and saith , it hath been frequently and fully proved by learned men , that he need not insist on it : and pag. 39. telleth us of cyprian's ordaining without asking the consent of the clergy or people : and pleading for this as the right of all bishops . if he do not ascribe this sole power to his scots-bishops , then ( ex tuo ore ) they are not the bishops that christ instituted : nor these of the cyprianick-age ; nor these for whom the learned men that he speaketh of , hath pleaded : neither can i guess what kind of animals he will make them : they must be a species of bishops that never man pleaded for but himself . i suppose his lords the bishops will give him small thanks thus for pleading their cause . what i have now observed , sheweth his questions to be impertinent , viz. when did our bishops claim that power , and when was it ascribed to them by this constitution ? when did they exercise it ? when was it thought necessary for raising a bishop to all the due elevations of the episcopal authority ? i give this general answer to all these questions : our scots bishops look on themselves , and are lookt on by their underlings , and by this author , as scripture-bishops ; or at least , as primitive-bishops , and the bishops that the learned men of this , and the preceeding ages have pleaded for : but our author saith these had the power we now speak of : and therefore he must say , that that power was given them by the institution ; that they do claim it , and ought to claim it , that it is necessary for their due elevation . if they shun to exercise it , at least openly , by not laying on of hands without presbyters ; it is because they know that practice cannot take , nor be born with in a nation where parity hath been so much known , and generally liked : i always understood that the main thing debated between us and the prelatists , was about the sole power of jurisdiction and ordination : and i am not alone in this ; the synod of london , vindication of presbyterial government ; pag. 24. proposeth the controversie in the same words . so doth also smectymnus , § . 8 , 9. and i think he will not find many ( if any one ) of either side , who handleth this controversie without respect to this power . to his question , when was it ascribed to them by the constitution : i answer , it was done , with respect ●o ordination , anno 1635 , in the canons and constitutions ecclesiastical , chap. 2. § . 3. where the examination of the candidate ( and consequently the power of determining who shal be ordained ) is laid on the bishop : and he is allowed to perform this examination by himself , or his chaplain . and for jurisdiction , a person ordained to a charge may not preach , unless he be also licensed by the bishop , ibid. chap. 7. § . 5 nor may he refute error preached by another , unless he first ask and obtain leave of the bishop , ibid. § . 7. yea , a presbyter may not go a journey for some time , without the bishops leave : nor stay unduly at edinburgh , but he must be censured by the bishop ; chap. 4. § . 3 , 5. and in general , in all these canons , all church-discipline is laid on the ordinary ; that is the bishop : not a word of censure inflicted by the presbyters . without the bishop no minister may appoint a fast ; not in his own congregation , chap. 14. and chap. 18. § . 10. the sentence of deprivation of a presbyter is pronounced only by the bishop : no consent of presbyters is sought ; only the presence of three or four , whom the bishop calleth , is required . § . 7. the import of the distinctions he useth for illustrating this matter must be , that our scots-bishops have in jurisdiction and ordination , a chief power , tho' not a sole power : a power superior to , but not exclusive of other powers : a power without , and against which no power can act ; but not a power destroying and disabling all other powers . we should better have understood him if he had opened the terms of these distinctions : i confess , qui bene distinguit bene docet , but not qui obscurè distinguit . i observe none of these distinctions clear to us , whether he thinketh our bishops can ordain , depose , &c. without the concurrence of presbyters , acting authoritatively with them : as he alledgeth the cyprianick-bishops might do : and seing he doth not determine this , i know not what his distinctions serve for , but to make a noise with words . his first distinction between chief and sole power , if easily made ( as he saith ) is not so easily applyed to the case in hand : for our question is about sole power , and if he deny that to them , whatever other power he give them , he maketh them no such bishops as he after pleadeth for . beside , the word chief is ambiguous ; it may be taken either for dignity , that the bishop's power tho' the same with the presbyters , yet is more conspicuous because of the dignity of the bishops person or office : or that the bishop can do some acts of power which the presbyter cannot do : or that the presbyter's power is derived from the bishop , or that he cannot exercise it unless the bishop pleaseth : the first sense , i suppose will not please our bishops , for it importeth no imparity of power . in all the other senses , the bishop's power is sole ; at least as to these things about which he hath that power . his second distinction is the same , in different words : the third differeth little ; for if presbyters cannot act except the bishop please , and if they must follow his light , whatever be their own , i see not what power they have . what power is given to our bishops by their constitution , i shall not farther determine ; but it may be made appear , that they have exercised , and consequently claimed a power over whole presbyteries , which maketh void all their power , while they have commanded them to desist from proceeding to censure scandalous offenders ; of which i can give instances . his third and last remark is , that that part of my definition of a bishop is loose and ambiguous , wherein i call him the pastour of a flock : for saith he , may not a bishop and his diocess be called a pastour and his flock , as well as a presbyterian minister and his parish ? answ . he might easily have understood my words in our ordinary dialect , now in use ; and then all ambiguity had evanished : but i cannot make him understand my words unless he will : we use not to call a bishops diocess the flock , nor him the pastour : nor did scripture so use these terms ; seing the pastour is to feed the flock , act. 20. 28. which he must do , not only by ruling , but also by teaching ; which i am sure a bishop cannot to his diocess . that a bishop in our modern sense , was called the pastour , and such a diocess as ours , his flock , in cyprian's time , we deny : and shall consider his proofs of this , when he shall propose them . i have run over his large field , and find not what fruit he hath reaped from it : nor the escapes that he thinketh it so easy to insist on , p. 2. at the end . § . 8. in the sense he giveth of what i had asserted , which he enlargeth upon , p. 3. i have little to observe : for i am ready to maintain all that he there maketh to be my opinion ; except , ●hat he saith , that in the presbyterian sense , a moderator , as such , is no church-governour ; which i cannot agree to : but because he hath this over again , and improves against us that notion , ( which is his own , none of ours , ) p. 35 , 36. i shall there consider it , viz. § . 20. it is true , the vindication of ch. of s. in answer to the the ten questions , q. 1. § . 5. saith , that a moderator as such , is no church-governour ; but it is evident to any who impartially considereth what is there said , that no more is meant , but that he is not a church-governour of another species from the rest , or who hath another sort of authority than they , or a superior power to them : not , as our author would improve it , that it is not needful that he hath the same church power with the rest ; but may be a heathen , as he affirmeth , p. 35 , 36. also because he inferreth from what i had said , that my opinion is , that in cyprian's time , the church was governed by presbyters acting in parity , after the presbyterian model , p. 4. it will be needful , before i examine his arguments , to give a more full and distinct account of my thoughts in this matter , than is done in that short hint which his whole book is imployed against : and this is the rather needful , because my antagonist doth not so plainly as were to be wisht , state the controversie , when he saith ; p. 4. if i shall prove , first , that a bishop in cyprian's time , was more than the pastour of a flock or moderator of a presbytery , in the presbyterian sense . 2. that he had really genuine episcopal or prelatick power . 3. that he acted in a real superiority over , not in parity with pastours ; our author is bound to acknowledge himself and his brethren to be schismaticks . i shall state the question a little more distinctly ; but not disown any of the terms in which he hath put the questions , all which three , are indeed but one question . § . 9. let it then be considered first , that we never thought , nor said , that church-government was in all it's modes and circumstances in the third century , ( in which cyprian lived ) the same with what it is now among scots presbyterians : the substance of government may remain , and yet considerable alterations be made in the modes of mannaging it , in the succession of years ; much more of ages : we confess many words relating to church-offices , officers , and administrations , signified another thing then , than they do in our modern dialect : these we call moderators , and my antagonist calleth bishops , were then constant ; among us they serve in that station but for some small time , and give place to others : in the affrican church these they called primates , ( whom yet we deny to have had either sole , or superior jurisdiction ) were the eldest minister of every province ; which afterward was changed ▪ and they chosen according to their personal qualifications : and metropolitans were the bishops of the chief cities ; which had no superior power ; but only sometimes praesided in synods . cyprian disowned that any of them was episcopus episcoporum . see no evidence for diocesan churches or bishops , p. 28. also l' arroque adversar . sacr. lib. 2. c. 14. maketh this plain . and leidecker . dissert . de statu eccles . affric . § . 7. he sheweth that primates were above metropolitans in dignity , and that they first attained that degree by their age , reckoning it from their ordination : and the other from the city where they had their charge . yea there hath been no age of old , or in later times , in which there have not been some lesser differences in management , even among churches which used the same species of church-government , for substance : as at this day , in scotland , low-countries , geneva , among the switzers ; &c. some churches are more and some less pure , and near to the pattern : and yet all governed by presbyters acting in parity : and among the prelatists , prelatick power is higher in one church than in another ; as in england now , and in scotland of late ? wherefore our author must not think to triumph , if he can shew some difference between the cyprianick age , and our way . cypr. ep. 75. § . 5. firmilian writing to cyprian , hath instances to shew , that in diverse churches , they had diverse practices , and yet kept peace , one with another . 2. we deny not that in cyprian's time , there was some advances made towards some sort of prelacy ; tho' the parity of power was not then wholly taken away : as the mystery of iniquity , in other things , so in that , did begin early to work even in the days of the apostles , when diotrephes did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , affected to be primus presbyter , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or moderator , in their meetings : and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 becoming fixed , and constant after the apostles times , ( these good men not fore-seeing the ill use that others would make of that handle given them ) it did , by insensible degrees , degenerate into an undue usurpation : ( as it is hard to get power kept within it's due bounds , even among the best men ) and the primitive power of presbyters , was gradually wrested out of their hands , by the ambition of some , and by the innocent simplicity of others . many other corruptions had crept into the church by that time , and this declension from absolute parity went along with them : the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 began to be appropriat to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and that custom being confirmed by a little time , made even humble men imagine , that some different power was signified by that name , that they had distinct from others ; which the rest , who were so usurped upon , did too easily yield ; minding more the work of feeding , than of ruling the flock : and not seeing the fatal consequents of it , which afterward appeared , and were not discovered , till it was too late to retrieve them . 3. it is evident from the history of the first ages , that as episcopacy did not arrive to it's height of a sudden ; so it was not at the same time settled in all the places where it obtained at last : the ambition of some , or at least their too big thoughts of the power that belonged to them , and the easyness of their com-presbyters , made it in one place make quicker advances , while the humility , and sound judgment of others , together with the vigilancy of these who with them govern'd the church , retarded it's progress in other churches . and it is certain , that , for as much as this contagion of the church walked in the dark ; yet it was observed , and opposed by some , as aerius , jerom , and others ; as will appear in our progress . leidecker . dissert . de statu eccles . affric . § . 7. namque ( inquit ) uti ab origine episcopatus ordinis & praesidentiae in presbyterio titulus erat , ( quamvis alibi suos terminos egrederetur ) in affrica vetus libertas presbyterii est retenta ; dum episcopi praesidentium honore non dominatu in ecclesiam , aut presbyteros gauderent . this he not only asserteth , but proveth by diverse testimonies . § . 10. hence we may conclude , that our author cannot prove what he pretendeth , unless he make it appear , that episcopal power , ( such as he pleadeth for ) was not only acted by some , but generally , in the churches of the first , second , and third centuries ; or approved by general consent . wherefore , if we can bring testimonies to prove a parity of power among presbyters , and that domination over them by one was condemned ; his bringing some testimonies to the contrary , will not be found concludent . i say not this , as if i were afraid he can prove what he undertaketh , by the authentick suffrage of any one of the fathers of the first three centuries : but that he may see what weakness and fallacy is in his reasonings on more accounts than one . i may here add a conjecture , on which the reader shall be desired to lay no more weight than he pleaseth : that , seing it is confessed by the best antiquaries , that we have but little historical certainty of the first ages of the church , it is probable that more opposition might be made to the tendency toward church-domination , than we have account of : for the topping party might carry all before them , and others might be suppressed , or what they did , buried in silence : especially considering that meek men are often too apt , rather to suppress their sentiments , than to make much noise with them , to the hazarding of the peace of the church : and to groan under grievances , rather than cast the church into a convulsion by struggling ; when they do not foresee the greatness of the hazard that they fear . this , i conceive , may be one part of that sleep , that giveth the enemy advantage to sow his tares . i ground this conjecture on the great difference that is between the scripture-account of church-government , and that of after ages ; and that the further we come down from the scripture-times , the difference seemeth to be the greater ; and yet we have but often , small account of any sensible change made at any one time . § . 11. the learned author , to his main proofs ( as he speaketh p. 4. ) premitteth a shrewd presumption against what i hold : that generally , the great champions for presbytery acknowledge that episcopacy was in the church long before cyprian's time : and he nameth chamier , blondel , salmasius , the synod of london , spanhemius , &c. what his &c. may contain in it's vast belly , i know not , but i am not afraid of any of them he hath mentioned ; they are all friends to the cause i maintain , and say no more than i have already said ; but much against his sentiments . it had been easier for me to make this appear , if he had thought fit to point at the books , or places of them , on which he groundeth his assertion ; for some of these authors have written much : however i hope to find out in them what is sufficient to my purpose . i begin with chamier ; who , panstrat . catholic . tom. 2. lib. 10. discourseth on this subject copiously : but i find not one word in him , asserting that in the first three centuries , bishops had the rule of the church above presbyters , further than that they were above them in dignity , and by a priority of order ; not of jurisdiction : far less that they had the sole jurisdiction , which our author pretendeth to prove . on the contrary , that learned writer proveth , c. 3. that there was no domination allowed in the church , c. 5. that the government of the several churches was aristocratical : and he sheweth that all presbyters at first were equal ; but that afterward , ( as he citeth ambrose and jerome ) unus electus est , qui omnium primus esset , & episcopus diceretur . and on this he maketh two observes : first , in ecclesiae primordiis , nullos tales episcopos fuisse , qui postea instituti fuere , qui suo jure reliquis è clero praeessent . and he thence inferreth the absolute parity of presbyters , de jure . his second observation is , ne tunc quidem , cum hic episcoporum a presbyteris distinctorum ordo est constitutus , fuisse episcopos ut monarchas , ( see how he agreeth with our author , p. 23 , 32. ) qui potestatem haberent in clerum ; sed principes electos , qui rebus deliberandis praeessent , ut necesse est in omni aristocratia . where he seemeth exactly to describe a moderator , such as is in our presbyteries , and other church judicatories . after that c. 6. he had proved , that jure divino episcopus non est major presbytero , ( contrary to our author , p. 26. c. 7. he proveth that the government of provinces was also aristocratical ; and doth evidently make an arch-bishop or metropolitan , no more than we make the moderator of a synod , or of a general assembly : i mean he alloweth them no more jurisdiction . now let any judge , with what brow my antagonist could bring chamier for his voucher , who so flatly contradicteth the whole of his book . § . 12. his next author is blondel ; who will be found to do him no more service : for the whole design and strain of his apologia pro sententia hieronomi is , to prove that episcopus and presbyter were the same , as both in name and power , in the apostolick age of the church ; so in power in the first , second , third , and much of the fourth century ; tho' he confesseth that the name , & some majority ( not higher jurisdiction ) was sooner given to the bishop . this is evident , for s. i. p 4. he saith that jeromes toto orbe decretum est ut unus de presbyteris caeteris superponeretur , occasioned by the divisions among christans , and saying , ego sum pauli , &c. that this , i say , was quarto a corinthiorum turbis saeculo : and that jerome said it , de sui temporis hominibus ; and proveth it from jerome's own words , which are , quando non idipsum omnes loquimur , & alius dicit , ego sum pauli , ego appollo , ego cephae , dividimus spiritus unitatem , & eam in partes & in membra discerpimus . and he saith , that jerome torquebat verba paulina de corinthiis , in eos : nempe , sui temporis homines , & p. 6 , 7. he fully sheweth , that jerome believed the identity of bishop and presbyter , from his blameing them who made deacons equal to presbyters . i. e. to bishops also p. 8. that in alexandria ( of which jerome saith , that à marci temporibus ad heracleam , dionysiumque presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum episcopum dixerunt ) it was but jusprimae cathedrae presbyteri inter collegas fratrem spontanea hac dignatione honorantes , sedentis . and ibid : he saith , ex hieronomi sententia episcopalia omnia ex aequo competebant : and that every one of them was equal vrbico papae . s. 2. blondel proveth all the fathers of the three or four first ages , to have been of the same opinion with jerome . and p. 8. hath this transition , prodeant jam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patrum acies , qui sanctum virum ( hieronymum ) seu solitarium in tecto passerem non relictum , doceant . this he proveth from clemens of rome , from polycarp of smyrna , from hermes , from pius the pope of rôme , justin , papias , irenaeus and the gallican church in his time , victor the pope , clemens of alexandria , tertullian , origen . cyprian also : on whose opinion in this matter , my antagonist stateth the whole controversy . wherefore i shall a little further consider what account blondel giveth of his opinion . he saith , p. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 toto administrationis tempore aggressus est , sed partita ( quasi ex concepto voto , cum comministris cura ac potestate , carthaginensem plebem gubernavit : and citeth cyprian himself saying to his clergy ; sed cum per dei gratiam venero , tunc de iis quae vel gesta sunt , vel gerenda ( sicut mutuus honor exposcit ) in communi tractabimus : and in another epistle , quae res cum omnium nostrum consilium & sententiam spectet , praejudicare ego , & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo . he sheweth also ; p. 43. that cyprian doth always speak of the clergy as divided only in two parts , the praepositi and the deacons , and he calleth both the episcopi and the praepositi apostles : if i should cite all that blondel bringeth out of cyprian to this purpose , i behoved to transcribe almost four pages of his book , of which citations we shall have further occasion given by our author to discourse . it is then more evident than what he in most of his reasonings talketh highly of , that either this author hath not read blondel , but cited him at adventure , or hath a confidence to assert what he will , tho' absurd and unaccountable . § . 13. he is full as unhapy in his next witness , salmasius , who both in his book de episcopis & presbyteris is against this author , and in walo messalinus , that is commonly ascribed to him , doth strongly maintain the identity of bishop and presbyter , against petavius the jesuit , in the first ages ; and is far from acknowledging any further difference between them till jerome's time , ( which was after cyprian's , about which we now contend ) than of greater dignity ; for chap 3. he sheweth that the primacy among presbyters was from their seniority ; and more fully , ch. 4. p. 273. credibile est ( saith he ) circa medium secundi saeculi non alias in ecclesia fuisse cognitos episcopos quam qui primatum in presbyterio adepti essent , cum primos faceret non electio , ex merito sed ordinationis tempus : quem morem diu in ecclesia durasse , testis est ille author qui ambrosii nomine , commentarios in epistolas pauli scripsit : and a little below , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dabatur ei qui ordinatione antiquior caeteris esset . c. etiam . 6. ostendit jurisdictionem episcopalem ortam partim ex distinctione nominis episcopi a presbyteri appellatione ; partim principum christianorum indulgentia , partim pontificum romanorum aliorumque ambitione & usurpatione . who then can imagine that he thought that in cyprian's time ( which was before the church had christian princes ) the bishops had sole jurisdiction . the last of his authors that he citeth is , the provincial assembly of london ; what book he meaneth , i know not : neither doth he himself , for what appeareth : for the vindication of presbyterian government & ministry by the ministers and elders of the provincial synod of london , hath not a word on that head , neither for him nor against him : wherefore i can guess at none but jus divinum regiminis ecclesiastici , written ( as the title page beareth ) by sundry ministers of christ within the city of london : in that book i find nothing that hinteth the concession that he alledgeth : but on the contrary , p. 140. ( interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned , 1 cor. 12. 28. ) they have this passage , not the prelatical bishops , pretending to be an order above preaching presbyters , and to have the reins of all church-government in their hands only : for in scripture bishop and presbyter are all one order , — hereunto also the judgement of antiquity evidently subscribeth , accounting a bishop and a presbyter to be one and the same office in the church ; as appeareth particularly in ambrose , theodoret jerome , and others . i shall not hope to say any that is convincing , if what i have brought do not perswade the unbyassed reader that our famous presbyterians have the same sentiments of the judgement of the first antiquity , about the power of presbyters in the church , that i expressed in the place that our author maketh such a pother about : he bringeth also spanhem against me , which i wonder at ; seing the words himself citeth amount to no more than manifesta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which none of us ever denyed to have crept early into the church : but he dealeth not fairly with that learned writer , ( if this appellation may be used without his offence ) for he curtaileth his words , leaving out what displeaseth him . viz. quanquam de primis ( episcopis ) controversum , diversine an superioris ordinis haberentur . he dealeth yet less christianly with the same author , both in detracting from his knowledge of antiquity ; and also in mis-representing his words , out of which he would make good his charge : in that he saith spanhem denyeth exorcists to have been in the church in the third century : whereas he doth not mention exorcists in that place , but only ostiarios , copiatas , acolythos : these last our author will prove to have been in the church in cyprian's time , out of cyprian , ep. 7. 34 , 45 , 59 and 77. and mentioneth several names of men in that office. i was at the pains to read over all these epistles on this occasion , and find not a word in any of them , either of acolyths , or of any of the persons whom he nameth : it is like the epistles of cyprian are diversly numbred in diverse editions : my edition of cyprian is 1593 , cum notis pamelii . i find the epistle of cornelius in eusebius , lib. 6. c. 42. ( he calleth it 43 ) how genuine that epistle of cornelius is , or the account that ensebius giveth of it , i shall not now enquire : what i am now concerned in is , that the learned world beareth testimony to spanhemius , so as this author will not be able to derogate from his credit : and i doubt not but he can give grounds for what he wrote . i hope i have said enough to shew that i am not so arrogant , nor so rash , as to reced in this matter , from the sentiments of these great patrons of presbytery that he hath brought against me . § . 14. he proceedeth ( pag. 5. ) to his other arguments . his first argument ( which he manageth to pag. 11. ) is built on three foundations , or pillars ; the first is , that every church was , in cyprian ' s time , ruled by a bishop , presbyters and deacons . this i deny not : only i observe a few things : one is , that our controversie is not about the name bishop , being appropriat to one and not given in common to all the presbyters , as at first ; but about that bishop , or first presbyter's power ; ; which this his discourse doth not touch . another thing that i observe is , that it cannot be denyed that the deacons , in that age , and may be sooner , had more hand in the government of the church than was allowed by divine institution ; by which they were only servants , not rulers ; and their work was only about the poor . i thirdly observe our author's unwarriness , in here asserting that the church was ruled by bishops , presbyters , and deacons ; and yet he pleadeth for the bishops sole jurisdiction , in most of his book : this i impute to want of a good memory . what he hath p. 6. of superinducing a bishop where one already was , and that there could be but one bishop in a church , will after fall in to be considered : where he insisteth more directly and fully on it . his second ground that his argument is built on , is , that the presbyters in that age were preaching-presbyters , and not ruling-elders , such as we have in the presbyterian church . that the bishop in that age was distinct even from preaching-elders , or ministers , we deny not ; and that there were many such where was but one bishop , we acknowledge : so it is with us ; there are many ministers where there is but one moderator , and many ruling-elders , where there is but one minister or parochial bishop . what sort of officers in the church the presbyters , distinguished from the bishop were , in the primitive times , is controverted among some : dr. hammond held that only bishops were of divine institution , and were in the apostolick-church ; the consequent of which is , that presbyters must be a device of men and brought in afterward : this is solidly refuted by the learned mr. durham on revelation , ch . 3. p. ( mihi ) 230. the author of the book intituled , an inquiry into the constitution , &c. of the primitive-church in the first 300 years , who pretendeth that this work is done by an impartial hand , he also hath a like notion , p. 72. and maintaineth that presbyters are not necessary to the constitution of a church ; that they are equal to a bishop in order ; and have all the power that he hath ; but inferior in degree ; that they were ordained preachers ; but had no particular charge ; but were imployed by the bishop in any piece of church-work , as he thought fit , and so were his curats , or assistants . but of this afterward . i deny not that there were presbyters in the third century , such as our author contendeth for , that is persons authorized to preach the gospel and administer the sacraments , distinct from bishops . for his sarcasm against ruling-elders , who have no authority to preach , affirming pag. 8. that there is as profound silence of them in cyprian ' s writings and time , as there is of the solemn league and covenant , or the sanquhar declaration ; this sheweth more of his spite against that church-office , than of his skill to refute it . § . 15. it might have been expected from this peremptory confidence , that he should have attempted a refutation of what many learned men have written on that subject ; if he lookt into that controversie : the london ministers , ( whom he citeth ) could have taught him , at least , to speak more soberly : so blondel de jure plebis , p. 79. &c. smectym . l'arroque conformity of the discipline of the church of france with the primitive church . calvin . p. martyr . and many later writers : at least he might have had some regard to arch-bishop whitgift , ( a zealous pleader for prelacy ) as he is cited by synod lond. vindication of presbyterial government . i know ( saith he , ) that in the primitive church , they had in every church seniors , to whom the government of the church was committed ; but that was before there was any christian prince , or magistrat . i hope then that it was in cyprian's time will not be denyed . may be , on second thoughts , he will abate a little of this confidence , when he considereth these few citations following : which do plainly prove that both before and after cyprian's time , there were ruling elders , who were not preachers , acknowledged in the church , origen . lib. 3. contra celsum : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. there are some appointed , who do enquire into the life and manners of them who are admitted ; that they may debar from the congregation , such as commit vile things ; and receive such as abstain from these ; and make them daily better . tertul. apol. c. 3. praesident probati quique seniores , honorem istum non praetio , sed testimonio adepti . these were before cyprian . after him were jerom , on isaiah 3. 2. et nos habemus in ecclesia senatum nostrum , &c. august . ep. 137. dilectissimis fratribus , clero , senioribus , & vniversae plebi ecclesiae hipponensis . where he maketh a plain distinction between the clergy , and these other elders , and also the body of the people : these elders then were not teachers , and they were above the people . the like he hath , contra crescentium , lib. 3. c. 1. omnes vos episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi , & seniores scitis . et ibid. c. 56. peregrinus presbyter , & seniores ecclesiae musticanae , &c. the same augustin , in his account of the purgation of caecilianus , and felix , accused by the donatists , mentioneth several letters recorded in the publick acts , ( which must certainly speak the language of that age , ) wherein ruling elders distinguished from preaching presbyters , are plainly , and often mentioned : as episcopi , presbyteri , diaconi , seniores : again , clerici , & seniores cirthensium : also a letter directed clero & senioribus : and another , clericis & senioribus : likewise the epistle of purpurens to sylvanus hath these words , adhibe●e clericos , & seniores plebis , ecclesiasticos viros , & inquirant diligenter quae sint istae dissentiones : where it is clear that the ecclesiastical consistory was then made up of these elders , as one sort of its constituent members ; and that they had authority to take course with disorders in the church , in conjunction with the teachers of the church . even gregorius magnus the pope , in the end of the sixth age , sheweth that such elders were still in the church ; tabellarium ( saith he ) cum consensu seniorum & cleri memineris ordinandum . also , lib. 2. epist . 19. si quid de quocunque clerico ad aures tuas pervenerit , quod te justè possit offendere , facile non credas , sed praesentibus ecclesiae tuae senioribus est perscrutanda veritas , & tunc si qualitas rei poscit , canonica districtio culpam feriat delinquentis . is it imaginable that there were no ruling elders in cyprian's time , in the third century , and yet after three hundred years , they were revived again ; when episcopal tyranny , and manifold corruptions in the church were come to a greater height ? isidor . hispal . sent. lib. 3. c. 43 ▪ prius docendi sunt seniores plebis , ut per eos infra positi facilius doceantur . § . 16. it is yet more fully against this author's bold assertion , that even in cyprian's time it self , this office was in the church ; as witness the writers of that age , basil . in psal . 33. quatuor gradus ministrorum constituit , quod sciz . alii sunt in ecclesia instar oculorum , ut seniores ; alii instar linguae , ut pastores ; alii tanquam manus , ut diaconi ; &c. and optat. milevit . lib. 1. adv . parmen . telleth us of certain precious utensils of the church , which in a time of persecution , could neither safely be transported , nor hid in the earth ; and therefore they were committed to the custody of the faithful elders of the church . from all this it is evident , that if express and distinct mention be not made of this sort of elders by cyprian , it is either because he had no occasion ; or that he comprehended them under the general name of presbyters , as the scripture sometimes doth under the name of bishops : for it is not to be imagined that cyprian , in this , was of a different sentiment from the church , before , in , and after his time . § . 7. his third foundation for his argument is , that the bishops power , authority , pastoral relation , extended to all christians within his district : and a little after , the bishops prelation , what ever it was , related not solely to the clergy , nor solely to the laity ; but to both equally and formally : this we are no way concerned to oppose ; for we think every minister hath a relation to the universal church , and authority with respect to all the members of it : and more particularly within the presbytery whereof he is a member : and yet more fully toward these of the congregation he is set in , whether elders or people . neither is our question about the extent of the bishop's power , as to persons , so much as about the solitude of this power ; whether church power reside in his person alone , or be in the community of presbyters . i might dismiss this whole section ; but that his proofs seem not so much levelled at this conclusion ; as at some other things which we cannot so easily comply with : he telleth us of cyprian's defining the church , to be a people united to the priest , and a flock adhering to their pastour : he bringeth citations to prove , that where a bishop is wanting , the people hath no ruler , the flock no pastour , the church no governour , christ no prelate , and god no priest : and he will have presbyters to be but vice-pastours . now how far is all this from his conclusion ; viz. that the bishop's power extendeth to all the people ? all this tendeth to prove the bishop's sole jurisdiction , which is afterward to be considered , where he insisteth on that point on purpose : but here here he doth nothing but make a parade with a parcel of impertinent citations : i shall only now tell him ; that this may be well understood of a parish bishop or minister . for presbyters being vice-pastours , that is afterward answered . wherefore i now consider his application of his three conclusions to what he would prove ; viz. that a bishop in cyprian's time , was neither the pastour of a flock , nor the moderator of a presbytery ; in my sense of the terms : not the first for cyprian at carthage , cornelius at rome , &c. had many such pastours under them : yea , it was so over all the world. not the second ; because a presbyterian moderator as such , is no church governour at all : hath no direct , immediat , formal relation to the people , but only to the presbytry . this is the goodly argument in which our author early triumpheth , as sufficient , if there were no more , to ruine our cause . § . 18. this triumph will be found to be before the victory : that i may give a full and direct answer to his argument , i must distinguish what our author confoundeth , viz. the signification of the word bishop in the apostles time , it signified any ruling , ordinary officer in the church : hence phil. 1. 1. all church-officers are so called , except the deacons . and 1. tim. 3. 1 , 2 , &c. the apostle giveth directions to all the ruling-officers in the church , and then vers . 8 , &c. telleth what manner of men the deacons should be . if the apostle had known any other ordinary church-officers , these canons had been very lame : and indeed it is no wonder that the bishops ( not being here comprehended ) do what they will ; for we know no scripture , rules neither for their qualifications , nor work : and tit. 1. 5 , and 6. the elders that were to be set up in every city are called bishops , v. 7. the same word in after ages , as it was sometimes given to pastours of particular congregations , so it was ordinarily given to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the primus presbyter or moderator in the colledge of presbyters : and the same that sustained the later of these relations had also the former , and laboured in the word and doctrine , and managed congregational-discipline in a particular parish , taking the word parish in our modern sense . wherefore if the citations he bringeth for episcopal power can rationally be applyed to either of these notions of a bishop , our cause is safe from his assaults . that the moderator of the colledge of presbyters is called bishop , not only is evident from jerom , vnus è presbyteris electus est qui caeteris superponeretur — episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis dominicae veritate , presbyteris esse majores , & in communi debere ecclesiam regere : but this author cannot deny it ; tho' he pleadeth for an extravagant power to that his moderator ; about which power i now debate with him . § . 19. that the pastour of a particular flock was also ( in the primitive times ) called a bishop , is certain from this , that the scriptures dividing the church-officers in bishops and deacons , are by the fathers so applyed : as i have shewed elsewhere . likewise we find bishops in small villages , where were no number of pastors , over whom the bishop might praeside : as is fully proved by the learned mr. clarkson , primitive episcopacy stated , &c. c. 2. p. 19 , &c. and that by multitudes of instances , as also testimonies of fathers , asserting it to be then usual , sozomen hist. l. 7. c. 19. telleth us that in arabia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he saith the same of cyprus , and extendeth his assertion to other countries , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mr. fuller ( tho' episcopal , yet a person of more ingenuity than many others ) history of the holy war , lib. 2. cap. 2. p. 45 , & 46. speaking of palestine , at this time ( saith he ) bishops were set too thick for all to grow , and palestine fed too many cathedral-churches to have them generally fat : lydda , jamnia , and joppa , three episcopal towns , were within four miles one of another : — neither let it stagger the reader , if in that catalogue of tyrius , he light on many bishops seats which are not to be found in mercator , ortelius , or any other geographer ; for some were such poor places as they were ashamed to appear in a map. — for in that age , bishops had their sees at poor and contemptible villages . concil . antioch . in their epistle concerning paulus samosatenus they mentioned bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i know dr. maurice pretendeth to refute mr clarkson's book : neither shall i judge who hath the better in most parts of that debate ; but i see no sufficient answer to what i have here quotted . yet do i not joyn with mr. clarkson in the whole design of his book . these two notions of a bishop being familiar in the primitive times , it is no wonder if we find the fathers , sometimes speaking of a bishop in the one sense , and sometimes in the other . § . 20. i now answer his argument : a bishop in cyprian's time was always the pastor of a particular flock , and moderator in the consistory of ruling-elders ; but sometimes he was also the moderator of a colledge of presbyters ; and so might have many presbyters under him ; that is , he was above them in dignity ; and we deny not but that by reason of his fixation in that office , he by custom had crept into some more power over them than was due : but that in cyprian's time , he had the sole power of jurisdiction , and ordination , or such authority as our diocesans pretend to ; i utterly deny . for the other part of his argument , that he could not be a moderator , because a moderator as such , hath no church power , nor is a church governour . i answer first ; the assertion he here reflecteth on , cited by him pag. 3. that a moderator , as such , hath no church power , was not meant , that there might be a moderator who hath no church power , and so taking as specificative : as he absurdly improveth it , p. 36. affirming that a heathen may be the moderator of a presbytery without repugnancy to any principle of christianity , tho' not without indecency and inconvenience . i say this is a most absurd assertion , both because a heathen moderator could not understand the affairs of the church ; and because he would embarasse them : and because it is against common sense , and the sentiments of mankind , that an enemy of the true religion should have the conduct , and main hand in mannaging the affairs that do so nearly concern it : yea , this his assertion contradicteth it self : for he acknowledgeth that this were indecent and inconvenient , and i hope he will not deny , that it is a principle of the christian religion , that all things be done decently , and in order : and that both nature and religion require , that we should shun what is inconvenient , especially to so high concernments as are these of religion . that assertion then , that he aimeth at , is to be understood reduplicative ; that is , that a moderator acquireth no church power by his being moderator , above what he had as a pastor of the church : and here a sub-distinction is to be used , he acquireth indeed an ordinative power , in that he ordereth the meeting to avoid confusion , and many call it pre re natâ ; but he acquireth no decisive power : he getteth a power to be their mouth , not their will , or commanding faculty : to keep order in the management of what cometh before them , not to determine what is debated among them , as it is expressed in the place he citeth ; and which might have prevented this cavil , if he had heeded what was said . to conclude what i have to reply to this his argument , it is no proof of such a prelacy in cyprian's time as he pleadeth for , that it related to the laity , as well as the clergy : for so doth that of our moderator : that is , he ordereth the affairs which concern them , which are managed in the presbytery : and that cyprian did more , or , that he managed the affairs concerning the laity , without the same authoritative concurrence of the presbyters , is the question , and is not concluded by this argument . § . 21. he undertaketh , p. 11. easily to collect another demonstration against my notion of a bishop , from the way , how in cyprian's time , he was promoted to his chair ; to that sublime top of the priesthood , as he calleth it . this is to fright us with big , bur empty words : if he bring a concludent probable argument , tho' short of a demonstration , we must stoop . to cyprian's words , the sublime top of priesthood , i should not doubt to give a satisfying answer , if i could find the place , and consider the purpose he is speaking of ; but my antagonist hath made my work very difficult ; not by the strength of his arguments , but by leaving me at uncertainty where to find any one of his citations , unless i either stumble on them casually , or read all cyprian's epistles for every place that is cited : for he knoweth there are several editions of cyprian ; and he hath neither told what edition he useth , ( i have no other at present , but that printed by le preux , 1593. ) nor nameth he to whom the epistle is directed : whether this be done de industriâ , or not , i shall not judge : but i am sure it is a great neglect : especially considering that cyprian's epistles are quite otherways numbred by scultetus , than in the edition mentioned , but i find neither of these can help me to find his citations . all that i shall say about this sublimity he talketh of , is , that the fathers used to speak big words concerning the gospel ministry ; which both papists and prelatists have abused : also the bishops power was elevated to a higher dignity , tho' not greater authority , than the presbyters , and that was their sublime fastigium sacerdotii . this his argument also , he buildeth on several propositions . the first is , there could be no lawful promotion to a bishoprick , where a bishop had been setled , unless there were a clear , canonical , and unquestionable vacancy : it was a received maxim then , that there could be but one bishop at once in a church . our present debate is no way concerned in this principle , whether it be true or false . for taking a bishop for moderator ; we think there should be but one at one time : and that another ought not to be chosen till the place be void , by death , deposition from that office , or cession . if by bishop you understand the pastor of a flock , whether there be one or more over a congregation , is nothing to our purpose ; seing the question is about the power of the bishop , whether it be in one , or more persons . § . 22. yet i shall observe a few things on his discourse of this his principle . 1. if i were willing to be very critical , i would ask him , what did they in those days , when there was a real , and lawful vacancy ; but not clear , nor unquestionable ; as in the contest between cornelius and novatianus at rome : and many other instances that might be given , of most unchristian , and sometimes bloody contentions , between bishops pretending to the same see : i hope the sound party might , and did place a bishop ; tho' the vacancy was questioned . next i oppose to his principle , dr. hammond , on rev. 11. p. 662. who telleth us , there were two bishops at once in jerusalem , antioch , ephesus , and rome , he nameth them : and giveth reasons why distinct congregations under their respective bishops in each city were necessary : he saith also it was so in other cities : and his reasons do prove that it must be so in all cities : where there are many people . i insist not on the bishops at philippi , phil. 1. 1. at ephesus , whom the holy ghost had made bishops , act. 20. 20. thirdly , i observe that all the citations he here bringeth , hath this tendency , to shew that novatus in intruding himself in the bishop's see at rome , was to be blamed , seing cornelius was already duly setled in that place . this was a plain case , the presbyters and people of rome had chosen cornelius to be pastor of a flock , and their constant moderator , as was the practice of that time : novatianus was not only unsound in other things , but he got a faction to choose him for pastor and their moderator , and he with them , set up another presbytery , in opposition to that wherein cornelius was fixed : i know no presbyterian who would not condemn this practice as much as cyprian did : and it is observable that the citations here brought by our author , do not so much concern the unity of a bishop ; as the unity of a church , which indeed novatianus had broken : i confess cyprian here used expressions a little too vehement , in that he not only denyeth them who make such rents to be pastors , being unduly chosen , and ordained ; but denyeth them to be christians : it was a great sin , , and deserved the highest censure ; but it is hard to unchristian all who make a schism : but i impute this fervor to the temper of that age , rather than of the holy and meek cyprian : and it is like , these wise men saw a peculiar reason at that time , for thus opposing the seeds of ruine to the church , which often lurk unobserved in schism . § . 23. his second pillar of this argument is this assertion ; there was no canonical vacancy but where the bishop whose the chair had been was dead , had ceded , or was canonically deposed . let this pass . the third is , when a see was thus canonically vacant , the bishops of that province met , choosed and ordained one in presence of the people whom he was to govern . i object nothing against this , save that the bishops choosed the man to be ordained : we say the people had the choice , with the eldership : but this controversie he waveth , as not belonging to this argument ; and so do i. his fourth proposition is , that the person elected received new imposition of hands , and new ordination ; tho' he had been ordained a presbyter before : this he prosecuteth p , 14. and citeth many testimonies to prove what he alledgeth : he saith , no doubt that each of these was raised to the episcopacy by a new ordination : and of sabinus , that he was ordained by imposition of hands : i deny not that even an ordained presbyter behoved to be chosen to the office of bishop , before he could exercise it : so it is with our moderator . that there was more solemnity in installing a bishop then , than we use in making a moderator , cannot be denyed : that was consequential to the bishops being constantly and for life in that office , and to that prelation , or dignity above other presbyters that he then had . neither shall i contend with him about imposition of hands to have been in that case used ; ( tho' after search , i cannot find the place he citeth ) for it is well known , that in the apostolick church ( and it is like it continued in after ages ) imposition of hands was used when men were sent into a special piece of work , tho' no new office , or new power was given ; as act 13. 3. i hope he will not say , that saul , by that imposition of hands , was promoted unto a higher ; or new office , being already an apostle . but our question is , whether the bishop had a superior power over presbyters , which resided in his person alone : this we deny , and affirm that it is not proved by the citations he hath brought . the zeal that even false bishops used to have all the formalities in their promotion that were used by any other ( which is one of his topicks ) is as little probative ; nor should i wonder if they exceeded : they had need of all the pomp that could be , to make up the want of real right , to strenthen their weak title . he concludeth , p. 15. that now my definition of a bishop is routed a second time . let the reader judge . § . 24. he cometh to apply his former propositions , and to conclude his argument from them . how ( saith he ) can the maxime of but one bishop at once consist with the bishops being a single presbyter ; seing in rome and carthage were many presbyters , and yet each of these was but one church . ans . 1. it consisteth well with the notion of a moderator . 2. it consisteth well with the notion of a bishop in lesser places , where was no such plurality of presbyters ; of which before . 3. i have said enough above to discredit this maxime , in the sense our author useth it 4. there might be a plurality of presbyters in a particular congregation ; not only presbyters that were only ruleing , but-preachers also : for it is observed by some , that in the primitive times , they ordained many more preaching presbyters in churhes than they had present work for : so mr clerkson , primitive episcopacy , ch. 5. p. 93. and he buildeth on nazianzens authority , who orat. 1. sheweth that the officers in churches were some times as many as these whom they had the charge of . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( saith he ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is probable , that then the christians having no universities , the churches , especially in great cities , or where were learned bishops , were colledges for breeding men to the ministry , and that when they were ripe , they ordained them and imployed them ; that so they might be seminaries out of which vacant parishes might he provided : and if any will say , that the bishop had such authority over these presbyters as our professors of divinity have over the students , it may pass for a probable conjecture : only these were ordained , ours we do not ordain till we fix them in churches : and in that time i find no such unordained licentiats as we have . § . 25. he again asketh , if a bishop were but a single presbyter , why such a do , and so many bishops conveened to elect and ordain him . this is in part answered above . i add , we also have a meeting of many ministers to ordain a presbyter to a single flock : and also when a moderator is chosen . as for calling bishops of a whole province to elect and instal a bishop at rome , and at carthage , that was needful , because these were the fixed moderators in these provinces ; so our moderator of a provincial synod is chosen by no fewer than the ministers of a whole province : and the moderator of the general assembly by ministers from the whole national church . what he saith about their new ordination is already answered . that which he calleth ridiculous is pretty ridiculously by him proposed : viz. that so much ado was made about making two men presbyters of rome , who were already presbyters of rome . he meaneth cornelius and novatianus . it was about making them moderators of the colledge of presbyters , not in rome , but in the whole province : and indeed it was lamentable , rather than ridiculous : both that that promotion began then to be more esteemed than was meet ; and was lookt on as a prelation above the other brethren ( tho' it was far short of what our author contendeth for ) and also that there should be such unchristian contests made about it alas some such things have fallen out where a diocesan episcopacy was not pretended to . our sentiments about a constant moderator he entertaineth in ridicule , p. 16. rather than refuteth them by arguments : this i do little regard . had the excellent men of the cyprianick age seen , or known the fatal consequents of it , as we have ; i judge they would not have allowed it as they did . i. refer the reader for satisfaction in this point , to mr. baillie , vnlawfulness and danger of limited episcopacy : and another peice bearing the same title , which he defendeth against a reply made to it . that the presbyters of rome did often meet during the vacancy of the see ; and that they had a moderator in their meetings , none will deny : but what he inferreth is in consequential ; that they might as easily have chosen a bishop , if he had been but moderator . for not only the custom of having the moderator fixed , made it more hard than to choose one to be their mouth for one meeting , or two ; but also , ( as i have said ) the whole province was to be concerned in him . he argueth p. 17. in many words , if he were moderator , why the people was to choose him , or why was it needful that he should be chosen in their presence . a. because also he was to be pastor of that flock . that he was no church-governour as moderator , is answered above : but it cannot be said he was no church-governour under another relation ; viz. as pastor of the congregation of rome , or a congregation in it . that he was chosen by 16 bishops . i. e. saith our author , sixteen moderators was not then needless , seing he was to be moderator over them to ; that is over that province . if sixteen parochial bishops met to choose a moderaror of a presbytery , or sixteen moderators from sixteen presbytries met to elect him who was to praeside continually in the synod ; this cannot infer either sole or superior jurisdiction . further if we should grant that in these days , a presbyterie used to take the help of other presbyteries , or their moderators , or that help was by custom imposed on them , this will indeed prove that some of the priviledges of presbyters began then to be abridged ; but not that their ruling power in the church was transferred on a single person , the bishop . what he further argueth p. 18. from the bishops new ordination , is already answered . § . 26. his next argument ( and some that follow ) is taken from the bishops relation to his particular church ; viz. that he is the principle of vnity to her : who ever adhered to him was in the church , a catholick christian ; who separated from him , was out of the church , and a schismatick . under this head , he hath no less than six considerations , which either are intended as arguments , or signifie nothing . before i come to examine these , i shall take some notice of his argument , as it is here generally proposed . and 1. i observe , that this very argument is fully with as much strength mannaged by the papists , for the pop's universal headship over the christian church : they plead that we are not of the church catholick , are not to be reputed christians , are dividers of christ's body , &c. because we do not adhere to the pope , whom they hold to be the principle of vnity to the christian church : and the papists reckon the protestants as hereticks , because they do not believe this ; and schismaticks , because they live not in communion with the pope , and that church whereof he is head. 2. this doctrine , as it is by our author crudely , and indistinctly proposed , will un-church some of the best and soundest christians : for have there not been bishops , who had as good title to their sees ( to speak in his own dialect , ) as any could have ; who afterwards turned hereticks ? how many arian bishops were there , whose right to their places was not contested ? will he say that all the orthodox who separated from them , were guilty of schism , and all the aggravations that his citations , p. 19 , 20. load it with ? are we not commanded to withdraw from them who teach unsound doctrine , 1 tim. 6. 3 , 4 , 5. and our lord warnes his people against wolves ; and the apostle gave warning to the elders of ephesus , that of themselves , ( and our author will say they were diocesan bishops , ) should men arise speaking perverse things , and drawing disciples after them . this argument will prove , ( if it hath any force ) that these their followers were the sound christians , and the rest schismaticks ; because the one sort adhered to their bishop , the principle of vnity ; and the rest departed from him . i am far from charging my antagonist with owning these consequents ; but i see not how he can shun the consequence , unless he retract this his inconsiderat opinion . thirdly , i wish he had explained this term , the principle of vnity : which he ought the rather to have done , because he saith , p. 18. near the end , this is a point of great consequence . what he saith for clearing it , is very insufficient : his metaphors out of cyprian , de vnitate ecclesiae ; prove nothing : viz. that of the sun and beams , the root and branches , the fountain and streams : if they prove any thing , they prove more than , i suppose , our author will allow : for cyprian , in the very page where he useth these similitudes , ( p. mihi 297. ) speaketh of peter's primacy , and placeth the unity of the christian church in him : tamen ut vnitatem manifestaret , unam cathedram constituit , & vnitatis ejusdem originem ab uno incipientem sua authoritate constituit : hoc erant utique & caeteri apostoli quod petrus , pari consortio praediti & honoris & potestatis , sed exordium ab vnitate proficiscitur . and a little below , quam vnitatem firmiter tenere & vindicare debemus , maxime episcopi , qui in ecclesia praesidemus ut episcopatum quoque ipsum unum atque indivisum probemus . where it may be observed , 1. that either cyprian was absolutely for the pope's supremacy , or he had no such meaning as our author designeth . 2. that cyprian doth not so much speak of the peoples adhering to their bishop , ( which in a sound sense i am for , ) as bishops cleaving together , and not breaking the churches peace , by divisions among themselves . 3. that he is to be understood of a principle of origination , rather than of a principle of dependance : that peter first was in commission by christ , ( the truth of which i shall not now enquire into , ) and that all were obliged to adhere to that one doctrine that he taught : not that he had authority over the rest ; and they must not dissent from him in any case : cyprian plainly teacheth the contrary , in that very place : that the rest had equal authority with him . and if we should apply all this to a bishop , or minister in a parish , it amounteth to no more but this ; he receiveth the word from the lord , and delivereth it to the people ; and if they depart from this , they are schismaticks , and break the unity of the church : which we all acknowledge . i observe , 4. that this his principle is indeed of so great moment , that if it be true , there are neither churches nor christians in the world , but such as owne a diocesan bishop : few in our days are christians , but these of the romish , and church of england communion : all the reformed churches must be re-baptized , and their ministers re-ordained : ( as cyprian , and some other thought of the schismaticks of that time , ) i hope all his brethren are not of this opinion . yea it hath been condemned by the most famous of his party . when , anno 1610. some scots bishops were to be consecrated at london , some moved that they might be first ordained presbyters ; their ordination without a bishop being null : bancroft arch-bishop of canterbur●y withstood that motion , and told them , that thereof there was no necessity : seing where bishops could not be had , the ordination given by presbyters must be esteemed lawful : otherwise that it might be doubted , if there were any lawful vocation in most of the reformed churches . this was applauded by all the other bishops . spotswood . hist. lib. 7. ad an. 1610. p. 514. whence i infer that either cyprian was not of this author's opinion , nor can his words be so understood ; or that the english bishops were opposite to him and cyprian too . § . 27. what he saith further for clearing this his notion about the principle of vnity , is both absurd and groundless : viz. that he ( the bishop ) was the head of all the christians living within his district , and they were one body , one society , one church , by depending on him , by being subject to him , by keeping to his communion . i say this is absurd : because then separating from the most heretical superstitious , yea , idolatrous bishop , were unlawful , as above noted . it is also groundless ; for neither cyprian , nor any other , uses such indistinct , and universal assertions in this matter . i come to examine his several propositions , by which he pretendeth to make out this his argument . the first is , that the antients highly valued church vnity , and laid no more stress on any thing than it ; and no sin they represented as more hainous , or more criminal than the sin of schism : and here he is at the pains to fill almost two pages , with the commendations of unity , and hard names given to schism , out of cyprian , firmilian , and concil . carthag . i do not find that he is so copious , and mustereth up so numerous forces against any disputable point , as in this where he hath no adversary : for who ever spake against unity in the church , and took the defence of schism . wherefore all this i pass with a few short observes . first , tho' we have account of seven several councils at carthage in the antient records , yet this author always citeth concil . carthag . without any discrimination : if he miscite places , how shall this error be discovered : for i think few will be at pains to read over all the acts of these councils , for every one of his citations ; which are not a few . 2. we may from this discourse gather what sentiments this author hath of presbyterians ; seing the design of his book is to prove them schismaticks ; that is ( according to his citations ) renegadoes , apostats , antichrists , malignants , paricides , false christs , christ's enemies , blasphemers , the devils priests , retainers to korah , to judas , villains ; and much more of this stuff . either he applaudeth all this , or not : if not , his citations are impertinent ; if so , he chargeth us with all this guilt : and i ask him , if he thinketh it just , that we should throw back all this dirt on himself and his party , whom we reckon to be the authors of this schism that is now in this church : for my part , i am far from dealing so by them : i think they are in an error , and that that error misleadeth them into some practices that are sinful , and that have bad consequecens to the church ; but i hope there are good men among them for all that . 3. the schisms that occasioned these vehement discourses among the fathers , were chiefly these of the donatists and novatians ; which were like to ruine christianity , and to make the world cast at it , while it was not well setled , nor universally received . i hope our differences tho' they have sadder effects , than i am willing to mention ; yet go not that far . 4. it is well known that the holy zeal of the fathers , and the excellent rhetorick they were endowed with , made them overlash sometimes in their expressions : and it is evident that not a few of the popish errors had their original , and some seeming patrociny , from their flights of rhetorick ; their figurative expressions , and some logical niceties that they used . this is not my apprehension alone ; the learned daille , right vse of the fathers , hath the same observation , chap. 5. the fathers themselves were aware of this , with respect to the writings of one another : hieron . ep. 139. ad cyprian . plerumque nimium disertis accidere solet , ut major sit intelligentiae difficultas in eorum explanationibus , quam in iis quae explanare conantur . and in matters of greater moment , they spake sometimes unwarily , not foreseeing what ill use might be made of their expressions ; as jerom also giveth us ground to think ; apolog. contra ruffin . vel certe ( saith he ) antequam in alexandria quasi daemonium meridianum arius nasceretur , innocenter quaedam & minus cautè locuti , — & quae non possunt perversorum hominum calumniam declinare . petavius maketh also the same observation , tho' a jesuit , in panar . epiphan . ad haer. 6 , 9. yea , the same author hath this passage ; not. in epiphan , multa sunt à sanctissimis patribus presertim à chrysostomo in homiliis aspersa , quae si ad exactae veritatis regulam accommodare volueris , boni sensus manca videbuntur . § . 28. i observe , 5. that tho' our author would fright us also with what the scripture saith of unity , and against schism , ( which i confess is enough to make us love the one , and hate the other , ) yet i do not find this strain used against all divisions , in scripture without discrimination ; but that another spirit appeareth in these inspired writings , and that more of christian forbearance is recommended , 1 cor. 1. 11. and 3. ch. 1. divisions are reproved , and with strong reason condemned : so 1 cor. 11. 18. but that weight is not laid on them that our author speaketh of : and philip. 15. 16. forbearance , and joyning in uncontested truths and duties is enjoyned . and i am sure the differences of these times , were things of more moment , than our bishops mitres , or lordly domination are : the church might be in peace , if they either would shew us divine warrant for their prelation , or not trouble us with their usurpations . § . 29. his second proposition is , for the preservation of vnity , and preventing of schism , in every particular church all were bound , in cyprian's time , to live in the bishop's communion , and to owne and look upon him , as the principle of vnion to that church of which he was head and ruler . i see not wherein this differeth from the former proposition : i am sure it containeth no new matter : and therefore i should have taken no notice of it ; but that p. 21. he bringeth some citations that need a little to be examined . altho' i can by no diligence find some of the places that he citeth , yet by chance i have light on these : and the words he useth afford a plain answer to his argument brought from them . for his first citation out of ep. 33. ( i find it in ep. 27. ) it maketh nothing at all for the bishop's sole power , nor for his being further the principle of vnity , than what i have above granted . the case was this , some of the lapsed who had been received to the peace of the church , ( as they pretended ) by the means of some martyrs ; wrote to cyprian that they were now received by the church , and desired that they might be more fully restored by cyprian and the church with him : cyprian took it ill that they should write to him as from a church , whereas they that had received them , nor they themselves , were no church ; but in this had neglected the authority of them who were truly the church . in all this cyprian saith nothing but what is according to the principles of presbyterians : if any should pretend to receive penitents , even tho' they were elders in a congregation , or ministers in a presbytery , without the moderator , without the elders , or the presbytery , respectivè ; we should blame them , for usurpation , and disorderly walking . and it is very observable , that cyprian in this very passage saith , that ecclesia in episcopo & clero , & omnibus stantibus est constituta : then it is not the bishop who is the church : what he saith of the church as being built on the bishop , is already cleared : he saith indeed , omnis actus ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernatur : in which our author sheweth but little skill , when he translateth these words , all her ( the churches ) affairs are ordered by them as the chief rulers : where it should be turned , by the same who are set over her ( the church : ) and i think that it will not be denyed that presbyters are praepositi , and are set over the church : he saith no more then , but the church is founded on the bishop , that is , his sound doctrine , as was before explained , and her affairs are ruled by the same praepositi ; that is , the bishops , and others having ecclesiastical authority with them : for presbyters are the same with bishops in this ; and that cyprian meaneth so , may be gathered from his varying the word episcopus into praepositus . again granting , that all the acts of the church are ruled by the bishop , this will not prove that they are ruled by him alone . his other testimony out of what he calleth epistle 43 , is far less to his purpose ; felicismus , with his faction ( who formerly had opposed cyprian's election to be bishop ) in his retirement , not only without him , but without the concurrence of the presbytery , or congregational eldership , ( i shall not determine which of these the church of carthage was then governed by ) received some of the lapsed : which i , as well as my antagonist do reckon a very disorderly action ; this cyprian doth justly blame : and that on this ground , that they set up another altar in that church , that is , they threw off the church authority that was regularly placed in carthage ; and set up another beside : we also would blame them who would cast off the authority of the presbytery , or kirk-session , and set up another . what is cyprian's meaning is yet clearer from what our author unwarily citeth out of his book de unittae ecclesiae . an esse sibi cum christo videtur qui adversus christi sacerdotes facit ? qui se à cleri ejus & plebis societate secernit ? where he describeth schisme to be when some depart from the rulers and members of the church ( not from the bishop alone ) and that is to be understood , while they keep god's way . § . 30. his third preposition is , that cyprian maketh the contempt of one bishop , or undutifulness to him , the original of schisme . i am so far from opposing him in this , that i think when people begin to quarrel with the meanest of christs ministers , ( unless his life , or doctrine , or government , give just cause ) that they sin against god , contemn his ordinance , and are on the brink of schisme ; if not haeresie also : and i am sure all that he citeth out out of cyprian on this head , amounteth to no more except a word or two , which i shall a little consider . when he speaketh of one bishop , i understand him of one praeses , whether in a congregational , or classical presbytrey , and that in conjunction with them : who opposeth such authority opposeth christ's institution . he mentioneth p. 23. as also p. 32. the bishops monarchical power in the church ; and maketh cyprian prove it by the bees who have a king , the beasts who have a captain , and robbers who have a chiftain . it is evident to any who consider cyprian's other writings , that he never arrogated to himself a monarchical power over the church ; for he plainly disowneth it as we shall after have occasion to shew : but he is here dealing with one pupianus , who had reproached cyprian as proud and arrogant , here cyprian defendeth himself , and retorteth the same charge of arrogance on pupianus in that he took on him to arraign the bishops and rulers of the church ; and had denyed his power in the church : and he sheweth what inconveniency it were to the church , if all this time the church of carthage had been governed by a man who had no authority : and in this he bringeth the similitude of the bees , &c. will any think that cyprian was so weak as to take this for a sufficient argument to prove monarchical power in the church : he only bringeth it as a similitude to illustrate this truth , that there must be a government in the church , and it had been ill with the church of carthage , if so long a time they had one over them who was no lawful ruler : which is no determination of the extent of cyprian's power ; neither was that the question between him and pupianus . § . 31. i proceed to his fourth proposition , p. 24. the bishop was so much the principle of vnity ; the people had such dependence on him , and was so virtually in him , that what he did as bishop , was reputed the deed of the whole church ; which he ruled . and to confirm this , he bringeth instances , that churches were blamed for communicating with criminal bishops , and that they did not separat from them ; and are commended for the bishops owning the truth . had our author thought fit to peruse and consider his papers before he printed them , it is like we should not have been troubled with such crude notions . for 1. how can this be reconciled to what he had a little before-pleaded , concerning the horrid sinfulness of separating from their bishop ; and this without any distinction or limitation . 2. he is so unwise as to add one word that spoileth all his design , viz. as bishop , for what a bishop acteth as bishop , he acteth in the consistory , or the presbytery ; and by the plurality of their votes : and that is indeed the fact of the church representative , and of the church diffusive too , if they shew no dislike of it ; but this is no semblance of proof of the power of bishops that he pleadeth for . cyprian's rhetorical flourish in saying , that when cornelius confessed the faith before the persecutors , the whole roman church confessed ; is no more but that cornelius gave a faithful testimony to that doctrine , that he had preached among that people , and that they received , and did still owne ; is this an argument that cornelius had the sole power of church-government in rome . yea , all this might have been said of any member of that church who had so confessed , and the church did not reclaim , but professed the same truth ; it is far less probative , that cyprian desired to suffer at carthage , rather than else where , that he might in confession be the mouth of them all . and least of all is it an argument , that he calleth them his bowels , his body , their grief was his grief , &c. we must abandon all sense and reason , if these pass for concludent arguments . of the same weight is what he bringeth out of pontius , of the blessedness of the people of carthage , who suffered together with such a bishop . i beg the readers pardon for troubling him with such silly arguments , which need no answer . § . 32. his fifth proposition , that the bishops being the principle of vnion to his church , was held before the cyprianick age : this , i say needeth no further animadversion : for it bringeth no new thing ; neither is it to be imagined that ignatius , whom he citeth , meant that the sole authority of the bishop , rather than the doctrine that he taught from the infallible word of god , was the principle of vnity to the church : or , that they who belong to christ are with the bishop , whether he teacheth truth or error : it is a vast mistake that he saith , that cyprian , ep. 33. pleadeth for the divine right of episcopacy in that ep. ( which is ( mihi ) 27 ) he pleadeth for the divine authority of the church , and her bishops ; that is , pastours : not for a divine warrant for the praelation of some of them above others : nothing can be more evident than the concurrent testimonies of antiquity against this fancy : scripture , and the most antient of the fathers speak of bishops and presbyters indistinctly ; when the distinction began to be taken notice of , jerome saith that it was brought in by the presbyters themselves : ep. ad evagr. as also on tit. and aug. ep. 10. referreth to ecclesiae usus . yea , concil . nic. 1. can. 6. maketh the distinction of bishops , as metropolitans , &c. to be mos antiquus : all that followeth , § . 37 , 37 , 36. doth also confute this opinion . but this i insist not on , because our author hath put off the proof of that divine institution of episcopacy , to his next essay , p. 94. his sixth and last proposition is , that the principle of the bishops being the center of vnity is most reasonable and accountable in it self . we may now expect some herculean argument , and the highest effort of his skill : and i am willing that the whole controversie be hanged on this pin. all that he bringeth for argument is , every particular church is an organical , political body ; and there can be no organical body without a principle of vnity , on which all the members must hang , and from which being separated , they must cease to be members ; and who so fit for being principle of vnity to a church as he who is pastour , ruler , governour , captain , head , judge , christs vicar , &c. not his conclusion only , but an assumption is understood , viz. the bishop is all this , ergo he is the center of vnity ; and his quod erat demonstrandum followeth a little after , it is scarce possible to prove any thing of this nature more demonstratively . one might make sport with this argument , which is introduced , and backed with such parade : but i am in earnest in this debate . there are here no less than three premisses expressed , and a fourth necessarily understood , before we can reach the conclusion ; which every logician will condemn ; and when we are at last , through all these stages , arived at the conclusion , it is above distinguished , and his argument can reach no more than is by us confessed : besides this , it is hard to shew how these his premisses hang together , or what connection they have . further , that the principle of vnity in a political body is one person and cannot be a society , the consistory , or the presbytery in the church , will hardly be proved : by this argument there can be no unity in a common-wealth , but only in monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy in a nation are here not only made unlawful , but impossible . that the bishop is fittest to be the principle of unity in the church is gratis dictum : yea , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : notwithstanding of the metaphorical appellations that our author giveth him , from some of the antients . yea , if a society cannot be the center of unity in a particular church , who shall be the center of unity among bishops ; we must surely have the pope for this use , which is indeed the native conclusion of our author's argument that he braggeth so much of . but this will afterward occurre . § . 33. he cometh now ( p. 27. ) to another argument : a bishop in cyprian's age , was supreme in his church , immediatly subject to christ , had no ecclesiastical superior on earth : the church was one , but divided into many precincts , each had its bishop who was their supreme . i am no further concerned in what he saith on this head ; but what he bringeth for the bishops supremacy . wherefore i insist not on his first proposition , concerning the equality of bishops ; i only observe that he is for parity in the church ; and if it be found among bishops , i know no scripture nor reason that condemneth it among presbyters . to the same purpose is his second preposition , and his third , all which are levelled against the supremacy of the bishop of rome ; whose cause i do not intend to plead . wherefore i come to examine his 4th proposition , p. 31. by the principles of these times , every bishop was christs vicar , within his own district : so , say i , is every minister of the gospel ; understanding by vicar , one who deriveth his power from christ , and to him must give account of it . he saith further , that a bishop had a primacy in his own church . if he mean that he was primus presbyter ; i denyed it not , if that he had the sole power in his own person , or that the presbyters had not a coordinate power with him in the government of the church , i deny it . neither is it proved by cyprian's words , which he citeth ; cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum assumere : which i cannot find by what directions he giveth , and therefore cannot tell what might be further said for vindicating them . the next expression admiteth of the same answer , viz. that he managed the ballance of government ; it is not said that he did this by himself ; our moderator manageth the ballance of government , but with the presbytery . the sublime sacerdotii fastigum , signifieth no more than primus presbyter : the antients use as big words for as low things : neither do i know any higher degree in those days : if my antagonist will prove it , he must use other topicks , than words that may admit various significations . the same i say of the expressions that follow , the vigor episcopatus , the sublimis & divina potestas gubernandae ecclesiae ; this last may agree to the meanest member of a presbytery ; are not presbyters called by cyprian such as are divino sacerdotio honorati : and gloriosi sacerdotes as himself citeth . p. 7. to what purpose he citeth jerome for the parity of bishops , and saith that i will not reject his testimony , i understand not . i shall neither oppose him nor jerome in that principle . § . 34. he bringeth another argument , ( p. 32. ) from the high priest among the jews , and saith , that a bishop was the same to christians , that he was to the jews . i see the learned author is very unhappy in stumbling upon popish arguments , and he can say litle for his bishop , but what they say for their pope : and it is evident , that the papists from this medium , argue with much more shew of reason : for the high priest had universal supream authority over the universal church , that then was ; the papists infer the pope's universal head-ship : tho' i am far from thinking this argument concludent for them ; yet what shew of confequence can it have for a bishops power in his diocess ? or with what face can this author say , that a bishop is the same to presbyters and deacons , that he was to the levites , unless he say that a bishop was the same to all the presbyters and deacons in the world that the high priest was to all the levites in the world . cyprian's reasons , brought from the high priest , have much more sense in them than these of our author : for he pleadeth no more from that topick , but that as the high priest was to be obyed , and not resisted , so is the bishop . as the high priest was reverenced , even by christ , so is the bishop ; we say the same : that a bishop acting in his sphere , with his consistory , or presbytery , should be obeyed and respected : and we count it the same sort of sin in schismaticks , who rebel against this church authority , with kora's rebellion against aaron : but it is utterly inconsequential to infer church monarchy from aaron's power . i wish he had brought any thing that might look like proof of this consequence . he saith , p. 34. that the christian hierarchie was copied from that of the jews ; and he bringeth arguments for it , such as they are , one is from the names , priest , priesthood , altar , sacrafice , &c. which he calleth a pregnant argument ; i cannot but still observe how much the papists owe him ; not only for their pope , but for their unbloody sacrifice , what ? must we have all that of the old testament whereof we retain the names ? if so , we must have a new gospel . this argument is easily delivered of its pregnancy , by denying the consequence . his other argument is from an ep. of clement of rome , who lived in the apostles times : wherein he exhorteth to order , and every ones keeping his station , and then reckoneth up several subordinations under the old testament . a. clement useth the old testament hierarchy as a simile , to illustrate new testament subordination of officers in the church ; ergo we must have the same officers , and they must have the same power that these had , non sequitur : neither was such a consequence intended by clement : for a second answer , our author may know that that , and others of the epistles that go under clement's name are rejected , as none of his , by learned men , and on solid grounds . § . 35. he hath a long discourse , beginning p. 34. at the end , to shew that my definition of a bishop , is consistent with none of the three principles last mentioned , which were current in the cyprianick age ; much less with all three together . i have already shewed , how far these principles were held in that age ; and how our notion of a bishop agreeth with them all . what seemeth to be further argumentative in this harangue , i shall consider . he saith the bishops being the principle of vnity , doth not consist with his being a single presbyter ; where there were fourty six presbyters ; as at rome : there would rather be fourty six principles of divisions , and make the church a monster with fourty six heads . answ . 1. i retort this argument : in the first council of nice , ( for example ) where were three hundred bishops , what was the principle of unity ? or , were they three hundred principles of division ? and a church meeting , or a church representative , that was so monstrous as to have three hundred heads ? what he will answer in the one case , i will answer in the other . and indeed this argument destroyeth the parity of bishops , which he pleadeth for , as well as of presbyters ; and its native conclusion is , we must either have the papacy over the church , or anarchy in it . a. 2. where there are many such presbyters as our author pleadeth for , we say the bishop was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and not a single presbyter . a. 3. in a particular flock , where are many ruling , but not teaching presbyters , the bishop or minister , is such a principle of vnity , as i have above owned : and where there are more bishops in one church , the principle of unity , is their teaching the same doctrine : as is above explained . he next alledgeth , that a moderator cannot be the principle of vnity in a presbytery ; seing as such , he is neither pastor , governour , nor christian ; but may be a heathen . a. this wild notion , that a heathen may be moderator in a presbytery , i have fully refuted , § . 8. to the first part of his argument , i say , that not the moderator alone , but with the presbytery , is the principle of vnity , while they all teach the same truths , and adhere to the one rule of our faith , and practice , the word of god : any other bond , or cement , by which men can be united , which lyeth in the authority of a man , rather than in the true doctrine , is an antichristian fancy ; and tendeth to enslave the conscience to the will of man. we know no such uniting head as he telleth of , but christ , ephes . 4. 15 , 16. neither did ever cyprian dream of such a head of the church next he will make our notion of a bishop inconsistent with his other principls , the bishop's supremacy , and independency . i have already shewed , that the church in cyprian's time , knew no such supremacy , nor independency : but held , and practised a subordination , not of many to one , but of every one to the collective body , and of every lesser body to the greater , of which it was a part . i see no reason nor scripture ground for independency , whether of single pastors and congregations , or of presbyteries , or of bishops ; and their provincial synods . his third principle , the hierarchy under the gospel , being the same with that under the old testament , i have refuted , as a groundless fancy ; and therefore am under no obligation to shew the consistency of our parity with it . § . 36. from p. 37. he layeth down principles that would afford stronger , and more pertinent arguments , than any we have yet met with , if he can but sufficiently establish these principles . he mentioneth three , viz. 1. the bishop's sole power in many acts of government and discipline . 2. his negative in all . 3. that all presbyters were subject to his authority and jurisdiction . if all this be true , our cause is lost : but we are not afraid to try it with him , through his help whose cause we plead . before i engage in this debate with him , i desire the reader will reflect on what i observed , § . 10. that if we can bring testimonies to prove a parity of power among presbyters : and that domination over them by one , was condemned , or disowned in cyprian's time ; his bringing testimonies to the contrary , will not be found concludent : for contradictory assertions derogate from the authority of the asserter : or seeming contradictions must be reconciled by a fair exposition : or , such testimonies will prove , that the practice and principles of the churches of that age , were not uniform ; any of which would weaken his cause . i shall not here repeat the citations that are full to this purpose , which i have on diverse occasions mentioned . nor need i confine my self to cyprian's age alone : seing our author pretendeth to no less antiquity for his way , than from the apostles down ward ; yea , all the ages of the church ; and all the churches of every age : and we acknowledge that after the third century , church-government was much altered to the worse . i shall begin with ignatius , both because his testimony is argumentum ad hominem , at least , seing my antagonist , and his party , lay so much stress on his epistles : also , because if he speak for parity , it may abate the force of all that they bring out of his writings to the contrary . what i shall alledge from him , i find cited by the famous arch-bishop vsher , in his original of bishops and metropolitans , ignat. ep. ad trallianos . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. be subject to the bishop as to the lord ; and after ▪ be subject to the presbytery as to the apostles of jesus christ our hope . also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. he that doth any thing without the bishop , and the presbyters , and the deacons , such an one is defiled in conscience . and again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. farewel in christ jesus , being subject to the bishop , and also to the presbyters . here it is plain that church authority , to which the people must be subject , is not given to the bishop alone , but to the presbytery also ; and indeed to them both acting conjunctly . i need not transcribe what is , with much plainness , cited to our purpose , by blondel ; out of both the clements , polycarpus , justin ; and others of the first of the fathers . i only mention clem. alexand. strom. lib. 7. penes presbyteros est disciplina quae facit homines meliores . tertullian apolog. c. 39. praesident probati quique seniores . viz. in their meetings for discipline : where were admonitiones , castigationes , & censurae divinae . he is speaking of the discipline of a congregation ; and ascribeth the government of it to a community , not to a single person . the clergy of rome in their epistles to cyprian , ( which is ep. 31. ) do plainly declare their opinion about the receiving the lapsed ; that it should be done collatione consiliorum cum episcopis , presbyteris , diaconis , confessoribus , & stantibus laicis : this they mean of the general method that should be laid down for it ; it should be advised about by as many as can give counsel : but when they speak of the authoritative sentence ; they say , it should not be done ab uno : then not by a bishop acting by sole authority . cypr. ep. 10. § . 3. writing to the clergy of carthage , and shewing the evil of overturning church discipline , as had been done by some of their number ; he telleth them , erunt rei qui praesunt , & haec fratribus non suggerunt , ut instructi à praepositis faciant omnia cum dei timore . where it is evident that they owned them as praepositi ; and charge on them the duty of giving faithful warning , according to that their character : whence it followeth that he did not look on himself as being the only praepositus , or ruler of that church . and ep. 28. he commendeth the clergy of carthage , ( while himself was absent from them ) that they had debarred from communicating with them gaius presbyter diddensis , and his deacon , who had communicated with the lapsed : and he telleth them that they had acted like men of integrity , and according to the discipline of the church : integre & cum disciplina fecistis . if he had the sole power , this fact of theirs had been quite contrary to church discipline . if any say , that they did this with the advice of some of cyprian's collegues , that is , bishops . a. whether these were bishops or not , we know not : but they only gave advice , the authoritative act was by the clergy of carthage . ep. 55. § . 17. cyprian compareth the number of presbyters and deacons who had concurred in condemning ( affuerunt judicio & cognitioni ) some schismaticks ; with the number of them that stood for them : which is a clear argument that the clergy , with the bishop , not onely consulted , but judicially determined , in church affairs . and in the same epist . § . 21. speaking to cornelius bishop of rome , he expresly mentioneth the clergy as ruling the church with cornelius : his words are , florentissimo clero illic tecum praesidenti . also epist . 58. he hath words of the like importance , § . 2. qui cum episcopo presbyteri sacerdotali honore conjuncti . it is also evident in many of cyprian's epistles , that he divideth the clergy in praepositos ( which word doth manifestly signifie rulers ) and deacons . so epist . 62 , 65. and elsewhere . i only add out of cyprian epist . 6. § . 4. doleo enim quando audio — nec à diaconis aut presbyteris regi posse . pamelius's note on this passage maketh it yet more plain for us ; tho' he was a papist , and no presbyterian . hinc ( saith he ) non obscurè colligitur , viguisse adhuc carthagini , aetate auctoris , praerogativam presbyterorum & diaconorum primitivae ecclesiae ; qua communi totius presbyterii , i. e. presbyterorum & diaconorum collegii , consilio , administrabantur omnia ab episcopis : and he citeth to confirm this , ignatius , as i have before cited him . if any say pamelius attributeth to the presbytery but consilium ; it is plain that cyprian speaketh of their ruling power . § . 37. contemporary with cyprian was firmilianus bishop of caesarea in cappadocia ; who doth fully declare for presbyterial government , in his epist . to cyprian , which is the 75. of ep. cypr. for § . 3. he hath these words , qua ex re necessario apud nos fit ; ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unum conveniamus ; ad disponenda ea quae curae nostrae commissa sunt ; ut si quae graviora sunt , communi consilio dirigantur . and § . 6. omnis potestas & gratia in ecclesia est constituta , ubi praesident majores natu ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) qui & baptizandi , & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem . it is to be observed , that frequent mention is made in this epistle of episcopi , bishops , and pamelius thinketh that this ep. being turned out of greek into latine by cyprian , to whom it was written , by praepositus is meant bishop , and by senior presbyter , whence it is evident , that here all church power is ascribed to the presbyter that is given to the praepositus or bishop . at the same time was pontius one of cyprian's deacons ▪ and his constant attendant , and who well knew his principles ; he wrote cyprian's life , and in that history he hath these words , nulla mora , nulla dilatio presbyterium & sacerdotum statum ( that is presently after his conversion to christianity ) accepit : quis enim non omnes honorum gradus crederet tali menti : where it is plain that pontius thought that all church degrees were included in sacerdotium & presbyterium ; which he taketh for one . and a little below he joineth sacerdotium & episcopatus as the same office that cyprian was chosen to , while he was neophytus , and as was thought novellus . from all this it appeareth that cyprian was made priest , presbyter and bishop all at once , as being the same thing . gregor . nazianz. ( who flourished in the fourth century ) in his apology , telleth us of the apostles making canons for bishops and presbyters , 1 tim. 3. and tit. 1. whether their office may be called a ministry , or rule of government ; his words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he saith likewise of them , that they ( by their promotion to be presbyters ) ascend from being ruled to be rulers : that they have authority , not over a flock ; but over mens souls : and other very sublime powers he ascribeth to them . and in his orations , he is as profuse in extolling the dignity and authority of presbyters , as any other in exalting bishops . he saith , as many as are ordain'd , are chosen to the high thrones of presbytery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that he speaketh not of bishops as distinct from presbyters , is plain , for the design of his discourse , especially in his apology , is to shew how the apostle directed bishops and presbyters by the same canons , without distinguishing them , or their work ; and that onely custom had raised the bishop above them as their praeses . § . 38. i next bring ambrose as a witnes for us ; in his epistle to syagrius , he sheweth , that when he and syagrius had severally passed sentence on a delinquent , the church was unsatisfied with the sentence of syagrius , and gave the reason , because he had done it by himself , sine alicujus fratris consensu ; but acquiesced in the sentence passed by ambrose , because ( saith he ) hoc judicium nostrum cum fratribus & con-sacerdotibus participatum processit . whence it is plain to have been the principle of those days , that the bishop had not sole jurisdiction : however some were then grasping at it . chrysostom . homil. 11. in 1. tim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. omitting the order of presbyters , he ( the apostle ) passeth to the deacons . why so ? because there is no great difference : for they are ordained for teaching and governing ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) the church ; and what he had said of bishops , he applyeth to the presbyters . if then chrysostom was for the bishop's sole jurisdiction , let any judge . august . ep. 19. quanquam secundum honorum vocabula quae jam ecclesiae usus obtinuit , episcopatus presbyterio major sit , tamen in multis rebus augustinus hieronymo minor est . where it may be observed , to our purpose , 1. that augustine placeth the praelation of a bishop above a presbyter , in the title of dignity , but speaketh not a word of superior power . 2. he not only insinuateth , that that difference ( such as it was ) had its original , not from divine institution , but humane custom ; but he speaketh of it as lately setled , jam obtinuit : this was after 420 years : it was neither constant , nor universal , till then . salvianus maketh the levitae & sacerdotes to be the apostles successors ; not mentioning bishops as distinct . so gildas frequently speaketh of bishops and presbyters promiscuously . i hope i may also adduce jerom , a presbyter , as a witness , as well as they do other fathers who were bishops . he giveth all manner of church power to presbyters , and not to bishops only . ep. ad heliodorum . presbytero ( saith he ) si peccavero , licet me tradere satanae in interitum carnis . et ep. ad demetrium ; sunt quos ecclesia reprehendit , quos interdum abjicit , in quos nonnunquam episcoporum & presbyterorum censura desaevit . ambrose giveth account , ep. 80. of the excommunication of jovinianus , and others with him , by syricius bishop of rome ; whose words to ambrose were , omnium nostrum tam presbyterorum , quam diaconorum , quam totius cleri scissitata fuit sententia . it is shewed , § . 37. that penitents were to be received by the bishop and clergy ; as cypr. ep. 12. it were then strange , if they were cast out by the bishop alone . i desire the reader ( who can ) for further satisfaction , would read paul baynes diocesan's trial : and mr. peregrin letters patents of presbytery : they having somewhat that is singular on this subject . § . 39. let us now examine what he is pleased to bring for the bishop's sole power in the church ; and against the parity that we have asserted . and first , i shall examine his three principles above-mentioned . the first of which is , there were several considerable acts of power , belonging to the government and discipline of the church , which belonged solely to the bishop ; several powers lodged in his person , which he could manage by himself , and without the concurrence of any other church-governour . of this sort he reckoneth eight , viz. confirmation , ordination , settling presbyters , disposal of church revenues , imposing charitable contributions , convocating the presbyters and deacons , indicting publick fasts , delegating two of his presbyters . these i shall consider distinctly , with his proofs for what he asserteth about them . for the first of these , confirmation of the adult , who had in their infancy been baptized ; at first it was no more , but after diligent instructing them in the grounds of religion , bringing them to the pastor of the church , ( and probably before the eldership ) that they might be tryed in their proficiency , and so declared fit to receive the lord's supper : in which nothing can be blamed . afterward it came to be more theatrically managed , and imposition of hands was the ceremony by which it was set off : till at last it came to be esteemed a sacrament . now when it was thus turned from the simplicity of god's ordinance , to be a pompous device of man , ( not a few of which were crept into the church in , yea before cyprian's age ) it is not strange , if they committed not the managing of it to all , to whom christ had committed his ordinances ; but to one of their own chusing . our debate is , whether the bishop had sole power of managing any of christ's ordinances ; of which number this is not . yet i find litle strength in our author's arguments for this power in the bishop . his first proof is , cypr. ep. ad jubajanum , it was the custom to offer such as were baptized to the bishops , that by their prayers , and the laying on of their hands , they might receive the holy ghost , and be consummated by the sign of our lord : which our author taketh to be the sign of the cross . here cyprian useth the word praepositis , which our author is pleased to translate bishops ; whereas presbyters also were called by that name . for cyprian , ep. 3. § . 1. the roman clergy , ( when they had no bishop , ) said of themselves , that it appeared that they were praepositi ; and thence inferred , that it was incumbent on them to take care of the flock : and they speak of idle shepherds as neglegentes praepositi , whose reproof was to be a warning to them . and cypr. ep. and jubajan . which is 69. § . 4. plainly calleth the successors of the seventy disciples , as well as these of the apostles , praepositos : for of them that place luc. 10. 16. which he citeth , is to be understood . and ep. 62. § . 1. he sheweth how church discipline is to be regarded , à praepositis & plebe . and ep. 65. § . 4. he mentioneth episcopos & praepositos , as distinct . and ep. 21. which is celerini ad lucium , § . 3. quorum jam causa audita , praeceperunt eos praepositi sic esse donec episcopus constituatur . and de lapsis , § . 4. praepositos superbo tumore contemnere : it is spoken of all the rulers of the church . for a further refutation of this his principle , it may be observed , that this confirmation , of which cyprian here speaketh , is not that which in our days goeth under that name ; but that used in the apostolick church , the effect of which , was the giving of the holy ghost ; as is clear from his citing act. 8. 14 , &c ▪ for the pattern of what they did , and their warrant for it . now that imposition of hands was not given to all the baptized ; but only to such as were ad ministerium ordinandi , saith lightfoot : it was not ad sanctificationem , sed ad dona extraordinaria ; saith the same author . piscator , beza , grotius , do also so expound this place : wherefore it proveth nothing , except our author can tell us what cyprian meant by it : which i can not ; seing the extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost were then ceased , for any thing that we know . his next citation , out of firmilian , destroyeth what it is brought for ; for he ascribeth to bishops the power of baptism , confirmation , ordination : his word is , they possess this power : i hope he will not say that presbyters had no power in baptism : wherefore by bishops here firmilian must mean the pastors of the church ; all of whom were frequently called bishops at that time : yea , himself confesseth , that these spoken of , were the majores natu , whom he most absurdly pleadeth to be bishops , as distinct from preaching presbyters . of as little weight is what cornelius saith of novatianus ( eusebius maketh cornelius say this of novatus , chap. 42. ) that he was not confirmed by the bishop ; for in that place cornelius questioned not only the confirmation of novatus , but his baptism : and that he speaketh not of the ordinary confirmation , but of that which belonged to priests , is clear ; for he saith , how then came he by the holy ghost ? and he is there pleading his incapacity to be a bishop , on that account . but of this too much : for it doth not hurt our cause if it be granted that bishops then were so far distinguished from other presbyters , that they usurped a power which our lord had not given to them , nor any man else , at that time ; what ever he had before done to them whom he immediatly sent , and extraordinarly endowed . § . 40. the second act of power that he ascribeth to the cyprianick bishop alone is , he had the sole power of ordination ; and that of whatsoever clergy-men within his district . ordinations could not be performed without him : but he could perform them regularly without the concurrence of any other church-officer : and he saith , this hath so frequently and fully been proved by learned men , that he need insist little on it . all which we deny : neither do i find any argument here brought by him , nor have i found in the writings of his learned men ( and i may , without vanity , say , i have seen the strongest of them ) which might be a rational ground of conviction . before i examine his proofs for this assertion , i shall prove the antithesis : that presbyters did , in that age , and before , joyn in the ordination of presbyters . and first , it is evident from jerom's words , so much insisted upon by our episcopal brethren , alexandriae , a marco evangelista usque ad heracleam & dionysium espiscopos , presbyteri semperunum ex se electum , in excelsiori gradu collocatum , episcopum nominabant . whence it may fairly be deduced , that till an. christi 246 , all the power or authority that the bishop had , was given him by the presbyters ; they elected him , nor had he any other ordination , or communication of power , but what he had from them ; in the opinion of jerome . if then the presbyters made a bishop ; it could not be he alone , but the bishop with them , and as one of them who made presbyters . 2. hilarius , who lived in the midle of the fourth century , in eph. 4. hath these words , apud aegyptum presbyteri consignaverunt , si praesens non fuit episcopus . whether ye interpret consignaverunt of confirmation , as some , or consecration of church-officers , as others , it cometh to the same conclusion : seing our author and his complices , reserve both these powers to the bishop ; and it is probable they were not divided . that they did it absente episcopo , doth imply that they had that authority ▪ for without it they could not have done it at all . 3. novatus a presbyter in carthage , while cyprian was bishop : ordained felicissimus : this ordination ( tho' no doubt it was irregular , being done without the moderator and the presbytery ) yet it was not lookt on as null , but novatus was , after that , owned by cyprian : and felicissimus continued to be a deacon . to this our author answereth p. 42. that not novatus , but neighbouring bishops by the procurement of novatus , did it . but cyprian's words are plain ; felicissimum diaconum sua factione constituit . that this deacon was ordained by bishops is gratis dictum . i have also elsewhere proved , that in scotland there were presbyters ruling the church , long before they had bishops : which could not be if none but bishops could ordain them . § . 41. cyprian ep. ( mihi ) 33. in ordinationibus clericis , solemus vos ante consulere , ut mores & merita singulorum communi consilio ponderarem , &c. in that ep. he telleth the church what was his usual practice ; and we have cause to think that he lookt on it as his duty not to ordain without the presbyters : commune consilium here can import no less than deliberation and authoritative decision , for it was common to him and them . in the following part of the epistle , he excuseth his ordaining anrelius a lector , without them , from the evidence of a divine call : and the present distress and scattering of the church might excuse this necessary diverting from the common road : yet he telleth them , he did not this by himself , but hunc igitur fratres dilectissimi , à me & à collegis qui praesentes aderant ordinatum sciatis ; quod vos scio & libenter amplecti , & optare tales in ecclesia nostra quem plurimos ordinari . he maketh the like excuse , ep. 24. for his ordaining saturus a lector and optatus a sub-deacon : only here he had before hand the common consent ; but his circumstances ( being in his retirement ) did not suffer this to be done in and with the presbytery ; but that he did it not alone , we may gather from the former instance . this doth sufficiently shew that ordinations were not performed without the determination of the presbytery . but it is also manifest , that in the solemnizing of them , by imposition of hands , the presbyters had their share with the bishop . cypr ep. 10. § . 2. there is mention of impositio manum episcopi & cleri , and that two several times . if it be said , that this imposition of hands was for absolving penitents ; the consequence is good from the one to the other , seing our author joyneth confirmation in order to communion ( of which this is a sort ) with ordination , as two powers reserved to the bishop alone . ep. 67. § . 4. he saith of cornelius bishop of rome , that he was ordained suffragi● , cleri & plebis , concil . carthag . 3. canon . 22. nullus ordinetur clericus non probatus , vel episcoporum ( not episcopi ) examine , vel populi testimonio . concil . carthag . 4. can. 3. presbyter cum ordinatur ; episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri qui adsunt manus suas juxta manum episcopi super caput ejus teneant . this is exactly our practice , if ye allow the moderator to be the cyprianick episcopus . our author himself seemeth to insinuat , that the presbyters with cyprian , used to concur in ordination ; while he premiseth to his proofs for sole ordination , that passage out of ep. 14. ( as he quoteth it ) a primordio episcopatus mei statueram nihil sine consilio vestro & sine consensu plebis , mea privatim sententia gerere . i say , if this be not meant of ordination , it is here very impertinently brought in . nor can his comment on cyprian's words help him , viz. that this was his voluntary condescendence , that he was not bound to : to prove which he putteth statueram in majusculis as if it were not usual with good men when they enter on an office , to resolve to keep within the bounds of their power ; to manage it lawfully ; as well as to cede in what is their right . but that cyprian's words cannot bear that sense , i prove by the reason he giveth ; sic mutuus honor exposcit : the mutuus honor must be that due regard that he had to their authority in the church , and they ought to have to his : it had been a dishonouring of them , and setting them lower than christ had set them in his church , for him to mannage her affairs without them . and ep. 18. he maketh this matter yet clearer ; quae res , cum omnium nostrum consilium & sententiam spectet , praejudicare ego , & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo . where it is manifest , that it was conscience of duty , and not good nature onely , that induced him to this conduct . also that he attributeth to presbyters not consilium onely , but sententiam ; not onely a consultative power , but also definitive , or decisive . the apostle who had indeed a sole jurisdiction , spake in another dialect , 1 cor. 5. i have judged already . cyprian durst not do so , because he knew he had not that sole power . § . 42. let us now hear his proofs for the bishop's sole power of ordination . the first is , what is said of the ordination of aurelius , which i have already shewed to be against him . wherefore i shall onely take notice of his observes on this passage , by which he would force it to speak for him . 1. that his power was the same in all ordinations . i shall not much contend about this : only , if they put the power of ordaining officers of their own devising into the hands of whom they would ; it doth not thence follow that they might , or did so dispose of ordaining power with respect to these whom god had appointed , and about whose ordination he had given rules in the word . 2. he used only to ask their counsel about the manners and merits of the person to be ordained ; not their concurrence in the act of ordination . this is a mistake , he asked not their counsel only , but their joynt suffrage , as is above shewed . that their concurrence in the act of ordination is not here mentioned , is not to his purpose ; seing it is consequential to their office , and church power . that it is fairly imported in the instance of aurelius that they used not to concur , is a groundless imagination ; for this is a single instance in an extraordinary case , and he spendeth a whole epistle in making apologie for it : yea , he more than insinuateth the contrary , when he telleth what he used to do , and giveth a singular reason for what he now did . i wonder that common sense doth not teach him that such an act doth not import a custom . 3. that it was intirely of his own easiness and condescendency that he consulted them in the matter : this i have above refuted ; and it is inconsistent with what himself elsewhere saith , that the bishop was the monarch , and the presbyters his senate : i hope he will not say that it is ex beneplacito that kings consult their parliaments : unless he be for the turkish government both in church and state. § . 43. another testimony ( which he calleth remarkable p. 40. ) is cyprian ep. 41. had given a deputation to caldonius and some others , to examine the ages , qualifications , and merits of some in carthage , that he , whose province it was to promote men to ecclesiastical offices , might be well informed about them , and promote none but such as were meek , and humble , and worthy . his remark is , he speaks of himself in the singular number , as having the power of promoting ; and he founds that power , and appropriats it to himself , upon his having the care of the church , and the government of her committed to him , for a. i observe a few things on this discourse . 1. this delegation of caldonius and the rest , was not to carthage , as our author dreameth ; which appeareth by the end of the epistle , in which he bids caldonius , &c. read this ep. to the brethren , and transmit it to carthage to the clergy : which had been incongruous if their errand and work had been at carthage . next , this is in consistent with what cyprian , and our author saith was his practice ; viz. to consult the presbyters about who were fit to be ordained : it is strange that he should send strangers to carthage for such enquiry , and to inform him , with the neglect of the presbytery . 2. it is also clear from the epistle , § . 1. that this negotiation was about some sufferers who belonged to the church of carthage ( may be , banished , or imprisoned , or confined some where ) where they were in necessity ; for he saith he sent them , ut expungeretis necessitates fratrum nostrorum sumptibus , &c. that they might pay their debts ( as pamelius expoundeth it ) and that they might furnish them for following their trades , if they so inclined : and the enquiry about their fitness for church-work seemeth to be intended on the by ; for he bringeth it in with simul etiam . 3. that he speaketh of himself in the singular number , doth no way infer that he alone was to promote any who were qualified among these sufferers : neither his having the care of church government committed to him : for ego cui cura incumbit promoverem , saith nothing at all of sole care , nor of sole power . not only a moderator , but any member of a presbytery , to whom the ordination of ministers belongeth , might say as much ; might desire to know worthy persons , and give the reason , that it is not curiosity , but it belongeth to my office to ordain such as are fit , and therefore i desire to know their qualities . his next citation hath no more strength : for it saith no more than that some in a state of schisme have been ordained by false bishops ; whence he inferreth , that all ordinations in the true , and in the false church were performed by bishops . this is not the question ; but whether they were ordained by bishops acting each of them alone . § . 44. he next bringeth ep. 39. where cyprian writeth to his clergy , that he had ordained celerinus ; and ep. 29. saturus , and optatus ; and that tho' some of them were but young , and he ordained them to inferior offices ; yet he designed they should sit with him in their riper years : that is , ( saith our author ) he designed them for the presbyterate . and he very learnedly observeth , that cyprian telleth his presbyters this in a very authoritative stile , even in a stile by which superiors used to signifie their will and pleasure to their subjects ; with a be it known unto you . here a little reflection will serve . 1. here is still the old fallacy ; cyprian ordain'd these persons , ergo , he did it alone . 2. it is so far from that , that of celerinus he saith expresly , it was done by him and his collegues , ep. 34. § . 1. as in the former , ep. 33. he had said of aurelius . 3. the present dissipation of the church , made some things necessary , which were neither usual , nor commendable out of that case : as that cyprian , with such as he could then get to concur with him , ordained some persons without the concurrence of the presbytery ; who then , it seems , through the persecution that was at carthage , could not get that work managed . 4. for cyprian's stile in his epistle to the presbytery , i think many moe will smile at his fancy , than will be convinced by the strength of his reason drawn from it : cyprian's word is , sciatis , which our author putteth in majusculis , to give his argument some more pith : but who knoweth not that this expression signifieth barely a notifying of a thing to another ; and is commonly used ( especially in the latine tongue ) to superiors , inferiors , or equals . it is a token of a mind deeply impressed with the majesty of a bishop , ( as he elsewhere expresseth himself , ) when this word doth so sound in his ears . the ordination of novatianus , which he next bringeth as an argument for him , rather is against him : it was an act condemned by the clergy and people , by cyprian's constant practice ; and that which he lookt on as duty , ( as hath been shewed before , ) and was the practice of an aspiring pope : yea which himself promised should not be made a praecedent . can any body think this is a good argument to prove the custom of that age ? neither can it be made appear , that this ordination was performed by the bishop alone : especially seing our author saith , the bishop prevailed and ordained him . it is like he prevailed with some , at least , of the clergy , tho' they did at first much resist it . he saith , p. 42. that any concurrence of presbyters with the bishop in ordination , is not to be found in cyprian ' s works , nor in his age. i hope the reader is by this time convinced of the contrary . he next , p. 43. bringeth for proof , the second canon of the apostles , commonly so called , which is , let a presbyter be ordained by one bishop , as likewise a deacon , and the rest of the clergy . but our author might know , that the authority of these canons , is controverted even among papists : as sixtus senensis , lib. 2. ad vocem clemens , p. ( mihi ) 62 , 63. and caranza . summa . concilior : and others shew . the contentions that are about the number of them , make them to be all suspected . rivet . critic . sacr. lib. 1. c. 1. p. 93. and p. martyr . loc. com. class . 4. c. 4. p. ( mihi ) 779. bring sufficient grounds for rejecting them , as neither done by the apostles , nor collected by clement , as is alledged . again if this canon were admitted , it proveth not the conclusion : for one bishop ordaineth , when the moderator with the presbytery doth it : and that canon is observed , when no more are called together to the ordination of a presbyter . his comparison of the bishop's power in this , with the rights of majesty in giving commissions , is vain talk : unless he can prove a monarchy , and that absolute in the church , which can never be done : for the canon mentioned , being universally received in cyprian's time , it is not without doubt , as he alledgeth , for all beveregius's arguments which he boasteth of ; but produceth none of them . one thing i cannot pass , p. 44. he telleth , that after cyprian's time , it was appointed by the canons , that presbyters should concur with the bishop in ordinations : which overthroweth all his discourse of the bishop's majesty , soveraignty , incontrollable and vnaccountable power , &c. and it is evident to any who is conversant in the history of the church , that episcopal power did rather continually increase , than suffer diminution , till it arrived at the height of the papacy , ( which in the best sense , is his sublime fastigium sacerdotii . ) and then indeed the pope began to clip the wings of other bishops , that he might crow over them . § . 45. his third prerogative of the bishop in cyprian's time , is his full power , without asking the consent or concurrence of either clergy or people , to setle presbyters within his district . and on this occasion he ridiculeth our principle of the peoples power of choosing their own ministers . all the prooff of this confident assertion , and insolent contempt of them who are otherwise minded , is , cyprian ep. 40. wrote to carthage , that they should receive numidicus as a presbyter among them : and our author addeth , probably he was ordained before . 1. if our author had pleased to state and argue the question about the power of election , i should have been willing to joyn issue with him . or if he had thought fit to answer what i have elsewhere written on that head , in a book that he hath seen , and cited , when he thought he could say something against it , i should have considered the strength of what he would say : but he doth wisely shun that controversie : neither shall i dip in it , further than is necessary for answering his book . 2. if numidicus was ordained before , then was he also placed in carthage before ; and we have cause to think that he was ordained by the consent and concurrence of the presbyters of carthage : at least our author cannot prove the contrary , which is necessary for establishing his conclusion . 3. he who animadverteth on pamelius's notes on cyprian , hath these words , on the beginning of the epistle , etsi vocatio numidici magis erat extraordinaria quam ordinaria , tamen non sine plebe carthaginense presbyterio ascribitur : whence he inferreth , that ordinations without their consent , are profanae & irritae . 4. his work is to prove that it was the practice and principle of the cyprianick-age , that a bishop by himself placed ministers : this cannot be inferred from one single instance ; and that in a time of persecution and dissipation ; and where there was so signal appearance of divine determination , that cyprian's words are , admonitos nos , & instructor dignatione divina , sciatis , ut numidicus presbyter adscribatur presbyterorum carthaginiensium numero . any who desireth to be fully satisfied in this point of election of pastors , let him read blondel . apolog. pro sententia hieron . from p. 379. to the end , even to p. 548. where it is traced through all the ages of the church . § . 46. the bishop's fourth priviledge is , he had the disposal of all the revenues of the church . this our author maintaineth p. 44 , &c. he had the full power of this , saith he , ibid. i here observe , that if we should yield all that he asserteth , it maketh nothing for the sole power of the bishop in jurisdiction , or government of the church : for these distributions were always reckoned a service , not any act of government in the church : the object of church power are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . further , i observe , that the authoritative direction in managing these matters , did belong to all church rulers : the apostles had the power ; but they were not at leisure to attend the managing of these things , as our author's bishop is ; but committed it to deacons , who were officers appointed for that very end , act. 6. i observe thirdly , that however to be thus imployed , might sute well with the way and temper of the the bishops of our time ; who generally are more imployed about secular affairs , than in preaching : it was not consistent with the labour of the primitive bishops about the gaining of souls . fourthly , it is evident , that in the ages after the apostles , the deacons had the charge of the bona ecclesiastica ; ergo , not the bishop only . origen in matth. 16. mensis ecclesiasticarum pecuniarum diaconi praesunt . item , diaconi qui non bene traetant pecuniarum ecclesiasticarum mensas , & semper de eis fraudant , & ipsas quas dispensant non secundum justitiam dispensant & divites fiunt de rebus pauperum , ipsi sunt numularii pecuniarum , mensas habentes quas evertet dominus . it is fifthly to be observed , how absurd it is , and what a snare , for any one man to have the sole disposal of all the goods of the church , who may take what he will of them , for his propria portio , ( to use our author's words ) and give what he will to the other church-officers , and to the poor . this is a trust might make bad bishops ( and such there were even in cyprian's time ) a scandal , and might expose the best to obloquie : and lay a foundation for perpetual grumblings and discontents in the church : to prevent which , the lord by his apostles , appointed deacons to superintend that affair , act. 6. let us now hear what our author pleadeth for his opinion : he telleth us that the bishop not only had his propria portio , which he will have to be the third of all ; and he observeth , that this made fortunatianus and basilides so earnest for restitution to their sees , after deposition , ( and in our days maketh many sell , or ruine the church for these lucrative promotions ) but he affirmeth the bishop had also the disposal of the rest . for which his proof , first as to the clergies part ; felicissimus is blamed for contending about his share , contrary to his duty to his bishop : and others are praised who took their shares as the bishop should please to dispense them . a. 1. that the bishop here is meant in his sole , or single capacity ; and not rather in conjunction with the presbytery wherein he praesided , is denyed , and can never be proved . yea , the contrary is evident , ep. 41. ( which he citeth ) where speaking of them who were so tractable , he useth these words , & vobis acquiescere maluisse ; that is , submitted to their ( the presbyteries ) determination about their shares . 2. if a school boy should make such a version of latine into english , as our author here doth , he would be lasht for it . he turneth , episcopo dispensante , as the bishop should please to dispense them : whereas the bishop's dispensing , was nothing but his giving out sentence as the presbytery had determined ; not as he , by himself , pleased . likewise , he taketh no notice of these words , & vobis acquiescere maluisse : which is a great error in translation . 3. it is evident from cyprian's own words , that he did not act solely in this matter , but with the authoritative concurrence of the presbytery ; for a little before the words cited , he saith , cumque post haec omnia , nec loci mei honore motus , nec vestra authoritate & praesentia fractus , &c. where he blameth felicissimus for despising the bishops honour , and the presbyters authority : clearly insinuating the difference of the bishop and presbyters of his time , that he had more honour than they ; but not more authority . the same way are we to understand cyprian's promoting aurelius and celerinus only to the degree of lectors ; but entitleing them to the maintenance of presbyters : viz. that cyprian might propose this to the presbytery , tho' he could not effect it without them : his words are , presbyterii honorem designasse me illis , & ut sportulis iisdem — he designed it , because they were choice young-men , but it was the presbytery concurring with him , that must make this effectual . he saith for the poors part , the bishop's power in distributing it , is so evident from ep. 5. and 41. that i need not insist on it . a. in ep. 41. ( which is that we were just now debating about ) there is not one word to that purpose ; but that he had sent some to relieve the necessities of some sufferers : but out of what fond , whether his propria portio , or any other , is not said . and if it were out of the churches stock , it is not said he did this without the presbytery : he might very well say he did it , when the presbytery appointed it , and he put it in execution . what he saith in the 5. ep. is as fully against our author's design , as any thing can be . he bids them , both in discipline and diligence , act both their own parts and his . and he hath these words quantum autem ad sumptus suggerendos , sive illis qui gloriosa voce deum confessi , in carcere sunt constituti , sive iis qui pauperes & indigentes laborant , & tamen in domino perseverant , peto ut nihil desit : cum summa omnis quae redacta est , illic sit apud clericos distributa propter ejusmodi casus , &c. is it not here evident , that the clergy are intrusted with the poors money , and are to distribute it as need requireth : and that this distribution in cyprian's absence , was a doing of their own work and his ; so that they acted not as his delegats . further , they acted their own part and his , when one of them did praeside in their meetings in his absence : which was , in these days , his peculiar work ; neither do we find that he deputed one to praeside ; but left it to the presbytery , to choose whom they thought fit . he next bringeth the 38. and 41. canons of the apostles , to prove what he designed . i have above shewed what weight is to be laid on their authority . nor do they give this power to the bishop alone ; but the bishop is to be lookt on , with respect to what is there said , as praesiding in the presbytery . what he citeth out of justine martyr , saith no more , but the bishop hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the care of the ecclesiastical goods : which we willingly yield to him , and to every one of the presbytery : but it is not said , he alone hath this care. he would have us believe , that this sole power of the bishop , is fairly founded on scripture : but citeth no place . i know no more where to find these places of scripture , than i know where to find some places of cyprian that he citeth . i am sure act. 6. maketh nothing for him ; but on the contrary . neither 2 corinth 8. and 9. chapters . for paul was a delegate in carrying that contribution to judea : and if he had claimed more power ; it will be hard to prove the bishop's power to extend as far as that of an apostle . § . 47. the bishop's fifth power that he alone possessed is , of imposing charitable contributions on all the christians within his district , for the relief of strangers , &c. for which he referreth to ep. 62. and 78. but citeth no words . i can find nothing to that purpose in either of them , as in my book . for his alledging soter bishop of rome , whom dionysius of corinth commendeth for this practice , cited by eusebius , lib. 4. cap. 23. ( mihi 22. ) there is no more in it , but that dionysius commendeth that church for their wonted charitable distributions to other churches ; and that soter had observed , and improved this custom : this may be fairly expounded of exhorting to charity without authoritative imposing of contributions ; which any minister may do . and if he did impose , it is not said he did it by himself , tho' he is only mentioned ; as , perhaps , being singularly active in stirring up both the presbytery and the people : and he was to publish in the church , the presbyteries determination in this . what is there in all this for a sole power in this matter ? his next full power is , indicting of fasts : for which he citeth tertullian de jejun . but it is observable that tertullian speaketh of bishops in the plural number ; now it is not to be thought that no fasts were indicted but by a meeting of diocesans : wherefore episcopi must be the presbytery . or if he mean the several bishops in their several churches : it may be rationally understood of the bishop's intimating to the people , what is by common consent determined ; not what he enjoyneth by his sole authority . the seventh branch of the bishop's prerogative is , to convocate the presbytery and deacons . and let him enjoy it , for it is what we grant to our moderator : and there is a natural necessity , that it be in the power of some person to call them together , when any emergent doth require it . and seing in cyprian's time , the bishop was the constant moderator , it was consequential that he should be the constant conveener . but what prerogative , or sole power this doth infer , or what ecclesiastick authority above the brethren it importeth , i cannot understand . let any who hath clear use of reason judge , how this proveth the bishop's managing the affairs of the church like a chief governour , as our author dreameth , p. 48. neither doth it appear , that the bishop might convocate the presbyters at pleasure , ( as he fancieth ) but when there was cause : as in the instance he bringeth there was . he bringeth in , on this occasion , an observation , that cornelius received these persons about whom he called the presbytery , without asking the peoples consent ; but acquainted them after it was done . but our author hath forgot what he had a few lines before said , that after they were received in the presbytery , the people were made acquainted with it ; not one word of the bishop's receiving them by himself . this is nothing contrary to presbyterian principles and practices . yea ( as if he had design'd to refute himself ) he citeth a letter of these persons , shewing that they were reconciled to the bishop , and to the whole clergy : where is then the bishop's sole power of receiving penitents ? he propoundeth to himself an objection ; that the presbyters at rome met in a vacancy , after the bishop's death : and at carthage , in the time of cyprian ' s retirement . to the second instance he answereth , that cyprian left a delegation for their meeting : which he proveth strangely : he wrote , ( ep. 5. ) that they should faithfully perform his office and their own : where , saith he , we have distinct offices , and an express setling of a delegation . a. for distinct offices , his mistake of the latine word hath misled him ; it is fungamini illic & vestris partibus & meis : i see not but one presbyter may say this to another . for his delegation , i think few others can perceive it in these words ; may not any member of a presbytery , but especially the moderator , say the same , by a letter to the presbytery ? it importeth no more but a warning to be vigilant in their work. see § . 46. his next citations is out of ep. 14. ( it is ep. 6. ) where cyprian commands them to perform the office of vicars to him . cyprian's words are , hortor & mando ut vice mea fungamini circa gerenda ea quae administratio religiosa deposcit . here is no more but what any of christ's ambassadours may say ; he chargeth them to do their duty ; and he had authority from christ , not as bishop , but as a pastor of the church , and christ's ambassadour , to enjoyn this . if cyprian had our author's meaning , then all religious administration must cease , without the bishop's presence , or delegation : which is absurd . for his mea vice , it signifieth no more , but that his absence might be supplied by their diligence . cyprian's warm recenting what some of them did without his allowance ; shall be elsewhere considered : it was , that some presbyters without both their moderator , and the presbytery , received some of the lapsed : which was wholly irregular , and blame worthy . he next , to the presbyters meeting , sede vacante , answereth ; that they might meet ; but they might only determine in ruled cases . that is gratis dictum : but if they might act in any case , it is an argument that they had church power in their persons ; and that it was not solely in the bishop . the last of the bishop's prerogatives that he pleadeth for , ( tho' he telleth us , p. 50. that he could collect more , ) is , his delegating , not his presbyters in common , but two of them , rogatianus and numidicus , with two bishops , caldonius and herculanus , to consider the state of the poor at carthage , and to pronounce the sentence of excommunication against felicissimus and augendus : which they executed against them , and some others . if this discourse prove such a power of delegation , it will also prove such a power in one bishop over another ; which our author will not allow ; seing he asserteth , p. 27 , 28 , 35. that every bishop is supreme , and hath no ecclesiastical superior on earth . 2. sending a messenger to do for us , what we are restrained from doing , is not always an act of authority : one friend may send another , if he yield to it , as well as a master may send his servant . 3. that which hath most weight in our main cause , ( tho' it be impertinent to the present purpose , ) is , that these persons were to excommunicat felicissimus , &c. to which i answer , that this excommunication might be determined by the presbytery , and it was cyprian's part , as moderator , to intimate it ; for which he substituteth the persons named . here is no sole power of excommunication . this is countenanced by cyprian's own words , in that ep. § . 2. that felicissimus had despised both him and the presbytery . nec meo honore motus , nec vestra authoritate fractus : it seems he had been tried before them , and sentenced for contumacy . further , he was also suspected of adultery ; which cyprian would not judge by himself ; but referred it to their meeting , ibid. § . 48. having now examined our author's first principle , i proceed to the second , which he advanceth , p. 50 , &c. it is , that in every thing relating to the government of the church , and her discipline , the bishop had a negative over all the other church-governours , within his district : he had the supreme power of the keyes . he setteth about the proving of this point with a high degree of confidence : but let not him that putteth on his armour boast as he that putteth it off . he pretendeth to shew , that presbyters could not baptize , nor administer the lord's supper , nor excommunicate , nor absolve , nor make , nor rescind ecclesiastical laws , without the bishop's allowance . for a foundation to our answer to all his discourse on this head , i shall re-mind the reader of a distinction of presbyters above-mentioned . they were in cyprian's time , of three sorts . 1. the ruling elders , who were no preachers , and who with the bishop , ( or parish minister , ) and other preaching presbyters , ( if there were any , ) made up the consistory , by which the affairs of the congregation were managed . these , i confess could administer no sacrament , neither without , nor with the bishop's licence . and for acts of ruling in the church , it is probable enough , that they could do nothing without him who was praeses in their meetings , except , may be , in some extraordinary cases . 2. there were in some churches , ( especially in great cities ) some presbyters who were ordained to the work of the ministry , but had no particular charge , and were as our probationers , or students in divinity schools , ( only with this difference , that ours are not ordained , ) these might not baptize , nor administer the eucharist , yea , nor preach without the allowance of the bishop , or parish minister . and it is so also among us : if some ordained ministers happen to live in a parish , whereof they are not pastors , ( as sometimes falleth out in great cities , ) it is disorderly for them to exercise their ministery within another man's charge , without his call or allowance . these presbyters , in cyprian's time , were in somethings , like evangelists , whom the bishops imployed , when themselves could not overtake all their work : and if these be called the bishop's curats , ( as our author doth all presbyters , ) i shall not much reclaim . these were , as the sons of the prophets , bred by the bishop for the ministery : of this sort of presbyters , see p. baynes diocesan's tryal , p. 63. a third sort of presbyters , were the ministers of the several parishes , among whom the moderator of the presbytery , or other church judicatory , was in a peculiar manner , called the bishop : and they also often were called bishops , with respect to their own parochial charge . now , if our author mean , that a bishop in a city had such power over the presbyters , or ministers in the villages , or places about , that they might not baptize , &c. without his allowance , i utterly deny it ; and maintain that every such presbyter , minister , or parochial bishop , ( by what ever name ye design him , ) had in cyprian's time , as full power in his parish , as the great bishop had in his , tho' the one was more in esteem than the other . § . 49. i shall now consider his proofs for what he affirmeth . he beginneth with baptism , and pretendeth to prove , that presbyters could not baptize without the bishop's leave . his first citation is , cyprian saith , bishops give the first baptism to believers . which we deny not , if ye understand it of parish ministers . but if he mean bishops in cities , who were the praesidents in presbyteries , we deny that cyprian asserteth that . his next testimony is out of cyprian , ep. 73. and firmil . and fortunatus bishop of thurobaris : but it is evident , and he confesseth it , that the question by them treated , is , whether presbyters , who by heresie , or schism , had departed from the communion of the church , might baptize , and if they they did , whether that baptism was valid , or the person was to be again baptized , and that baptism esteemed null : and in this we do so far agree with these fathers , as to think that all the administrations of such hereticks , or schismaticks are irregular , and to be condemned : and that none ought so to separate from the church , while she keepeth the way of truth , and requireth no unlawful terms of communion of her ministers , or other members . but none of these fathers , did ever assert , that in the church , a sound presbyter could not baptize without the bishop's leave , within the limits of his own charge . that they mean no more than i say , is evident , for they plead , that none can baptize out of the church , nor bind or loose out of the church , and they say expresly , that none can baptize , but they who are founded in the evangelical law : and i hope it will not be denyed , that ministers of congregations are founded on that law , as well as these of great cities , who were then called bishops , because of their praecedency in church meetings . that bishops are named ▪ in these reasonings , as having the power of baptizing , maketh nothing against us , because all parish ministers were so called ; and none without their allowance ought to intrude on their charge , in this , or any other administration : and because the authority for baptizing , and other church work was communicated from the presbytery , by their praesident , the bishop : he indeed gave the power ; but not by his own sole authority , but by that of the presbytery . the testimony of tertullian cometh next : who saith , de baptismo , cap. 17. the high priest , who is the bishop , hath the power of baptizing , and after him , ( or in subordination to him , saith our author , ) presbyters and deacons . a. 1. tertullian doth not speak of bishops , as distinct from the pastors of particular flocks ; but from presbyters who had no charge : if this author put another meaning on his words , let him prove it . 2. tertullian a little above , puto autem licuit & tingere , cui licuit praedicare : i hope he will not say , that tertullian thought , that no minister might preach without the bishop's leave ; tho' he might think that the unsetled presbyters , ought to preach in no man's charge without his leave . 3. tertullian a little below , alloweth laicks , yea , women , to baptize , in case of necessity , without the bishop's leave : as he doth in the place cited , the deacons to do it with the bishop's leave , all which i look on as spoken without warrant . 4. tertullian groundeth his discourse on this ; that the honour of the church requireth , that the bishop's allowance should be had ; and on this occasion , condemneth emulation , as the mother of schism : and citeth that place , all things are lawful , but all things are not expedient . from all which it is easie to gather , that he only condemned them who baptized without church authority , which the bishop , as mouth of the presbytery , did communicat . 5. it is wholly without warrant that this learned author addeth to tertullian's words , and in subordination to him : dehinc ( which is that father's word ) doth neither signifie , nor can import so much : all that can be built on it , is a prior dignity to the bishop ; in this , and other parts of the ministerial work. his last citation is ignatius , it is not lawful to baptize without the bishop . a. that is , without the authority of the presbytery , which the bishop as their praeses , conveyeth . § . 50. he asserteth next , ( p. 52. ) that no presbyter could administer the eucharist within the the bishop's district , without his leave , or against his interdict . to this , what hath already been said , is a full answer . no presbyter might do this within the charge of a parish bishop , without his leave : nor yet in a presbyterial district , without the allowance of the presbytery , given out by their episcopus praeses . his proofs are exactly like the former ; cyprian ( severely and justly ) lasheth some schismatical presbyters , who by themselves , without cyprian , and without the presbytery , did administer the lord's supper to some of the lapsed , who were not duely reconciled to the church : i know no presbytery that would not condemn this , if it were done within their bounds ; yea , they would think their authority contemned ; and their moderator slighted , who should have been applyed to , to call the presbytery for consulting about this : who , with them , should have authoritatively determined in this matter : and this neglect of the bishop was in that time , the more conspicuous , that his praecedency was constant , and known to all ; which was the cause the bishop is so often named , in these things that concerned not him alone , but the whole community . it is to the same purpose , which he next alledgeth of dionysius bishop of alexandrià , giving a command that any lapsed , in danger of death , if supplicating for it , should have the eucharist . for that may be understood of dionysius enjoyning this to the unfixed presbyters of alexandria , that it should be done within that parish , whereof dionysius was pastor : or of the presbytery , by dionysius their praeses , to be observed within their district . what ignatius saith , that that is only to be esteemed a firm , and valid eucharist , which is celebrated by the bishop , or by his authority : this , i say , admitteth of the same answer ; that none ought to celebrate that holy ordinance in any congregation , but the pastor of it , or whom he doth call to do it for him : i might call in question the authority of these epistles of ignatius which he citeth ; but i will not digress into that controversie ; sub judice lis est , theologi certant . there is nothing of any more weight in his next citation ; where cyprian , against the novatians , declareth that there could be no true sacrament among them , because they are out of the church ; and had assumed to themselves an episcopal chair , and a power of baptizing ▪ and offering . it is plain that this is meant of them , who had cast off the churches authority , that was exercised by her pastors , ( who are here called bishops , ) but it no way proveth , that some pastors of the church , must depend on one of them , for this authority . it is tedious to repeat the same thing so often ; in answer to so many arguments , which are materially the same . after all these numerous testimonies , he cometh p. 55. to an artificial argument , in which kind of arguings , he seemeth not to be very formidable ; he supposeth he hath fully proved the bishop to be the principle of vnity ; the chief governour , that by consequence the supreme power of the keyes belongeth to him : that he was the visible head of the church ; it is highly reasonable on that account , that he should have the chief power of dispensing the sacraments : and that they might not be dispensed without him . i have already shewed the weakness of all these grounds he buildeth upon : and therefore the consequence built on them , must fall to the ground : we are no less sensible than he is , of the evil of receiving , and continuing unworthy persons in the church ; and that the governours of the church must be judges in this matter ; but we are not yet convinced , that the bishop by himself , rather than the community of church rulers , are that judge : and i must take leave to tell him , that ( however it was in the primitive times , ) in our days , the excluding of unworthy persons , ministers and others , hath been much more to be observed , where the church is ruled by a parity of presbyters ; than where it is governed by one prelate . § . 51. this learned author , supposing that he had proved the bishop's negative in administration of the sacraments , hence inferreth his soveraign interest in excommunication , absolution , enjoyning pennance , &c. which consequence i shall not contest with him : but i hope the reader is now satisfied , that he hath not sufficiently established the antecedent : nor will we yield that cyprian , or his contemporaries had , or laid claim to such a prerogative . but our author , tho' he thinketh he might supersede the proof of his negative in these other things , yet , because he will give all possible satisfaction , he undertaketh a deduction of further powers in the person of cyprian : of which we have a long history , beginning at p. 56. i have nothing to observe on the account he giveth of cyprian's conversion , promotion , ( save what i have observed out of pontius , of his promotion to be presbyter and bishop simul & semel : but what ever be in that , it hath no great influence on our cause , ) the opposition he met with , his eminency for grace and gifts , the wicked courses his enemies took , while , under the persecution by decius , he retired from carthage ; how they got some of the confessors and martyrs to countenance them ; and they upon this , were emboldened by themselves , to absolve some of the lapsed . nothing of this i contradict , except what i now said . he hath run thus far without a check ; and therefore ariveth at the confidence to say , p. 58. now consider what followeth , and speak your conscience , and tell me , if st. cyprian was not more than either single presbyter , or presbyterian moderator , i shall yield him yet a little more , in what he saith of cyprian's meekness and humility ; of his being alarmed with this practice , that this was an unparalelled practice , and that cyprian did zealously and vigorously oppose it . and for all this i shall speak my conscience , and shall give reason for my light , that cyprian was no diocesan bishop , in our modern sense ; and that he neither had , nor claimed sole power , nor a negative , in the government of the church ; and that , bating what i yielded in stating the question , § . 9 , 10. he was no more but a single presbyter , that is a parish minister , or presbyterian moderator . and indeed all that he here bringeth , and looketh on as so strongly argumentative , is already answered , he having cited all , or most of the places before , which he here quoteth . he bringeth three epistles of cyprian to prove his assertion . § . 52. the first is that to the confessors and martyrs : where i find nothing but a sharp reproof of them for going without their line : and he blameth those presbyters who had absolved the lapsed so disorderly : only what seemeth here to contain an argument is , that they should have petitioned the bishop for restoring of these lapsed , and not done it without him . the answer here is easie ; and often before given , that the fault of these turbulent presbyters was , that they took this act of church power on themselves , without the presbytery ; whereas the regular way had been to petition the bishop , that he might call the presbytery , and that he with them might cognosce of that affair . i have laid down sufficient warrant for thus understanding his words , from his declared purpose , founded on conscience of duty , to do nothing without the concurrence of the presbytery , see § . 12. and it is like , i may after bring yet further evidence , that his principles led him to this conduct : at present , i take notice of that plain passage , ep. 15. ad clerum , speaking of receiving the lapsed , quaeres ( saith he ) cum omnium nostrum concilium , & sententiam spectet , praejudicare ego , & soli mihi rem communem vindicare non audeo . and he desireth that that affair might be put off ; donec pace nobis à domino redditâ , in unum convenire , & singulorum causas examinare possumus : if cyprian seem to my adversary to speak in pure prelatical stile , as he saith , p. 6. he seemeth to me here , to speak in the stile of a presbyterian moderator . of the same importance is the next epistle cited , which was to the clergy of carthage , ( he doth not call them his clergy , as our author wordeth it ; and if he had , there had been no argument in it , ) he sharply reproveth ( not the presbyters in common , as our author fouly representeth the matter ; for he writeth in a loving stile to them : but ) some of the presbyters who had received some of the lapsed most irregularly ; and that because they had not taken the due course for receiving these lapsed , which should have been done per impositionem manuum episcopi & cleri , not by the bishops sole authority . he doth indeed here speak like a bishop ; that is a faithful pastor ; but not as a bishop pretending to sole jurisdiction ; or a negative in the government of the church . his third epistle is to the people ; where we have the same complaint of the irregularity of the schismatical presbyters ; and complaineth that the honour of his priesthood , and of his chair , was not reserved to him . this can never evince that cyprian pretended to a power to manage that affair by himself : i see nothing here inconsistent with the power , or the stile of the moderator of a presbytery , or pastor of a congregation : save that the moderator then , being constant , his part in the management of publick affairs was more obvious , and therefore more taken notice of . he hath yet a further citation , wherein cyprian telleth the clergy , that they ought to inform him of every thing that happens ; that so i may ( saith he ) advisedly and deliberatly , give orders concerning the affairs of the church ; let any one compare this translation with cyprian's own words , which are faithfully enough set down by our author in the margin : is limare consilium to give order ? it is to polish , and amend his advice ▪ and make it more exact : he then , in his retirement , wills them to write often and distinctly to him of all occurrences , that he , as making such a figure in their society , might give the more accurate advice about what was to be done : this is no prelatical , but a plain presbyterian stile . § . 53. on this occasion he is pleased p. 61 , 62. ) to take notice of , and tragically aggravate a passage in rational defence of non-conformity , p. 179. where he thinketh cyprian is reflected on as shewing too much zeal in that cause ( viz. of his episcopal authority being neglected ) and that possibly he stretched his power a little too far , as afterward many did : he was a holy , and meek man ; but such may be a little too high : this he stretcheth his invention to expose , as contradictory to it self ; injurious to cyprian , and an uncharitable , or ignorant sugestion : his more sedate thoughts after all this huffiness , may inform him better : that author as he was not so straitned with his learned adversaries arguments , as he imagineth ( they being the very same which now i have examined ) so he was far from speaking contradictions , nor did he seek to reconcile pride and patience , superciliousness and self-denyal , huffiness and humility , carnal hight and christian holiness : he was far from thinking on such ill qualities with respect to that excellent person : further than that the best of men have sinful infirmity mixed with their graces , and best gifts . he might know and i shall not charge him with ignorance in this ) that sin and grace are consistent in gradu saltem remissiore : and that tho' it were ridiculous to say , that moses was the meekest man on earth , and yet he was huffie , and proud , and passionate : or that job was most patient , and yet he was impatient notwithstanding it may be said , with our author's leave ; that neither of these holy men was so perfect in the grace for which he is commended , as to have nothing of the contrary evil : further i am of opinion , that what might be imputed to the excellent cyprian , was rather the fault of the age he lived in , than his personal fault , there was then a tendency toward church-domination , which did shew it self much more afterward : tho' i still maintain it was not arrived at that pitch that this author imputeth to that time . he spendeth a great many words to prove that cyprian did not stretch his power too far in this matter : all which is lost labour ; for that was no otherways imputed to him , than with a possibility ; and on account of his mentioning his own episcopal power more than he did the power of the presbytery ( which power of the presbytery he doth yet clearly owne , as i have proved ) this had a shew of usurpation ; and did in time introduce it : it was the genius of that age , to have too big thoughts of that praelation of being primus presbyter : and the best of men in that time were tinctured with this mistake . wherefore he might have superceded his proving what figure the martyrs then made , i know their interest went far , as to receiving the lapsed ; yet i still think that they neither pretended to , nor was then ascribed to them , formal church-authority . what he largely discourseth , p , 64. of cyprian's dealing with the disorderly presbyters , not by huffing , but by reason and argument , is as little to our purpose ; in that , he did rationally , and christianly : yet in these reasonings , as he in words , taketh more notice of his episcopal authority , than of the presbytries power , so upon the matter doth not derogate from the one , nor unduely highten the other : as hath been already shewed . i wonder at the insinuation that my learned antagonist maketh , p. 65. as if any had imagined it questionable , whether cyprian , or the presbyters that he blameth , were guilty of vsurpation : they did usurp most intollerably in doing that by themselves , which should have been done by cyprian and the presbytery : and it was no usurpation to reprove , and threaten them with censure for so doing . the power of the presbytery was not here questioned ; but the power of particular presbyters who took the power of the presbytry upon them : and therefore the presbytery who were not guilty , had no right of their own to defend against cyprian ; but had just cause to joyn with him against these usurpers . it is as insignificant , that the seditious presbyters repented , excused themselves , and desired a form from cyprian : for it is ordinary for some to go from one extreme to another . besides that seeking a form from him was to ask it from him , and the presbytery , not from him alone . that these presbyters were generally condemned for their factious practices , i think none doubteth , and it is to little purpose to prove it so laboriously as our author doth . § . 54. yet because in his proofs of it some things are interspersed which may look like arguments against what i plead for , i shall make some observes on this discourse . he giveth us account of cyprian's writing to the presbytery at rome , they having then no bishop . this i hope is a token that cyprian thought not that all church power at rome dyed with the bishop ; but that presbyters are church rulers , and not the bishop only : in the return that the presbytery at rome , made to cyprian , he fancieth that he findeth some arguments for episcopal sole power : which i shall a little consider : he saith they ascribe to him a supreme and unaccountable power : i find no words that can be so constructed in either of the two epistles that they write to him on that subject ; but on the contrary , they seem to insinuate a parity with him , while they frequently call him frater . it would be thought great sauciness , in our days , for presbyters to write in that stile to so great a bishop as cyprian was esteemed to have been , by our prelats . next , they compare him to the master of a ship ; who doeth not act in parity with the other sea-men ; a. omne simile claudicat . a moderator of a presbytery may be so compared , as having a main hand in the conduct of affairs . again the words of that epistle import no more than making cyprian the steersman : who tho' he be at the helm , and the safety of the ship dependeth much on his skill and management , yet he is not always the commander of the ship ; and the safety of the ship should yet more depend on the steersman , if he were fixed , and always so imployed ; as cyprian was in the ecclesiastical ship at carthage . he saith , that the roman clergy tell cyprian ( and pray take notice of it , saith he ) that they could determine nothing in that matter , wanting a bishop . this is a misrepresentation : for they tell their mind plainly in the first of their two epistles to cyprian ; that he did well in repressing that insolency of some presbyters ; that the lapsed should not be suddenly received , and give the reason , recens est hoc lapsorum vulnus , & adhuc in tumorem plaga consurgens ; & idcirco certi sumus , quod spatio productioris temporis , impetu isto consenescente , amabunt hoc ipsum ad fidelem se delatos medicinam . and in the second epistle they add another reason why it was fit to delay that affair of of censuring the lapsed , because they wanted a bishop , not because the bishop was to be the sole judge in that matter ; but because the bishop was he , qui omnia ista moderetur ( these are their own words ) he was to preside in that affair . seing then there was another reason for delaying , even where there was a bishop , as in carthage , it was a superadded reason why at rome it should be delayed , the presbyterie being incomplete , by the want of a significant member . if it be said , could they not choose a moderator ? answ . that office through custom being then fixed , and the honour and revenue that belonged to it being so considerable , it was not easie to get it done of a sudden ; and the iniquity of that time of persecution did add to the difficulty , as themselves express it ; nondum enim episcopus , propter rerum & temporum difficultates constitutus . our author vitiareth their words , when he maketh them say , who onely could define , &c. there is no such words in this epistle : it is said indeed of the bishop , eorum qui lapsi sunt possit cum authoritate & consilio habere rationem . but that saith nothing of sole authority , but such as was to be acted in the presbytery , and with their concurrence . § . 55. he observeth likewise , that they commend cyprian , that he did not determine in that matter by himself alone ; but took the advice of many : and this they impute not to the incompetency of his authority for it ; but to his condescendence . ans . he doth wholly mistake this matter , for the roman clergy , in their letter to cyprian , do not at all take notice of what he did , or might do , with respect to his own district , nor his advising with his own presbytery ; but that he had taken the advice , in such a weighty case , of general concernment , of other bishops , and of the clergy at rome , and it is certain , that he , with the presbytery at carthage , might have determined in this matter with respect to themselves ; and it was prudence , and not want of power , that made him advise with others . he bringeth another testimony to the plenitude of episcopal power , from an epistle from the clergy of rome , while they wanted a bishop , to the clergy of carthage , when their bishop was in his retirement : in which case , saith he , they had the best occasion of speaking their mind freely , of the power of presbyters , and the usurpation of bishops : in this epistle he fancieth that he findeth arguments for episcopal sole power : as first , they say , of themselves , and these at carthage , that they were only seemingly the governours of these respective churches ; and only keep the flock instead of the respective pastors , the bishops . i had occasion to consider this passage before , i blame his want of wisdom , that seing he is pleased to give us this translation of this passage , he hath yet set down the latine in the margine : out of which one may easily discover his error , without turning to the epistle it self : it is a strange translation , videmur praepositi , that is , we only seem to be governours . i am sure , the marginal notes on this epistle saith , they were pastores constituti . and pamelius from this passage argueth for the authority of the church of rome over other churches ; and he that animadverteth on pamelius saith , clerus romanus carthaginensem agnoscit , quemadmodum & alios aliarum ecclesiarum pastores , esse christiani gregi praepositos : wherefore videmur must rather signifie certainty than doubting , in this place ; it appeareth not only to our selves , but to all , we are acknowledged for such . and that they did not mean by vice pastoris , a vicarious power delegated from the bishop , is manifest , for the bishop was dead , and we find no power he left them ▪ neither could he do it . yea it is evident that they lookt on a power residing in themselves , of which they were to give an account : si negligentes inveniamur — quoniam perditum non requisivimus , &c. what is said of the lapsed continuing in their penitency , that they might obtain indulgence from them who can give it : the word being ab eo qui potest praestare . it might be understood of pardon from christ , on their sincere repentance , seing he alone can make indulgence effectual : but if that seem strained , the bishop with the presbytery , not by himself , may fitly here be understood . he doth again , pag. 69. misrepresent the question , in these words , let any man judge whether st. cyprian or his presuming presbyters had taken too much on them at carthage : but this mistake i noted before . another argument he bringeth , is from some martyrs and confessors , in an epistle to cyprian , commending him for his conduct in opposing and censuring these presbyters . i also commend him for it : ergo i think he had sole power to manage that affair : the consequence is naught . he haleth in another argument into this discourse : these martyrs and confessors desire , that cyprian being so glorious a bishop , would pray for them : which they would not have done had they thought him a proud aspiring prelat , that is a limb of antichrist , as this author would fain give him out to have been : it is an injurious calumny : i never said , nor thought so : and no man can wire-draw my words ( with any sense or reason ) to that meaning . i esteem cyprian's grace , virtues , and learning as much as he doth : and do judge that his prayers , while he was on earth , were worth asking : and that he was a glorious bishop ; but all this will not infer his sole power , nor his negative . — cyprian ' s excommunicating these presbyters , and that fact being approven by others , is not argumentative , unless he can prove that this cyprian did by himself , without the presbytery . he next bringeth the canons of the apostles ( the insufficiency of which authority i have above-shewed . ) and ignatius , that nothing should be done without the bishop , nor in opposition to him : and that the bishop should be honoured . all this is sufficiently answered above . when a bishop that is any minister of the gospel , acteth in his sphere , and keepeth to the rule the word of god , to oppose him , to depart from him , not to honour him , is highly sinful . but i am sure cyprian nor ignatius never meant to enjoin absolute & illimited obedience to a bishop , nor any man else . as for doing nothing without the bishop , we grant that they who are under a ministers charge , prebyters or others , should act nothing in the consistory without him ; but this also must suffer a limitation ; if he should prove so perverse as to oppose , and hinder every thing that is good , or what is necessary to be done ; i do not think that ignatius would blame the presbyters for acting without him : otherwise there were no remedy but the church must be ruined . if it be said , in that case they should complain . to whom must this complaint be made : for a bishop hath no superior on earth ; if we believe this author . § . 56. the last of his three principles , which he advanceth p. 72. is , that . all the church-governours within his district , presbyters as well as others , were in st. cyprian ' s time , subject to the bishops authority , and obnoxious to his discipline . this principle and all that he saith for establishing of it , we might safely yield , without any hazard to our cause : for we always maintained , that a bishop , considered as a paroch minister , hath authority over the ruling-elders , and the unfixed preaching-presbyters , if any be within his parish ; also considered as moderator of the presbytry , he is still a minister , and hath rule over all the ministers , and people and elders within the district , over which that presbytery hath the oversight : but our question is , whether he , by himself , hath the sole authority ; or he , as a member of the consistory , or presbytery , hath a share in that authority which resideth in that body , or community . this last we grant : the former we deny . his proofs can never reach the conclusion that we deny : the first of which is , that cyprian saith , that our lord chose apostles , that is bishops and governours ( where by the way note , that cyprian owneth other church-governours , beside bishops , and therefore they have not the sole authority ) and the apostles chose deacons to be the bishops and churches ministers . any body may see that this doth concern all church-rulers , not sole power in the bishop . next he telleth us that cyprian called fabianus superior , with respect to the roman-clergy : which is a mistake : he calleth him simply praepositus ( which as i have above-shewed , was a title given to bishops & presbyters ) and if he had not called him their praepositus , that doth not import sole power . in an epistle to rogatianus , cyprian insinuateth that he was ruler of the church , ergo he had sole power : it is a ●●lish consequence : this may be said of every elder of the church . he is scarce of arguments when he is forced to falsifie cyprian's words : qui in ecclesia praesidemus : he translateth , who have the chief power in the church ; beside that it is easie to distinguish between chief power , and sole power ; to which all are subject . also praesumus he turneth govern the church . that the bishop is said to be one , and set over the church , may well agree either to a parish-minister , or the moderator of a presbytery , who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . his next essay is from the bishop's calling the clergy his clergy ; for which he is at pains to cite many places . if this were constantly done ( which was not ) what doth it signifie : that manner of speaking is as common among presbyterians , as it was in cyprian's time : and it signifieth no more but elders of the church , whereof cyprian was pastor ; as the elders of any parish are called the elders of such a minister : and elders usually call their minister our minister . it is a frivolous question , by what rule of grammer , rhetorick , logick or politick could he be so called if he had no power or jurisdiction over them . a. there is no rule in any of these faculties against it : tho' he have no sole power ; if he have a share of the power that the whole hath over every one , and have the conduct in managing that power , by being their moderator . § . 57. he will let all this pass for a mere praelusion , not being scant of arguments . wherefore we must now expect what is more pungent : that is , the three principles he had before proved so fully , viz. the bishop being the principle of vnity ; having supreme power : being the same with the high-priest under the old testament , do prove this point . to this formidable argument i oppone what hath been discoursed on these heads : i leave the reader to judge whether he hath fully proved these , or i have fully overturned them : next he argueth from cyprian's saying he could by his episcopal power , depose or excommunicate a deacon who had rebelled against him , and praising another bishop for so acting , yea i shal allow him what he after faith , that this power extended also to censuring of elders : do not our moderators usually so practise when there is cause : but not by theit sole power , but with the consistory , or presbytery . we presbyterians may tremble at his next blow : for he saith , he will leave his reader no imaginable scruple . but these big words dwindle away into this feeble argument ; that cyprian might have censured felicissimus and some with him , who first opposed his promotion , and after he had taken them into favour , apted disorderly in receiving some of the lapsed , without the praeses , and the presbytery : of this case before : it is wholly insignificant here , unless he can prove , that cyprian might do this by himself , without the presbytery : which himself disowneth , as i shewed above : all that followeth ( which is a repetition of what he hath often alledged having little to say , when he braggeth of superabundance ) is already plainly answered . he is run a little weak ; but he reinforceth his arguments with confidence and repetitions . § . 58. hitherto he hath set forth his cyprianick bishop in his majesty , absolute and sole power , &c. in his own particular church ; p. 78. he giveth us account of him , as he stood related to the catholick church : and here he expecteth matter enough for another demonstration : which is a big word in disputation . we shall here also , by divine assistance , try his strength ; and tho' we will not brag of demonstrations ; yet shall endeavour to bring what light and strength the subject doth afford . his long discourse about the colledge of bishops , i have read with attention ; and considered with what application i am capable of , but cannot find his demonstrations in it : yea cannot see wherein it is conducive to prove his point : only some hints he hath interspersed that seem to have somewhat of argument , which i shall consider , after i have taken a general view of the whole . he observeth that all bishops were collegues , and made up one colledge . next that this colledge was the principle of vnity to the catholick church . thirdly , that the grand concern of the episcopal colledge was to preserve and maintain the one communion ; which together with one faith , made them capable to be the principle of vnity to the catholick church : and that this was their work he proveth first , they thought themselves bound to maintain peace . 2. every bishop was a member of this colledge ; and therefore great care was taken about their promotion . 3. he being promoted sent communicatory ▪ letters to other bishops , giving account of his promotion . 4. if there was any debate whether his promotion was canonical , the rest of the bishops enquired into it . 5. if he turned heretick , or schismatick , he was turned out . 6. while he kept the faith and vnity of the church , he was encouraged , consulted , corresponded with , &c. 7. while he continued a sound member of the colledge , all letters concerning the peace and vnity of the church , were directed to him . lastly , p. 87. he observeth ( cum nota ) resist this evidence saith he , if ye can ) that every heretical , or schismatical bishop , with all that retained to him , was ipso facto out of the church : at last , p. 88. he thinketh he hath another demonstration against my notion of a bishop in cyprian's time : for how could a single presbyter , or presbyterian moderator , have born such a part in relation to the catholick church , and her vnity and communion . § . 59. i must examine the strength of this long demonstration ; and what he addeth to fortifie it : and then shall return to take notice of what he intermixeth in the several parts of it , in which our debate may be concerned : for answer then to this argument , as it standeth . i deny the assumption , viz. that what he hath here asserted cannot agree to a single presbyter , or presbyterian moderator . his three assertions do well agree to every presbyter ; that is , pastor of a congregation : he is a collegue to all bishops , that is such pastors . the meeting of such ( either by their delegats ; or if they could all come together ) is as capable to be the principle of unity to a provincial , or national church , yea , to the universal church , as if so many diocesans should meet . it is as much the concern of these presbyters , or parish bishops ( and i hope they do as much mind it ) to maintain one faith and one communion . doth he think that our ministers do not think themselves bound to maintain peace : or 2. that there is litle care taken about their promotion or giving them charge of the people , and admitting them to a share of the government . 3. tho' it be not our custom to send communicatory letters of our settlement in a charge ; yet every presbytery notifieth to the neighbouring presbyteries the name of him who is to be fixed in a charge : that they may have opportunity to object : and the names of all who are ordained , are recorded . 4. if a presbytery ordain any person unduely , or if there be competition , the superior judicatories enquire into it . 5. we also turn out , not only heretical and schismatical ministers ; but them also who are scandalous in their conversation , or supinely negligent in their ministerial work. 6. we also encourage and admit to the government , them that do well . 7. letters that concern a particular congregation ; are , with us , directed to the minister : these concerning the presbytery , to the moderator : we also cast out bad ministers , and such as adhere to them ; if the cause be weighty : but we use moderation to the people who are led away by schismatical ministers , when their separation is founded on lesser mistake : & if in this we differ from the cyprianick age , his party should not blame us ; having tasted so much of our lenity . let it then be considered how impertinent this whole discourse is , and how insufficient to prove the episcopacy of the cyprianick-age that he pleadeth for . § . 60. he useth several enforcements of this argument , p. 88 , & 89. which i shall briefly consider . 1. the colledge of bishops are still considered as church-governours notoriously distinguished from presbyters . answ . this distinction lay in the dignity that the declensions of that time from apostolick simplicity gave them : not in any power that they had which presbyters had not . 2. a presbyter was never called a bishops collegue . answ . if this were granted , such a negative argument , and that drawn from words , and ways of speaking ( which doth often vary ) is not very concludent . i have shewed that the same power is ascribed to them , see ▪ § . 62. where the contrary of what he asserteth is shewed . 3. we have no vestige of a presbyterian moderator in these times . answ . there was then a moderator , who was called the bishop ; who presided in their meetings : tho' there was no such changing of the moderator as is among us : that i have yielded : but the fixedness of the moderator , and the parity of the power are consistent : tho' i deny not that the one made way for destroying the other ; as after-ages did shew . 4. our author repeateth all the acts of , and concerning bishops , that he had insisted on , and affirmeth that they could not consist with a single presbyter , or moderator , which i have above-denyed , and made the contrary evident . that he calleth all the acts of government and discipline his ( the bishops ) and his alone ; is to beg the question , for we deny it , and he should prove it . § . 61. i must now return to p. 78 , and glean some passages , which i was obliged to overlook , that i might have this long argument ( stretching from thence to p. 90. ) intirely in view , and give a general answer to it . he maketh the bishop the principle of vnity to a particular church , and the colledge of bishops the principle of vnity to the catholick church ; and christ the principle of vnity to that colledge . and addeth , i hope not being a romanist , you will not require that i should prove the highest step of this gradation . here i observe first , the discourse is about a visible head , or principle of vnity to the church ; which cannot be ascribed to christ . wherefore this is wholly impertinent ; or , if it have any sense , it tendeth to make his reader a romanist , whom he supposeth not to be one already . for if the particular and catholick church , have a visible principle of vnity ; and that which he maketh to be the vniting principle , have nothing that is visible to make them one among themselves , they who can receive his doctrine about a principle of vnity , will see a necessity of a pope to unite the bishops , as much as of a bishop to unite the presbyters . 2. if christ be the vniting principle of the colledge of bishops , why doth he not serve for the same use to presbyters , yea , to all christians . and indeed he is the real vniting principle to all ; they only are in the union of the church , who cleave to his doctrine , and observe his laws ; even tho' they separate from the bishop who departeth out of that way . 3. i desire to know of him , why he thinketh the romanists will put him to prove the highest step of this gradation , more than protestants will ? doth any of them deny christ to be the principle of vnity to the church ? they only make the pope his vicar in this , because they think such an one is needful in the church , who is visibly conversant among men : and doth not our author suppose the same necessity of such a visible uniter till he come to the colledge of bishops , and he leaveth them headless , that is , without a visible head. where it may be rationally concluded that this doctrine is either popish or palpably absurd . the next thing i notice is , p. 79. he saith all christians hold one faith to be necessary to the vnity of the church ; but in cyprian's time one communion was thought as indispensible : they held there is but one church , and that this could not be without one communion . if by one communion , he mean ( for he walketh in a cloud in this matter , whether of design or not , i know not , ) that communion of saints which is an article of the creed ; which consisteth in union of them all with christ , and unity in faith and love , &c. i acknowledge the necessity of it , but i know not what respect it hath to episcopacy , more than presbytery . if he mean local communion , it is impossible either in the catholick church , or in the diocess of a modern bishop . if he mean communion by having the same ceremonies and government in the church . tho' i confess that is desireable , and by all good means should be endeavoured : ( for we should have no ceremonies , but these which are of divine institution , and the one church government that he hath appointed , should be every where exercised , ) yet there may be one church , where this communion is not : and if the cyprianick age was somewhat too strick in this matter , it was their mistake , ( of which above , ) but it is no proof of episcopacy , ( in the sense of our debate , ) to have been in that age. and indeed , if our author maintain this principle , he will ( consequentially to it ) unchurch most of the reformed churches , as the papists do them all on the same score : if by this one communion he mean , that all christians must be united to some one bishop or other , which bishops agree among themselves , and have communion in the episcopal colledge ; he will find hard to prove that cyprian taught so . yea , then there is no communion in the church , without an oecumenick council of bishops , which we have litle hope to see : and many doubt that the world did ever see it : tho' there have been councils so called ; because in them were represented all the churches of the empire . further , if this was the opinion of cyprian's time , how will he prove that these bishops in whom churches were to be united , were any more than parish ministers , and that the one communion of that time , was more than that every christian must be the member of one church , where christ's ordinances are dispensed by a bishop , that is , a minister of the gospel . § . 62. tho' i am not concerned to question the practice of bishops sending their communicatory letters , to signifie that they were promoted . yet i see no sufficient proof of it from the two or three instances that he bringeth . it must be either a law , or a great train of instances , in many several nations , in greater and lesser churches , and under diverse circumstances and cases of these churches` that will bear the weight of so universal a conclusion . but i pass this : for it doth not much concern our main question . he will find it also hard to prove , that these letters were sent to all other bishops , ( as he affirmeth , p. 80. ) that had been a work of no small labour : i suppose they did thus correspond with some next adjacent bishops , or who were of special note ; which we also do , as i shewed before . that there were metropolitans in cyprian's time , he asserteth ; and i deny it not . but they were but moderators of the greater meetings , ( as the bishops were of lesser ones , ) of the parochial ministers and elders : as also were the primats , and in affrick especially , the eldest bishop or minister , had this dignity : but it was praecedency , and dignity , wherein they were above their brethren , not power and authority , but this our author toucheth but transiently ; and so i shall not insist on it : only i ask him ; how do metropolitans , in our modern sense , agree with his opinion that every bishop was supreme , and had no ecclesiastical superior on earth : see § . 9. p. 82. where he is discoursing of purging out a heretical bishop ; his thoughts seem to run somewhat muddy . he saith the colledge of bishops might do ( to him ) the equivalent of a formal deposition ; they could refuse him their communion , and thereby exclude him from their episcopal colledge : and they could oblige all the christians within his district to abandon him . and because he saw that his former assertion of the supreme power of a bishop , and his having no ecclesiastical superior , would be objected ; he saith no bishop was superior to another in point of power and jurisdiction . how to make all this hang together , is not easie to know . 1. to wreath the yoke of the bishop's domination on the church , he establisheth independency among bishops : whereas no reason can be given , why parishes should not be independent on one another , as well as provinces . i look on both these sorts of independency , as contrary to the unity of the church ; and on subordination , as of natural and divine right . 2. if the colledge of bishops had not formal power to depose a heretical bishop : by what authority could they oblige the christians to abandon him , and to choose another : if he say , the fundamental law of sound faith and unity ; or as he speaketh , of one faith , and one communion , obliged the christians to this . a. that is antecedent to the interposing of the authority of the episcopal colledge , and they were obliged to it , tho' there were no such colledge . 3. that no bishop hath power over another bishop , is no more than we say of presbyters . but it is strange that the community of bishops , hath not formal and direct power over every one of their own number ; both with respect to his communion with them ; and with respect to his particular charge ; that maketh a wider door both for heresie and schism , and for peoples beeing , without remedy , under the plague of bad ministers , than any thing that parity can be charged with . 4. the people are here left judges of the bishop's haeresie , and other incapacitating ill qualities ; and so to determine whether they will leave him or not : the colledge of bishops can do no more but inform them , and tell them what they are obliged by the laws of one faith , and one communion to do . 5. what if the bishop will not leave his charge , nor the people abandon him , hath christ left no ordinance in his church , as a remedy of this case ? the colledge of bishops cannot excommunicat him , nor them : that were to exercise formal authority over him or them : if they then , will not yield to the colledges information or advice , they may go on in their way without further controlement . thus we see that men will venture to ruine the soundness , peace , and purity of the church , that they may establish a lordly prelacy over the people of god. what he insisteth so much on , p. 86 , 87. about directing publick letters to the bishops , and their being signed by them : is not worth our notice . we also count it regular for our moderators to be so treated : but there was some peculiar reason , why it was so punctually observed in that age , because the praeses of their meeting was fixed , and it was interpretatively a degrading of him , or questioning his title , to do otherwise : but this importeth no superior jurisdiction . he telleth , p. 87. that every haeretical , or schismatical bishop , and all who adhered to him , were ipso facto , out of the church . this i do not believe , for how shall a man be known to be haeretical , till he were tryed and judged ? his proofs amount to no more , but that such were dealt with as out of the church ; and may be the manner of process against them , is not mentioned : but such a negative argument , will not prove that no more was done to cast them out : if that be the episcopal course of censure , wee intend not to follow it : and if that were the way in the cyprianick age , it maketh its example less venerable and argumentative , but it saith nothing for the bishop's sole power : he saith p. 89. that a bishop never called a presbyter his collegue . a. if it be understood of presbyters without a charge , there is reason for it : he had no joynt charge of the congregation , we use the same way of appellation . but if it be meant of a moderator , with respect to the other brethren ; i answer we find presbyters calling the bishop brother ; as was noted before : yea , concil . carthag . 4. canon . 35. it is decreed , that tho' a bishop in consessu presbyterorum sublimior sedeat , intra domum collegam se presbyterorum cognoscat . this , its true , was a litle after cyprian's time : but it was when church-domination was rather growing than decreasing . § . 63. his strength is now far spent , when in the end of his book , he wasteth so many words to set off an argument , which is fitter to be smiled at , than laboriously answered . it is that the christian bishops in cypria ' s time , made such a figure in the church , that they were the chief butt of the malice of persecutors : others might live in peace at home , when they were forced to flee . and he is at pains to prove this , which i think was never questioned in any age of the church . their station made them conspicuous , ( for i deny not they were above presbyters in dignity , ) their parts ( some of them ) made them to be jealoused : their zeal for god , made them hateful to the promoters of satan's kingdom . but all this can never prove that they had the sole government of the church ; nor that they had jurisdiction over presbyters , who were fixed in the church , to oversee any part of it . many presbyters , deacons , yea private christians , who were eminent for ability to confound the adversary : for zeal and holiness ; or for their station in the world , were persecuted as well as their bishops . that this is neither strange , nor concludent of episcopal power , is evident ( not to fetch an instance from far , ) in the late episcopal persecution among our selves : the ministers were mainly hunted , intercommuned , imprisoned , forced to hide or flee : and the more eminent or zealous they were , the harder it went with them : yea , some who were freer than many others , of what was thought sedition , disorder , or rebellion , yet were hardly used , for the hurt that it was thought they might do to that which was the great diana of the ascendent party . and yet all this will not prove that they had , or pretended to , or were thought to have jurisdiction over their brethren . i do therefore deny the consequence , the bishops ( some of them for i will not say it was the lot of them all ) were mainly persecuted ; ergo , they and not the presbyters had the authority in governing the church . if decius had such a dread of a bishop being setled in rome , that he would more patiently have endured a prince to rivall it with him for the empire : i am sure he had not so much cause as his successors had ; from the successors of that bishop : of no more force is his argument drawn from galienus directing his edict to the bishops , when he stopt the persecution : for we deny not that they had an eminent station in the church , and had a chief hand in the direction of her affairs , whether ye consider them as parish-pastors , as they all were ; or moderators in greater church-meetings , as some of them were . i have ( as he willeth his reader to do ) considered and weighed his arguments without partiality , and in the ballance of justice : but am not yet convinced , that the schisme that is in the church is chargeable on us ; but on his party . let the reader judge whether of us have best grounds for our opinion . § . 64. he concludeth with making excuse , from the bulk of his book , that he doth not ( as he first intended ) prove episcopal praeemenencie to be of divine right , as being christ's ordinance , and handed down to us from the apostles in the constant practice of the vniversal church . this is the constant cant of that party ; but i have met with none who was able to evince this tho' the learnedest among them ; and not a few of them , have essayed it . if this author shall think fit to make another effort , as he declareth himself ready to do , if commanded by him to whom he writs this long epistle ) and if he bring any thing new ; and not fully answered already : i doubt not but his arguments will be examined to better purpose , than what is , or can be done , by such a mean hand as mine is . appendix . after the former sheets were almost printed , i met with two books at the same time , which i had not before seen : the one called the fundamental charter of presbytry , &c. with a preface of 167 pages , by a nameless author : the other an inquiry into the new opinions ( chiefly ) propagated by the presbyterians in scotland ; with some animadversions on the defence of the vindications of the kirk : by a. m. d. d. this latter book seemeth to have more of argument than some others which i have seen from some scots episcopalians , if not from the same hand : i have much desired that our debates might run in that more pure channel ; and rejoice to see any hopes of it . i am sorry that now i have no time from necessary , urgent , and daily work , to consider this book so as to answer it , if i shall not be proselyted by it . i intend to try it's strength as soon as i shall have leasure , if the lord give life and health ; and if it shall not be sooner answered by some other hand ; which i do much wish . § . 2. the former of these two books is expresly levelled against an act of the parliament of this nation ; and is a direct refutation of it : and therefore the examination of it is out of my road ; and is most fit for such as are conversant in the affairs of state , and know the politick which moved the parliament so to contrive their act. i do judge that he who shall undertake it will find no hard task . beside , the presbyterian ministers did never look on the inclinations of the people ( which that act mentioneth in it's narrative ) as the fundamental charter of presbytry ; however the parliament might wisely consider it in their consultation and determining , and mention it rather than what did more sway some of them . we always did , and do , found the government of the church by parity , on divine institution ; and look on prelacy as contrary to christ's appointment . § . 3. what i now undertake is , a transient view ( such as the press hastening to an end of the former discourse , will allow ) of his preface : which i hope may be lookt on as a due refutation of it : nor can i imagine that any judicious and unbyassed man will judge , that such a parcel of stuff , deserveth a laborious ▪ examination : he hath need of a hardened nose who can insist long in an exact anatomatical scrutiny into such a rotten carion . the author hath out-done his brethren ( yea , and himself too ) in billingsgate-rhetorick : he seemeth to be eminently gifted that way ; to the silencing of who ever will oppose him ; as some learned acute men have quickly had their mouths stopt when the tongues of some of these good women have been let loose against them . i had rather own in my self all the dulness that he is pleased to impute to the man whom he designeth to expose , than enter the lists with him at that weapon : and i do freely confess i am not qualified for it ; and if i were , i should think it unsutable to my character ( however mean ) and inconsistent with a good conscience . such impotency of mind , and such injurious defamation , is not well consistent with christianity ; nor is sutable to that learning that is required in them who write polemick divinity : for , scolding is no scholarship . if his adversary was weak , he should have knockt him down with strong arguments ; not bespattered him with dirty revileings : the one would have ruined his cause , the other but bedawb'd his person ; and it may be easily wiped off . if the cause which my adversary owneth , need this conduct , it is weak , and not worth contending for : if not ; they who do so manage it are no credit to it . § . 4. i refer the reader who would have a view of this author's qualities more truly than he characterizeth other men , to the bishop of sarum ' s vindication : where , if he be not aimed at , he is very plainly chastised in effigie : for g. b. & g. r. seem to have been stung with the same kind of serpent ; if not the same individual . he had dealt more wisely , if he had not convinced the reader , by this management , of the very same ill qualities in himself , that he so frankly attributeth to another . i am sure he hath shewed litle wisdom in bringing instances to prove his confident assertions : had he contented himself with bold saying , and quibling insinuations , of what he thinketh fit to load one with ; some who know neither him , nor the person who is the butt of his malice , might have believed some part of what he alledgeth ( they who know that person , however they cannot but see many infirmities in him , have other thoughts of him ; and indeed better than ever he could deserve : and they who know this author will judge that his tongue , nor pen , is no slander . ) but now his proofs are so exceedingly unsuted to what they are brought for , that a litle attention may serve to improve them as weapons against himself , and as evidences of these things in himself which he designeth by them to fasten on another . i perceive he hath been at pains to read all that hath been written by g. r. on several occasions ; and what he thinketh fit to ascribe to him ; to see what he could pick up in these papers wherewith he might reproach the author : in which also he hath ( innocently and without design ) done him a kindness : for if so critical an eye could find no more to try his skill upon in all these writings , it is like there are many things in them which he could not blame : for , exceptio firmat regulam in non exceptis . it is a wonder if such a person as he exposeth could say so much to any purpose . § . 4. i shall not insist on his civility to the parliament , and their act ; nor his modest reflexion on himself ; nor his great care exprest to sute his discourse to the english-nation , even in the words and phrases : nor on the account he giveth of the helps he used . only i take notice how much pains he is at to prove ( through 14 pages ) that the book commonly called knox's history was not written by john knox : i know none , who is much conversant in our scots affairs , who is contrary to him in this : and if g. r. was so absurd as to cite that book under the name by which it is commonly called ; if it hence follow that he thought john knox was the author , let him pass for as ignorant as our author will have him to be : if this be no good consequence , i hope it is no great evidence of this author's learning so to infer . that john knox did not compose that book , ( tho' much of the materials of it was taken from his manuscripts ) hath been held by presbyterian brethren , before this author went to school : neither do i know any of them who are earnest to have it believed that he wrote it : yea , this author himself citeth it always under the name of john knox ; as he confesseth : and why might not another do so too , without debating about the true author of it ; which had been a needless digression from his purpose . § . 6. after he has disgorged a great deal of gall against g. r. and declined him for an antagonist ( who hath the same aversion from entering the lists with him , unless he deal more like a christian , and a disputant ) we might ( but it is in vain ) expect he should be more composed : his bile overfloweth through all his sheets . he mentioneth some passages in my writings that he will not insist on ; only noteth them with a nigrum theta , as proofs of my unquestionable ignorance : they are , that i hold ruling-elders , who are no preachers , to be of divine institution ; that the fathers , and scripture also , owne them under the name of bishops . that patronages came not in till the seventh or eight century , or later : ( where his own ignorance , or somewhat else , appeareth ; the word is , they were not setled till then : it is well-known , that many usages crept into the church long before they were setled , either by law , or universal practice . ) that , most , and the most eminent of the prelatists acknowledge , that by christ's appointment , and according to the practices of the first ages of the church , she ought to be , and was govern'd in common by ministers acting in parity , ( which is a gross misrepresentation ; for that is said of christ's equally intrusting all his ministers with power of preaching and governing : which is asserted and fully proved by the learned stillingfleet in his irenicum : and what followeth is that author 's own words , not attributed to christs appointment as unalterable , nor to the practice of the church . yet i shall not decline debating of both these with him ( tho' i say not they are the opinion of prelatists ) that diocesan episcopacy was not setled in cyprian ' s time , &c. ( what ignorance is in this , is to be judged by the foregoing book , that the decretal epistles of anacletus are genuine , is neither asserted nor supposed , nor is any opinion given about them : only they are used as an antient writing ; and argumentum ad hominem . if this one witness be cast , we have enough beside . that it is asserted , rational def. of nonconf . p. 10. that episcopacy is not in any protestant church but in england : is neither truly , nor with candor said ; the expression is , as in england : and it is easily demonstrable , that in no protestant church , it is in that height , or doth so entirely swallow up the ruling power of presbyters , as it doth in england : if my exposition of jerom's toto orbe decretum est , be ignorant , or erroneous ; i must so abide , till this profound doctor enlighten mine eyes ; which he hath not vouchsafed to do . another of jerom's sayings , quid facit episcopus , &c. excepta ordinatione : he saith my gloss on it , hath been sufficiently exposed , hist. of the general assembly 1690 : and i say , it hath been sufficiently vindicated , in answer to that , and other four pamphlets ; and def. of vindic. in answer to the apology , p. 24 , 25. i shall now add , that very exposition of that passage , was given by marsilius patavinus , cited in the end of the preface to paul bayn's diocesan's tryal : that author lived about anno 1324. in his book called defensor pacis , against the pope ; he hath these words , ( speaking of that passage of jerome , ) ordinatio non significat ibi potestatem conferendi , seu collationem sacrorum ordinum ; sed oeconomicam potestatem regulandi , vel dirigendi ecclesiae ritus atque personas , quantum ad exercitium divini cultus in templo : unde ab antiquis legum ▪ latoribus , vocantur oeconomici reverendi . this we maintain to be competent to every parish minister ; tho' not to the elders of the congregation , to manage these in the publick assembly . i hope no man of sense , will reckon that author an ignorant person , of whom papir . masson . saith , cujus libri extant , non cuidem verborum , sed rerum aepparatu , prorsus admirandi . his instance of my ignorance , in citing some greek authors , out of the latine translations of them , is so ridiculous , as it needeth no answer . § . 7. he next cometh to some instances , that he seemeth to lay more weight on . the first amounteth to no more but this , that i cited chrysost . out of bellarm. and i had not chrysostome then by me , ( as our author saith , he had not bellarmine , when he wrote this preface , ) and answered bellarmine and chrysostom's words , as he brought them : if he doubt , ( as he seemeth to do , ) whether i did faithfully transcribe bellarmin's words , let him consult the place : and now , when i have seen and considered chrysostom's own words , i am sure that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is not the same way ascribed to the bishop alone , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are to him , with the presbyters : for he deriveth these from christ's institution , which he doth not pretend concerning that : nor indeed could he , seing he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : he must then mean , that in his time , the bishop had an election , and may be , also ordination to a superior degree of dignity , ( which was without a superior power , ) or that to him , was committed the performance of the ceremonie in clerical ordinations , viz. laying on of hands : tho' i am sure , and have shewed , this was not the constant practice . what our author blameth in my sense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is fully vindicated , gillesp . eng. pop. cer. p. 3. c. 8. diggress . 1. p. 164. his next instance , is out of ration . def. &c. p. 199. where i prove the peoples power in electing their pastors , from act. 14. 23. and that from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( not barely from the force of the word , as he , by oversight , or ignorance , mistaketh ; but ) by the force of the word , and it's circumstances in that place . if scapula be not a good voucher for the signification of a greek word , both in profane , and ecclesiastical writings , his lexicon is little worth : if he be , our author has litle judgment in declining his authority ; seing not one of the instances he giveth of the word , is for ordination ; but generally , for giving suffrage . if we consult scripture , it is used act. 10. 41. and 2 corinth . 8. 19. in both which places , it is used for election . and its importing also ordination , which i alledged , he is pleased to mock at : but thinketh not fit to take notice of the grounds brought for that interpretation , from the best criticks : which i impute to his unacquaintedness with that sort of learning ; if we may be so bold , as to question the skill of one , who so looketh down on other poor mortals , as ignoramus's . § . 8. the next proof of ignorance is , i was bold to reprove one of my adversaries for commending ministers from their understanding christian philosophy : hence our auther spendeth about 10 pages to prove , that that phrase was used by the fathers : all which is easily granted , and was never questioned by any that i know . only i still think ( and if that be to be ignorant , i cannot shun that blame ) that however the fathers did pertinently use it , and even at this time it may to very good purpose be used in some cases , yet that in a time when socinianism aboundeth , and when revealed religion is so much decryed , by not a few , and all religion is by some resolved into nature , and humane reason , the improvement of which is philosophy : i say in that case , it is not so very proper a commendation of a minister , that is taken from christian philosophy , as that which is taken from that knowledge of divine things , which is built on revelation , as superadded to what we have by nature , and is attained by ratiocination from scientifick principles . § . 9. he next thinketh fit to charge his antagonist with nonsense , the instances are first , ( animadvers . on stillingf . jrenic . p. 30. ) i had said that all ceremonies of god's worship , are worship themselves . he should have minded that it is there said that the learned stillingfleet saith the same , irenic . p. 65. which i still aver : and if he will not ascribe non-sense to that unquestionably learned author , why may not such an one as i take shelter under his shadow . but if this author had understood the distinction , that i ( and many more learned than i ) have elsewhere cleared between circumstances , rites and ceremonies , and that this last sort , is peculiar to religious actions , and hath place in no other kinds of actions , he might have understood , that such actions are religious , and acts of worship , and that they are true worship , if instituted by christ , and false , if divised by men . this cannot be judged nonsense , by any who hath , with judgement , lookt into the controversie about ceremonies ; but it must be nonsense to judge so of it . the fetch , ( as he calleth it ) of ceremonies that are in the place of competentes , or catechumeni ; called in the same place candidate ceremonies , is no more nonsense than other metaphors are , if the author be so ignorant , as to understand that phrase literaly , it is his own nonsense , and none of mine . the next peice of nonsense is , that the affirmative of the second commandment is , that we should worship god in the way that he has prescribed in his word : rational def. p. 125. if this be nonsense , i have for my compurgators , the whole assembly of divines at westminster , who in the shorter catechism , gave this answer to the question , what is required in the second commandment ? the second commandment requireth , the receiving , observing , keeping pure and entire , all such religious worship , and ordinances as god hath appointed in his word . it is like this author will not stick to charge that venerable assembly with error , but if he dare charge them with nonsense , it is no great matter if poor i take a share with them . i am so dull as to understand as litle what nonsense is in owning the lutherian churches , as sister churches , and so having communion with them , and yet refusing to joyn with them on their instituted ceremonies . if any thing here look like nonsense , it is from a typographical error , ( which i confese that book aboundeth with , the correcting of the press being commited by that author to a negligent person , while himself was at the distance of some hundrdes of miles ) it is in the manuscript uninstituted worship : and is meant of parts of worship not appointed by christ , but devised by men : we can have communion with them in owning the same truths , ( seing they own the same fundamental truths with us ) and in these parts of worship that christ hath appointed ; but we cannot joyn with them in worshiping god , by their devices , and if they intermix these with instituted worship , we must forbear communion with them in both , rather than pollute our selves with uncommanded worship : if this be nonsense , i must bear that imputation . another instance of nonsense is , second vindication , p. 14. that the two governments ( presbytery and monarchie ) of church and state , have suited one another many ages , since the nation was protestant : the authors antagonist had expressed his wonder , how presbytery could suit monarchie in the state. i confess i was not so critical , as to impute to him , that he meant presbytery in the state , and monarchy in the state ; ( for i cannot discover non-sense where it is not , even in an adversary , as this sensible man can ; ) and i plainly answered , that these two governments ; ( viz. presbytery in the church , and monarchy in the state ) did suit one another . whether the non-sense is in my expression , or in my adversaries apprehension , let the reader judge : also whether a handle is here given for a cavil ; or malice , or ignorance , hath supplyed it . § . 10. another thing wherein he hath a mind to find non-sense , is animadvers . on stillingfleets irenicum , p. 5. where the learned dr. having asserted , that where there are different opinions ▪ and probable arguments on both sides ; if it be not a matter necessary to salvation , it giveth ground to think that that matter in controversy was never intended for a necessary mean for peace and vnity in the church : on this occasion , g. r. was bold to say , that if things not necessary to salvation , must needs be thus clearly revealed , much more this clearness is needful in things necessary to salvation . the non-sense of this i cannot yet perceive : and i think this author ( not by his piercing judgement , but by this tinctured fancy ) was the first that discovered it . and i cannot shun still to think , that the fundamental truths should be , and are revealed with more evidence , than the inferior truths ; and that the lord would not have us to venture our salvation , on that obscurity of revelation , that we may not venture the peace of the church on ; if that were at stake . but the best is , that the peace of the church dependeth not so much on oneness of opinion , about some inferior truths , as in honest endeavours after that , and in mutual forbearance where it cannot be attained . i am litle concerned in his not believing a typographical error , in a passage about the decrees of god ; which a friend of his , ( if not himself ) had observed , and i had solemnly disowned , and do still disowne , as what i never thought , spoke , nor wrote : it seems he measureth the veracity of others by his own . but he will prove what he affirmeth ; that book was re-printed in england , without alteration , or correction ; ergo it was the authors , not the printers error . a wise consequence indeed : if it went abroad with that error , ( as i deny not it did ) it is no wonder it was re-printed with it : but that it was ever re-printed , is more than i know , or ever heard before : if he will not believe me in this , i hope some others will. he next setteth the black mark of non-sense , on the arguments i bring against a stinted liturgy of mans composure : rational def. p. 226. i can see nothing but tollerable sense , and some strength of reason , in these arguments ; when i review them after many years : and our author thought not fit to discover it to us , and therefore they must even stand as they were . only this great judge of non-sense , sheweth us that the lords prayer is a set form and disowned by presbyterians , and therefore that must be here included : answer , that prayer ( if a set form ; that is , if it be enjoined to be rehearsed in publick worship ) is not a set form of mans devising , and therefore falleth not under the arguments that he opposeth . neither do presbyterians disown that prayer , but use it as a directory for prayer , and if any will repeat the words in solemn worship , they do not censure them . he hinteth , ( tho' so confusedly , that i cannot make sense of his refutation of non-sense ) that we are quakers , because against liturgies . we find no liturgies in the apostolick church ; and yet they were no quakers : if all praying without book were enthusiasm , ( as he ignorantly insinuateth ) many episcopal men must be such , for they do not always use the book . his retorting the argument on extemporary prayer , is strangely wide , and hath been often answered : but this author's business is not to clear truth , but to run down a certain person whom he hath in chase : extemporary prayer imposeth neither matter , nor frame , or composure , on the hearers , and joyner , further than nature it self maketh necessary , where people pray together : but set forms do . § . 11. yet more non-sense : his antagonist speaketh of the popish church of scotland , and of the protestant church , also often of the episcopal and presbyterian church there , whereas the church is but one : which this author is at much pains to expose : but by mishape , exposeth himself in so doing : i list not to contend about words , whether you call a divided church ( as scotland was while partly popish , and partly protestant : and novv is vvhole partly presbyterian and partly episcopal ) two churches , or one church rent in two peices ; i think is not material , i see no non-sense in either way of speaking : both parties or churches if permitted must have their government , and governours , neither is it fit that they should rule that church , or part of the church to which they are opposite , and which they would destroy . it is wholly beside this purpose that he bringeth in , of my blaming dr. stillingfleet for making the vnity of the church of england , consist , in two convocations ( which our author doth so grosly mistake for the upper and lower houses of one convocation , whereas that author doth make two convocations in two distinct provinces , p. 300 ) for that is one church united in it's parts , not divided into parties as the church we speak of . and it 's less intelligible , how that should have two heads , than in this case : why two parties may not be called two governing bodies , in a divided church , i cannot yet understand , for all his story of the platonick monster : that no head is mentioned , why should he wonder ; unless he think a visible head of the church in a single person is necessary ; in such metaphorick speeches , there is no matter of moment ; whether ye call the governing part of a church a body , or a head : but enough of this quibling on this head. § . 12. our author's next essay , is to set forth his antagonist's ill nature : in which discourse , every one may see , how manifestly and fully he setteth forth that temper of mind in himself , which he blameth in another : most of the passages he insisteth on , were written against some pamphlets , which contain the most false and injurious imputations , and that not against a person only , but against all the presbyterians without discrimination : yea , against the whole nation , in it's representative , the parliament ; and many of these assertions are proved to be false , and if a certain author , by a book which gave less occasion , was by every line , provoked to the indecency of passion , what wonder , if just indignation was warmly expressed against such abusive treatment . if i have called any thing lies , railing , sauciness , impudence , which was not so , i am content to underly the just sentence of unbyassed men , but this author and his complices , take a boundless liberty to reproach , and if they be told of it , they are clamorous beyond measure . it is not inconsistent with all that civility that is due to men , to give things their true names , especially where the rank and behaviour of the persons we deal with , plead no extraordinary respect . he mistaketh , when he saith , that i knew , that the author of the memorial was dead , before i answered his book : i do not to this day , know who was the author of it . what was said about giving up king charles the first to england , should have been refuted by reason , not by quibling : i have no answer for such arguments : neither have i time to examine how fairly all the words are cited , which he adduceth , nor to shew on what occasion , or on what necessity they were written : what he representeth as spoken of the prelatists , is injuriously blamed , it was spoken of a party of them , ( who are but few , ) who reproached the presbyterians in general , and in the most universal terms ; which never was my way against them . § . 13. if any thing hath dropt from my pen , which may be judged uncivil , or short of due respect toward the learned , and reverend dr. stillingfleet , i am ready to crave him pardon , for i designed the contrary : what this author chargeth me with that way , is partly false , as what he citeth out of the preface to animadv . on irenic . for both the prefaces , ( i have seen one at some copies , and another at other copies , ) were written by another hand , without the knowledge of the author : partly they are fouly misrepresented ; to give an instance : this author faith , that i said of dr. stillingfleet , p. 18. that for the most part he doth nothing , but magno conatu nihil agere . this is misrepresented : i said that he insisteth most on things not controverted , and thence inferred the blame mentioned . it is one thing to charge one directly with an opinion or practice : and another , to make an inference from it : seing many do or say that , the ill consequence of which they do not observe , but will disowne . his other citations are but a just censure one some passages of that learned author's writings , which i was examining , which cannot be shunned in polemick writings : to call that a contradiction that i make appear to be such , is no injury nor breach of that civility , that is due to a stated adversary : many things are fair enough in open war , which were not so in a state of peace . this author is yet more injurious , in expounding all that i have said of a few men of imbittered spirits ; among the prelatists , who have in their writings reproacht the presbyterians , and imputed to them , things that they are innocent of , or abhor , applying all this , ( i say ) to all them who are of the episcopal perswasion ; or to the party in general , as that they are esaus , serpents , spiteful , &c. i challenge him to prove what he saith : i deny it : if i have said any thing of immorality among the clergy , it is too evident , tho' i know some of them are innocent , and lament it . what he citeth as spoken against the church of england , and her clergy , is either what is in controversie between us , and them : i have been so bold , as to call their liturgy and ceremonies superstition , and to mention what is the native concomitant of superstition , that men will be wiser than christ or his apostles . this is no more a crime , than it is a fault to be opposite to their way . what is said of immoralities , and insufficiency for the ministery , and other corruptions that are among them , is not chargeable on me , yea nor on presbyterians alone , but it is the complaint , of the best among themselves , see the five groans of the church , and mr. bold ' s serm. these authors were truly sons of the church of england ; thousands among them , complain of these things , who yet adhere to that communion . i might well disowne that principle of sentencing , & executing kings by their subjects , about which some of the church of england had informed forreign divines , as the principle and doctrine of presbyterians : because the generality of presbyterians in scotland , ( very few excepted , and these turned independents after , ) shewed their abhorrence of that fact committed on king charles the first , so they did in england , and some of them suffered death , for owning his son. is it incivility to the church of england , that i thought , at the time of the late revolution , it was fit for parties to put in their claim , for what they thought the way of god , that it might be judged of by them who had authority ? if the church of england think , we ought not to mutter against the corruptions of their way , nor seek a remedy in an orderly and legal way , they may know that we pretend to no such civility , as is inconsistent with faithfulness to the truth , and ordinances of christ . we are for the purity of the church of england , and for her peace too , so as not to meddle with her without our sphere : but if speaking , or writing for the good way that we owne , do disquiet her , with respect to her corruptions , we must be excused . it is a wise assertion , he exhorteth his readers to purge the church of england , &c. i exhorted none to this attempt , but in their station , such as many have not : his expression soundeth , as if i had stirred all up , that should read this book , to fall on the church of england , and pull her down . § . 14. impudence is the next epithet , that he laboureth to fix on the man of his wrath. instances are ; it is abscribed to cunning , that their books reproaching the presbyterians were spread in england , but hard to be found in scotland : which he imputeth to want of liberty for printing such pieces in scotland , and hazard in importing them : but it is sufficiently known , that many books of that strain have been imported , and none seized ( that i hear of ) but one parcel , which was of another strain . next it is impudence to assert the loyalty of presbyterians . answ . it is more impudence to ascribe to presbyterians , what was the practices of some few , with which the far greatest part , neither did , nor would concur . what was said on this head , was also proved ; and it is impudence to put such a mark on any assertion , and yet not attempt to answer the arguments brought for it . another impudence is to speak of the harmlesness of presbyterians , and that they are no persecutors . and that any one of many of them suffered more hardships , and barbarous cruelty , than all the espiscopalians have endured : the impudence of this , he proveth very learnedly : how could one man suffer the deprivation of five or six hundred livelyhoods . that there were so many episcopal ministers turned out , ( i suppose these he meaneth ) i know not ; but it is not a wise comparison , of one man to have so many families to maintain on nothing , and each to have his own : i affirm that one man who suffered torture , intercommunning , was forc'd to lodge in dens and woods , and in daily hazard of his life , who was sold for a slave in the remote places of the earth , suffered more ( tho' his loss of money did not amount to so great a sum ) than all they did . i find nothing in what followeth to disprove what i had said , and therefore pass to another piece of impudence , ( which yet is a repetition of what he had said before ) that presbyterians are no rebels . to prove this he ( very pertinently ) alledgeth a contradiction between first vindic. ad q. 2. § . 3. where it is said that episcopacy raised a tumult , and § . 5. they ( the episcopal men ) raised no tumults . ( this last is ad q. 3. § . 5. ) answ . the former is spoken ( as plainly appeareth to them who will see ) of the war between the king and parliament . the other of such tumults as our author chargeth the rable with , and it is expresly said that they did what they could to raise a war. here then is that horrible contradiction that he findeth , or fancieth : a war managed by potent armies and for a long time , is in one place called a tumult ; and yet scuffles among a confused rout , which are soon over , are distinguished from such a war. here is neither contradiction nor impudence : the impudence that followeth is injuriously imputed to me ( it is vindicating the presbyterians from being rebels ) for what himself seemeth to applaud in other more modest persons , he might find frequently said by me . but if it be impudence to deny presbyterians to be rebels , what kind of quality must he be of who chargeth them with it , while his own party is guilty of actions of the same nature , and were as universally engaged in them . what hath lately fallen out , might teach him either to justifie what he so freely calleth rebellion , or to lay the blame of it on protestants , and not presbyterians only : and then if no share of it fall on himself , let us know what party he is of . § . 15. he next challengeth some insinuations , as if the presbyterians in scotland were the only protestants ; which cannot be inferred from any words he citeth . neither can it be inferred that i thought , or said that the gospel was not preached but by the presterians . one word he layeth weight on , that if the presbyterians had not used the indulgence given to them and papists ; these would have occasion to mislead people , without any to oppose them . none who had a mind to understand words as they are plainly meant , would so construct this passage ; such universal expressions most frequently suffer a limitation : also in that case they had done what in them was , that none should oppose popery : as if a batallion in an army flee , they act such a part as tendeth to hinder any opposition to be made to the enemy . beside all this , tho' there were some privat episcopal ministers appear'd faithful in this case : it is well known how litle most of the bishops , and the generality of the clergy appeared , and how they that did speak any thing that way , were discouraged by some bishops . i wish he had better cleared to us , how absurd it is to say , that the true protestants in the nation were for the late revolution , than by telling us , that being against it was no popery : most men think it was too much to favour it , and was a defect in that zeal that should have , in such a juncture , been shewed against it . the secret instructions from holland that he giveth as the cause of presbyterians complying with the dispensing power : i never heard of them , but from that epistler whom he mentioneth : and i could answer nothing to it but by denying it : and now when he calleth for an answer to it , i say , first , presbyterians did never comply with the dispensing power , but groaned under it as a grievance : their using the indulgence could not be so constructed , as i have else-where shewed . secondly , i solemnly declare that i know nothing to this day of these secret instructions . thirdly , what moved such presbyterians as i was acquainted with to scruple using the indulgence at first , and to accept it at last , was , that some conditions and limitations , that they could not submit to , were left out in the last edition of it . the villany that he chargeth the presbyterians with , in addressing king james for his indulgence , while they were on intrigues to supplant him , must be charged on them who were so guilty : i knew of no such intrigues , nor any such design then on foot , tho' now i perceive that such designs were then hatching : neither can i name one person among all that accepted of the indulgence who knew of such designs . § . 16. he next bringeth instances of impudent shifts used by g. r. when he , or his cause is put to it . the rabbled ministers were not deprived of their possessions ( i mean stipends ) by an act of parliament ( as he alledgeth , ) but thrust from their places by the rabble ; and the state judged that they could not relieve them without palpable inconvenience ; and because of the notoriety of the scandals of not a few of them which had been so outed ; ( as appeareth from the then prince of orange's declaration , ) on which followed the loss of their benefices . what the state did , they can best give reasons for . i never defended what the rabble did that way . for what is said of parliaments calling king james's retirement from england , his abdicating the government : that is plain to be meant of the parliament of england : for tho' it was written by a scots-man , it was said of english ▪ affairs : of retirement from england , not from scotland : wherefore here is no impudence , ( unless on his own side , ) tho' the scots parliament speak nothing of abdication . this , and what followeth , is picking a quarrel without cause given . the long story he hath of the viscount of dundee's plot , and the forces that came from the west to defend the convention , containeth such matters of fact , as he contradicteth what is confidently affirmed by them who were on the place , and had occasion to know these things , as well as he ; and are fully as credible persons as he is . let the reader judge who deserveth most credit . i was witness to none of these things : but shall give my vouchers , if duely called to it : if he can do the like , let unbyassed men judge of the whole history . if i had said the whole nation knoweth the whole of this passage to be true , as he affirmeth that the whole nation knoweth it to be a figment ; i might have been branded with impudence , on better ground than any thing that he hath brought to prove his charge against me . § . 17. what was said against dr. strachan's defence , he spendeth many words upon it : on which i observe a few things . first , i expresly referred that objection to be answered by some seen in state-affairs ; it being political rather than theological . 2ly that i pleaded an inter-regnum in the time of the rabbling , and would not allow it in the dr's case , is no inconsistency : for in the first case the exercise of government was impossible ; in the other there was actual exercise of it . 3ly when it was said the representative of the nation had owned william as their king : it was not meant ( as he hath a mind to understand it ) as complexly such ; but as exercising the supreme regal power , and designed to be compleatly king. i could give scripture-instances of such manner of speaking of kings : if it were fit to enlarge as much on this head as he doth . 4ly if it was not a contempt of the authority of the nation , to disobey the command of it's highest power for the time , even tho' one should attempt to give reasons ( unless these reasons were also sufficient , of which none of us are judge ) let any give sentence . 5ly he subtilizeth the distinction too much between being king , and exercising the regal power : but to help out his fine notion , he behoved to alter the phrase , putting right to exercise for exercising it self : i hope these two may be distinguished ; and that there may be not only a physical , but a moral impediment , for a time , of a moral right . his notion of exercising the regal power before taking the oath , and that there is no obligation to take the oath before the coronation ; i cannot yield to ; but leave to statesmen , and lawers to debate it with him . i say the same of his discourse of hereditary and elective kings . § . 18. that i called k. j. our lawful soveraign , he saith , was a striking at the root of the present settlement . answer , if i had so called him , with respect to the time of the present government , what he saith were true . but to say that he was so before this government had it's being , and before the nation in its representative had found and declared the contrary , is far from that blame . next , he unfairly representeth what i had said , that episcopacy cannot be restored : i hope it never shall , and i am sure it never can , without crossing the institution of christ . but whether the restoring of it be consistent with the civil rights and priviledges of the nation , as things are now stated , i leave it to states-men and lawers to discuss . his commendation of the cameronians , and blaming me for speaking to their disadvantage , is not out of kindness to them , but in odium tertii ; that he might make the sober presbyterians ( for i cannot be bantered out of that distinction ) more hateful , as being worse than they . i should think it lost time , to examine his quibbles about the presbyterian ministers not preaching so much as he and his complices thought was meet against the rabling : these things were sufficiently declared against by some , and that where such disorders were most rampant and regnant : but preaching could not stem that tide , many of these men would hear non of us , nor will they to this day ( tho' , through mercy , not a few of them are reclaimed ) and some who listned to other doctrine , would not hear that . he hath a wise inference , i had said , these courses were preached against both before they were acted , for preventing them : and after for reproving them ; ergo , saith he , it was a consulted and deliberat politick ; and the ministers were privy to it ; and yet did not warn the poor men , that they might have escaped being rabled : i shall not give this its due name ; as he frequently giveth ill and undue names to my words . ministers knew an inclination to disorders in some , that they went beyond their stations , by an ill guided zeal : and this they warned against , yea , and some presbyterian ministers did protest against all these exasperated men , when they beheld it : but that they knew designs for these disorders in particular , is false , and doth not follow from what was said ; he saith , he can name more than one or two of the first rank of sober presbyterian ministers , ( such a blunder and repugnancy in me would have been called ignorance , non-sense , impudence , and what not ) who advised to these courses . i solemnly declare i know not any of them , and if i did , i should blame them . § . 19. he cometh next to contradictions : some of which are fancied ; others are real ; but of his own making , by mis-citing words ; one is i have said , where there are bishops the presbyters have no power , in another book , we do not say that bishops take all power from presbyters . any who will be at the pains to consult the places that he citeth , will find that the first speaketh of governing power ; the other speaketh of power in general , which comprehendeth preaching power , but it is there expresly said , that they take away all governing power : where is then the contradiction : next it is said , ( he knoweth not where it seems ; nor do i ) that king james's indulgence was against law. and yet 2d vendic . p. 43. the parliament had given the king such power . the first assertion i find not ; another assertion that to him will infer it , is , the law was for publick meetings , ergo , privat meetings were against law ; it is a pitiful consequence , where liberty is allowed , ( as now in england ) the law is for both ways . wherefore the second assertion maketh no contradiction . but if both had been said , there are just laws , and unjust : which may without a contradiction in the assertion , be said to contradict one another . this distinction removeth also the next pretended contradiction , between a forefeiture being unjust , that the authority of the nation laid on , and ministers having no legal right to their stipends , when the authority of the nation have determined otherwise ; parliaments may both do right , and do wrong . another contradiction he fancieth : animadv . on stillingf . jrenic . it is asserted that all ministers having got equal power from christ , they cannot so devolve their power on one of themselves , as to deprive themselves of it : their power being not a license only , but a trust . this he thinketh is contradicted indirectly , by delegating members to the general assembly . to this i answer , delegation to the general assembly , is a temporary , transient thing , for the exercise of one or a few acts : and necessity doth warrant it , seing the ministers of a whole nation , cannot meet , without leaving almost the whole nation destitute of preaching , and other ordinances , for a considerable time . this is not to be compared with devolving of the power of the ministers of a whole province on one bishop , who is perpetually ( ad vitam aut culpam ) to exercise the whole power of the church , in all the acts of it ; so as all the rest are deprived of it , and cannot exercise it , nor give account to god for the management of it . the one is very consistent with that parity that christ made in communicating church power to his servants , the other is not . he saith also , that i contradict the former position directly , in true representation : & 2d vindic. by allowing the taking ruling power from the prelatical clergy . beside the necessity , and unsettled state of the church in these places , brought for justifying this conduct , which he rather mocketh at than solidly answereth , i there at length insisted , to shew that there is no inconsistancy between this , and our principle concerning parity : i need say no more , till he answer what is already said . § . 20. another contradiction he will needs make , between my disowning some grounds of separation in england , and owning the same in scotland . the one in my rational defence against dr. stillingfleet , the other in my second vindic. of the church of scotland , this he prosecuteth with a great deal of clamor : what strength is in his discourse , let us now try . i hope i shall be found semper idem , for all this noise . three grounds of separation he mentioneth , wherein this contradiction lyeth , first episcopacy . answer , i said the setting up episcopacy in england , was not a sufficient ground for people to forbear hearing of the word in their parish churches , i say the same with respect to scotland . i said episcopacy was a good ground for ministers to withdraw from church judicatories , where they must ( at least interpretatively ) own that authority : i say the same of england . if he can find any thing in my words , that doth import any more than this , i shall owne a contradiction , and the shame that it may infer . the second is episcopal ministers were vsurpers , or intruders . the third is they had not the peoples call. i am sure , i never made these to be two distinct things : but this author 's subtile wit , hath divided them . here i cannot own either contradiction or contrariety . i approved the conduct of many people in england , who by a tacit , and after consent , owned these men , as their pastors , and heard them , tho' they did not joyn with their unwarranted ceremonies : i never condemned the same practice in scotland ; but approved it by my practice , and doctrine . only i pleaded , that what ever might be said of their not giving consent , ( which was also the case of many in england , ) they could not be charged with separation , while these men were obtruded on them , against the laws of the gospel , especially when they might hear their own lawfully called ministers , tho' in a corner . i find no contradiction here , neither in what he saith about the covenant , which i still think never made any new duties , or sins for the matter ; but was a superadded tie to former moral obligations . i said indeed that the covenant national , and the solemn league , made setting up of episcopacy more sinful than before : but i never said , that either it made episcopacy sinful , where it was not so before : nor that it made owning of it such : tho' i am sure it aggravated the sin of both . § . 21. his next effort is to expose my rejecting the testimony of some , who were brought to attest the rabbling : but in his way , ( i know not what freak took him , ) he digresseth to consider the preface to animadv . on stillingf . irenic . which he will needs have to be written by the author himself , on which he discanteth after his own manner , that is , not very learnedly , nor convincingly ; i assure him , and ( if he will not be assured , he having no great esteem of my veracity , ) i can assure the reader , that the author neither wrote that preface , nor what is in the title page , nor knew that the book was printed , till after it was done ; but was at 300 miles distance from where it was done . the metaphorical death , spoken of in it , taken from the english phrase , of being dead in law , as the nonconformist ministers then were , was but a sorry subject for a learned divine to practise upon , but he had a mind to write much , and had little to say , tho' he often pretendeth to have great plenty of matter . it is true i did , and do question the truths of many circumstances , whereby the rabblings were aggravated : and tho' he is pleased to say , that the whole nation knoweth them , i affirm the generality of the people , where these things were said to be acted , know the contrary : let the reader , who hath not occasion to enquire into the matters of fact , believe as he seeth cause , or suspend his belief . i did never defend , nor deny the hardships that some of the episcopal clergy met with from the rabble : only i said , and i insist in it , that they were represented most disingenuously in several parts , and circumstances of them : his vouchers i reject , ( i mean some of them , ) ours he rejecteth ; which is ordinary in such contendings , wherefore unless the thing could come to a legal tryal , every one must believe as he seeth cause . that i rejected by the bulk all the matters of fact , is false , and injurious . i did acknowledge several of them , and condemned them as unaccountable disorders . it is a foolish inference , no man can be a fit witness before a court , because we are not to believe all the stories that men tell of themselves , or their friends . that i had my informations in these things mostly from rabblers themselves , is falsly asserted , as may be seen by any who impartially consider the second vindication . his exposing that second vindication , because i had the accounts of matters of fact from other hands , and was not eye , nor ear-witness to them , is odd ; for what historian is there , who may not be , on the same account , blamed . the book he speaketh of , account of the late establishment of the presbyterian government , by the parliament , i have not seen , nor heard of it before . i thanked the parliament , in the preface to my sermon before them , for their act , establishing presbyterian government , can any wise man thence infer , that i commended whatever was beside incorporated into that act ? therefore all his long discourse on that head , is impertinent . another terrible contradiction is , i say field meetings were sometimes necessary : and yet they were condemned by the wisest and soberest presbyterians . if i had said they were in all cases so condemned , he might have insulted : but may not i always , that is at all times , be of opinion , that a thing should not be done , as i see it often done , and without necessity , and yet think that there may be a case of necessity , where it may be done ; this is to cavil , not to reason . § . 22. the envenomed words , in some pages that follow , wherewith he concludeth his preface , and these of the same sort , wherewith it interspersed , i disregard : he doth himself more hurt by them , than me : i resolve not to be hector'd , nor banter'd out of my principles , nor scarred by malice , or reproach from casting in my mite , for the defence of truth , tho' he , and such as he conspire to overwhelm me , partly with their books , and partly with their calumnious imputations . it is not usual for satan so to rage against a bad cause . these few pages i have written raptim ▪ the press waiting for them : if he , or any other will examine them fairly , with that candor that becometh a christian , and a disputant ; i shall be willing to be corrected , if any thing have escaped my pen ; if he or they write in the same strain of this preface , i will despise them , as also will all sober and intelligent readers . finis . the bishop of gallovvay his dikaiologie contayning a iust defence of his former apologie. against the iniust imputations of mr. dauid hume. cowper, william, 1568-1619. 1616 approx. 361 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 102 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19489) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9463) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1600:20) the bishop of gallovvay his dikaiologie contayning a iust defence of his former apologie. against the iniust imputations of mr. dauid hume. cowper, william, 1568-1619. hume, david, 1560?-1630? [8], 183, [1] p. printed by thomas snodham for iohn budge, and are to be sould at the great south-dore of paules, and at brittaines-bursse, london : 1614. the bishop of galloway = william cowper. a partial printing of and reply to an admonitory letter sent by david hume. signatures: a-2a⁴. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a". often bound with: the bishop of galloway his apologie. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via 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david, 1560?-1630? cowper, william, 1568-1619. -bishop of galloway his apologie -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the bishop of gallovvay his dikaiologie : contayning a iust defence of his former apologie . against the iniust imputations of mr. david hvme . o what a griefe ; that hauing to doe with enemies , wee are forced to fight with friends ! london : printed by thomas snodham for iohn budge , and are to be sould at the great south-dore of paules , and at brittaines-bursse . 1614. to the christian reader . as i was on my iourney from london homeward , in the moneth of may last , i was ouertaken not farre from darnetoune , by our country-man , mr. dauid hume , goodman of gods-croft . after we had saluted one another , we fell incontinent to a conference of church-gouernment : hee excused himselfe , that his leasure serued him not at that time to stay in our companie , his vrgent affaires forcing him to post before , but hee promised to send mee his doubts in writing , and i promised him ( if it pleased the lord ) an answere . the point i tooke in hand to proue , was , that no substanciall point of discipline was changed in our church . for , ecclesiasticke synods vsed before , are retained still , the censures of admonition , suspension , excommunication ; yea , the admission and deposition of pastors , or what euer else pertaynes to the matter of discipline ; these are not remoued but rectified and roborated : in that the power to moderate and exercise these censures , is not left free to euery one , but restored againe to the bishop , to be vsed with aduise of his brethren : thus keepe wee still the same discipline , but more orderly vsed . 〈◊〉 dined at darneroune , and parted in louing manner , with all brotherly kindnes : we ouertooke him againe at dunbar , where not finding his former humanitie , i maruelled what it could be , or from whom it c●me , that so small a change of the soile ; should make so great a change of the affection ; for in the one hee was most kinde , where with reason he might haue beene more strange ; and in the other most strange , where of dutie hee both might and should haue beene more kindly . since that time i fore-gathered not with him , and i expected nothing , but kindnesse from him , and that the question should haue beene quietly and peaceably disputed by writing among our selues , till now that he hath begunne the publike warre . he had sent me some missiue letters written by him to some others , crauing resolution of his doubts concerning church gouernment . and as i was dispatching an answere to him , i was forced to plead for my conscience by apologie against a lying libeller , which here mr. dauid against all dutie and reason hath publickely impugned . first , because i stood ●ound by promise to giue an answere to himselfe , and reason would hee should haue expected it : yea doubtlesse he had gotten it long ere now , in more quiet and louing manner , if he had not interrupted me . secondly , i had written nothing against mr. dauid , i touched him not in my apologie , and no other way gaue i him any cause to write against mee . thirdly , hee being a priuate man , it cannot be but a great presumption to condemne by publike writing a church-gouernment established by law and that without knowledge ( if himselfe be true ) for he professeth to seeke instruction concerning it , yea , without eyther calling or lawfull commission . fourthly , before euer he sent this refutation of this apologie to me , or had discharged with me , he published sundry copies of it to be seene and read of others , which in our prouerbe we call treason vnder trusting . fiftly , his whole admonitorie treatise is full of inuectiues in personam , without regard of modestie , yea , of that feare of god which becommeth a christian , bringing nothing , or else very little ad propositum . thus hath mr. dauid kept no faire warre with mee , but hath very farre ouer-seene himselfe , and wronged mee , which that the indifferent may know , i haue here published his admonition in his owne words and mine answeres . i haue omitted no materiall thing in it ; onely words of needlesse repetition wherein hee abounds . if hee had contented himselfe to iustifie the libeller , in tramping my name , my conscience , my ministrie vnder his feete , it had beene a proofe of my patience great enough . but where without reason or truth , he will beare downe a common cause , and increase offences in the hearts of simple people , i cannot of conscience suffer it vnanswered : specially , seeing vnder pretence of impugning mee , hee directly impugneth it . if my heart in this had reproued mee of my wayes , i might haue lurked in secret , and past ouer the libeller , and him also with silence ; but an honest conscience feareth not the light , but rather reioyceth in it . onely i craue of the modest minded christian , that if my speeches in the answere at any time be sharper then becommeth , it be imputed to humane infirmitie , whereunto the loue of the cause , and knowledge of mine owne innocencie hath carryed mee , not want of loue toward him or others . it is no pleasure to mee to offend any man : if any such haue escaped mee , i will not excuse my selfe in that which the wise , godly , and indifferent reader shall thinke may iustly be reprehended . thine in the lord , w. b. of galleway . the bishop of galloway his apologie . there are two things requisite in a man , that would doe good in a publike calling , the one is a good conscience , the other a good name ; the first commends him to god , and obtaines a blessing to his labours ; the next commends him to men , and procures him the greater credit to effectuate the good which hee hath intended , for the which ( said philo ) sicut bonum ac honestum esse , ita & videri a● haberi pr●dest . as it is a good thing to be good and honest , so is it also good that we should be esteemed good , nonitaque est ●●gligenda fama restum ad custodian tu●● ad dignitatem vitae vtilissim● : a good name therefore is not to be neglected , considering it is a singular helpe both for the custodie and dignitie of our life : for this cause hath it alway beene one of sathans customable policies , who stands at the right hand of ieh●shuah , to resist him in well doing , to staine the name where he cannot corrupt the conscience , that by disgra●ing the instruments , he may destroy , at least diminish the good which faine they would doe : hoc est diaboli 〈…〉 seruos dei mendacio laceret , & falsis 〈…〉 qui conscientiae su● luce clarescunt falsis ru●oribus sordidentur : this is the worke of the diuell , to strike the seruants of god with the scourge of a lying tongue , to abase their honest name in the hearts of others , by wrongfull conceptions , and by false reports to defile them , who are honest in regard of their owne consciences . 2 it is a difficult thing to liue in a publike calling , and not to be calumniated . so long as our sauiour liued a priuate life , we reade not that he was either tempted by satan , or traduced by men , but from the time that by baptisme he was consecrate to doe the great worke of the promised messiah , then satan set vpon him , and the mouthes of all his cursed instruments were opened to blaspheme him . now we know that the seruant is not aboue the master : si aut 〈…〉 aut palmarom folia complicarem , vt ins●dore vultus mei panem comederem , & ventris opus sollicita mente pertrectarem ●●●lus morderet , 〈◊〉 reprehenderet , nunc autem iuxta sententiam saluatoris volo operari cibum qui non perit , & geminus mihi error infigitur : if were set ( said hierome ) to weaue a basket of twigs , with the bull-rush , or to twist the leaues of i'alme-trees , or by any such base occupation , i had no more adoe , but to care for my belly , that i might eate my bread in the sweat of my brow , i might doe it all my dayes , and no man bite mee or reproue me for it , but now because , according to the saying of our sauiour , i labour in a spirituall calling , to nourish my selfe and others with that bread of life which perishes not , a double error is enforced vpon me , virum egregium sequitur proximorum inuidia , enuie alway followes vertue : where it can hurt no otherway , it impugnes by calumnie : this is , as nazianzen calls it , malum grauissimum , generosam enim 〈◊〉 um virorum constautiam labefactere nititur : a most heauie euill , for by it sathan seekes to weaken the constancie of good men , and so much the greater euill is it , quia non solum falsa componit , sed etiam quae pi●gesta sunt decolorat , because , faies ambrose , it not onely forges false things , but falsifies true things , deforming and defacing that with her vncouth colours , which is done sincerely , and out of a good affi●ction . 3 with the like of these weapons hath sathan fought against mee in his peeuish instruments , euer since the lord called mee to be a preacher , and no maruaile , shall a man trample on a serpent , and not looke to be stinged ? i haue professed my selfe , by the grace of my lord , a disquieter of sathans kingdome , i thinke it not strange if hee doe what hee can to disquiet mee , disquiet hee may , dishearten hee shall not . shall i be mooued at his lying libellers ? no : absit à seruo christi tale inquinamentum , vt patientia maioribus praeparata , in minimis excid at : farre be that spot from the seruants of christ , that their patience prepared for greater , should faile in so small tentations , qu● cito iniuria mouetur , facit se dignum videri contumelia , hee that is hastily moued with a contumely , makes it to seeme that hee is worthie of it . what then , shall i vtterly neglect his false accusations ? no , least by them any credit i haue to doe good vnto others be stollen from mee . i will neither suffer an absolom nor an achitophel , a friend nor a foe , to steale away from mee the hearts of any of gods people , if i may stay it . to such therefore as feare god i speake , as augustine did to his brethren , mihi sufficit conscientia mea , vobis necessaria est fama mea , to mee my conscience is sufficient , but for you my good name is necessarie . of such as are mine enemies either of weakenesse or wickednesse , i demaund as iacob did of laban . now when yee haue searched all my stuffe , what haue yee found ? bring it forth , that we may see it . 4 o , forsooth , yee were once otherwayes minded concerning church-gouernement . in some things , i confesse , i was , in others not . paritie in church-gouernment i euer thought the mother of confusion , neither can , i see that god hath beene the author of it in any of his workes , yea by the diuersitie of his gifts he declares that hee allowes not equalitie in gouernment , where here , if any strife be about comparison of gifts , i haue no more to say , but that hee who in humilitie of minde cannot submit himselfe to obay any other , was neuer meete to bee a ruler of others , how great so euer has gifts be . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and that preachers should haue place in parliament , to giue light out of the holy oracle , to the prince and states of the kingdome , i euer thought it both reasonable and necessarie , and did by my publike voice approue it in that generall assembly holden at dundie , wherein this matter was first motioned . and in these publike lectures which once in the moneth wee had in our presbyteriall exercise , for clearing the controuersies of this time : i did in my course openly declare , how in church-gouernment a happy meane were to be wished betweene anarchie and monarchie , two fearefull euils in the church , the one proceeding from paritie , wrought confusion , as might be seene in the pitifull state of the churches of flanders : the other breeding tyrannie and all sort of oppression : a lamentable proofe whereof we might see in the churches of italy , and other parts vnder the dominion of that romish vsurper : thus is there not so great a cause to charge me with a change , as is alleaged . 5 but in that wherein before i misliked episcopall gouernment , fearing least tyrannie ▪ libertie , and other euils should follow it , if now , perceiuing a christian king most carefull out of his rare pietie and wisedome , to see it vsed vnto the right end , i haue changed my minde , as many others , both worthie fathers , and brethren in our church haue done , to whom the world cannot denie an honest testimonie : what imputation should this be vnto me , cum mentem in melius mutare non leuit as sit sed virtus , sith for a man to change his minde to the better , it is no leuitie nor inconstancie , ( as the lying libeller termes it ) but vertue ? episcopall gouernment was embraced of this church ere i was borne , and with it wee enioyed the gospell for many yeares , and some that were worthie and faithfull men in this same ministrie of perth , wherein i haue now laboured by the grace of god almost this twentie yeares , did discharge ( in effect ) the same office of a bishop in the bounds of galloway , yea by imposition of their owne hands did ordaine bishops of other dioces . if there were then a reason , why the episcopall gouernment once embraced , being fallen in decay , the presbyteriall should be established , is it not now possible ( thinke ye ) to get a reason why both of them should be reunited , the one of them being ordained to honour and strengthen the other , and being reduced to that order and vse , for which anciently it did serue in the primitiue church . especially seeing it is done by the fatherly fore-cast and prouident care , ( not without warrant of gods word , example of the primitiue church , nor aduice of the present church ) of such a king as god hath giuen vs , a professor , a confessor , a semi-martyt , a protector , a preacher , a propagator of the gospell with vs , whose power , for any thing i can yet learne , is greater in the externall gouernment of the church , then we haue well considered of . 6 o but , say you , by this change , the people are made vncertaine of their religion ? this cannot be but the bolt of some enemie , or the birth of the braine of some friend ouer-farre miscaried with opinion . if it hath done euill to any , it is an argument , their light is weake : for why ? doth diuersiue of externall gouernment import a difference in religion ? are there not many famous churches in europe , flourishing this day vnder the episcopall gouernment ? haue not many bishops themselues beene honoured with the honour of martyrdome , and sealed the truth of the gospell with their blood , since the reformation of religion : latmer , ridley , cranmer , and many moe in our neighbour church may stand for examples . i will beseech all such weake christians to take none offence , where it is not giuen . ad v●itate● fidei sufficit vt ●adem sit doctrina euangelij & sacramentorum administratio : it is sufficient for the vnitie of faith , that the doctrine of the gospell and sacraments be one and the same : in other externall things , there may be diuersitie , yea often times the diuersitie of times , and states of people will require a diuersitie of externall things , for the furtherance of the worke of edification . 7 the apostles did all teach one , and the selfe-same doctrine , but did not all gouerne their churches in one and the selfe-same manner : for iames and peter among the iewes tolerated circumcision , which paul among the gentiles would not doe ; yea , the disciples of s. peter and s. iohn , testifie how these blessed apostles kept the feast of the pass●ouer on diuers dayes , as both eusebius and socrates doe write : yet was this diuersitie no impediment to the propagation of the gospell by them both . it is euer to be considered , what the worke of edification requires . for that kinde of externall gouernment which some churches of christ hath , and others hath not : shall there be entertained a schisme in our church ? and an vnnecessarie and vnkindly contention , betweene a christian people , and their most christian king. since to speake in most modest termes , to giue contentment to such as are not contentious , there is no question of faith in the church of scotland ( christian people might be ignorant of this disputation about discipline , & come to heauen neuerthelesse , if so it might please some of their pastors ) neither is there a question betweene good & euill , but betweene good and better ; betweene two , whereof either of them haue had their course to be , when the other was not ; euen in this same church , i doubt not , the iudicious reader will consider this , & wisedome shall be iustified of her children . 8 but here i know it is obiected by men , euen of moderate mindes , if such gouernment were better vsed , and these who haue receiued it , did more good with it , then it would soone purchase credit to it selfe , and be the better liked . these men i see haue nothing against the thing it selfe , but against the vse of it , by which kinde of argument now commonly it is impugned . to these it were sufficient to answere , that artisicum errata , artibus attribu●●● mon sunt , the errors of artisans are not to be ascribed to the arts themselues , or to such as more wilfully reason in this manner , to answere , as nazi●●zen did the eunomians , cum in se ●ihil pr●●●●ij habeant , in nostra illud 〈…〉 where in themselues they haue no strength , they seeke it in our imbecillitie : et de malorum in 〈◊〉 sciutilla flammam ex●●tant & ad 〈…〉 affland● tollunt , vt longè 〈◊〉 babilo●●●● superet : of a little sparke of euill in vs , they kindle a great fire , by blowing vpon it with their secret surmisings , and publike reproches , till they make the flame , which they haue raised out of a sparke , to mount vp higher then the furnace of babel : thus is it the manner of men to blame readily where they loue not . 9 but to goe further with them , as with all reason i require , that the faults of persons be not imputed to their offices ; so with my heart doe i wish in all that are imployed with ecclesiasticall authoritie , so moderate a behauiour , that no offence should be giuen to the weake , nor cause of contradiction to the contrary minded : but that as iosephs preferment , tending to the good of all his brethren , forced them , who enuied it at the first , to thanke god for it at the last : euen so , credit may be conquest to vs in the hearts of them that feare god , by feruent and faithfull aduancement of the gospell of christ iesus . we should neuer forget that warning which ierome gaue to a certaine bishop ; rusticus narbonensis , vide ne minor inueni ar is in chris●● 〈…〉 in hoe seculo : take heede that thou be not found lesse in christ , then thou art named in this world ; thou art called a bishop , so liue , that christ that great archbishop may approue thee for one . 10 but yet by some carnall and contentious spirits , who liue as if they were demi-gods , and in their tongues god had set his tribunall , or had made them iudges of the consciences of their brethren , it is obiected , published , and carried from hand to hand , in a libell , as full of lies as lines , that● corrupt respects of gaine & glory hath moued me to embrace it : a fearefull crimination , if i were as guiltie of it , as they are bold to affirme it . i know it is a horrible sinne to abuse an holy calling to filthie luere : the apostle said , that godl●nesse is great gaine , that is to say , that great gaine is godlinesse ; questum 〈◊〉 pi●tatem . it is a peruerse order : terrena coelestibus ●ercari , to buy earthly things with heauenly , where the spirituall ministri● teacheth vs to exchange earthly things for heauenly , such impietie as this will be punished with a worse leprosie , then that of gehazi . and no losse abhominable is it , to abuse it to vaine-glory and affectation of honour : it is a grosser idolattie then that of the israelites , who of the gold and siluer which they reserued from the lord , made a baal to themselues . 11 to such i will answere , as augustine did to petilian , i am a man appertaining to the floore of christ , if i be good , i am there as corne , if i be euill , i am there as chaffe , sed non est huius areae ventilabrum lingua petitiani , but your petulant tongue , like the tongue of petilian , is not the fanne of this floore . if any man thinke hee knowes me better then i doe my selfe , let him giue iudgement as he pleaseth , and others beleeue him as they list : if they will credit me of my selfe , my witnesse is in heauen , and my conscience within me beareth me record , that i was not moued with gaine or glorie , and i trust to declare it by gods grace . but what ? bene sibi conscius non debet falsis moueri , nec putare plus esse ponderis in alieno co●●itio , quam in suo testimonis : hee that hath in himselfe a good conscience , should not be moued with false conceptions in others , nor esteeme that there is greater waight in other mens traducing , then in his owne testimonie . 12 now here i know it is expected , that as i haue declined the causes falsly imputed to me , so i should declare the true causes that moued me , which now shortly are these . 13 first , i perceiued a christian king , by all meanes possible , seeking the aduancement of the gospell , for the which it is griefe enough that his maiestie sustaineth the greatest hatred and contradiction of the aduersaries , but more then enough , his highnesse should want the comfort of his subiects , professors also : which when i considered , i thought it a matter of conscience to refuse to serue and follow his maiestie in so good a course . 14 secondly , i saw the weake hearts of many well affected christians , through misconception , offended at the very name of a bishop , not able out of light and knowledge to giue any reason of their misliking , notwithstanding , though it be so highly honoured by the apostle , and commended by the famous lights of the primitiue church , who not onely accepted the name , but exercised the office thereof , to the great good of the church : and that this offence might be remoued , at least so farre as my credit may carrie me , i haue embraced it . 15 thirdly , i perceiued a perillous schisme , and vnnecessarie diuision in our church , for this matter of gouernment , to the great aduantage of the common aduersarie , which gap i resolued , for my owne part , not to enlarge by contention , but so farre as my weaknesse may to close it vp , at least to make it the lesse . 16 fourthly , i considered , that the same reason , that of old forced the fathers of the primitiue church , in the iudgement of ierome , to induce this gouernment in the church , that is , in remedium schismatis , did more then manifestly require that it should be restored vnto vs : but of this the lesse i speake for duties sake , the more i leaue to be considered of them , who know the truth hereof . 17 fiftly , the question among vs when i searched as narrowly as i could , is about ierusalems wall , whether it should be circular or quadrangular , round or foure-squared : so the citie be well , is this a matter for which we should make contention , it being better for the good of the church , that any one of them should be , then that thus they should striue together , to the great hinderance of the gospell . 18 sixtly , and i doe verily thinke that the most famous and reformed churches in europe , who want this gouernment , would be glad to accept it , vpon this condition , that with it they might enioy the puritie of the gospel , which they haue with vs , together with that libertie , fauour and protection of a christian reformed king , which we haue , and they want . 19 for these reasons , as i was determined before , in the priuate calling of a preacher , to reuerence and obey others my brethren , clad with the office of bishops , the proofe whereof i gaue in these prouinciall assemblies , moderated by bishops , whereat i was bound to be present , so haue i at length embraced it in my owne person , being called there-vnto by the most christian king , and church of this kingdome , without any motion , affection , or petition of mine owne ( if there be so much charitie in my aduersaries as to beleeue me ) i could with greater contentment and willingnesse of minde , haue giuen obedience in all dutifull submission to any of my brethren , nor to haue had any more publike charge in the church ( if the matter had beene in my choice . ) and this doe i witnesse out of the very truth and simplicitie of mine heart . 20 if shimei still will raile , and charge mee with a corrupt affection , let him be doing till his owne iniquitie reproue him , i am sure no well aduised christian will fight with any such armour , for the weapons of our warfare are not carnall , but spirituall . as for others , who like barking dogges and birds of the night , chatter to themselues in secret confused sounds , which can bide no triall , back-biting those whom they dare not looke in the face , for such as these , why shall a man turne out of the way ? it is a sufficient punishment to such as this way with their will would hurt mee , that against their will they shall helpe me , qui volens detrahit same mee , nolens additmer●●●● meae , for he that with his will empaites my name , against his will , shall encrease my reward . 21 but if such busie idle-bodies will come and labour with mee in the worke of god , i hope to teach them to bestow their time more profitably , not to disquiet , as they do , their vnsetled braines with such vanities , as vanish so soone as they are conceiued , and brought forth , leauing nothing behinde them but a guiltinesse to themselues , for mine owne part i haue determined not to be contentious , for that is not the custome of the church of christ , but haue resolued to spend my time and talent i haue saued to the vantage of my master , and good of my brethren , after my weake measure , aur●us vtluteas minuat sic malleus vrnas . 22 as for others my brethren , whom i loue in the lord , and will alwaies reuerence for the graces of god in them , i wish from my heart that precept of the apostle were fulfilled in vs. that wee did all speake one thing , and there were no dissension among vs , but that we were knit together in one minde , and one iudgement , for since the first beginning of this question , i euer thought it a lamentable thing , that they whose hearts are ioyned in one resolution to die for christ , if so the lord should call them vnto it , cannot liue together in the vnitie of one minde . but this hath in all ages beene sathans policie , where hee cannot disturbe the peace of the church with externall euasion , he creepes in like a subtile serpent , to disquiet it with internall perturbation , & that oft-times vpon vnnecessarie or small occasions : where-vpon hath proceeded this great rupture in ierusalems wall heere among vs , which as it is seene of vs all , and more then enough talked of by many , so would to god , our hearts did pitie it , and all of vs endeuoured by humbled hearts toward our god , by meekenesse of minde , euery one of vs toward another , to repaire and close it vp againe . and seeing such in the condition of our humane infirmitie , that our knowledge in this life is but in part , and so our iudgements in all things cannot be vniforme , let vs take heed to the next , that difference of iudgements worke not distraction of affections , remembring that the wisedome which is from aboue , is peaceable , and that the zeale of god fights not with the weapons of flesh , such as hatred , debate , emulations , wrath , contentions . i● we liue in the spirit , let vs also walke in the spirit , expressing the fruits of it in our liues , which are , loue , ioy , peace , long suffering , meekenesse , goodnesse , wherewith the lord more and more endue vs all for christs sake , amen . yours in the lord , william cooper , b. of galloway . finis . a defence of the bishop of galloway his apologie , against the paralogie of mr. d. h. psal. 7. 10. my defence is in god , who preserueth the vpright in heart . i receiued from master dauid hume , a gentleman of sundrie good qualities ( if they were seasoned with greater sobernesse , pietie , and loue ) an admonitorie letter ; ( as hee calls it ) intending thereby to make mine apologie anapologeticke ; but indeede , as it will shew it selfe , an accusatorie libell , dentata charta , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , written in defence of those falshoods , which the former shamelesse , and namelesse libeller had forged against mee , and which now i am forced againe to improue , that all honest men may see mine apologie euapolegeticke , my defence easily defended , and vvith reason . before i entred to reade it , i bowed my knees to the lord my god , earnestly praying , that if it contained any message from the lord , he would encline my heart to follow it , and not suffer the vnruly passions , and perturbations of corrupt nature in me , to suffocate any light comming from his maiestie toward me . but hauing read it , i found it to be but inanis , & inanimis oratio , a vaine declamation , void of spirit , life , truth and loue ; stored with such carnall boastings , contemptible reproaches , raylings , false lyings , and iterate criminations , as ministred vnto me manifest proofes , that the spirit which hath stirred him vp to this vnchristian and contentious dealing , proceedes from the father of lies , who hath so far miscaried him out of the compasse of christian modestie , as to shew himselfe non correctorm , sed traditorem , non correptorem , sed corrosorem , not a corrector , but a betrayer , not a reprouer , but a biting deuourer : for which i went againe the second time , and vpon the knees of mine heart , spread it out before god , as good ezekiah did the rayling of rabsache . and heere i found contentment enough for my selfe , and willingly would haue rested in the secret of mine owne heart , possessing ( as our sauiour counselleth ) my soule in patience , which the admonent out of his impatience , wrongfully , and vainely had besieged without , remembring that of nazianzene , in irae praelio risus optima est armatura , in a battell ●f warth , foughten with words , laughter is best armour , quid enim , an non diues , si pauper appellatur , ridet , quia fal●um id nouit ? for why , will not a rich man if he be called poore , laugh in himselfe , because he knowes it is false , which is said of him ? howsoeuer mine opponent please himselfe , in saying what he will , it is notorious to me , he hath said what he should not , to him it is truth ( as hee sayes ) by appearance , to me it is certainly knowne to be an vntruth . in this testimonie as i haue said , i would willingly haue rested , if the admonent in signe of battel , arietem in nos immisisset , yea by displayed banner had made known vnto others , that he intended battell against me , before he had giuen vp , or made any signification vnto mee , and there-after when his admonition came to me , hee warnes me by his letter sent with it , that i should not receiue it , as priuate , but publicke , because ( forsooth ) a publicke matter must be publickly handled , with many other pert probations to triall , giuing out great brags , that he hath sought many , but can finde none to encounter with him , et calum territat armis , nec minus gloriatur , quam si argiuum abstul●sset clypeum . beside , that his particular imputations are so shamelesse , as to charge me plainely for a teacher of false doctrine , and a man of corrupt conscience . and i know this treatise of his is caried from hand to hand among those of his owne humor , like an idoll , in a procession of triumph , admired , yea adored , as if it were some new apollinis oraculum . that dutie also which i own to my brethren , and all honest , peaceable , and well affected christians , bindes mee to giue them iust satisfaction for remouing such offences as this aduersarie hath laid before them . quamuis enim animus bene sibi conscius deo solo contentus esse soleat , nec alterius , aut laudes petere , aut accusationes pertimescere geminata tamen laude sunt condigni , qui cum consci●ntiam sciant se soli deo debere iudici actus tamen suos desiderant , ab ipsis etiam fratribus comprobari . for albeit , an honest conscience contents it selfe with god , and neither seekes the praise , nor feares the accusation of another , yet are they worthie of double praise , who knowing that god is the onely iudge of their conscience , desires neuer the lesse , their actions may be approued of their brethren . in all these respects i hope it shall be none offence to modest men , that i haue broken my determinate silence , and resolued once for all to answere , i will not say a foole , yet certainely an inconsiderate man , least he seeme to be wise in his owne conceit . mr. dauid his whole treatise consists of raylings , and reasonings : the fore-front , or vantgard of his battell hee commits to raylings , and these disordered and confused , altogether : wherein i must excuse him , it being hard to keepe such wilde warriours in rule , as here he hath hired against me . i haue gone through them with order , and reduced them to foure ranckes : raylings , first against my name . 2. against my conscience . 3. against my ministerie . 4. against my brethren cloathed with the office of bishops . in the end , he commeth more modestly to enquire of the cause , and there by gods grace , hee shall finde me , as modest as he seekes me , readie with words of sobernesse and truth , to resolue him , if hee be readie with like affection to receiue it . but as to his behauiour in the beginning : i vvould truly haue dealt vvith him in the spirit of meekenesse , i loue it best , but hee hath forced mee to come with a rodde ; yea , it is good for him and others , i should so doe : since i am a pastor , and hee a sheepe of the flocke : since hee hath shewed mee the sore , and protests in vvord hee is content i should cure it : since i see his corruption so grosse , and that the canker thereof is like to eate him vp , i cannot of dutie but apply the greatest , the sharpest salt i can get to rectifie it . excuse mee master dauid , though it should bite you , better so , that you may be mended , then otherwise , that this cankred corruption should consume you , which it will not faile to doe , if it be not in time preuented . for , beleeue , mee , you haue come forth , not like a new dauid , but an olde diogenes : canis & tuba conuitiorum , not with the gentle oyle of admonition , nor with the sharper wine of compunction , both which are necessarie in correcting offences by rebukes , and vsed by the sweet samaritane in curing the wounds of his owne , vngendo sanat christus iehouae , non vrendo , but you are a phisitian of another qualitie , you haue propined a cup full of the gall of your bitternesse , it is returned backe to your selfe , and you must drinke it , you haue drawne your sword to slay such as be of vpright conuersation , and it is entred into your owne bowels : you vvould kindle a hellish fire in an heauenly fellowshippe , and pester the paradise of god vvith the pest and poyson of satan . you bring in vvorkes of the flesh , hatred , emulation , wrath , contention , sedition , enuie , lying , rayling , heresie : ( for you are the first father of this calumnie , that in our church are teachers of false doctrine ) to defend , as you thinke a spirituall cause . this is intollerable in the church , this is to shame the church ( so farre as you may . ) it were but a iust recompence of your presumption , to pay you home with your owne money . neither is it alway reproueable ( said nazian . ) radentem vicissim radere ; i know he commends hero the martyr , that he came out against the cynicks of his time , canis aduersus veros canes : but where the iniurie concernes my selfe , i will not so requi●e you . you haue iudged my conscience to be corrupt , & done what you could to defame me , i will not doe the like to you . i am bound by the apostles precept , recompence to no man euill for euill . and againe , be not ouercome of euill , but ouercome euill with goodnesse . ver. 21. i remember mine owne lesson in the alphabet for sions schollers , it is dangerous to fight against satan with his owne armour , to giue rebuke for rebuke , and pay home one calumnie with another : for i know there is no difference inter prouocantem et prouocatum , nisi quod ille prior in maleficio depraehenditur . i esteeme it neither wisedome then manhood , cum virtute vincere liceat vitio superari , aut etiam superare , quod multo sceleratius est : when a man may ouercome by vertue , to suffer himselfe be ouercome by vice in another , or which is much worse , to striue by it to ouercome others . but where your reproaches are not priuate , nor personall onely , but publicke , concerning the whole church , i cannot of dutie but speake of them as they are vnder , such names and stiles as they deserue : for the cause is common , and the ministrie of a publicke office-bearer in the church , is for the benefit of others , where it is good , and honest , the defaming of it , is not without the preiudice of many , that should receiue good by it . in this you haue degressed so inordinately out of the compasse of christian dutie , that i am forced to come to you with a fire from god , to burne vp , extinguish and vndoe your vncouth fire , and with an holy anger , as the hammer of god , to beate downe the horne of your pride . that same holy spirit , which at one time descended in the likenesse of a doue , at another discended in the similitude of fire . meekenesse alway is not to be vsed : there is a time when it becommeth moses , the meekest man of the earth , to be angrie . i dare not say i can rule anger , as he did , but shall doe what i may to restraine it . i know then onely is anger good , when it is a seruant to reason , and a souldier fighting for the truth , tunc neruus quidam animae est indignatio , fortitudinem ad res bene gerendas praebens . and here if any shame of this conflict arise vnto you , it is not by my deede , you haue drawne it vpon your selfe . as the dirt which the sea foames and casts vp in her flowing , returnes backe againe without difficultie into her owne bosome in the ebbing : so is it , beleeue me , with you ; you haue here but foamed out your owne shame , your reproaches and calumnies , which you haue here heaped vp , and dawbed together with vntempered morter , so soone as they are touched , fall backe vpon your selfe , and it is not my rebuke , but your owne , returning vnto you . you haue drawne me from mine accustomed course of studie , vnto a field of contention , which i like not . it had beene greater pleasure to mee , and profit to others , i had spent this time vpon some other subiect , meeter for edification of the soules of men , and doubtlesse or now i had done so , if you had not interrupted me : but since you haue kindled a fire in the church , and your selfe falne into it , and like to draw others with you into it also , i will not be so vndutifull as to leaue any thing vndone , that i may doe to quench it . and if in pulling you out of this fire , i handle you more roughly then otherwise i would , and my speeches be sharper then you like wel of to heare ; yet i hope to speake nothing against your selfe , but against your sinne , not to seeke a fault in you by searching your conscience , but to rebuke it , where you by word plainly manifest it : and in this if not you , yet at least the christian reader will excusemee , your danger is so desperate , the danger wherein simple ones are drawne by you , yea the perill imminent to the whole church so euident , by this trumpet of sedition you haue blowne into it , like another bichraean sheba , that i am forced to doe as i haue done . yet by gods grace two things i shall keepe , patience and loue , the one in my selfe , cauendum enim est ne vindictae cupiditate amittatur ipsa patientia , quae pluris est habenda , quam omne quod potest inimicus etiam inuito auferre . the other toward you , i haue , and i will loue you , whether you will or not , neither shall your raging in this feauer , alienate mine affection from you . but indeed , i looked for better fruits from you , and expected you should haue beene answerable to your stile , theagrius . the husbandrie of god should abound in fruits of the spirit , which are loue , peace , gentlenesse , goodnesse , meekenesse : but how farre you haue digressed from these , i hope you will see better , when you come to your selfe againe ? surely if mine enemie had defamed me , i could haue borne it , or if mine aduersarie had exalted himselfe against mee , i would haue hid my selfe from him : but it was thou , o man , euen my familiar , and my companion , who delighted to consult together , and goe to the house of god as companions : what can the most professed enemie of the gospell doe more then you haue done . you haue rewarded me euill for good , and so haue brought your selfe vnder the danger of that fearefull sentence : he that rewardeth euill for good , euill shall neuer depart from his house : i wish your eyes may be opened to see it , and god may giue you grace in time to repent of it . but now to come to the matter . the spight of your furie runnes first against my name , and that with such violence , as declares a great force of inordinate affection in you to ouer-runne it , if you could . for so you begin . the admonent . right loued brother , while i am in expectation of the answere you promised to my letters , i receiued by euenture your apologie written in defence of your fame , as you giue it out in your preface , and proues you should so doe by diuers authorities of diuers doctours , yet as good will thinke fame should be despised , or procured , and retained by good actions , &c. the ansvvere . hvmano capiti ceruicem pictor equinam , &c. mr. dauid begins at right loued brother ; but that this agrees no better with the progresse of his paralogie , then a mans head set vpon a beasts body , will be manifest in the own place . the locusts that came out of the bottomlesse pit , had a face like a mans face , but their teeth were as the teeth of lyons , and their tailes like vnto the scorpion , it becomes not a professed christian to be like one of them . doe you not here come to mee , as ioab did to amasa , hee tooke him by the beard with the right hand , to kisse him , and said , art thou in health my brother ? and smote him with the left hand . as siluer drosse ouer-laied vpon a pot-shard , so are burning lips , and a false heart : if a louing heart had moued your lips in louing manner , to call me right loued brother , you would haue spared to spew out such raylings as after followes , but you haue bewrayed your selfe : salomon heere hath found you out , to be but a guilt pot-shard , pretending by one word christian brotherhood , when all the rest of your words and deedes , proues the contrarie , as concerning me . what euenture caried mine apologie to you , i care not , i published it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , speaking truly on my conscience to men , as conscience spake vnto me , onely to remoue such offence as weake christians might conceiue , through the calumnies of a lying libeller , i did it with such moderation of words , as i cannot thinke it offended any man , if i were in the wrong to any , it was to my brethren , who stand for episcopall gouernment , in that i set it lower , to procure peace , then i should haue done ; yet it offends mr. dauid , though it no way concerne him , he will be a busic-bodie , and meddle with other mens matters , where-vnto he hath neither calling nor commission . what your doctours are , who mislike that a good name should be defended , yea that it should be despifed , i know not : you say it , but you cite them not , as good you call them , as philo , tertullian , ierome , ambrose , nazianzene , augustine : these men are small in mr. dauids conceit , here in the very entry giuing vs a taste of that humour , wherein you continue and encrease in the rest , liberall enough in your ( as good ) a word frequently vsed of them who are scant of matter , & yet faine would be contending : but this chaire is too high for you , to be the palemon of doctours past , and present ; can you tell their value , can you match them rightly ? you still vsurpe it , but will be found to take too much vpon you . a name , sayes your doctors , should be despised , or else say you obtained , and retained by good actions , not by apologies . the first is true , no man denies it , a good name should be procured by good deedes , but why seclude you the second ? are not apologies lawfull , yea needfull , to conserue a good name , begotten of good actions , when an euill tongue would destroy it ? for why ? will good actions stop the mouthes of backbiters ? will innocencie it selfe fence a man against the strife of tongues ? no , it kept not iesus the iust from the scourge of the tongue . was not samuel an vnrebukeable man among men , yet forced to vse apologie : behold , here am i , beare record of me before the lord , whose oxe haue i taken ? or whose asse haue i taken ? or whom haue i done wrong to ? or whom haue i hurt ? or at whose hand haue i receiued any bribe to blinde mine eyes therewith ? mr. dauid , many a time in your admonitorie , you charge me for a corrupt louer of gaine : but i adhere to samuels protestation before the lord against you , and against all creatures . i could tell at how manie hands i haue refused gaine , euen for a shew of vngodlinesse , but that creature was not , is not , that can conuict me of receiuing it . and was not saint paul , a faithfull seruant of god , a painefull man in the worke of the ministrie , yet compelled to plead his cause by apologies before men . what shall i say , the christians of the primitiue church were men of a godly life , yet so sore oppressed with calumnies that iustin , tertullian , & other fathers of the church were forced to defend them by apologies ? a worthy , constant , and couragious man of god was athanasius : was he not without cause accused as a murtherer and sorcerer , that he had slain arsenius , & cut off his right arme , to vse it in witchcraft , and so forced to purge himselfe by apologie ? and is not this it , which i tolde you so clearely in mine apologie , but that you can see nothing , which pleaseth not your humour ? i tell you it now therefore ouer againe : it is satans policie to staine the name , where hee cannot corrupt the conscience ; and to disgrace the person , by contempt of men , where he cannot dishonour them , by trapping them in his owne snare . sore hath mine aduersarie thrust at mee , from my young yeeres , by change of tentations hath hee sought to winnow mee , if you had read my little dialogue , it could haue told you i haue beene trained vp with the wrastlings of god. many wayes hath the enemie sought to snare me , that he might shame me , and in shaming me , might shame the glorious ministrie committed to me , though least , and vnworthiest of all his seruants : but my lord prayed for mee , and his grace preserued me , that satan got no vantage against mee , to the disaduantage of the gospell : but now hee hath changed his battell , and heere is the point ; what satan could neuer obtaine of mee by inward tentation , hee would make the world beleeue by outward calumnie , that he had obtained it , and that he had made me a man of a corrupt conscience , and of an vnhonest heart toward god and man. before he fought against mee with inward tentations , and i resisted him by instant prayer ; now he impugnes me by outward calumnies , he hath not , i thanke god , corrupted my conscience , but he would make men beleeue that he had done it : and here it offends mr. dauid , i should resist the enemie , and defend my selfe by apologies : since he hath changed the manner of his on-set , why may not i change the manner of my defence ? for in all this i take him for my principall partie . thus stands the question betweene satan and mee , and i am sorie for you that you come in to second him , and serue him for an instrument to carie his lies vpon the chariots of your tongue and penne , to the eares and hearts of others , for to speake according to truth : this is the place vvherein you stand at this time , you haue taken you to be satans second in this combat against me , at least he hath abused you to follow him ignorantly into it : but since there must be a winde and a firie chariot to carie elijah into heauen . since there must be an angell of satan to buffet paul , and keepe him from pride : since there must be a fire to purge the sonnes of leui , i meane of affliction , which vnto the godly is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the purgatorie fire of pisida , since gold cannot be fined but by lead , which consumes and finishes it selfe in the fining of it : let it come by any instrument , by you , or any other the lord pleaseth to stirre vp , so it bring forward his worke in me , i care not . the admonent . moreouer , i am sure ye know it is with the oppugning of the discipline of scotland , the defence of the office of bishops : this is more then any mans fame , the fame of the whole church of scotland these many yeeres , the fame of the best reformed church in europe . it is yet more , a matter touching the church in lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse , in obedience or disobedience to their god , to their prince , as you would make men beleeue . also of the estate of the church in profit , flourishing , or not flourishing , and many such things of great importance , of what weight should fame be here ? and againe , if fame be ioyned with the truth , and that which is right in the sight of god , let that truth and that right haue the sway in our hearts , let it appeare in our profession . in our pretences , in our actions , let vs auow it before the sunne and moone , not because of our fame , but because of it selfe , we shall haue no losse thereby , our fame shall be cleared , by clearing of it . if our fame be ioyned ▪ with errour , or what is wrong in the eyes of that diuine maiestie , so that it cannot be borne out , but by bearing out of errour , let vs not seeke to maintaine our fame by maintaining that errour ; let vs stoope to him , and renounce that foolish fame , and count it our honour so to confesse our shame . the ansvvere . he that is first in his owne cause ( saith saloman ) is iust , then commeth his neighbour , and makes enquirie of him . you haue heaped vp heere a multitude of words , huing a faire shew , not vnlike the words of the friends of iob , good enough in themselues , but wrongfully applied , as will be seene by mine answere . farre be it from mee mr. dauid , to seeke honour with the dishonour of my good god : i will still vse the words of those fortie martyrs mentioned of basile , nolo honorem vnde nascetur ignominia , neither will i maintaine my name by impairing his truth : nay , nay , god forbid i should so doe , but it is for his truth , and for the honour of his name that i contend to maintaine my poore name . since the lord hath counted mee faithfull , and put me in his seruice ; since he hath called me to be a witnesse of his truth , and since he hath blessed my ministrie to doe good by it ; will you not suffer me to defend the honestie of it against a lying libeller that hath sought to dishonour it ? but i know where you are , satan would haue me a witnesse of no value , nor credit , because through grace i stand vnder the banner of christ against him , and so would you , because i am against you in this question of church-gouernement : you seeke so farre as you may to disgrace the man , that his testimonie may be the lesse regarded . here is your policie , but it will not be for you . i thanke god , among men i haue more to stand with me , witnesses of the honestie and effcacie of my weake ministrie , then you are able to bring against mee : neither am i in doubt , but the same also who for the present are with you , if it pleased god i were knowne to them , as i am to others , who haue felt the comfort of my ministrie , would stand vp to iustifie mee against you . but to leaue men , and come before the lord , mr. dauid , i dare not speake presumptuously , since our lord in the weakenesse of one , haue pointed out the infirmitie of all , yet in some measure i may say , i haue name , and life , and all that i haue to giue vnto the lord for the glory of his name , and fealing vp of his truth , if his maiestie require it , i trust hee will giue grace to performe it . neither care i what shame befall me , so it may serue to hold vp the honour of my god. if this inward testimonie of mine owne heart sustained mee not , it had beene impossible for me to haue borne the manifold contempts of flesh i haue suffered , and this of yours among the rest , but to goe from my selfe . the discipline of the church of scotland , is not oppugned by bishops , as you would make the simpler sort beleeue ; but rather it is stablished , and confirmed by them . neither will you euer be able to proue , that the discipline of our church at any time disalloweth the office of bishops , but onely fights against the corruptions thereof , as the monuments of our church , search them when you will , shall make manifest vnto you . and if you be able to make it good , that it is a hurt to a family , to haue a kindely father ruling ouer it , then may you also proue that it is a harme to the church , to haue an honest bishop president in it ? this is for the honour and name of the church of scotland , which now i maintaine according to truth , and set it downe in this assertion . the church of scotland , with the puritie of doctrine , not stained with any blot of heresie , hath also kept a sound , and constant forme of gouernement , without alteration of any point of discipline in substance , mending onely some circumstances , as time required , to make them serue for the greater edification of the church . this is the point i promised to cleare vnto you , i hope to make it plaine or i end , and should haue cleared before now , if your katagoric pamphlet had not distracted mee . this mr. dauid is the state of the controuersie : this is a truth , which neither you , nor your trident fathers , nor your sorbon doctors , none with you , none by west you , none by east you , none about you will euer be able to impugne . and if you , or they haue any compassion of this church , if you be her sonne , a christian , borne againe in her bosome , if you haue sucked out of her breasts the milke of consolation , then i am sure you will feare to impugne it : since as i said it is a truth , it is the honour of your mother , who in all times hath kept one constant tenour of doctrine and discipline , since it procures peace in her bowels , since it stops the aduersaries mouth , and remoues offences from the weaker ones . the admonent . i am sure you know that this defence of your name , is with the touch of many mens fame , euen all those who are of a contrarie minde in matter of discipline : but you thinke you care not for that , it is lawfull for you to defend your owne , though with the interest of theirs . and againe you say : that such as shall be liberall to speake against you , appearingly you call them carnall contentious spirits , demi-gods , as if god had set his tribunall in their tongue , or made them iudges of mens consciences , libellers of lies , shemeis , raylers , busie-bodies , night-birds , &c. the ansvvere . doe you not here speake as one of the children of men set on fire , whose teeth are speares and arrowes , and their tongue a sharpe sword ? are you not heere blowing at the coale , to kindle if you can a fire among brethren . to strengthen your feeble cause ▪ you cry for a partie ▪ and goes about , not with the godly policie of s. paul , to deuide pharisies and sadduces , but with the godlesse impietie of the serpent , to sowe the seede of dissention among brethren . that euill-one doth it in the night , when men are sleeping , and you are not afraid to doe it in the day , and all men looking vpon you . is it true which you haue said , speake you iustly , and haue you iudged vprightly ? will you throw these words of mine against my brethren ? are you become so brazen-fac'd ? haue you shaken off all shame , and taken libertie to say what you like , yea euen against your owne light ? for you dare not say plainely to it , but appearingly , say you , i call them so . are not my words plaine ? said i not in mine apologie , i am sure no well aduised christian will fight with such armour ? if i thinke no christian will doe it , farre lesse will any brother of the ministrie doe it . are they who are contrarie minded in church-gouernment , otherwise stiled by mee , then reuerend fathers , or brethren ? god knowes they are so in my heart , as i haue termed them in speech . yet you say i haue iniured them in their name . my speech was then against a lying libeller , and some other professours , whereof some are preposterously zealous , others prophanely presumptious , to giue out rash iudgement of all men . i knew not then that you had beene one of that sort , but since my words haue beene to you like the breath of the hart , to draw such a serpent as you out of your denne , and make you know your selfe in your owne colours , i cannot but tell you plainely , that you are one of them , to whom all these epithets rehearsed by you are competent , a few onely excepted , carnally contentious a rayling busie-bodie , a dem●god ; vsurping gods tribunall , you haue here declared your self but of others i cleare you , that you are not a night-bird , a chatterer in secret ; a biter behinde backes : for the height of your pride , and stoutnesse of your conceit carries you so farre , that you thinke it too little for the greatnesse of your reputation to be a pestilence walking in darknesse . nay , for the honour of your name , you must be daemonum meridianum , a plague that destroyes at noone , and an arrowe that flies by day , to slay the innocent . this is wickednesse more then enough ; and yet , vt sit supra modum peccans peccatum , you will adde drunkennesse to thirst , and not content to slay one , you will ( as i said ) be a fire-brand in the church to burne all , kindling , continuing , encreasing fierie contention among brethren . it became you rather of christian dutie ( if you knew it ) to bring words of modestie , truth , and loue , like water to quench the fire that is , then by words of strife and contention , to kindle it where it is not , et sic oleum camino addere . thinke you mr. dauid to goe betweene vs and our brethren ; beleeue mee , they neede not your patrocinie at our hands , nor we yours , or any mans at theirs , euen the lord knowes how wee haue tendred their names , they are our brethren , wee dare goe neerer them then you , to liue with them , to die with them : where discrepance of iudgement is about things externall , god knowes it is with our mutuall griefe : where consonance is , as blessed be the lord it is in all points of faith , it is with our mutuall ioy . and since the beginning of this controuersie , i did euer thinke it a lamentable thing , to see such as agree in vnitie of faith , disagree in a matter of discipline , and that those who could happily haue concorded on a scaffold , to scale the truth of god , professed by them both ; if so the lord had called them vnto it , should thus vnnecessarily discord for a question of externall church-gouernement , in it selfe not absolutely requisite to saluation . but this ( as i said in mine apologie ) is the pittifull condition of humane infirmitie . if i cannot mend it , i shall at least mourne for it , and will daily pray to my god , that he would set peace in ierusalems borders , and vnite the hearts of his seruants into one . neither will i despaire of it , but will pray the lord to stirre vp in this church such a man as athanasius was , and blesse the worke of this vnion in his hands . a powerfull instrument of the lord was hee to conserue puritie of doctrine by his singular constancie , with peace among preachers by his godly wisedome : for this was he renowned , as columen ecclesiae in his time . many times was hee banished by deceit , and often-times forced to flie , to eschew the furie of his enemie : but none of all his sufferings purchased him such commendation as this , that when hee came home , and found a schisme among the fathers of the church , for a greater cause then any that is among vs ( praised be god ) yet he happily composed it , vtraque enim parte leniter & humane accersita verborumque sententia diligenter , & accurrate perpensa postaquam concordes reperit , nec quantum ad doctrinam quicquam inter se dissidentes , ita negotium transegit , vt nominum vsum ipsis concedens , rebus ipsos constringeret ▪ for calling both the parties with meekenesse and loue vnto him , and iudiciously pondering either of their opinions , he perceiued that concerning doctrine there was no difference , the diuersitie was about words , the matter vvhich either of them beleeued , one and the same , hee did therefore so compose this discord , that leauing vnto them free the vse of the words & names , hee bound them both with necessitie of the matter it selfe . i wish againe that such an athanasius were among vs , for i can see nothing but strife about words and persons ( there being otherwise agreement both in the matter of doctrine and discipline . ) the same power of gouernement that now is in our church , was alway in it , now vnder the name of a bishop , before vnder a name equiualent to it . and when both the names were silent ; yet the power of them both euer exercised by some : when the name was not , the matter remained , the power i meane in substance : but now contention is growne to such heat , that an office toll●rably lawfull , needfull in it selfe , is thought vntollerable vnder such a name , and for such persons as are with it , or against it . a lamentable matter , for the which i sigh within my selfe , and doe yet the third time cry for an athanas●us . but till the lord send this , i make knowne vnto you , that you haue no cause to wrest my vvords against my brethren of the ministrie , what euer their iudgement or opinion be concerning church-gouernement , i would be loath to speake of them , as you haue alleadged : and therefore because i see the heat of contention in you is yet encreasing ; remember that when i speake of men of your humour , your sort , your band , your fellowship , i meane of such as the libeller , and you haue declared your selues to be . men that sets by loue , for a liking of their opinion , that spares not to forsake the bounds of modestie , yea , and christianitie , debating their priuate iudgement with contention , rayling , lying , backe-biting : this is satans armour , and is not meere to be vsed in defence of the cause of god : but now this first part of your paralogie containing raylings against my name , you conclude this way . the admonent . loe , brother , what i thinke right concerning your name . the ansvvere . this is the second , and yet the last time that you vse any word of meekenesse and loue , they stand alone in this your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and thinkes shame of the rest , as hee that faigneth himselfe madde casts firebrands , arrowes , and mortall things , so dealeth the deceitfull man with his friend , & saith , am not i in sport ? mr. dauid in a furie , without rithme or reason , strikes all that are about him , friend or foe , as you will heare , and then will mend all with a word , i am but in sport , and am your brother . salomon sayth , that this is to play the deceiuer . the admonent . your fame is in a hard case , very hard to be cleared from some blemish , &c. thus stands it with your fame , which i cannot see , how it shall be remedied . and againe : chiefely that idoll fame , which you trauaile so to maintaine : beleeue me there is no remedie , downe it must , and best by your selfe , your owne hand may pull it downe more easily , others must more rudely . thinke not ; your apologies will doe the turne , palmodies must doe it . the ansvvere . good mr. dauid , be not so sodaine ▪ be appeased but a little , and i will pay you to the vttermost farthing ; if i doe not , then pull all downe at your pleasure . a righteous man ( saith salomon ) hath compassion ouer his beast , but the mercies of the wicked are crueltie . mr. dauid , why wil you be so cruell as at one stroke to slay both my selfe and my name , yea to burie my name , ere i be dead my selfe ▪ and that without anie pittie or compassion ? if you had anie loue , you would haue mourned at least a little ouer it , because once it did good , once it smelled well . though there be not a tribe cut off from israel ( and euen they were sorie for it , which had done it ) yet is there a man in your conceit cut off from israel , and you insult in the doing of it , yea , and haue triumphed with your complices during this interim of a none answere , neither can you keepe it close , but in your pride proclaime it , that you haue slaine a man. yet it is but the amalekites daunce : your pray will quickly be taken from you ; what you thought you had done , you will finde it vndone . it but fareth with you , as philo saith it did with cain : then cain arose against his brother abel , and slew him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whom slew he ? not abel , no : hee slew himselfe . it seemes , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an incredible paradoxe , yet is it true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . abel is taken away in the foolish minde of cain , but he liues in god a blessed life ; and my name which in your conceit is past remedie , i suppose with you it is perished cleane in preston , and you haue buried it there , neuer to rise againe : yet i am a man that beleeues the resurrection of the dead , euen of them who are dead , & buried in preston also . but mr. dauid , know you not that the sunne shines clearely in some parts , euen when it is obscured in others ? i am sure you cannot be ignorant of this , that when the sunne is obscured by clouds or smoake in preston , yet other parts of the kingdome sees it clearely enough , and there also where it is obscured for a time , it will shine againe . who sent a winde , and draue the locusts of egipt into the red sea ? who scattered the smoake that came from the bottomlesse pit , to darken the sunne ? is it not the lord who soweth light for the righteous ? hee brings to light things that are hid in darknesse . i will still walke in the innocencie and simplicitie of mine heart , and not spare to speake to men , what i haue beene taught of god , nothing moued either with your calumnies , or other mens contempt . and of these men that haue despised me , shall i be had in honour : when god shall plead my cause , execute iudgement for me , and bring me forth into the light . but now as satan in the tempting of iob , proceeded from a small tentation to a greater : so mr. dauid not content to trample my name vnder foote at his pleasure , makes corruption also vpon my conscience . hee iustifies the former libeller in plaine termes , and will needes haue mee guiltie of a corrupt loue vnto gaine and glorie , for these are his words . the admonent . men searching what should haue moued you to change your minde , lights onely on these two , gaine , and glorie , as the onely appearant : for what could you euen say your selfe , if you saw diuers hammers hammering a vessell , and it endured them all , and broke not , till the golden hammer come , and so soone as it hits , the vessell leapes asunder at the first stroke : what would you thinke but that the golden hammer had broken it ? &c. the ansvvere . as athorne in the hand of a drunkard , so is a parable in the mouth of a foole ( saith salomon ) for a drunkard taking a thorne in his hand to strike others , hurteth himselfe with it , and a foole pierces himselfe with the parable wherewith he thinkes to pricke another . mr. dauid , this false supposition of yours is answered by another , which is true : what if the vessell was broken , or euer the golden hammer touched it ? if they vvho could best see , being neerest vnto it , saw that it was so : if the change was made , or euer the bishopricke came , is he not a lyer that will say the golden hammer did it ? what euer you had said of the cause it selfe , or of my name might haue beene somewhat excusable , these are things externall ; but how take you this boldnesse to iudge another mans conscience ? who art thou that iudgest another mans seruant ? hee standeth , or falleth to his master . my cause you thinke you know perfectly to be euill , my name it pleases you to terme a vaine idoll , which you will haue pulled downe , though the smoke of your pride darken your minde , so that you know none of them as they are : but as for my conscience , i am sure you know it not at all . the iudgement of conscience belongs to him who iudges the highest things , who searches the r●ines and the heart , it is the lord that makes the weight of the winde , and weighes the waters by measure , hee trieth the perfection of all things ? how then vsurpe you the lords roome , to iudge things that are secret ? will you sit downe on his tribunall ? or otherwise . cum iudicare nescias cur vis calumniari ? why will you calumniate , where you cannot iudge ? why speake you euill of that , which you know not . now euen the god of truth , who hath the eies of fire to pierce into the soules of men , knoweth that you haue giuen out false iudgement against me : deus font est omnis beatitudinis meae , ipse finis omnis appetitionis meae , as the lord is the fountaine of my felicitie , so is he the end of my desires : whom haue i in the heauen but thee ? and i haue desired none in the earth with thee : my flesh failes , mine heart also , but god is the strength of mine heart , and my portion for euer . quem stercoribus animum adijciam , shall i set mine heart vpon dung ? was euer it so lord since i knew thee ? this false accuser would foule the face of my soule with it ; looke vpon it o lord , and consider it . perceiue you not how like you are to the diuell in this accusation , what a false imputation was it which he laid to the charge of iob , the man of god : doth iob serue god for nothing ? hee accuses him not of any corrupt action , he could not , he accuses him of a corrupt affection , that he was but a hireling , and a mercenarie worshipper of god , one that serued god , not for loue of god , but for loue of gaine which he got from god : this is the voice of the accuser , hee is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and how is this , that you will be like him ; will you also be a false accuser of your brethren , imputing crimes to them , which you , nor no flesh can know , farre lesse qualifie ? may it not content you to examine their actions ? how presume you to enter into their affections ? see you not how satanicall this is to leaue the action , and to iudge the affection ? perswade your selfe , mr. dauid , the sinne in the world that hath had least credit or commandement of mine heart , is couetousnesse , and loue of gaine ; it had neuer force to encline mine heart after it , i thanke the lord : and yet you would blot mee with it , you haue done me great wrong : the lord lay it not to your charge . the admonent . and to what effect serues such and so many words ? one onely argument had beene better then them all , but you bring neuer a one , onely for all arguments you appeale to the testimonie of your conscience , which as it is the best comfort inwardly , so the worst probation outwardly , for may not any man purge himselfe of ambition and couetousnesse , and whatsoeuer can be seene outward ? men thinke all makes against you . the ansvvere . bvt i pray you , is not the crime which the libeller first , and you next impute to mee an inward crime , and how can it be cleared , but by an inward purgation ? if the accusation were of an outward fact , it behoued to be answered and auoided by outward proofes and arguments , though euen in these oft-times the oath must decide the controuersie for lacke of other probation : but here it is an internall guilt of a corrupt affection , wherewith you charge me , and where can i goe to improue it , but ad domesticum tribunal , to the internall testimonie of anvncorrupt conscience ? any equitable man may see how your preiudice blinds you to denie a principall , when s. paul retired to this defence , i say the truth in christ , i lie not , my conscience bearing me witnes in the holy ghost . might not his aduersaries haue answered him , as you doe me , the testimonie of conscience is the worst probation outwardly ? yet he vses it . my apologie stands apologetique for any thing you haue said ; and i meruaile not you doe what you may to make mine apologie no apologie : since you are so pert to doe what you should not , to make my conscience no conscience . it is more high then that you can reach vnto it , more secret then that you can see it : tu vides in facie , deus in corde , man lookes into the countenance , but god beholds the heart . and if wee shall compare man with man , it is certaine in this knowledge , you can no way compare with me : certum est quod eo ipso mihi notior sim , quam tibi , quo propinquior ideoque magis credo mihi de me videnti me , quam tibi o●inanti de me , quod non vides in me . sure it is , i know my selfe better then you can know me , i am neerer mine owne hart then you , and am priuie to my conscience , which you cannot be , and therefore haue reason to beleeue my selfe of that which i know , and see in my selfe , rather then you who are but an opinator , not a spectator of mine heart , and thinke you see that in me , which i know you see not . but since you are of this humour , voide of loue , which beleeueth all things , that you will not credit a brothers declaration of his conscience , i must in this leaue you to your owne conceit , vvhich i credit verie well , to be such as here you haue declared it , that is , both lawlesse , louelesse , and truthlesse , as will better appeare in that which followes , wherein to strengthen your calumnie , that the loue of gaine and glorie moued mee to accept a bishopricke , you vvould make vs beleeue that most part of honest men are as deepe in this contumely as you are : for these are your words . the admonnet . and howbeit , some will indeede be sober , and not so bold to affirme any thing precisely , setting themselues , as you plaine that libeller doth , iudge of you , or any other mans conscience , yet you may be sure the most modest , knowing of no change come till the bishopricke come , thinking that , the most , yea the onely likely cause of the change , can but suspend their iudgement , and what they encline , encline to that , as most apparant . againe , whatsoeuer can be seene outward , men thinke all makes against you ; then a little after , who can say that will say any thing at all , but that it is the golden hammer hath done the turne ? the ansvvere . master dauid , beleeue me , you are now like a man out of his owne element , confused , and perturbed in your thoughts , if they be according to your words . it were best you should hold you at your olde tune of cauilling talke . there you speake like your selfe , and it flowes best with you : now you would come to speake words of modestie , and they will not mouth for you ; for what language is this , i pray , though sober men be not bold to affirme it , yet the most modest will encline to it ? perceiue you not how you reele , and roue , and knowes not what you say ? doth not one of your words dash and destroy another ? they suspend their iudgement ( say you ) and yet they encline to this as most apparent . sober men will not affirme it ( say you ) yet the most modest will : and why forsooth ? because ( saith mr. dauid ) it is most appearant . i pray you , doe sober and modest men encline their iudgement to and fro by appearance : and since as you say , most modest men suspends their iudgement , why are you not one of those most modest men ? why praecipate you , and giues out rash iudgement ? o but s●y you , you knew no change till the bishopricke came : what of that ? you knew it not , nor your complices , therefore it was not . it was knowne clearelie enough to such as vvere familiar with mee , it was knowne openlie in the synods of fyffe , yea vnto manie that desired not to know it : it vvas made knowne euerie day in the presbyterie of perth , from the time that once the episcopall gouernement was receiued againe by order of the church , by act of generall assemblie , with approbation of his maiestie , i resolued to conforme my selfe , and from that time declared it in communing , reasoning , disputing : honouring bishops priuatelie , publicklie , all that i could , and willinglie would haue liued content all my daies , to haue giuen honour to anie brother of the ministrie , aduanced to that office , rather then receiued it . this is the verie truth , though it was not published in preston , nor knowne to mr. dauid . and where you say , that gaine and glorie are the onelie apparant causes , and most modest men enclines to them as most apparant , and that whatsoeuer can be seene of men outwardlie , makes all against me . now god be thanked it is but apparantlie , and it is but the thought , and sight of men , and that of your men , it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mans day , mans iudgement , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and of such men whose iudgement i set little by : my reason is , because by their owne confession , it is but iudgement by appearance . will christian religion teach you to iudge by appearance ? is not this the praise of our lord , who as he is a prince of saluation , so stands hee also for a paterne of righteousnesse vnto vs , hee shall bring out iudgement in truth : why bring you out iudgement in vntruth ? he iudges not by the hearing of the eare : why doe you giue iudgement vpon report ? hee iudges not by appearance , and you spare not to condemne the conscience of your brother , hauing no reason for you , but appearance . is not this too weake a probation for so strong a calumnie ? who may not see , malice hath moued you , no light hath led you : you haue bewrayed by your speech the weakenesse of your cause , the wickednesse of your heart , which god forgiue you . now you conclude this point . the admonent . vvho can say , that will say any thing at all , but it is the golden hammer hath done the turne ? the ansvvere . how long will you vexe my soule , and torment me with words ? you haue now tenne times reproached me , and are not ashamed : you are impudent towards mee . haue you forgotten what you said euen now ? were not these your words : sober men will not say it , modest men enclines to it but by appearance ? yet now you will make vs beleeue , that such as will say any thing , can say no otherwise , but as you say . mr. dauid , mendacem oport●it esse memorem . frequently you bragge of this , that all men , whom you know , thinke as you thinke , and so with the terrible shew of your associates , like an armie of the stuffed skinnes of indian elephants , you would afray vs. i am sure when your great multitude , mustred vnder generall titles , comes to be viewed , they will be found , as i haue said . for doubtlesse , godlie , modest , & learned men , howsoeuer they be minded concerning the cause it selfe , will no way approue your carnall debating of it , nor yet allow that which you haue said : they will be loath , i warrant you , to come vnder your standard , neither will they thinke their cause strengthened , but dishonoured by your patrocinie . thus will you be found but like chaucers cooke , busie where you neede not , taking paines , for which no side will giue you thanks . and these being remoued from you , who with their iudgement in church-gouernement , retaine inward sobrietie and brotherlie loue vvith meekenesse ; the remanent that will stand vp with you , to maintaine your carnall , and contentio●s raylings , will trie as i haue said . your great vniuersalitie will be reduced to a small fellowship of strait-shod gentlemen , and to speake as it is , a diocie of donatists , of whom you may read what hath beene the iudgement of the godlie , horum spiritus homicida & mendax : who thinke there is no church , no religion , no conscience but with the men of their opinion : and if any man be otherwise minded , then forsooth hee is not a brother , you must keepe no companie with him , you must not salute him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nor walke in the streete or way with them . fie vpon this pride , what should such wickednesse doe in sion ? away with it to shinar , meeter for barbarians of moroco , then for christians of the beloued i le . in africk it dwelt of olde , i would wish ( if i might lawfullie ) it were there againe , and this church were quit of it . now in the third roome , mr. dauid in most furious manner , inuades my ministrie , not vnlike that fourth , fearefull , and terrible beast which daniel saw in the vision , with iron teeth , deuouring , breaking in pieces , stamping vnder feet all ●●at is before him . now he speweth out the superfluitie of his malitiousnesse , and vvith most false and horrible calumnies he chargeth me . the admonent . errour must be confessed . 2. erroneous doctrine , yea false doctrine . 3. rash affirming of vncertainties . 4. inconsideratenesse , temeritie , headinesse . 5. inconstancie . 6. papisticall implicite faith . 7. falsefying of gods message , speaking that whereof he had no warrant from him . 8. prophaning the chaire of veritie . 9. carelesnesse and sloath in your calling , that in a great , high , and speciall question of it , being so long a past●r , you neuer searched to know the truth of that point . the ansvvere . o lord , false witnesses are risen vp against mee , they charge me with things which i know not . o righteous god , who trieth the hearts and the reines , and hast proued and visited mine heart in the night , plead thou my cause , and let the lying lips be made dumbe , which cruelly , spightfully , and proudly speake against the righteous . the answere which our sauiour gaue his disciples , when they willed him to bring fire from heauen vpon the samaritanes , is not vnproper here for mr. dauid : for hee hath here multiplied against me so many grieuous imputations , as ( if they were true ) might iustly make me worthie both of fierie wrath from god , and of all indignation from man. but m. dauid , you know not of what spirit these railings haue proceeded . saint iames saith , that the wisedome which is from aboue is pure , peaceable , gentle , easie to be entreated ( no oath of conscience can entreate mr. dauid . ) it is full of mercie , he is so full of malice that hee runnes ouer : for who will say but that the house is full of smoake when it commeth out at the dore and window ? it is without iudging : he is bold to iudge the most secret things . it is without h●pocrisie : hee at one time kisseth and killeth , with ioab . the same man whom at one word hee cals a beloued brother , at the next word hee cals an abhominable man , a false teacher , &c. his mouth is full of bitter enuie and strife , his tongue set on fire of hell would set on fire the course of nature ; yea , the whole church if hee could ; this wisedome descends not from aboue , but is earthly , sensuall and diuellish , saith s. iames. loe where you are mr. dauid , see by what decree you are condemned in this doing ; not mine but the apostles . is not this the monstrous birth of your viperous minde ? looke backe to it againe , and see if it be well faced or not ? thinke you not shame of it ? or otherwise will nothing content you , except yee be the basiliske , king of serpents , and crowned as chiefe of railers ? but let vs examine more narrowly , and see what truth is in him . you will first haue mee to confesse an error : why not ? i daily doe it , who knoweth the errours of his life ? errare possum , haereticus esse nol● . wee are men and may fall into errour , from heresie grace will keepe vs , and mine heart abhorres it . but are you mr. dauid and your fellowes free from errour ? homo , iuste sanct●le , tune sine macula ? holie one , tell mee , are you without blemish ? dic mihi noue pharisae & nomine duntaxat pure : is it so ? i hope you will thinke shame to be a new pharisie , pure in name onely . audes tu mundum te dicere , qui etsi operibus mundus esses hoc solo verbo immundus fieres ? dare the catharan , nouatian , donatist , say he is cleane ? albeit in regard of his workes he were cleane , yet this same proud word would make him vncleane . but i thinke mr. dauid will confesse error also ; why then casts he the first stone at mee ? o forsooth mr. dauid is a common christian , and i am a preacher ; but may not a good and faithfull preacher commit an errour ? to cite a testimonie of scripture not out of the right place is an errour : to draw a sense out of the words , not consonant to the course of the text , suppose agreeable to the analogie of faith , is an errour : to say that timothie placed in ephesus was an extraordinarie euangelist , seeing it is plaine hee was setled there as an ordinarie bishop , may be an errour but no heresie : to say that papall hierarchie came out of episcopall authoritie , is an errour , for it is not the proper cause of the other ; but who will call it haeresie or falsifying of gods message ? and many other waies ( not needfull to be repeated ) may preachers commit errour , which yet are not heresies . god forbid they so were . o but it is an higher commission , which this legate from the legion , hath brought against mee . hee is to accuse mee of many points of treason against the most high god , for so hee reckens them out : you haue taught erronious doctrine false doctrine , and deceiued others . auoid sathan , thou art shamelesse in lying . you haue falsified gods message . goe behinde mee sathan , you are diuellish in railing . you haue prophaned the chaire of veritie . the lord rebuke thee sathan . mr. dauid , this is not you ; i will neuer thinke the good man of gods-croft hath said this : no , it is but subtle satan , abusing the sillie serpent . vas es , alius te vtitur ; organum es , alius te tangit . the apostle leades vs to this consideration , we wrastle not with ●lesh and bloud , but with principalities , powers , and spirituall wickednesses . in this you are but satans serjeant : is est qui omnia peccata nostra rimatur diligentia inuidi● ; it is hee that searcheth all our sinnes with the watchfull eye of enuie . i am onely sorie that you are thus abused by him , and haue learned ex vno multa facere , so cunningly to calumniate , and to imploy your engin to make a mountaine of a mote if you could finde it ; yet you would seeme modest , and professe you are loath to touch ; but can you be more malicious , and if yee can i defie you . for i must tell you , many a time hath satan troubled mee with his grieuous accusations , so much more fearefull then yours , in that they were internall : i haue appealed and drawne him before the highest tribunall , and there sundrie absoluitorie decrees hath my god giuen mee against his false imputations , by many glorious victories hath the god of peace trampled sathan vnder my feete . and now you come in , as it were vpon a new factorie from him , to charge me againe with the same criminations , and pursue mee before the iudicatorie of men . sillie man , why haue yee done this ? seeing i haue endured the roaring of a lyon , thinke you that i will be commoned for the biting of a flea ? euen satan himselfe , as false as he is , knowes , and if hee could speake any truth hee might tell you that you are here miscarried from the truth : i am no prophaner of the chaire of veritie : i haue gone to the pulpit in much feare and trembling ; i neuer went to it vnsanctified by prayer , and the best part of that houre of preparation , haue i spent lying vpon the ground on my face , with teares and cries begging the lords mercifull assistance . and after greatest humiliation , i haue found his most comfortable presence . i am forced to vtter that which i thought neuer flesh should haue knowne , for answering this shamelesse accuser , who chargeth mee as a prophaner of the chayre of veritie . and as for false doctrine , you are the first aduersarie ( among professors ) that euer charged any in our church with it . is any article of faith denyed ▪ because the gouernment which you would haue is denyed ? are they all false teachers who stand for defence of presbyteries against episcopall gouernment : or will you haue them false teachers who stand for the maintenance of episcopall gouernment ? doth the one of them so esteeme of the other ? you will be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a doctor of the law , but vnderstand not what you speake , nor what you affirme . can you call it false doctrine which impugnes not any article of faith ? know you not that preachers are the lawfull iudges of true and false doctrine ? spiritus prophetarum subijcitur prophetis ; you are no prophet nor preacher , god called you not to that honour , yet your pride causeth you to stretch your selfe beyond your line , and to giue out against a preacher a decree of false doctrine . you would haue it a matter of faith , least it should seeme that yee striue for nothing ; but it will not be for you : is not this the confession of the reformed churches , ad vnitatem fideisufficit , si consentiatur de doctrina euangelij , & administratione sacramentorum ; it is sufficient for the vnitie of faith , that wee agree in the doctrine of the euangell , and ministration of the sacraments . dare yee say that in these among vs there is any disagreement ? will you ●eclude them all from the vnitie of faith , who are not partakers of this discipline ? what then will you say to beza ; exijs quaem ecclesia christi requiruntur vt partibus suis omnibus constet , solam doctrinam videri nobis absolute & si●e omni exceptione necessariam ; of those things which are required to make vp a compleate church , perfect in all her parts , it seemes to mee that the word onely absolutely , and without all exception is necessarie . heare you this mr. dauid , no word here of discipline , nor externall church-gouernement as absolutely necessarie to make vp a church , yet you will haue it a matter of faith : and againe , ordo est diuinitus praescriptus , ordinis ratio arbitraria & pro circumstantijs temporum & locorum mutari potest , quia positi●i est iuris : order is prescribed by god , the manner or forme of order is arbitrarie , and may be changed according to the circumstances of times and places , because it is of humane constitution . praised be the lord againe , there is no question of faith , no disagreement in anie article of our creede , all the doctors of the reformed churches in europe agree in the vnitie of one and the selfe-same doctrine of saluation ; some discrepance indeede in the matter of discipline , some of them standing for episcopall gouernement , and others impugning it : but will the one of them for this , account the other false teachers ? and in our owne church , many that haue different iudgements concerning church-gouernement , doe liue in mutuall loue as brethren , the one not esteeming the other heretiques , till you come to make it so , if you could : but god forbid , rather all of them ioyntly haue cause to account you a diuider of brethren ; a seditious fire-brand in the church , and a disturber of christian peace , if it lay in your power . in your other criminations you are still like your selfe , you will be as one of those dogges and swine , that turnes backe to rend them , who hath cast vnto you the pearles of the kingdome of god , with horrible imputations of implicite faith , inconstancie , rashnesse , temeritie , negligence , and sloath in my calling . mr. dauid humum , haec sapiunt , non theagrium , imo nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem , sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , argiua enim haec insectatio : you were wiser to forbeare this language of ashdod , and speake in canaans tongue , and out of the new generation . but since you haue cast your selfe loose , to speake what you should not , sine iugo , statera , aut mensura , without a yoake , a ballance , or a measure , which three ambrose requires in the speech of a moderate man , you must euen heare againe that which you would not , that these criminations though they be not of such weight , yet are they of no lesse falshood then the former . and first , among all the points of ditta , which you haue here giuen in against mee , i meruaile most what you meane to charge me with a papists implicite faith . would you perswade them that i am become a proselite of theirs , tell me , thinke you so your selfe , or would you haue others to thinke it ? at that same time when mine apologie was published , there came forth also a treatise of mine against papists , in defence of the antiquitie of the church of scotland , prouing that we receiued not christian religion from the church of rome , might not that serue to cleare me , if you were not malitious to speake against cleare light , of all papisticke implicite faith ? what should haue moued you to this calumnie , i know not , except that in my young yeares , as other modest men of the ministrie did , i imployed my studie to doctrine , and as for discipline , i embraced that which i found for the time , not making anie enquirie of it . but m. dauid , this will not proue mee guiltie of a papists implicite faith , but rather conuince you of an apists explicite euill will , who had rather giuevantage to an enemie , or the idoll of your conceit be not honoured in all points , suppose to the disgrace of a friend . but the string you harpe most vpon , is my inconstancie , euerie where throughout this pamphlet you obiect a change to mee , and as you call it an absurd change : and heere you haue collected manie things together of my speeches , sermons , subscriptions , most part of them false , as will be shewed when wee come to them : but i pray you to what purpose bring you probations , of that whereof in mine apologie i haue made a plaine confession , because say you , i haue not beene cleare in that point to declare from what , and vnto what i had changed : but mr. dauid , i supposed i had spoken more clearelie then you desired me ; and if yet you wil haue it more plainelie explained to you , here it is . in my younger yeares i misliked episcopall gouernement , not hauing studied the question of church-gouernement . now after better consideration of it , i approue it , as best for the church , and hauing the best warrants of all other gouernement . you haue cried for a palinodie , aduise how this will please you , for i haue none other to giue you . this is it which mr. dauid will haue inconstancie , but if you can improue the iudgement which i haue embraced , then i must say my change is euill , yea worse then inconstancie : but if you cannot ( for you plainely decline that point , and i am sure you are not at anie time able to doe it ) then you should remember what i told you in mine apologie , quod mentem in melius mutare non leuitas sit , sed virtus : but let vs consider of this change , vniformis est christianorum vita vnicum habens scopum gloriam dei : since mine heart is the same , and the marke whereat i aime , to wit , the glorie of god , and good of his church , remaines the same : if i haue changed the meanes , and made choise of that which is more effectuall for my proposed end ; what blame is this ? may not a wise man change his course , and continue his purpose ? may he not alter the meanes for the better furtherance of his intention ? if you can blame a marriner for changing his saile , to take vantage of the winde , or call him for that , inconstant , he being still constant in his purpose , and course toward his intended harborie , then may you blame mee also : this is the truth , vvherein mine owne heart allowes me , condemne you it as you please . but you blame me that i should be ignorant of any point of my calling , and not learned all at the first , and cannot abide to heare that i haue learned that now which i knew not before . m. dauid , it is the glorie of angels , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , propter gratiam , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnchangeable through the grace that is giuen them , being otherwise of their owne nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mutable of will. with their first creation they receiued full vnderstanding of all truth , which their creator thought needefull to communicate to them , and in it by grace they abide without change , not subiect to any errour : but is it so vvith man vpon earth ? attaine wee at the first to perfection of knowledge ? must we not learne , and come to it by degrees ? i pray you whose words are these , when i was a childe , i spake as a childe , i thought as a childe . now i haue put childish things from me ? is it with euerie one as it was with the baptist : he was renatus prius quam natus , regenerate ere he was borne ; he had not yet come into the world by the first birth , & he is made partaker of the second ? were wee all with ieremie sanctified in the wombe ? get we all , with salomon , knowledge of right and wrong in our younger yeeres ? he was wonderfull wise before hee was twelue yeeres olde . is it with all preachers as with the apostles , who within fiftie dayes after that they were sent out by christ , his ambassadours to the world , they receiued the spirit to leade them in all truth ? thanks be to god when he entred vs into his holy ministrie , he gaue vs such measure of his spirit , as did teach vs all substantiall points of faith , needfull to saluation , and gaue vs gifts profitable in their measure , for edification of the church . but mr. dauid , it was spoken to one , and it stands for all : attende lectioni , intentus esto tibi ipsi & doctrinae . take heede vnto learning . timothie had learned the holy scriptures from his youth , yet the apostle will haue him to learne still , for so saith he to him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that it may be manifest to all men how thou profitest : and shall it then be a blame to mee to professe i haue learned that which i knew not ? correct your selfe m. dauid , what you call inconstancie , will be found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not inconstancie , but encrease of knowledge . o , but this inquisitour will not take this for an answere , he will needes haue me guiltie of negligence and sloath in my calling , that in so great , so high , so speciall a question as it , yet neuer searched to know the truth of that matter , till now of late . mr. dauid , my calling is to be a preacher : my commission is the whole word of god , whereof i acknowledge with augustine , tantam esse profunditatem , &c. the depth to be so great , that the quickest engine , though hee should liue methusalems yeeres , and doe no other thing but read it continually , yet vvere not able to plum it , nor to learne all the great , and high , and speciall questions concerning it . there are many points in holy scripture , which most excellent preachers know not , and will you for that conuince them , either for false teachers , or carelesse students . know you not that iacob at the first vvas called israel , the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the one a name of learning and profiting , the other of perfection and preuailing ? now is the time of our wrastling , a time wherein we should learne and grow in knowledge , encreasing with the encreasings of god , stepping forward euery day a new step , and so walking till we appeare before the face of our god in sion . the time is at hand , when wee shall come to the measure of perfect men in christ : no darknesse , no error shall then be left in our mindes , but we shall then know euen as we are knowne . but it being a principall point of your calling , and you so long a pastor , saith the admonent , it cannot be but a great sloath , that you haue neuer searched to know the truth of that matter . truly mr. dauid , i doe verily thinke , that a man may proue both a faithfull and fruitfull minister in the church all his daies , and neither busie himselfe , nor his people with any question of externall church-gouernement that is amongst vs. i thanke god , being now a man neere-by of fourtie and sixe yeeres , i haue liued in the church twenty and foure yeeres a pastor , without rebuke of any till the libeller , and you yoaked against me , and beleeue me , if this matter of church-gouernement had not beene wakened to mine hand , and the compassion i carie to this church , wherein i was borne a christian , and honoured to be a pastor , whose bowels are vnnaturally rent by vnnecessarie contention of some of her vnkindely children : if these reasons , i say , had not moued mee , i thought all my daies few enough to spend in the matter of doctrine , as being of greatest importance for edification of the church , and wherein i haue found greatest comfort to mine owne heart , remembring that vvarning of hippocrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vita breuis ars longa , and in this , though i haue not come with such speede as i would , yet that i haue neither beene sloathfull nor carelesse , i haue some workes for my witnesses , which how weake so euer they be in themselues , or little worth in your eyes , yet are they the encrease of my talent , wherein i haue found comfort to mine owne heart , and others of the saints of god in all parts of the i le , haue found comfort also . ab homine exigitur , vt prosit hominibus , si fieri potest multis , siminus , paucis , si minus , proximis , si minus , sibi . and where you tell me , i could not but know this same matter to haue beene agitate before in the persons of bishops , adamsone , and montgomrie : this is like all the rest of your bold and rash assertions , for they vvere both dead ere euer i was called to be a preacher , and what you would haue mee to learne at them , i can hardly coniecture : for if the equitie of their cause was obscured , either by the iniquitie of their actions ( which i know not ) or the violent course of that time , what is this to the matter now in hand . the one of them i neuer saw that i know , the other i heard when i was verie young at schoole in st. andrewes , and now must tell you , that if you were either so learned , or such a louer of learning as you pretend , you would haue spared to rake the ashes of the one , for the honour of his learning . there vvere sundrie other bishops in this church beside them , who liued and died honest men , and vnrebukeable ; but you passe by them , still like the venomous flie that lights vpon the sore part , as if the faults of one or two were sufficient to discredit all the rest of the fellowship . and i cannot meruaile how still you obiect the example of two , as vndoubted proofes in your consistorie , to improue the honestie of all the rest . since in mine apologie , i remitted you to three renowned bishops in our neighbour church , latimer , ridley , cranmer , lately , euen in our fathers daies honoured vvith the honour of martyrdome , that you who cannot endure to see any honour vpon a bishops head , may lay downe your combe of contempt , and thinke more honourably of them . this cannot be but an euill affection in you , that you haue an eye to see the euill of the one , and not an eye to see the goodnesse of the other : nay , you will not suffer it to be thought , that such grace , or godlinesse , or conscience can be in a b●shop , as to make him a worthie martyr of christ ; but rather , which i told you before , as the ignorant gentiles were seduced of olde , to esteeme it a iust cause of persecution of a man , if he had once been named a christian : so are the simple people abused by you , and such as you , to disdaine a preacher , were he neuer so honest otherwise , if once he be named a bishop . a●d because your horne cannot reach vnto all , you thinke to trie your manhood in the killing of o●e , and when you haue loadned me with your contumelies , then you lay on this , as one ouer-laid vpon it : that i am an abhominable man , for if so be not , you haue done me wrong to conceiue so abhominably of me , as you haue confessed you doe . what shall i say ? anger is cruell , wrath is raging , but who can stand before enuie ? but mr. dauid , you are not the first egyptian , who hath esteemed an israelite an abhomination , nor the first pharisie that hath abhorred a publican . are you the great chamberlaine of the house of god ? are all the vessels of honour in it committed to your custodie ? are ●ou keeper of the booke of life , wherein the names of the he●es of grace are registred ? haue you the balance of the sanctuarie ? or is the fan put into your hand to seperate chaffe and corne : speake no more presumptuously , and let not such arrogancie come out of your mouth , leas●it proue true vpon you which augustine hath to parmenian , quon●am patientiam miseri isti perd●derunt , & festinant se ante tempus velut a palea separare , leuissimam paleam vento de area ablatam seipsos demonstrar●nt , because you haue lost patience , and make hast before the time to separate the chaffe and corne , counting at your pleasure some men abhominable , and some men approued ; you haue declared your selfe to be but chaffe , and most light chaffe , carryed out of the compasse of charitie , by the winde of your owne pride . trie your selfe m ● . dauid , and see what spirit doth leade you . it hath beene satans pollicie in all ages , to vent out his wares of hatred , enuie , and strife vnder colour of religion , and to cause weake christians to breake the band of brother-hood and loue , for small causes , or rather conceits . what pittie was it to see such a schisme in the church of constantinople , for the space of thirtie yeeres betweene some that allowed the banishment of iohn chrisos●ome , and others who allowed it not , that the one would not communicate with the other ? and againe to see such a pride in some catharans of ierusalems church , as to separate themselues from the fellowship of other christians , as vnworthie of their companie ; and all through a vaine conceit of their owne puritie and sanctitie beyond others ? wherein they proceeded so farre that they would not keepe companie with gregorie nyssen , a worthie bishop and excellent teacher , the brother of basill the great , who hauing come vpon the expenses of the emperour theodose , for reformation of some churches in arabia , and afterwards visiting by this occasion ierusalem , hee found a miserable schisme in it , and because the schismatickes sought to strengthen their faction by drawing ambrosia and basilissa , women reputed notable for pietie among the people , vnto their opinion , he preuented it by his letter to them , disswading them from fostering any diuision in the church : his reasons i wish were pondered by you ; i bring but one of them , vnum odium sanxit cum serpente vitae nostrae legislator , at ●athari isti foedus cum serpente faciunt , odium mutuum in seip●os conuer●unt : there is but one hatred which the law-giuer of our life hath allowed ; namely , that christians should hate the serpent , but these catharans make a couenant with the serpent , while they turne their hatred against christians . perceiue out of this how farre oftentimes good men vnder a shew of godlinesse , are carryed out of the compasse of christian dutie . learne you by other mens example to become wise : doubtlesse they were godly , learned and professors of the truth , yet you see to what extremitie the high conceit of their owne puritie and holinesse , did carrie them . i wish we had none like them in our bowels : but though i would not point at you , your owne words bewray that you are sicke of this same disease , in that you dare call your brother abominable , who worshippeth the trinitie with you , professeth and beleeueth all the articles of faith which you professe . this , in the iudgement of nyssen , will proue you to stand with the serpent against christ , not with christ against the serpent . turne you , turne you mr. dauid , turne the penne , and edge of your sword , turne the hatre● of your abhorring heart against the diuell , not against any that stand for christ : angues vorando , sana fit ciconia ; suffer not , foster not , nourish not such serpents in your bosome , worrie them , deuoure , destroy them with the stroke , so may you happilie recouer of this euill . but now you proceede . the admonent . and if you will needes delight in learning , wee may by your learning learne to speake learnedly , and shall not despise to take any good lesson from you , concerning learned writing , eyther of grammer , rhethoricke or logicke , or any point of philologie . shortly i lay open my stuffe , and permits it to your cen●uring , and i shall consider , and correct at your admonition . the ansvvere . consider i pray you whether it be your shame or no ; that your deedes should be so far contrarie to your words . here you say yee will not despise to take a good lesson , and after this you pray mee to communicate to you any light that i haue : but if it be ( as you say ) that you would be a disciple , how presume you to condemne your master before you heare him ? let your skill in grammer , rhethoricke , logicke , be as great as you suppose it , and then i thinke no man shall match you ; yet you know these are but hand-maides to theologie . though hagar be with childe , let her not despise her dame ; shee is but a seruant , and will neuer get that honour as to bring out an heire of the promise . god hath learned me that which all the grammer and rhetoricke of east-lowthan could not haue learned mee , hath not learned you , nor many others that brag with you , though euen there in my young yeeres i was trained vp also , and profited in those studies no way inferiour to any that were with mee . but seeing ( as i said ) you offer your selfe to be a disciple , how are you so bolde as to controll your master , not in a point whereof you haue skill , but in a matter of preaching whereof you are but an ignorant ? your hypocrisie is euill couered , and your proud humour vnder humilities shadow is palpable . this verball submission of your selfe to learne , it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is but a false shew of an humble man that would seeme in glorious , being indeede vaine-glorious . it proueth true in you which was said by the auncient , falsa humilitas , veram inducit superbiam ; false humilitie drawes on true pride . now you speake out of counterfeit humilitie , no maruell you forget your selfe , and shortlie returne to speake out of vncounterfeit pride . but this point concerning my ministerie , i close with this admonition . it had beene better for you to haue followed the example of aquila and priscilla : they could not preach themselues , yet because they assisted s. paul with their countenance and comfort , they receiue this praise in the heauenly oracle , that they were the apostles fellow-helpers . or else as it is written of flauianus an honourable man , non concionabatur inter ecclesiasticos , sed hoc agentibus multa consilio●um conferebat subsidi● , illi tendebant arcus , iste vero quasi ex quibusdam pharetris suae mentis congruas offerebat sagittas : but if still yee will be like alexander the copper-smith , of whom s. paul complained that hee resisted his ministerie sore ; see to it , and fore-see what will be the end of it . i am farre deceiued if you haue done , or be able to doe while you liue , so great good , as that ministerie hath done , which so earnestly you seeke to disgrace if it lay in your power . now mr. dauid proceedes to the improbation of mine apologie , and intermixeth throughout it , railings against my brethren , which i placed in the fourth roome , and now occurres to be considered of vs. thus hee beginnes . the admonent . first then , concerning this stuffe , you demand what is found in it ; but you demand before euer the search be made : iacob of whom you speake , did not so ; hee was silent till all was searched , and saw that nothing was found ; then onely , and not till then , he demanded the question : hee was wise , he knew there might be something which hee saw not , or if h●e were sure enough of that , yet he thought it ouer-soone to brag of it , till the searcher had seene also that there was nothing . then he triumphs , but after victorie , which is the iust time of triumphing . the ansvvere . a word spoken in his place is like apples of gold , and pictures of siluer , saith salomon : such are not mr. dauid , your words here , they come out , somewhat painted-like , but not in their place , nor yet for this purpose . looke to them i pray you and see : did i purge before i was accused ? was not inquirie made of mee before i did answere ? did not the libeller then , whom you haue iustified now , search my stuffe ? and was it not lawfull for mee to tell him ( without your rebuke ) that hee had done mee wrong in charging mee with a fault which hee had not found in mee . see you not how your prettie words are nothing to the purpose ? but , say you , the first inquisitour searched not well enough , and what he left vndone , you are come to doe , and you doubt nothing to finde idols , and truly if any be , i thinke indeede you may best doe it . the libeller with his sixe lines , being but young and inexpert , beat mee with rods , but you come in with your sixe sheetes of paper● as an olde souldier , experimented with inuectiues , to scourge me with scorpions ; and as if you were another iambres , you thinke to turne your libellers rod into a serpent ; yet you will proue but a deceiued deceiuer ; your serpent is dead , hath but a shew , and your accusation liuelesse , fectlesse , and nothing worth . but knowing in this your owne weaknesse , you boast much that many moe stricter inquisitors are comming vpon mee ; and with this , as alexanders armie was afraid at the hissing and noise of a s●rpent , ere euer they saw it , you would terrifie mee . it is easie to doe it i grant , yet is not , nor shall not my feare be without hope , when they come : if their inquisition be about episcopall gouernment , they will finde it no stollen nor hidden idoll : it will not fall to bee couered by rahell , iacob will maintaine it , as his owne iust and lawfull possession . and they shall see a bishop , a graue ecclesiastique senator , standing in the chiefe and most publike place of iacobs tent , compassed with a guard inuincible of auncient and recent fathers , readie to maintaine him , with his eies looking vp to god , and the hand of god vpholding him in his word . deceiue not your selfe , to thinke that in this question you haue to doe with an idoll . and if it be the person they meane to come and search , come their way , hee whom satan hath sought to winnow feareth not to be searched or sifted by flesh : thou hast wrastled with god , and thou shalt preuaile with man. now you proceede . the admonent . bvt if rahels theft had beene found , what would hee haue said , trow yee , hee might ha●e excused himselfe iustly , but triumphed at leasure . alas , how blinde are we oftentimes , not ●eeing the faults eyther of vs , or of our selues ? how poore are our triumphs , how slender our victories , if the cause of our triumph be solidly searched ? it was not her● the innocency of iacobs house that gaue him matter of triumph , but labans ill searching , &c. the ansvvere . master dauid , let your skill in grammer , or rethoricke , be as it will ; i can tell you , you are an euill tholog , and wot not how to handle a text of scripture ; when you thinke you are wisest , you euanish most in your owne cogitations . if rahels theft had beene found ( say you ) he might haue triumphed at leasure . and why ? is it any reason that rahels fault should haue beene imputed to iacob ? laban accused iacob that hee had stollen his idols : the question is not here of the honestie of iacobs house , but of iacobs selfe , hee is the partie accused ; the accusation was false , iacob was free of it ; and albeit laban had found out rahels theft , hee had found out but his owne shame : but it stands with no reason that the fault of labans daughter should be sufficient to improue the honestie of iacobs heart , or yet to impaire his triumph . no , though it had beene found , iacob with a verie good reason might glory in his owne innocencie , and told laban neuerthelesse , that his accusation was false . to cleare the matter , and set it downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let mr. dauid be laban ( seeing hee will be so , ) let my heart be iacob , let my corruption be rahell , let the idols be gaine and glory : if corruption in mee hath had any secret respect to these idols , beleeue mee , my heart is not priuie vnto it . i know there is no man in whom the seede of all sinne is not . if i come to be examined before god , i will protest with dauid , lord enter not into iudgement with mee , for in thy sight shall no flesh be iustified . i know not mine owne soule , many euils are in it which are hid from mee ; for god is greater then the conscience , and knoweth many things of vs which our owne conscience knoweth not . but so farre forth as a man can know himselfe , in this whereof i am accused , i may answere you boldlie , my lips haue spoken no wickednesse , and my tongue hath vttered no deceit . it was not the loue of gaine or glorie that hath wrought this change of my minde . in this you haue wrongfully , and now after mine apologie and oath of conscience , wickedly , accused mee . god forbid i should iustifie you vntill i die , i will neuer take mine innocencie from my selfe , i will keepe my righteousnesse , and will not forsake it : mine heart shall not reproue mee of my dayes . this is mr. dauid , the right application of this example . but now you proceede . the admonent . now to looke backe but euen a little vpon this that wee haue alreadie said , what is this wee see standing at the very entrie ? is it not fame ? and is not that a great idoll , as euer was in the world , the cause of huge idolatrie ; and yet haue you reared it vp here openly , in a publike place . the ansvvere . svrely , if you were not like an idoll of the nations that hath eyes and sees not , i am sure you would not speake as you doe . you complained in the preceding section , alas we are blinde : and truely you are much blinder then i supposed you had beene : and now you say you see an idoll , and what an idoll ? fame . mr. dauid , it is but your dimme sight which causeth you to take one thing for another : you are like that blinde man , of whom wee reade in the gospell , when hee saw men hee thought hee had seene trees , for his eyes were not yet well opened . stay a little , iudge not out of your darke sight : pray iesvs to touch your eyes againe , and you shall see more clearely : what you thought to haue beene an idoll , and called so , it is not so indeede ; it is a more excellent , yea , a most necessarie thing : for a good name is as a precious oyntment , it is to be chosen aboue all riches . salomon said so , hee saw as well as you ; and s. paul will haue a bishop well reported of , euen of them which are without : but if a good name had beene an idoll , hee would not haue so necessarilie required it . now you returne againe to your former blasphemous railings , refuted by mee , repeated now by you : for so well is mr. dauid pleased vvith the tune of this song , that hee must sing it ouer oftner then once . the admonent . and that inconstancie with how blushfull things is it shielded ? how too like to rahels idols in her blushfull confession ? seeing for the eschewing thereof , 1. errour must be confessed ; 2. erronious doctrine ; 3. rash affirming of vncertainties ; 4. headinesse ; 5. papisticke implicite faith ; 6. falsifying of gods message ; 7. prophaning the chayre of veritie ; 8. carelesnesse of calling . the ansvvere . and a mighty strong winde rent the mountaines and brake the rockes , but the lord was not in the winde : and after the winde came an earth-quake , but god was not in the earth-quake : and after the earth-quake came fire , but god was not in the fire . mr. dauid now againe gathers his breath , bends vp his bowels , to bring out a mightie blast of winde out of the desart and wildernesse of a a barren heart against me , not vnlike the winde wherewith satan ouer-threw iobs house and children , at one blow : so would this reuiler ouer-turne my name , ministrie , conscience , and all , with this one stroke and violent charge . many furious , fierie , and mightie boistering words of winde hath hee blasted out vpon mee , but god is not in them . i will abide with elijah till the lord come in a soft and peaceable voyce , he speaketh peace to the hearts of his saints : the lord will looke on mine affliction , and doe me good for his cursing this day . the refutation of them see sect. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. &c. certainely it is euill more then enough to see men degenerate into beasts through the want of reason , but it is much worse to see a man become a diuell , by abusing his reason so maliciously , that they qui angeli & sily dei esse debeant , ne hoc quidem vt homines esse videantur sibi reseruarunt , who should be angels and sonnes of god reserue not so much modestie to themselues ; as whereby they may seeme to be men , or to put difference betweene them and beasts ; yea rather worse then beasts : euery beast hath some one euill qualitie of the owne , but you will finde a man so beastly , that in him they are all collected in one ; irascitur vt serpens , pungit vt scorpio , insidiatur vt vulpes , imo quasi diabolus atrocia suscipit bella in fratrem : and this hating , abhorring , deuouring one of another , argueth it not ( saith the apostle ) a carnall man ? yea truely . non humanae mansuetudinis , sed immanitatis est belluarum ; it is beastly barbaritie and not that mansuetude which becommeth men . the lord who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manure by his grace the heart of theagrius , and all our hearts , that these thornes and bryers may be rooted out of them , and like a ground blessed of the lord , they may bring forth the spirituall fruit of meeknesse , truth , and loue. now you proceede to improue my reasons , and ere euer you doe it , you take a decree to your selfe to call them ridiculous and fectlesse : but what is it which may not be labefacted by words ? the admonent . the first is to comfort the king , for that you insinuate that his maiestie may haue the comfort of his subiects . alas , what say you ? take you on a bishopricke to comfort the king ? who will beleeue you , and that it is not rather to comfort your selfe ? the ansvvere . yov dispute with words not comely , and with talke that is not profitable : shall a wise man speake words of the winde ? how vnlike your words are vnto mine the iudicious reader will consider by reading mine apologie . my reason i doubt not will be thought weightie of all honest hearts : this it is . seeing we haue a christian king sustaining contradiction of the aduersarie for the gospels sake , it is no reason his highnesse should be grieued with the contradiction of his people also , specially for a matter not so materiall as you would make it ; for a point of discipline , not of faith , wherein his maiestie doubtlesse hath the best end of the cause also . is there no pittie nor compassion to such a father of the church and common-wealth ? shall his maiestie be loadned with burdens at all hands , grieued with enemies , and grieued with subiects also ? this is my reason , it moued mee then , it moueth me yet , and made mee to resolue that i would not be contradictorie to his maiestie in any cause for the which i dare not giue my life ; and i trust such a cause shall neuer fall into the heart nor hand of the lords annointed . this was my resolution long ere any motion of a bishopricke was made to mee . god knoweth it , men know it , thinke you and yours what yee like to the contrarie . now , this reason you answere this way ; who beleeues you that you tooke on a bishopricke to comfort the king , and not rather to comfort your selfe ? is not this thinke you a iust confutation ? yet wee must take this for a sufficient proofe that mr. dauid saith the contrarie ? who may not see that in stead of reasoning you raile ; you shame your selfe , you answere not mee . it is very well knowne i sought not a bishopricke , i thinke in this i shall haue no accuser to charge mee with ambitus , and after that his maiestie vnrequired , vnknowne , or vnlooked for of mee , had out of his maiesties owne free pleasure presented mee vnto it , there interceeded more then eighteene weekes before that i accepted it : i would not haue done so , but griped more greedily at it , if i had so farre regarded my selfe as you alledge . mr. dauid , i ought you no quittance , neither make i any vnto you , but of the very truth of mine heart , i declare to such as feare god , that if the respects of dutie i owe to his maiestie and this church had not beene stronger in mee , then any respect i had to my selfe , i should neuer haue accepted it . this is the truth , calumniate as you will. you goe yet on . the admonent . bvt here you all commonly insult , and runne out vpon it , and haue euer the king , the kings maiestie in your mouth , whom we all reuerence . the ansvvere . and doth this offend you mr. dauid ? is it not good reason we should haue his maiestie in our mouths , yea , and in our hearts also , as a singular blessing of god bestowed vpon vs , for whom wee cannot be thankefull enough to our god ; whose fatherly loue and care , and entire affection toward his people , wee are neuer able to recompence : no remembrance , no care , no seruice , no obedience here can be sufficient . and then , that you may seeme to say something , you pray . the admonent . touching his maiestie , whom the god of heauen blesse in his owne person and posteritie to the worlds end , and send him better comforters then any of you bishops be . the ansvvere . a man that boasts of false liberalitie is like vnto clouds without raine . what your affection to his maiestie is , we are not to examine , his maiestie can best discerne it of any man ; but as for your prayer we say amen to it . euen the god of heauen send his maiestie better comforters ; for his highnesse is worthy of better then the best of vs are indeede . yet this is some good , that there is no want of good will in vs , we wish from our hearts we were better then we are , more able to glorifie god , t edifie his church , to serue his maiestie then we are . and albeit we cannot doe the good which we would , yet his maiestie shall not want the good which wee may ; and of his princely equitie we doubt not but his highnesse will accept good will in part of payment . and as for you mr. dauid , if your affection to his maiestie be so sincere as you pretend , then let me demand of you in these words which zadok and abiathar got in commission to aske the elders of israel , why are yee behinde to bring the king againe to his owne house ? or in plainer termes and meeter for our purpose , why render you not his maiestie all the comfort and contentment you may ? or , if the light of your minde in this question permit you not , seeing it is but your priuate iudgement , and your selfe but a priuate man , why take yee vp a publike banner against his maiestie ? why shew yee your selfe an open contradictor and a partie speciall , seeing this is not your calling , and you haue no commission for it . it would fit you better to be more sparing of your words , and more liberall in your deedes , to proue your affection to your soueraigne , which now by your needlesse medling , you haue called more in doubt then it was before . and now to declare what you meane by better comforters , you fall out into a commendation of our brethren contrarie minded in church-gouernment . the admonent . goe you beyond them who stand for our discipline , eyther in affection , or in action , or in praying , or in praysing , by word , by writ , by tongue , by pen , to honour him to the world within his owne countrie , without to forraine nations ? you know you haue not done it , not can any bishop of scotland doe it beyond them . the ansvvere . proud , hautie , and scornefull is his name that worketh wrath in his arrogancie . what neede you to take this paines out of your pride , to worke wrath among brethren : it will not be for you mr. dauid , you shall long commend them before you offend vs. if so be the change of court could content you , i wish it were , good comforters , good counsellors may they be to his maiestie ; you will finde no bishop of scotland to hinder it , but by all meanes willing to procure it : but more impertinent are your comparisons which follow . the admonent . vvill you enter into comparison with them in any thing ? or can you preferre your selues ? come let 's see , and let vs try it but a little . what can you say ? you loue him , so doe they : you pray for him , so doe they , &c. the ansvvere . as the coale or wood maketh fire , so is a contentious man apt to kindle strife . a false witnesse that speaketh lies , and him that raiseth vp contentions among brethren doth the soule of the lord abhorre . what needes i pray you such words , or how are they for the purpose of our argument ? doe any of vs disesteeme of their gifts ? in my iudgement you had commended them better and forborne comparisons . you derogate from them when you compare them with others inferiour to them in good . is there no way to aduance them but to set them on the backes of their brethren ? is not this higher pride then to ride on a beast at parliament ? i doubt not , it is against their will , but you haue mounted them so in the conceit of your vaine minde . why doe you not consider that there is in the church diuersitie of gifts but the same spirit ? the lord is a wise dispenser of his gifts , who hath not giuen all vnto any one . if there be one endued with a gift which another wants , looke againe when yee will , and you shall see hee wants some gift that another hath . dauid an excellent prophet , yet hee needed a nathan to waken him . paul a worthy apostle yet agabus told him what hee knew not . this diuersitie of gifts makes the sweeter harmonie in the church , and you would wickedly abuse it , to foster a cursed iealousie : for still you insist . the admonent . you will not denie , i hope , they all auow him their prince , loued by the good , hated by the enemie , and persecuted ; yea , they will goe beyond you in all that you haue yet said , as who affectedly confesse , and professe him , their onely hope on earth , their onely delight , and contentment , their onely second meane , and effectuall instrument for aduancement of the gospell , their greatest care , their onely hope on whom they set their eyes vnder god , whom they daily pray for on the knees of their heart , sighes , and sobs for him to their god , whom they honour , whom they affect , whom they serue , and will serue , with their goods , with their meanes , with their lands , with their blood , with their liues , and so forth . what deerenesse the tongue of man can speake , or the pen describe , or the heart conceiue , if words may make it , they know the figures of rhetoricke as well as you , and if deedes may make it , goes farre beyond you in all gratious action . the ansvvere . hither to master dauid haue the streames of your sweet eloquence and rhetoricke so much bragged of , caried you into a meruailous delight of your selfe , scarse knowing where away : but you must be told by the way , that your former accustomed rhetorick , which is ars male conuitiandi , and in very deed as the prouerbe hath it , canina facundia , flowes most freely with you : for there you know a declaiming conuitiator without stamme●ing ; but your encom●astick stile goes somewhat more hardly with you ; as not so agreeable to your cynick humour : for you haue here gathered many fectlesse flowers of what 's and whom's , vnmeete for a royall maiestie , sundrie silly figures without substance of truth : doubled affectings , but simple effects , shadowes without bodies : but when all is done , though they were euen as good as they seeme , to what end i pray you serue they ? would you perswade vs of the good affection of our brethren toward his highnesse person and posteritie ? wee doubt not their heart is more honest in that , then that you are mee●e to expresse it . god forbid , it were otherwise in any preacher of the euangell , or haue you so spoken , because you would perswade his maiestie of it . remember mr. dauid , the king of britaine is a prudent prince , his maiestie can best tell , who grieues him , who comforts : who affects his highnesse , and who not . this matter must depend vpon his highnesse owne testimonie , your idle discourse will not decide it : and you may be sure , a man of your humour , will neuer be found good for vnion ; nay , not of a brother with a brother , farre lesse of a subiect with a king. what you meane by your prouocation to words , i know not : if words , say you , may make it , they know the figures of rhetoricke as well as you : what they know , that is not the question , what the power of your words is , we haue proued in a part . you touch a farre off some speeches of mine in my dedicatorie epistles , before that treatise on the eight chapter to the romanes , and the conference betweene a catholicke christian , and a catholicke romane : but if this be all the rancour your heart can thinke , your tongue speake , and your pen write , you may boast at leasure , for you will finde that said before you , where-vnto as yet you haue not attained . of deedes we speake in the owne place . but truly if you were as wise as olde , you would leaue this bragging of words to children : and since you will not , remember what i said of you , he that boasts of false liberalitie , is a cloud without raine ; let it stand you for an answere , validior vox operis , quam oris , the voice of the worke is stronger then the voice of the word : yea , dicta factis deficientibus erubescunt : words where deeds are not to second them , do but blush and thinke shame of themselues . but howsoeuer your former speeches be childish , and impertinent to our purpose ; yet are they tolerable in respect of these which followes : for now againe , like a salamander that cannot long liue out of the fire , you returne to your accustomed railing , and will haue , if your word may doe it , all bishops and their allowers , mercenarie hirelings , not worthie to be ranked in the fellowship of honest and sincere men : for these are your words . the admonent . they loue him for himselfe without gaine , you for your selfe with gaine , they taking nothing from him , whereby to diminish his reuenewes , or impouerish his crowne : you taking daily from him , to the great impa●ing of it : you pray , but prayes for your selfe , and maintenance of your estate , they pray , and prayes for him onely : no maintenance of their estate , or any particular , saue that which is generall to all the church and countrey . iudge then who likes , who may be mercenarie , who cannot be mercenarie , but must be knowne sincere , who loueth best , who is ablest , and best minded to comfort . the ansvvere . vvhat neede you mr. dauid call for another iudge : is there any in the land , that will be found more pert , and presumptuous in giuing out rash iudgement of things secret , which falles not vnder the iudicatorie of man , then your selfe ? is it possible that any will come after you , who is able to goe before you in this impietie ? is this good diuinitie , or rather is it not satans sophistrie ? iob had great riches giuen him of god , which many poore ones beside him had not , therefore hee was a mercenarie . the good-man of gods croft hath a lammer mure , melene , and many beside him that loueth god more then he , hath not so good , therefore the good-man of gods-croft is not a sincere man , hee loueth not god for himselfe , hee is a mercenarie , or at least may be a mercenarie , which they cannot be , who haue not receiued so much from god. are you not ashamed of this stuffe ? and where you say the kings reuenewes are diminished , and his crowne impouerished , bewray you not your poore enuie ? couetousnesse , saith st. paul , is the roote of all euill : anger and wrath are cruell , saith salomon , but who can stand before enuie ? the most couetous man , though he will not giue of his owne , yet can be content that another giue beside him . but mr. dauid , his eye is euill , because the king is good , like another constantine , giuing more , then some perhaps are worthie to receiue , yet no more then a prince of his qualities is worthie to giue : and still you complaine that the crowne is impouerished ; a care , i warrant you , that troubles you sore : certainely , it were a pitie you were not his highnesse treasurer ; no doubt you vvould encrease his reuenue : but through this maske of spatious words , may not men perceiue you ? this is but sepiae atramentum , hides you not , but layeth you open , that all men may see you . if your crowne had not returned from court so clipped as it did , but some streames of his royall liberalitie flowed ouer it , to water it , and make it encrease , then should not the crowne be impouerished . but what crowne i told you not . and now that it may be manifest , how vnrighteous mr. dauid is in this imputation : wee will looke backe a little to the state of our church of olde , how oft did our fathers seeke maintenance of superintendents and ministers ? how oft craued they that the patrimonie of the church , which sacrilegious men had taken away , might be restored againe . they sought it , and could not obtaine it . now a christian king freely offers it , and mr. dauid contradicts it : leauing other probations , i will onely present to you a view of mr. knoxe his last letter that he wrote to our generall assembly . the mightie spirit of comfort , wisedome and concord in god , remaine with you . deere brethren , if ability of body would haue suffered , i should not haue troubled you with this my rude enditement . i haue not forgot , what was laid to my charge by famous libels the last assembly , which i pray you patiently to heare , and iudge of me , as you will answere to god , for vnto you in that head , i submit my selfe , being assured , that i neither offended god , nor good men in that which hitherto hath been laid to my charge . and now brethren , because the daily decay of naturall strength , threatneth vnto mee certaine , and sodaine departure from the miserie of this life . of loue and conscience i exhort you , in the feare of god i charge and commaund you , that you take heede vnto your selues , and to the flocke ouer the which god hath placed you pastors . to discourse of your owne behauiour , i may not ; but to commaund you to be faithfull to the flocke , i dare not cease . vnfaithfull and traytors to the flocke shall you be before the lord iesus , if that with your consent , directly or indirectly , you suffer vnworthie men to be thrust into the ministrie of the church , vnder whatsoeuer pretense it be . remember the iudge , before vvhom you must make account , and resist that tyrannie as you would auoid hells fire . this battell i graunt will be hard , but the second part will be harder ; that is , that with the like vprightnesse and strength in god , you gaine-stand the mercilesse deuourers of the patrimonie of the church . if men will spoile , let them doe it to their owne perill and condemnation , but communicate you not with their sinnes , of whatsoeuer estate they be , neither by consent , nor yet by silence , but by publicke protestation make this knowne vnto the world , that you are innocent of such robberie : which will ere it be long prouoke gods vengeance vpon the committers thereof , whereof you will seeke redresse from god and man. god giue you wisedome and courage in so iust a cause , and mee a happie end . s. andrewes . aug. 3. 1571. your brother in christ iesus , iohn knoxe . ovr first fathers knew , that robbery of church-liuing was a iulian persecution , & fore-saw it would bring on a decay of religion , if it were not preuented : but now mr. dauid grudges , that honour , credit , or maintenance should be giuen to the church by a christian king. the admonent . neuer a one of you that are bishops , can be said , to haue done any good , or gracious action . the ansvvere . a sore calumnie , a grieuous imputation doubtlesse if it were true : none of you hath done any good . all their persons , all their actions ( none excepted ) condemned by you in one sentence . it is written of nero , that monster of nature , that he wished all the people of rome had but one necke , that hee might at one stroke cut off all their heads . there is little more fauour , i see , to be expected at m. dauids hands , if hee might as easily dispatch bishops by the sword , as hee hath done here at one word : such is his zeale , you may be sure they should trouble israel no longer . thinke it not strange , that i say this , none of my words are aboue the wickednesse of your deedes : you haue slaine vs all in our name , you haue taken conscience and honestie away , and without these , life is worse then death . but , i pray you , tell vs what angers you ? whereat are you offended ? is it at the office or the persons of bishops ? your owne speech will lead vs ere it be long . you grudge at the persons , it will be found so ; yet you pretend it is at the office : you would perswade the people , that bishoprie is a noysome weede , a barren tree , that neuer bare good fruit , and neuer will : but that it hath done good in the church , will easily be shewed : many famous bishops haue beene fruitfull trees in the lords vineyard , and admit that now they are not so fruitfull as they should be , or had done no good , wherein you will be disproued also , yet it agrees with no reason , that the calling it selfe should be discredited for the infirmitie of persons that beare it : you might rather doe as they did in lacedaemon , when an eloquent man , but an euill man , had giuen ou● a good decree in a doubtfull matter , the decree , most equitable in it selfe , was misliked by many , for the iniquitie of him that gaue it ; such is the humour of people , that they looke rather to the person then to the cause : to remedie this euill , they caused the same decree to be pronounced by a good man , so was neither sentence taken from the mouth of an euill man , nor a good decree iniustly reiected . it is not the office of a bishop , i hope you vvill condemne , when you are well aduised : it will be found a good thing , and well warranted ; this offends you , that it is come in at such a time , and in such a manner , and in the persons of such and such men : where if bishopricks were in the hands of good men , all were well enough : this is the matter , for as strange as you make it , and your selfe hereafter doth not denie it , for these are your words ; if god hath astricted ruling to gifts , and to greatest gifts , for you will not say it is to smallest , then ought these greatest gifts to rule , and where they rule not , be it in bishops or whatsoeuer , there is confusion and plaine contrarietie to the ordinance of god , which should not be suffered in the church , neither is it pride to the greater gifts , if they claime the higher place , but iustice in claiming their owne place . mr. dauid , you haue once tolde out the truth plainely , and honestly , and truly , i wish it were euen as you say , suppose i see not by what rule this triall of greatest gifts , shall be made to content all , you will finde some that haue gifts for the schooles , vnmeete for the pulpit : and by the contrarie , some againe , godly and zealous , but not learned : others , learned , but without that experience and wisedome which may make them meete for gouernment : and it will not be so easie to place euery gift in the owne roome as you suppose ; yet for my part i could agree with nazianzen , to be cast ouer boord as ionas was , depriued of all preferment in the church , if this might stay the storme of strife , which as may be seene by your words , contention for the greatest gifts hath raised in it . though in this also i rather thinke you speake out of your owne conceit , not out of sound iudgement , as wherein others will allow you . but howeuer it be , till a better reformation come , let mee tell you , you haue here also spoken what you should not . neuer one of you haue done any good , say you . what if i should say you are in the wrong to some of them , requiring fruit ere euer the tree be fastned : to others very malicious , that cannot see fruit euen where it abounds , hauing still an eye to see euill , not to see good ? mr. dauid , tell mee ; who planted the churches of annandail , and other countries in the south border ? who made the gospell to be preached there where it was not heard in our daies , nor in the daies of our fathers ? was it any presbyterie ? i doubt not they would but could not : you will finde it was the diligence and fidelitie of a bishop . i may say further that in sundrie parts of the high land , the name of christ is brought in reuerence , by the care of bishops , where it was not knowne before , in such bounds as haue not beene visited by any superintendent , bishop , commissioner , nor presbiterie before this . i could tell you of a meane bishop , who hath made a constant prouision of three thousand markes by yeere to his ministers , more then their former stipends : and this care of the continuance of the gospell after vs , you cannot denie to be a good action . besides that , many professed enemies haue rendred themselues professed friends , by the care and diligence of such as vnder god , and his maiestie , haue speciall charge in the church . none of the rest want their owne witnesses , some more , some lesse , wherein i could be particular , but before we , with the pharises , would proclaime by trumpet our good deedes , wee will rather keepe silence , contented to let this blast of yours blow by vs also : yet the winde encreaseth and blustereth out these mightie blasts which follow . the admonent : and is any man so impudent as to say that his maiesties good course against papists is deerer to you then to them , better fauoured by you ? or are you more earnest in it ? doe any of you ? dare any of you doe more for it , or for his maiestie in it ? alas how poore a power is that of bishops in that case , but that it is vnderpropped by them . the ansvvere . seeing by your owne confession bishops are vnderpropped by preachers : why come you to vndermine them whom preachers vnderprop , vnlesse you be minded to fight against them both ? it is true , bishops are the stronger , in that they haue worthie preachers assistors vnto them in the combat against the enemie ; and they in like manner finde themselues more strengthened by authoritie of bishops , and it is best when they goe ioyntly together to doe the worke of god : why then complaine you hereafter of an vniting or revniting to be made betweene them , and rage at a mixture , as you call it your selfe , betweene bishops and their brethren of the ministrie ? and here and euery where throughout this eristic libell of yours , doe what you can to stirre vp the one against the other , and set them by the eares together : for what language is this of yours ? doe you ? dare you ? know you what spirit leadeth you to speake so ? if you know not , looke to your selfe in this glasse : and there came out a man whose height was sixe cubits and an hand bredth , and hee had an helmet of brasse on his head , and a brigandine vpon him which weighed fiue thousand shekels of brasse , and hee had bootes of brasse , and a shield of brasse , and a speare like a weauers beame , and hee stood and cryed ; doe you ? dare you ? is any of you able to fight against me ? and so also railed rabsache ; are you able to ride the horses of my master ? thus did these infidels in their pride despise the people of god , and vilifie them sore . and with no lesse carnall confidence doth this great giant come out against vs , as if with his threatning voyce of doe , dare yee , hee would afray vs all . but rabsache , stay your railing : glorious goliah get you backe againe to your tent , lay downe your speare and waightie brigandine : put off your carnall armour of vaine , windie , and bragging words , and vnder pretence of loue to some of israels armie , reproach not the rest . through grace we both doe and dare doe to the glorie of our god , when you , if you continue in this phar●saicall boasting , will proue but a phantasticall phraser . take you therefore in time to a more wise and sober minde , or doubtlesse some stone out of the riuer of god will beate out your braines . and this for your intended confutation of my first reason , in effect no other but a digression from it , i absolued it in sixe lines , and you haue heaped vp a multitude of words , commendations , comparisons , impertinent to the purpose , and no way touching my reason : but you goe on in your owne conceit as followeth . the admonent . had you said , you had laid downe a bishopricke for his maiesties comfort and obedience , you had said something , but to take it on for that end , is a pretended excuse , which no man will approue ; for who will not take it on that thinkes it lawfull ? the ansvvere . master dauid , if for obedience of a christian king you thinke it good a man should lay downe a bishopricke , why thinke you it euill that for his obedience he should accept it . beleeue me , if the church shall thinke it expedient , and his maiestie shall declare it to be his pleasure , and in this require a proofe of mine obedience , i shall doe the one more speedily , more willingly , then euer i did the other , not for any vnlawfulnesse or misliking of it , but for the loue i haue to a more quiet life my selfe . and thinke you mr. dauid , that no man hath , or doth accept a bishopricke , being rather willing to want it ? so you speake out of your carnall minde of things which yee know not , measuring other men with your spanne , but i am sure the minde of an honest bishop or pastor is a more high and diuine thing then that you g. are able to iudge it . how many worthy men of the primitiue church , notwithstanding that they thought the office lawfull , yet haue fled it , and denyed it , till they haue beene forced by the church to accept it : yea , some haue dismembred themselues that they might eschew it . i know their preposterous zeale is not commendable , yet good enough to improue you , that euery one who alloweth a bishoprie is not euer willing to accept it . but you thinke these men are not now adaies ; and seeing it is so , that such as like it will make no scruple to accept it , you might soone doe worse then fall to and studie the lawfulnesse of episcopall gouernement your selfe . beleeue mee , if you lay aside your preiudicate minde , you will easily learne it , and then without difficultie i see you will accept it your selfe ( if you may get it . ) poesie prospers not with you , i meane , it renders you not wished contentment ; though you haue skill in it , yet you know there is one before you that hath the praise of prince of poets : but if once you could be content to be a bishop , who doth know what good you might doe to your selfe and the whole church ? there is no impediment , but that you are not a pastor ; yet the consideration of your learning , wherein you excell many pastors , might purchase to you some speciall priuiledge , and be a motiue to others to draw you out in publike like another ambrose , who for his singular learning and pietie was taken from the barre , and placed in the pulpit , and of a ciuill iudge incontinent ordained to be a bishop : onely you must be remembred that the motiue which moued the people to elect ambrose , was an orison of concord , which he , being then gouernour of liguria , had made to pacifie a tumult that was raised in medeolanum about their bishop ; and you , if you would come to the like honour , must not , as you haue done , blow the bellowes of sedition : the subiect of your eloquent oration must be concord , no more discord . and truely for all your con●ending , this is the worst i wish you , neither doe i despaire that you may change your minde , if not to be a bishop , yet at least a bishops fauourer . but whether this be or not , boast mee no more with a dismission of my bishopricke , quem nulla cupidit as traxit ad ambiendum , is ab eo soli● non formidat deturbart ; he will neuer be afraid to be cast downe from his dignitie , who by no ambition of his owne was aduanced vnto it . now you proceede to improue my second reason , but with no better successe then you had in the former . the admonent . the second is like vnto this , to remoue ( say yee ) the offence the people haue conceiued against the honourable name of a bishop . if this be worth the answering euen in your owne eyes , i trow i shall answere it . the ansvvere . my reason is more weightie then that you are able to answere it ; and therefore you shift it , and put it by you with impertinent words . my reason the reader may see in my apologie : and now this i adde vnto it , that the people are abused through your wrong information and others of your humour , to thinke no otherwise of a bishop then of an heretike , and that he who once becomes a bishop is no more to be accounted a brother . among the auncient fathers , martyrs , and confessors of the church primitiue , a bishop was honoured as ornamentum ecclesie . and now you will haue our church so farre degenerate from them , that what they thought honourable , you will haue it abhominable , and so a stumbling blocke is laid before simple people , and they are made to contemne that which they should honour . is not this an euill ? or rather manifold euils crauing remedie , that an innocent man vnder a misliked name be not condemned , that people be not abused to persecute that which they know not , and if they knew , would certainely honour it , and that the church be not defrauded of an office , receiued in all ages , of all orthodoxe churches , good and profitable for conseruation of the gospell , with peace and order . now let vs see vvhat you answere to this . the admonent . alas , are we so carefull of names ? and if we should , haue we not a better way ? explicate it onely , and let it be vsed rightly , let them be called bishops , that the scripture so calls : euery pastor a bishop , so shall all men honour the name , who now offends at this abuse of it , and thinke you to honour this abuse of it ? the ansvvere . master dauid , why talke you so idlely ? when i speake of the name , doe i disioyne it from the matter signified by the name : doe i not in my speech expresly knit the name of a bishop , and his office together . but you will haue all pastors called bishops , and then the name will be honoured of all . mr. dauid , we know that in a generall sense , all pastors comes vnder the name of bishops , prophets , &c. which for all that derogates nothing to the distinction of their places , and offices , and powers in gouernement . this is a common argument , vsed against episcopall authoritie , but in truth of no strength : for why ? doth communion of names take away proprieties of things ? the blessed spirits in heauen are called angels , the faithfull bishops of the church in earth , called angels also . will you inferre of this an equalitie among them ? all christians are called kings and priests to their god , will it therefore follow that there is not a peculiar kingly and priestly office , proper to some , not common to all ? and thinke you that the name of a bishop , when it is giuen vnto one pastor , ( it being his calling to ouersee the rest ) and not vnto all , is abused ? know you not that the name of a bishop and superintendent , are one in the pith of signification , the one being but a latine word , expressing the equiualent of it in greeke ? and as their names are one , so their powers also are one ; as you will finde hereafter declared by act of generall assembly . was the name then abused , when some pastors were called superintendents , and all pastors not so called ? i hope you will not affirme it , you will be loath to condemne your fathers so lightly , how euer beyond dutie you be liberall in setting light by vs that are your brethren . but to goe vp higher with you , was the name of a bishop abused by the auntient fathers of the church primitiue , when they gaue both the name , and the honour of bishops to some pastors , which they gaue not to all ? was it abused by policarp , martyr , and bishop of smyrna , by ignatius martyr , and bishop of antiochia , by ph●tin●s , irenaeus bishops of lions , by ambrose bishop of millane , by chryfostame bishop of constantinople : by athanasius bishop of alexandria , by cyprian , martyr , and bishop of carthage , by augustine bishop of hippon , with innumerable more whom i cannot rehearse , were they all abusers that receiued this name ? and was the whole church abus●rs of that name , when they gaue it vnto some pastors , and not vnto all , calling them bishops , that is , superintendents , and ouer-seers , not onely of their flockes , but of their brethren of the ministrie within the bounds of their diocesse : will you pull out the eyes of all these men ? did they see nothing ? or will you make them all abusers of that holy name ? aduise better good man , and be not so sodaine , as with one dash of your priuate penne , to condemne all the worthie lights of the antient churches . and where you would draw vs vp to be iudged by holy scripture : with a verie good will we agree vnto it , more readie then you are to require it : that is the fort of sion , it defends both the citie and the vvalls : but how vainely you bragge of this , your selfe vvill make manifest to your owne shame , when we come to the question it selfe : you will be found to denie it then , and euen presently you denie it , forsaking to reason the matter , and turning you to your wonted inuectiues in personam . the admonent . and thinke you to honour this abuse of it , and for that cause takes it on your selfe ? strange you should thinke s● , and is it not arrogancie so to thinke ? you mixe a word like modestie , ( as farre as your credite might carie you , you would remoue the offence ) but might you not know , that would be no way off , not halfe an inch doubtlesse , your credit might not serue you to honour it , it might well impaire your credite , &c. the ansvvere . you shew your selfe an arrogant man , imputing that vnto mee , which i neuer said , neuer thought : that is , say you , to honour the abuse of the name , and office of a bishop . i honour the office ; the abuse i neuer loued , and farre lesse now . my credit is little worth in your eies to remoue the offence , not halfe an inch , as you say : but if it be so , what needes all this stirre that you haue made ? what needes such lamentation ? alas , alas , such bitter inuection , such complaint of the great triumph made be my example ? you are an vnmeete man to dwell in the borders , if you waken the countrey , and all your friends for halfe an inch . but mr. dauid , be as troublesome as you like , you shall know for a certaine , that i care nothing to be disesteemed of you , it contents me to know that i haue remoued that offence out of the hearts of sundrie that feares god , not in a part , but vtterly : which mr. dauid , if you be not crabbed , is more then any one of your inches , though you were as great euen in stature of bodie , as you are in statelinesse of minde , and then i am sure you should proue like one of the sonnes of anak , or that giant , the sonne of haraphath , whose fingers were by sixes , foure and twentie in number . yet when he reuiled israel , ionathan , dauids brother did slay him . the admonent . the third is neuer a whit better , but worse if worse can be . to eschew schisme and close it vp : eschew schisme ? in a schisme by going to the wrong side , was the like euer heard ? or if you meane that all should doe so , goe to the schismaticke side , and then there should be no schisme , it may be true by that meane : there should be no schisme , but it should be farre worse , all should be in an errour , yet better a schisme in the church be , then the whole church erring . the ansvvere . my third reason vvas , that i perceiued in our church an vnnecessarie diuision for the matter of church-gouernement , to the great aduantage of the common enemie : which gap i resolued for my part , not to enlarge by contention , but to close vp so farre , as my weakenesse may . this offends mr. dauid , and he professes plainely , he had rather minister should be against minister , pulpit against pulpit ; preachers against the king , king against preachers : then hee lay downe his conceit of gouernement , or suffer others to doe it . and to couer his nakednesse , hee hath shapen a large cloake for it , but it is of figge-tree leaues , better a schisme be in the church , then that the whole church be in an errour : but why abuse you the people ? is there any man , or any church on earth without errour : and are there not sundrie errours not so pernitious to the church as schisme ? speake plainely to the people , if any false doctrine be in the church , warne them that they may beware of it , but where vnder the name of errour in generall , you would make the people beleeue , that they were seduced in the faith . mr. dauid , you are but a master-deceiuer , and since you professe you will defend a schisme , and perturbe the peace of the church , you are worthie of a schismatickes punishment , that is to be cut off from the church . for doubtlesse , you haue shewed your selfe heere a most malitious sycophant ; see what must follow vpon your words : you shut vp all the churches of europe , standing for episcopall gouernement into an errour , and so makes a great gap in the armie of israel , which god hath gathered together by the trumpet of his gospell , against babel . in like manner , you spet in the face of your mother , affirming , that our church was in an errour twentie yeeres , all the dayes of iohn knoxe , for all that time it had no gouernement , but episcopall : all that time , there was not such a thing as a presbyterie in the church of scotland : and if any truth be in you , all that time was our church in errour ? beside this , you are blasphemous against the church present , and would make simple people beleeue , that an errour is enforced vpon them , by the king , by preachers , by the generall assembly , wherein you doe most wickedly , and falsly gaine-stand the truth , since no such thing is done , but onely a gouernement restored , which the primitiue church had , which orthodoxe churches of all times haue had , which our owne church in her purest state had : here is the point : here is all the errour , and for out-holding of this , you professe a schisme and diuision betweene a king , and church , betweene pastors and pastors . mr. dauid , is not ierusalem besieged without by romanes ? are not here both king and people in like perill ? and the king impugned by the aduersarie beyond the rest , for the supereminence of his place ? is there any israelite vvithin : either pastor or people , whose blood is not sought by the enemie ? is it time then it should be deuided within the selfe ? shall shimeon , iochanan , and ele●zer , draw the citie into factions ? who will not faile to striue for superioritie among themselues , if romanes relent to trouble them ? haue wee not a christian king going before vs , to fight the lords battell , hazarding all that hee hath for the welfare of ierusalem ? hath hee not aduanced himselfe before the armie , and with his owne hands wounded the aduersaries head ? are not the seruants of the lord with his maiestie , to crie alarum in the name of the lord , and blow the trumpet ? haue they not with them the holy oracle of the word of god ? is any point of that truth impaired by them ? stand they not in defence of it against the armie of antichrist ? this mr. dauid is the side where-vnto i haue taken mee , i wish i had knowne it sooner , that i might haue ioyned vnto it , and to this side are you bound by all reason to render your selfe : which if you will doe , and moue others by your example to doe the like : in so doing , you might declare your affection , your dutie , your seruice , your deerest estimation of his maiestie , whereof you vaunted so greatly before in word : you might now make it knowne by your deedes . but now my fourth reason you gaine-say in this manner . the admonent . the fourth : to enduce bishops ad remedium schismatis , that is to say , the authors of schisme for the remedie of schisme : if this be not mockerie , i know not what is mockerie ; for are not bishops the onely authors of schisme in our church ? were they not the first occasion , formers , mouers , forgers , ftirrers vp , and yet entertainers of it ? it was not till they came , put them away , and it is gone ; loe , the right remedie of our schisme , &c. m●tter not therefore these suspitious words , which you professe to speake lesse of for duties sake . the ansvvere . shall men hold their peace at thy lies ? and when thou mockest others , shall none make thee ashamed ? it was ieromes iudgement , that episcopall gouernement vvas brought into the church , inremedium schismatis , and i said , the like rupture now required the like remedie . this argument you vnloose not with your tongue , but your teeth , biting at that ( after the manner of beasts ) which offends you , not answering it with reason . what is mockerie , say you , if this be not mockerie ? is it mockerie to say , that a bishop was brought in inremedium schismatis ? since it is ieromes saying , charge him as a mocker , and not me , and after your owne manner , trample all men vnder your feete , be they auncients or recents that agrees not with your humour : this vvas ieromes iudgement , but when wee come to the point , episcopall gouernement , will be found elder then ieromes dayes , and maintained by greater authoritie , where-vnto also that i doe him no wrong , i thinke his owne words shall leade vs. but say you , there was no schisme , till bishops came , they haue made it , not remedied it : this double calumnie is answered very well , by affirmation of the contrarie , and where you vrge mee not to vtter such suspitious words , as to say , the lesse i speake for duties sake , the more i leaue to be considered of them , who know the truth heereof . mr. dauid , you may prouoke as you please , and tempt as you will ; but you shall neuer preuaile to make mee vncouer nakednesse which should rather be concealed and couered . and if of weakenesse i were moued so to doe , yet as calanus the indian philosopher said to alexander , what praise were it to you to force me to doe that which i like not ? where bishops are reuerenced , there is a comely vnitie , pleasant to see , such as should be in the familie of god , mutuall loue among brethren , and of them all loue and reuerence to their bishop as vnto their father . this haue i seene , and haue reioyced in it . what needlesse diuision hath beene before is knowne also , but shall not be knowne for me to them who know it not . now you proceede to the improbation of my first reason by sixe interrogatories . the admonent . now of the fift , what shall i say ? when you haue searched all , the question is about ierusalems wall , whether it should be round or foure-squared , euill searched certainely , who searcheth well will finde more : to-wit , the first question is , whether the wals that are built already should be pulled downe and built in another fashion ? secondly , which are strong , built with stone and lime at the least , i might say with brasse and iron bands already , if they should be pulled downe and built with sand and grummell ? the ansvvere . both these questions are resolued with one answere . let the auncient wals of our church-gouernment stand ; where they decaied , let them be repaired , not with sand and grummell of promiscuall regiment , these are weake defences for a besieged citie , but with episcopall authoritie , which is able to procure greatest reuerence to ecclesiastique censures , which otherwise by the impietie of this age , men would draw into contempt , and make them but like the spiders web , hauing some strength to hedge in the weaker , but easily broken through by the stronger . and this the aduersarie findes in experience , that the wall which they haue besieged so long is stronger now then euer it was ; where-through , many of their chiefe captaines are moued to forsake their campe , and enter themselues into the citie . and if our good ezechia had not thus carefully repaired the wall , doubtlesse you had felt the weakenes of it long ere now , the charge being so great that was giuen by the enemie , and i may well say , that all those who are not bewitched with some sinister conceit , finde peace procured to the citie in her owne bowels , and greater strength against the common enemie , so that others also of the meaner sort , who oft before contemned our greatest censure of excommunication in all parts of the kingdome , are faine now to render themselues obedient to discipline : this is a knowne truth , howsoeuer mr. dauid would obscure it . the admonent . bvt if the question be light , and of so small importance as you would make it seeme by that fashion of speaking , as a difference onely betweene round and square ; why is so much trouble , so much strife , such trauell , such charges , ●●ugre the indwellers , with such compulsion of the worke men ? better let it stand as it stands , then trouble all the countrey , or hurt a simple labourer , if there were no more , &c. the ansvvere . indeede because you are the people , onely wisedome must remaine with you . if the good man of gods-croft counsell had been craued , and his consent obtained , all should haue gone well . but mr. dauid , for all your malecontentment it is better then you apprehend it : your errour proceeds from the wrong vptaking of the question : if you had to do with your companion , or the controuersie were onely among the workemen themselues , then to speake as you haue done , were somewhat tolerable , suppose-not absolutely best . but here mr. dauid , you haue to doe with your master , with your soueraigne lord , with whom it becomes you not to stand vpon as good . and here the question is , feeing the great maister of the worke vnder god with aduise of many skilfull and worthy workemen , will haue the wals repaired , and of circular made quadrangular , knowing this to be best for the safetie of the citie , and that vpon his owne expences , not troubling the whole countrey , vnlesse you and your diocie be the whole , not maugre the indwellers , but with consent and approbation of the most wise and auncient inhabitants in it . whether is it meeter that the rest of the worke-men here should follow him , or otherwise resist him , and tell him to his face , they will not doe it for him , and not content onely to with-draw their owne seruice in this worke , and obedience from him , will not suffer , ( if they may stay it ) any of their fellow-workemen to serue him in that worke ; or if any will , doe murmure and grudge against them , speake euill of them , and esteeme them for enemies , and so make a fearefull diuision in the citie for a needlesse cause ? but to leaue the parable , and to speake plainely , seeing a christian king requires the wall to be repaired , and that vpon reason ; yea , forced thereunto of necessitie ; is it not better that pastors and people in this should obey their king , then otherwise by refusing and resisting , should procure , and continue a needlesse debaite betweene a prince of such knowledge and pietie , and his people ; betweene a king and his church , and betweene faithfull , zealous , godly , and learned pastors among themselues ? and now mr. dauid thinke shame that you professe to haue so great respect to a simple labourer , but no respect to a singular king , no more then if hee had not to doe with the worke at all : rather then a simple labourer be hurt say you , let the building stand : rather then a singular king be offended say i , let the wall be renued . where pride is , where fectlesse and needlesse contention is , whether with you or vs , i leaue it to the consideration of the christian and iudicious reader . what regard the auncient fathers of our church had to his maiestie in his minoritie ; how loath any way to make his highnesse regent , and the lords of counsell their partie , by giuing them any cause of offence , the monuments of our church can witnesse . but now the pleasure or displeasure of a christian king in his old age is nothing regarded : yea , it is maintained for an axiome , that christ his kingdome is dishonoured , when helpe is sought from the arme of a christian king. i thanke god what euer my minde was in church-gouernment , i knew not , i loued not , such foolish pride . then i thought out of simplicitie , that euery mans minde had beene like mine owne : seeing i see it is otherwise , and far otherwise , they must excuse me to mislike in them , that which i neuer loued in my selfe , that is , a proud conceit of singular sinceritie , a disdaine of others , a delight in needlesse contention , and a misregard of a christian king , of whom we haue neuer esteemed as we should , and as time will force other ages to acknowledge . your third interrogatorie now followeth . the admonent : vvhether the wals should be retained in that estate wherein they are built , and as they are , after the direction of him who is both lord and chiefe builder , a cunning master of the worke : or if wee should cast them downe and build them againe , after the pleasure of the prentises and conceit of the labourers ? the ansvvere . master dauid is so forward in his owne purpose , that he forgetteth his speech , or else his tongue runnes before , and tarries not on his minde . a labourers office is the basest of any who are imployed in a building , mr. dauid came neuer to this honour , as to bee a labourer in gods house ; yet hee dishonours it so farre , that where in the former section hee said hee will rather haue the master of the worke , albeit hee were a king , offended , then a labourer be offended ; now hee saith the master of the worke his word should bee a law ; and a laboures conceit should not be regarded . doe you not here proclaime your inconfiderate folly ? but now to your interrogatorie , take this for an answere ; your question is out of question , to vse your owne words , in this you are your owne antigonist , you shall haue none of vs your contradictor : turne your question into an assertion , wee assent to it . let the tabernacle be built after the patterne which god shewed moses in the mount ; let the forme of church-gouernment be learned from christ and his apostles ; let the auncient fathers of the primitiue church be followed where they are followers of christ , and such as will doe otherwise , let them be accounted nouices , prentises , ignorant builders , whose conceit may not , should not be a warrant in so great a workemanship . your fourth question followeth . the admonent . if we should pull downe the wals quite with our owne hands , and dismantle the towne wholy . the ansvvere . this is as needlesse a question as the former , and nothing else but an idle conception of your owne braine ; yea , worse then idlenesse , an exceeding great malice , that because the citie is not gouerned after your humour , you will encourage the enemie to besiege it , and signifie to them by your warning peece that the towne is dismantled , and hath no wals to hold them out . is not this to encourage them boldly to set on ? but though such vnnaturall mutiners as you , would betray it , bewraying the weakenesse of it to the aduersarie , your euill hart may foome out your owne shame , and procure your selfe the iust reward of such vile treason , but the lord for his names sake will protect the citie , build vp the wals thereof , and loue it still . and now if any truth mr. dauid remaine in you , concerning this matter , tell mee , doth this citie want any wall that euer it had , or rather are not the towers and strengths of the wall fortified , that the samaritanes , tobie , sanballat , and their complices grudge and murmure to see ophell mariamne , phaselus built vp againe ? to be plaine with you , wants there any ecclesiastique session ? want wee synods prouinciall or nationall ? is any censure of admonition , suspention or excommunication taken away ? they are rectified , roborated , but not remoued : how then say you the towne is dismantled ? your fift interrogatorie followeth . the admonent . yea , in effect , if wee should receiue in the plague that hath proued so , that hath beene cast out , and cut off for corruption . the ansvvere . speake more sparingly , if you meane not to proue a pestilent man in the church . you call episcopall gouernment a pestilence , so you say , but you proue it not . much take you in this treatise vpon your tongue , as if it were a sufficient warrand for all your assertion ; the goodman said it : for if you come to probation , how hath it , as you say , proued a pestilence ? the common argument you thinke is knowne well enough , that the episcopall degree was a step to antichrist , then must you graunt it was in the church before antichrist ; yea truely , long before papall tyrannie was hatched , which is the worldly and wicked hierarchie our church hath abiured , episcopall gouernement was in the church ; and you haue no more reason to condemne episcopall superioritie , although ( as you alledge ) papall primacie had come of it , then you haue to condemne veritie because heresie came of it , per accidens . if man had neuer beene ordained , sinne by man had not come into the world ; if the word of truth had not beene preached , the people of heresie had not followed ; if there were not a bodie , there should not be a shadow ; if there had neuer beene a bishop , there should neuer haue beene a pope , as you say . what then ? because sinne is euill , is the man made by god not good ? because heresie is abhominable , is not veritie approuable ? because the shadow is a vaine thing is the bodie so ? because the pope is a plague in the church , is the bishop so also ? if this be a proofe of your best logicke , what will the rest be ? but say you , it hath beene cast out of the church , and cut off for corruption . i know you meane out of our church , and that by act of assembly . it might serue you for an answere , that the first ecclesiastique gouernment which our church euer allowed by act of generall assembly , was episcopall gouernment , as shall be cleared by gods grace . the last ecclesiastique gouernment approued by act of our generall assemblie , is episcopall gouernment also : neyther shall you finde in the meane time betweene these two , any act of assembly disallowing the office of bishops , but onely the corruptions thereof : and being forced for remouing the corruption to suspend the office for a time , they neuer simply reiected it , but by plaine act left a power of reuocation thereof to their successors , to bring it in againe when they should see the good of the church required it . the probation of this followeth hereafter . this is it , which according to your minde , you call a cutting off for corruption ; but our fathers were neuer so inconsiderate as you haue affirmed . mr. dauid it is no good chirurgie to cut off the hand for corruption , where the corruption may be cured , and the hand preserued ; it may be vnable for the present , and yet able afterward to doe good . cut not away an office from the church for corruption thereof , but cut away the corruption , and conserue the office , that it may doe good againe : so hath our fathers done , like wise phisitians , but you in your furie will cut all away , and make the simple beleeue that our church had done it . so vndutifull are you , that you spare not , without all respect of reuerence , to rip vp againe the bowels of your mother , that you may lay open her nakednesse to the opprobrie of the aduersarie , and where you can finde none , you faine lyes . your last interrogatorie is to the same purpose . the admonent . should wee receiue the plaine aspiring tyrant and enemie , knowne and proued so , in the middest of the citie , place him in the citadell , giue him the keyes in custodie , giue him all credit to open and shut the ports , let in and thrust out at his pleasure , giue him a command of the watch , the centinels ; to command , controll , that they mute not , stirre not ; doe what hee list , yea , euen binde vp all the dogs , and mussell their mouthes , that they bite not , barke not , but at his pleasure . no light matter , &c. the ansvvere . shall there be none end of the words of winde ? what haue wee here ? the same tale tolde ouer in new words : hee still cals episcopall authoritie a tyrannie , an enemie , knowns , proued so ; but hee proues nothing . the bishop of rome became a tyrant , shall the fault of one be a sufficient reason to impute tyrannie to all ? did all the remanent famous churches and orthodoxe bishops in christendome reiect the paternall gubernation of bishops , because the bishop of rome had turned his into tyrannie ? mr. dauid would haue it , but be not so inconsiderate as to hold your father at the doore for feare of a tyrant . the rest of your words are more specious then substantious : there needes no more to improue you , but to turne them backe vpon your selfe . is it not meeter that some one man hauing commission from the gouernour and counsellors of the citie , should haue the keyes of the ports , then that euery one in th● citie should haue libertie to open and shut , let out and in at their pleasure ? is it not meeter that some haue power to checke the watch and command them , then that they should haue libertie to slumber and sleepe at their pleasure , not fearing the controulement of any ? is it not meeter that dogges ( that is , vndiscreet and contentious men ) should be kept vnder commandement , then that they shall haue libertie to barke and bite at their pleasure , euery one that commeth in their way ? what shall a man , euen of common wit , say , but that your words faire in shew , fectlesse in purpose , make against your selfe , when they are well considered ? in the end of this section , you haue another question proposed , the answere whereof , wil giue you light for resolution of the maine controuersie wee haue in hand , and till then , i leaue it . and now you proceede to improbation of my sixt reason , which was this , that other reformed churches in europe , wanting episcopall gouernement , would be glad to accept it vpon condition , that with it they might enioy the puritie of gospell , which they haue with vs , together with that libertie , fauour , and protection of a christian king professing the gospell truly , which we haue , and they want . this you impugne after this manner . the admonent : i verily thinke this is but a bad reason , why a man should change his minde , in so great a matter , and for my part i easily thinke , that assertion is as easily denied , as auowed ; and i haue more for me to denie it , then you haue , to auow it , as i beleeue , their owne profession and declaration of their mindes against bishops : but what doe you meane by that word ( condition ) haue we that puritie , libertie , and christian king by condition ? i hope we haue them simply and purely without condition , &c. the ansvvere . my reason is better , then you consider : if we had liued among the christians of the church primitiue , sore persecuted three hundreth yeeres for religion by emperours who should haue protected them : or if we had liued in the church of fraunce , our necks daily vnder the sword of the enemie , and then it had pleased god to turne the heart of the emperour , and king , not onely to protect vs , but to professe the gospell with vs ; we would haue been loath to haue discorded with them for such a matter . you ponder not this benefit , but waxe insolent , and thinke it nothing to entertaine a diuision betweene a church , and a christian king , for a matter , without which , true faith in christ , in all the articles thereof may be retained . in my iudgement , the church of france , or antient churches sore bitten with affliction , would neuer haue discorded vvith their christian rulers in such a cause . you alleadge you haue a declaration of their minde in the contrarie : but you must remember priuate letters are not sufficient to proue the minde of a church . you are offended at this word vpon condition , & you demand , haue we puritie , libertie , and a christian king , on condition : what needes you peruert my words ? i am sure it can be no ignorance , onely malice caries you to this cauilling , know you not that his maiestie will not be drawne into your opinion of church-gouernement ? you speake as if the king were of your minde ; or at least would make the simple beleeue so , or that i had ouer-seene my selfe so farre , as to say , that wee had a king by condition . you know his maiestie will not be drawne that way for you : it were more agreeable to reason , you should quit your conceit , and goe after your soueraigne lord : but if still you will stand in contradictorie termes , yet blow vs not all so blinde , as to make vs beleeue , that his maiestie is on your side of this argument . and as to my words , are they not plaine , that vpon condition they had a christian king , professing the gospell with them , they would be loath to discord with him for this matter of externall gouernement , though indeede m. dauid , you plainely declare a contrarie disposition in you : that ere your opinion of church-gouernement stand not out , you had rather stand at debate vvith a christian king all your dayes . this is the point , but after your fashion , you flie it . then you conclude . the admonent . thus are these causes no causes , the sixe not making one sufficient : the former which you call falsly-imputed causes , remaine vnconuict of falshood , vnrefuted for these , and euill declined : what will follow therefore , and what must , on the pretending of them , i leaue to be considered , not listing to diue any further . and in the end of your answere to my second reason to this same purpose ( say you ) beleeue me in this , i cannot beleeue , that euer you were that childe , to take on a bishoprick for these causes , if you had not another cause , i thinke it should haue laid long in the dunghill , before you had put out your finger to take it vp , &c. the ansvvere . false ballance are an abhomination to the lord , but a perfect weight pleases him ; he that condemneth the iust , and absolues the guiltie , are both alike abhomination to the lord. m. dauid now takes a decree to himselfe , but vpon such false premises , as makes it a decree of no strength nor value : hee iustifies againe the lying libeller , and imputes to me gaine and glorie , hee renewes the former-confuted calumnies to shew himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ac hyperivertigine laborare : hee willeth me to beleeue him , that he beleeues not that such causes moued me . he craues to be beleeued , and will not beleeue an other . but m. dauid , i will not stand with you , i beleeue you that you can hardly beleeue any good of me , your faith may well be strong , but your charitie is colde : your loue little , if you had any : since it beleeues all things you would beleeue me in one thing . you tell mee ouer againe , that all men whom you know , thinke as you thinke , i told you also , i know you are all men : but as honest , godly , and conscientious , as you or they either , beleeue mee , and know i haue spoken the words of truth . any thing you haue in this libell to contradict the cause , you will finde it by gods grace answered with reason : where you fall to inuectiues against the person , and against all reason vsurpe the iudicatorie of my soule , conscience , and affection , i will still appeale to that supreame , and onely iudge of conscience , protesting in his presence , you haue lied against my soule , enforcing vpon it a foule crime of corrupt loue , of gaine and glorie , whereof when i haue examined my selfe more then tenne times , i finde mine heart free , so farre as in regard of humane infirmitie a heart may be , and the true causes mouing mee , are declared in my former apologie . but to conclude this point vvith you , by your fruits you haue declared what you are , no man gathers grapes of thornes , nor figges of thistles , your words void of loue , your raylings full of spight , your iudging without warrant , your pert affirming without truth , witnesses cleare enough , though you were the best of your band , you are but a brier : no figge-tree , no vine-tree in the lords vineyard , if in these you continue . and you know that briers and pricking thistles are the curse of the earth . god make you better . the admonent . alway this same weakenesse of reason , to say no further , bewrayes the selfe euery where through the whole body of this apologie , and among the rest most euidently in that point , that you take libertie to make your selfe your owne antagonist , for we know none other . the ansvvere . in the remanent sections of this inuectiue , we haue lesse order ( i finde none ) but more falshood manifest : for now mr. dauid casts himselfe loose , reeling vp and downe at his pleasure , beating the ayre ; fighting against his owne shadow , or else carping at my words , and misconstruing them to his owne minde . he complaines , i make my selfe mine owne antagonist , albeit the contrarie be euident : my first aduersarie was a lying libeller , i gaue my defences according to his accusations ; and now mr. dauid comes in to make all good that he hath said , and hee will be my partie no way prouoked there-vnto by mee , nor vrged by any necessitie , except that erostratus some way must be renowned . he will be a busie-bodie , fedem in alieno choro ponere , medling with other mens matters , not vnlike one that takes a dogge by the eare , so is he that meddles with strife that belongs not to him : but i hope his owne wickednesse shall reproue him . hee entreates me not to reiect his admonitorie , but to read it ; to pleasure him , i haue wearied my selfe , intermitting my better studies now these fortie dayes for reading , and refuting of it , this seauen yeares i spent not so much time with so little vantage to my selfe ( except that it may doe good vnto others . ) i haue beene seeking fruit in horto tantali , for in all his admonitorie i cannot finde a line to make a man either more godly , or more learned . and this part of it , where-vnto now wee enter , containes no other but fierie in●ectiues in personam : needlesse repetitions , idle discourses , ( for matter many of them false ) all of them fectlesse , for order nothing else but a confused chaos , and in a word a building of small stickes , standing vpon rotten posts : in the examination whereof , since he prouokes me to it , i will not insist as in the former : onely in the by-going , will strike the post , and let the building fall . hee first complaines , that i haue not clearely enough declared the change of my minde concerning church-gouernement , what motiues , what reasons , wherefore , and where-vnto i haue changed : and about this , it would wearie any man to read how he repeates and multiplies words , sect. 14. 15. 17. 20. an answere to them all , see out of this treatise . in your 16. section , you lay downe a ground , as graunted by mee , vvhich i neuer gaue you , that i thought our church-gouernement . 1. anarchie . 2. confusion . 3. not allowed by god. 4. disallowed by god. and heere you haue heaped vp a heape of words vpon a dreame , and false conception of your owne braine : you haue begotten it , and you would father it vpon me , the ground being false , that cannot stand which you haue built vpon it . i know there was order in our church , but such as needed helpe to hold out carnall diuision ; the mother of confusion , the beginnings whereof in many parts were more then euident , but then say you . the admonent . vvhere was the dutie of a preacher , your courage , your boldnesse ? why cried you not an alarum against such an enemie ? the ansvvere . truly mr. dauid , there were so many false alarums cried in our church , for disturbance of the peace thereof , by men of your humour , abusing the simplicitie of some pastors , that it was needlesse to me to crie any more , yea of purpose i fled it , and thanke god i euer delighted to handle my text for edification of the hearers in the matter of saluation , and had no pleasure in digressions , or other discourses , yea not in an open rebuke of the sinnes of them who were not present to heare me . neither is it any reason that euerie vveakenesse seene in the state , or in the church should be proclaimed in pulpit incontinent : you cannot be ignorant , that many things are rather to be tollerated , then mended with vntimely remedies . ne dum volumus importune ruimis subuenire , alias maiores multo videamur parare . mr. dauid , we haue had more then enough of this stuffe among vs : men that will suffer no bishops , and yet in presbyteries will either gouerne all , or else nothing goes right : yea some , as if they were episcopi episcoporum , sit in their land-ward pulpits , as in chaires of censure , giuing out iudgement , of king , state , church , countrey , and all ranks of men , condemning them in the hearts of their hearers , with iniust and vntimely rebukes , that neuer come to the knowledge of them , vnto whom they are directed , this is a proud vsurpation , couer it with the cloake of zeale who will , which for my part i neuer approued : yet this is one of the alarums mr. dauid cries for . the admonent . to take vp things then in grossest and simplest manner : you misliked episcopall gouernement , say you , because you feared tyrannie , libertie , and other euils should follow on it , what is this to say , that you misliked it not for it selfe , but for the consequences of it . the ansvvere . since it is notoriously knowne , and i haue plainely confessed , that i misliked episcopall gouernement : what needes all this enquirie of the causes of my misliking . sure it is , i misliked it vpon misconception . now i know it , but i knew it not then , and is it any reason that i should for this be restrained from embracing a clearer light , when god offers ? so that you take here but needlesse paines , and yet you will be doing , and to proue that i misliked episcopall gouernement , for the vnlawfulnesse of the office it selfe , which you will neuer be able to make good , you bring foure arguments : the first , from a priuate speech of mine , spoken to a friend at the parliament in perth , which this way you repeat . the admonent . vvhether you behaued your selfe so or not , let it be weighed by this little suruey of your speech first priuate , then publike : in priuate i will cite but one , said to haue beene in perth at their first riding there . let vs goe ( said you to your friend ) and see these proud prelates ride , which friend of yours afterward as is reported , at your first riding in parliament , being come to edenburgh ; and demanded of you wherefore hee was come , in detestation of you answered you with your owne words , hee was come to see the proud prelates ride . i know others report this somewhat otherwise , and that it was a bishop that repeated your words in edenburgh to that same your friend concerning you , to giue you a meeting , for that you said of him in perth . the ansvvere . now mr. dauid comes in to giue the reader a proofe of his skill in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for lacke of canonicall probations , he turnes him to apocrypha and makes vp a tale here so ridiculous by his owne narration , as may make men maruell what hath made a reputed wise man so foolish , hee saith , i spake it to a friend in perth , and a bishop heard it ; was i so inconsiderate as to speake that in my priuate house ( that time i was not out of it ) that a bishop might heare in the streetes ? why name you not the friend ? vnder generals you may say what you list : yet you distrust your selfe , for you say , the tale which you bring here was said to haue beene in perth ( said to haue beene ) what certaintie is here ? is this ground good enough ? say your selfe , and indeede in the next word you shame your selfe , it is , say you , otherwise reported : yet you make them both all one in effect , that is , in truth , both of them false and fectlesse . is this solid reasoning thinke you ? spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici . without wood the fire is quenched , and without a tale-bearer strife ceaseth . haue you no matter wherewith to fill vp your paper , but a tale of hee said and she said ? and you cannot tell who said it . you will be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a iudge , to iudge mee , and is ignorant of the law , for it stands in all ages a law to a iudge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he should not iudge by hearing , and yet hee will receiue against me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a vaine report . thou painted wall , thou sittest to iudge mee according to the law , and smitest mee against the law ? yet wee must vnderstand that mr. dauid is a learned man ( who will denie this that knowes him ? ) and how euer this subiect seeme small , yet his skill is the greater to make such a long and learned commentarie vpon so little a matter , and seeing hee hath taken this paines vpon it , wee must all thinke it worthy of the reading , or else wee doe him great wrong , for so hee saith himselfe . the admonent . the words ( of the fable ) are short , and seeme to import little , but let vs consider them , they may giue vs light perhaps ( and perhaps no ) sufficient to this matter concerning all these chiefe points , whether it was feare of euill to come , or euils present , you spake of , whether vncertaine feare or certaine sight , &c , the ansvvere . hitherto haue wee heard mr. dauid his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , now followes his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of it , a cunning and most eloquent orison vpon a fabulous narration . how euer the matter seeme little , mr. dauid warnes you hee can make it much , nouit tenuiter diducere , and can out of it draw many prettie quiddities and illatiues , vpon whethers and what ifs , and can shew himselfe a rhethorician vpon niff naffes . mr. dauid is no grosse spinster , giue him the grossest stuffe you may get , hee can twine it small , so skilled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that of little hee can make much ; yea , and could if neede required secare cuminum : not vnmeete to be steward to some italian lord that would haue many dishes vpon small allowance , but that it were a losse to take such a good engine from the schooles , wherein if he continue the world will see that scotus subtilis is reuiued in him againe . but howeuer it be , i pittie you that you should not haue some better subiect to trye your wits vpon ; for you shall beleeue me , who euer reported this tale vnto you , in speaking of it was but a lyar , the thing it selfe is a false fiction : you haue not done christianly to receiue it into your care , but much more vndutifully to publish it in writing , and spend so many words vainely vpon it : for you haue made vp here a commentarie of sixe score and sixteene lines vpon a false narration . now you intermixe a discourse against the riding of bishops at parliament , no lesse foolish then the former , for so you reason out of the fable . the admonent . that they were proud is argued by the effect ( riding ) now riding is not a fault in the person , nor for the person in it selfe , all the lords rode , and you call them not proud for that , it became them , it is of their place and due , then it was the fault of the office you marked thereby , for wee must take heede that the word ( ride ) is not taken nakedly , for a simple action of riding , that had beene no fault , and as little wonder ; for so they had done when they were simple ministers , but imports all circumstances , riding in parliament , riding in pompe of horse , of harnessing , of apparrell , &c. the ansvvere . now truely mr. dauid of a south-land gentleman you are the worst rider that euer i heard of , for you ride your selfe cleane out of the saddle , and casts your selfe to be dirided of all men . i told you already your narratiue whereupon you build this is false ; and albeit it were true , fectlesse to be vsed in such a purpose , except you would shew your selfe ridiculous : for why is riding , and riding in pompe and fine apparrell , an effect of pride ? tell mee good man , is it so with your selfe ? are you alwayes proud when you are mounted vpon your courser , and your courting garments vpon you ? or if it be not so with your selfe , why will you not thinke of another as you finde it in your selfe ? may there not be an humble heart vnder an honourable garment ? read you euer of eligius , nouiomagensis episcopus , it is recorded of him , cum vestibus holosericis externe amictus esset , intra vestimenta ad nudam cutem cilicio indutus erat : when hee was clothed with silke without , hee had sacke-cloath within nearest his bodie : and yet out of an outward garment you will gather pride ; and as your owne words beare , such a pride as is not referred to the countenance but to the heart . but in all this mr. dauid , you haue said nothing to proue bishops proud prelates , and proud not in countenance onely , but in heart also ; but haue still proclaimed your selfe a proud pratler , pu●t vp with highest pride that can be , in that you will not rest in the countenance , which is mans part , but you will iudge the heart , which is reserued to god. and now mr. dauid if you were there that day walking on foote in the streete , and other two with you , whom i might name , there are many deceiued but three were more pride going on foote with you there , then was riding on horse-backe with all the thirteene , though they had beene there . your second argument , is from a publicke speech of mine , vttered in a sermon at the parliament of perth , there say yee , i taught that the very stile of bishops was to be abhorred , with many other imputations of yours , which admit they were as true as you would haue them , yet are they but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a figgie sword , a weake weapon , that neyther helpes you , nor hurts mee . doubtlesse if your cause were as strong as you suppose , you would bring stronger arguments to defend it , then to leaue the purpose , and fall vpon the person , but your allegation is false ; i had , as i declared , mine owne misconceptions of that estate , but neuer thought , farre lesse taught , that the stile and name of bishops was to be abhorred . and albeit you thinke i taught much in that sermon against bishops , yet i remember more iudicious hearers then you , who were familiar with mee , maruelled i had spoken so little ; the iust copie of the sermon is yet extant , and when i looke vnto it , i maruell at it , and reuerence the lords prouidence , who then directed mee to a conclusion , wherein yet i remaine , for so were my words . that we may espie the cause of this diuision , let vs see what part of the wall hath gagged from the foundation whereupon the building stands , and from that policie wee haue receiued from our fathers , let that be drawne in to the rest againe , then shall arise an happy vnion which shall assure vs of the continuance and encrease of gods worke in the middest of vs. these are the words whereunto the lord led me , and i yet stand to them . and againe , to this same purpose serues the words of my exhortation , directed to such as stood for episcopall gouernment , that if they had nay new light which they had not before , they would communicate it to their brethren , that wee also might follow them , &c. this makes the matter cleare , that i was not so farre miscarryed as to condemne eyther the name or office of bishops , as you alledge , but offered my selfe readie and willing to follow better light if they would bring it , or god otherwise should send it . and these words as being mine owne , you vse to my selfe in the end of this treatise , desiring that if i haue any new light i should communicate it to you , which here i haue freely and truely done , wishing it may moue your heart , as it moued mine . your third reason followeth . the admonent . i might adde the admonition giuen in by you subscribed to this same parliament , where that office is called a slander to the gospell , a defection , &c. the ansvvere . your third argument is taken from an admonition as you call it , but a supplication , as i take it , subscribed by mee : for answere to this , i will very plainely and truely declare the matter as it is , that men may see there is no pith in your allegation to proue that which you intend . that there was a supplication giuen in i heare , who penned it , or what was in it i know not , where they assembled whether in the church , or in a priuate house i enquire not , present at that meeting sure it is i was not . it was brought to mee by a familiar brother , to mine owne house ; i cannot remember whether before sermon , or when i had new come from it : but well i wot at such a time wherein i had no leasure to reade it , like as i neuer read it : they tolde mee it contained nothing but a supplication for continuance of church-gouernment , that then was . and as i haue said , at that time i could willingly haue contented ; yea , contended for it as i might , that our gouernment might continue , fearing euer least the intended course had beene to abolish it ; but from the time i perceiued that the course was not to disanull any substantiall point of discipline which we had , but onely to roberate it , by restoring againe episcopall power , whereby i perceiued the church not weakened but strengthened , not preiudiced but confirmed in all her lawfull libertie , i reproued my selfe of my former folly , and not onely consented vnto it , but the more i looked into it , the more i loued it , reioycing at the preferment of preachers for this end , and in honouring of them esteemed my selfe honoured . and if the subscribed supplication hath that in it which you affirme , that the office of a bishop is slanderous in the church , which i can hardly thinke that any learned or well adu●sed preacher will affirme , then i make it knowne vnto you it neyther had nor hath any approbation of mine . this being the simple truth i doubt not but the indifferent reader will thinke any ouer-sight , that hath escaped mee , very easily excused . your fourth argument now followeth . the admonent . might i not adde also the assemblies of dundie 1580. at which it is likely you were , as being within your twenty yeeres that you haue beene a pastor , where ( the office of a bishop ) is called folly , corruption , mans inuention , vnlawfull , &c. the ansvvere . it is shame to see you alledge such notorious falsehoods , i was not at that assembly ; yea , i was no minister then at all , being but twelue yeeres old , i was newly taken from the grammer schoole in dunbar , and entred into the colledge in s. andrewes . with many such false lies as these fighteth your fellowship against mee , which yet are currant for truth in your colledge of do●atists , whose spirit i iustly called alying spirit : for noto●ious ●alshoods are carried among you in secret , from tongue to tongue , and receiued in your meetings for vndoubted truths . this i could qualifie by s●tting downe a particular catalogue of your ●alumnies , but i will not at this time . i haue onely to ●raue of suc● as feare god , that howsoeuer many spare not to carie satan in their tongue by false reports : that they also lodge him not in their eare by hearing , and receiuing a false accusation : for this is required of them , who shall dwell in the tabernacle of god , and rest in his holy mountaine , that they receiue not a false report against their neighbour ; and therefore rests assured that they vvill reserue an eare to heare mee , before they condemne me . these are the foure pillars of your great building , so rotten in themselues , that they fall as soone as they are touched with the finger : and what then becommeth of your long discourses , inferred vpon them ? are they not bullatae nugae . bellering bablings , watrie bels , easily dissipate by the smallest winde , or rather euanishes of their owne accord ? the admonent . how is your change then ? and what causes are of it ? this had neede to haue beene cleerely shewed , decl●red , and proued , &c. the ansvvere . in this section you returne againe improbitate muscae , to the point from which euen now you haue beene repelled , and you are not ashamed to be tedious to your reader , ea●●em semper canen●● cantilenam : still demanding how is your change : it were more time you should bethinke you how to change your talke , or if still you will multiply words in vaine , i contend no more in that which i haue answered alreadie : there be foure things ( saith salomon ) which cannot be satisfied , the graue , the barren wombe , the earth , and the fire . whether you be the fourth of these for your fierie humour , or a fifth to be ioyned to them for a hunger you haue , and i cannot satisfie , i rest resolued to take no more paines vpon you for this part of our question . two things onely you haue here which must be answered . in the first you would proue , that i haue much more cause to feare the euils may follow episcopall gouernement now then i had before : and your reason is . the admonent . can any humane carefulnesse suffice vnto that care ? it is true , princes haue long eares , but other mens eares , they haue many eies as argus , yet are they the eies of others : and these others may be brought a sleepe by some cunning mercurius : can his maiestie in such distance see the whole proceedings of prelates , the whole and naked truth of things by such informers ? by themselues , or their agents ? doth he now know the deepenesse of misteries ? euen the scurfe of many actions ? shall he hereafter ? the pride that may be ? that tyrannie , libertie , as it happens to grow , their neglects , sloathes , bribes , partialities , how much lesse fore-see how they shall be eschewed ? &c. the ansvvere . master dauid , you should haue aduised with your warrant , before you had reuiled your rulers , you haue opened your mouth , and giuen out false accusations : are you able to qualifie them ? but thou louest all words that may destroy , o deceitfull tongue , if you were put to probation vnder paine of suffering punishment due to these sinnes , it would goe hard with you . neither can it be well , when euery man takes libertie to accuse such as are in authoritie , either in common-wealth or church , and is not able to make it good , that yet they goe away not the lesse without controlement : what you s●eake concerning feare , i confesse ( if that may please you ) i am neuer without feare . euen the most pure doctrine , the most perfect discipline , who can secure himselfe that none euill shall follow it : since in paradise in the state of innocencie , a serpent followed adam and euah , and corrupted them , we are vpon earth , like passengers on the sea , were the winde and weather neuer so faire , yet are they not without feare , till they come to their harbourie , because they know there may be a change : and shall wee get vpon earth a state exempetd from feare ? or is it possible to set downe that forme of gouernement in the church , of the which wee may be sure , without all feare , none euill shall follow it ? is none euill to be feared , to follow presbyteriall gouernement ? what you haue enquired of the one , let me aske of you the other : can all the faults , offences , sloaths of presbyteries , in not assembling to the weekely exercise , with diuisions , disobediences , be knowne to his maiestie ? it is more apparant , the faults of one , are sooner knowne , sooner dilated , sooner corrected , then the ouer-sights of manie : neither is it likely , that bishops shall escape with their smallest offences , so long as you and such as you , are their captors and inspectors , dogging them at the heeles , treading after them in all their foot-steps , glad when you may heare or see any weakenesse in them , that you lay hold vpon greedily , making much of little , that you may disgrace them . is not this to imitate satans nature ? is it not contrarie to the conditions of elect angels ? they reioyce at the conuersion of a sinner , you with satan reioyce at their fall : it doth you more good then your meate or drinke , to heare any blame you may impute to a bishop . god forgiue you . but to returne , sure it is , no carefull , no conscionable man can liue in any state without feare : for why ? satan seekes most carefully and cunningly to corrupt offices most excellent , and most profitable for the church , and the greater good be in them so long as they abide good , the greater euill comes of them when they begin to change : euen as the finest wine turnes into the sharpest vinegar . how then shal a man be without feare ? but i nothing doubt it is in his maiestie his chiefe cares to establish it , and that by fensing it against all euils , specially tyrannie , libertie , briberie , partialitie , sloath , which you haue obiected , and where desperately you insinuate that the office of a bishop will neuer doe good . a wolfe , say you , will be a wolfe , and all the world had sworne it ; and will worrie too when the shepheards backe is turned : you but speake of your owne , either ignorance , or euill set affection , considering how many famous bishops , without the reuerence of a christian king , liued as fathers to the church , faithfull preachers of the gospel , and died constant martyrs for the testimonie of iesus ; but mr. dauid will haue all these rauening wolfes . the other cause why my feare should be greater followes . the admonent . the office of bishops then pretended no preheminence , now it doth ▪ then it was subiect to presbyteries , now it is freed from them : then it was bound with caueats , now it is let loose . then euery preacher might speake against it , now none reproues , then were all alike friend and good fellow with their pastors , now his lordship , &c. the ansvvere . master dauid , wee know better what was wont to be in our church then you , there was neuer all alike as you say in it , our gouernement was alway aristocratick , for albeit by constitution for that time paritie was allowed , yet was it not practised ; there was euer some leaders , rulers honoured and reuerenced by other pastors , and good reason so should bee : what else see you now , if the persons liked you , the purpose is the same ? since the beginning of our church , bishops , superintendents , vvere neuer subiect to the iudgement of their brethren , in the matter of their office ; nay , not to their synods , but were reserued to be iudged onely by the generall assembly ; but you affirme the contrarie pertly enough , looking for no controlement . bishops are not let loose , suppose they be not left to your teddering . but this offends you , that they are called lords : let me enquire at you , is honour giuen to any in the church , but for the honour of all ? if they could looke to it with loue and humilitie , euery one might say , honoris vestri participes et nos sumus ? will any member of the bodie grudge to see another honoured ; or rather in the honour of one , doe they not all reioyce , and esteeme themselues to be honoured ? mr. dauid , there is a pride which loueth honour and preferment : our lord condemnes it , there is another pride that disdaines to giue it , and i may well say , it is the worst pride of the two , i will not thinke that either elijah or samuel were vaine-glorious , when the one was stiled by obadiah , and the other by anna , my lord : surely it is a weake and vaine minde , that is puft vp with so small a winde , and yet i am sure both anna and obadiah in giuing them this honour , did but their dutie . but i thinke m. dauid in this will not be contentious ; for in the backe of his letter directed to bishops , he writes , to his verie good lord : and then in the subscription within , your l. or wisedomes : what he meanes by this , i know not : he will giue his owne reason ; hee saith , it is a nouation and corruption to call one pastor a bishop more then the rest , yet hee doth it , and here hee practises in secret , that which he impugnes in publick , and so dec●iues his complices , giuing honour himselfe to bishops , which he saith , should not be giuen them : they haue cause to feare , least sometime hee forsake them . now you proceede . the admonent . you make a faire shew by bragges to corroborate all by the word of god , and example of the church primitiue , iolly words , sooner said then proued , strings much harped on by diuers , but to little vse , and wherein the more men diue , the more they cleare the contrarie ; it may be easily seene through all the subtilties , clouds , and colours that they cast on it , who haue busied themselues in that matter , euen your sarauia , euen whosoeuer , whom the more men reades , the lesse effect they see in him : they , i say , who haue not their eies blinded with some other thing , such as blindes not the eies of the wise . the ansvvere . vvhether it be a faire shew or a solid substance wee will trye when it comes to the point : you will not haue it heard that the primitiue church had bishops : you may aswell denie that the sunne shined vnto them : you call this a subterfuge , and a large field whereunto we runne to eschew the chocke of the question ; which say you is this , whether these bishops that now are , and as they are now , be lawfull in the church of scotland : or if the oath hinder ? but prouoke at leasure , ere we part you will finde vs ( by gods grace ) at the chocke of the question , and your selfe chocked with it for all your boast ; but i must first goe through this hedge of bryers and brambles which you haue laid in my way . you set light by our sarauia as you call him , but you deceiue your selfe if you thinke our strength is in sarauia : for mine owne part , i neuer read him so much as i haue done you , and of that which i haue read , i see sarauia will stand for himselfe for all you are able to say ; your little dagger will not reach to him , and it were shame for you now , though you might , to strike at a dead man , as i heare hee is : it were greater manhood to encounter with downame , you dissemble that you know him , but if you doe and mislike him , hee is readie to fight with you in that cause , till your logicke panne be cleane dryed vp or the cause renounced . one thing you haue , that no man can see any thing in sarauia , but sophistrie and falshood , except those whose eyes are blinded with some other thing , such as blindes the eyes of the wise : you would seeme here to be modest , yet of purpose as mordent as you may be , whom you would insimulate of briberie . aduise with your selfe , if you be seeking any such here , as the by-word is , you are in the wrong close . i told you before , you were acquainted with the muses , onely the dorit muse hath beene strange vnto you : you were capable enough of her instruction , but shee tooke no paines vpon you : it is meetest you should meane you to melpomene , her mourning moodes might procure you pittie , but out of your pride and male contentment to blot such as you are bound to honor , and secretly to insinuate that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as gaue iudgement for gifts , is intollerable presumption . i protest before god , i know none such in the church , i would not say it for all the world . if any such be , of all men they are the most miserable : if they be not , mr. dauid declareth what manner of man hee is , and woe will be to him that would bring such a shame vpon israell without a cause , if hee repent not . as for mee i thanke god , i was neuer stained with couetousnesse nor filthy lucre , i defie all flesh . lord , gather not thou my soule with the sinners , nor my life with bloudie men , in whose hand is wickednesse , and their right hand is full of bribes : but i will walke in mine innocencie , redeeme me and be mercifull to me , my foote stands in vprightnesse , therefore will i praise thee o lord , in the congregation . now you goe on . the admonent . touching our church and bishops being in it before you were borne , if so be , so is popple among wheate before it be shorne , of great auncientnesse , co●uall springing vp with it , and in the ground perhaps before it . and incontinent . you will finde it difficult enough to proue that bishops were receuied in our church wittingly , willingly , by choyse , and free consent . &c. the ansvvere . if i proue it not without difficultie , and make it plaine to the iudicious indifferent reader , let mee be blamed . your refuge , that bishops were in our church as popple among wheate , will not relieue you : for you will finde them planted in this soyle , watred , nourished , and defended by the best fathers of our church . in your scorning of vniting or revniting bishops and presbyters ; weedes as yee call it , with wine , speaking oft-times so barbarously for want of better , you doe but shew your selfe most worthy to be scorned , as ignorant of all antiquitie , which could very well informe you that a bishop without a presbyterie , is an head without a bodie ; and a presbyterie without a bishop , a body without an head . where , by a presbyterie i vnderstand that which ignatius cals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the consistorie of a bishop , subordinate to him , afterward called his chapter , because they were instar capituli episcopo , which serue for assistance of him in waightie matters , as also to take care that the possessions of the bishopricke should not haue beene dilapidated . then is it well when they both goe together , euery one in their owne place to doe the worke of god. but no maruell mr. dauid denies that bishops were in the primitiue church , or that our owne church once allowed them ; for hee is bold to denie that any father , or brother of our present church , approueth the office of bishops , but esteemes it as followeth . the admonent . 1 the office of a bishop is vnlawfull in it selfe ; 2. more vnlawfull in this church of scotland ; 3. vnprofitable in it importing tyrannie , and is it selfe tyrannie ; 4. doth and shall import more libertie and loosenesse of life in it selfe , and in the countrey , with papistry , senslessenes , atheisme : some that thought wel of it in the beginning , thinke worse of it now . consider the experience in boldning papists in so vnlookt for manner , so many witnesses in our chiefe towne since bishops got gouernment , as was not nor durst not be in all scotland when presbyteries had gouernment . now corruption flowes and ouer-flowes the whole country , and defaceth the face of a most beautifull church . the ansvvere . master dauid continues yet in his humour , & adhuc in aegiptum euagatur , & patitur se in assyriam pertrahi , framing himselfe to the manners and fashions of egypt and assur , hee raileth against israell , forgetting all pietie , and modestie , and truth that becommeth the holy people , whereof hee professeth himselfe to be one . hee denyes that any eyther father or brother of the ministrie in scotland allowes the office of bishops , except it be bishops themselues : this is a notorious vntruth , hee still affirmes it is vnlawfull and vnprofitable , but vpon what reason wee will see when we come to the question . if yee had spoken this out of knowledge that the episcopall office in it selfe , is vnlawfull and tyrannicall , you would haue giuen some reason for it , but when you come to the point , you shew your selfe a coward , turnes your shield on your shoulder , and farely flyes the combat . you would seeme a great captaine , and make your fellowes beleeue that you were matchlesse , but strike not one stroke to defend their cause , or hurt the contrarie ; but if crying may win the field , then should be beare away the victorie , for still hee cries it is vnlawfull , tyrannicall , and what not ? the reason is , mr. dauid saith so , and any silly wife could say as much to a cause as you doe here : for you bring but words , and so could shee , suppose hardly so many as you . in your other speeches you shew your selfe so full of malice , that before you want doung to cast on the face of your brethren , whom you seeke to disgrace , you had rather rake it out of the bellie of your mother : for what say you ? is not the whole church ouerflowed with papistrie ? god forbid , but rather the deluge of waters which was before is begunne to fall . see you not the tops of many mountaines discouered ? and by all appearance , if the lord by the care of a prudent prince , had not prouided this remedie of episcopall authoritie , it might well haue fallen out , as you say , that the spawne of papistry would haue ouer-flowed all . otherwise tell mee what would you haue done to preuent it ? excommunicate them ? so might you quickely haue equalled the sicke wi●● the whole , or 〈◊〉 haue infected the whole with the sicke ▪ what else could you doe , vnlesse it had beene to draw the matter to the needlesse hazard of a battell , as seemes by you words , they durst not , say you : what is it to keepe a man that hee dare not ? the ecclesiastique sword you know was contemned ; the 〈◊〉 sword , that is the last remedie ; praised be god wee haue a better : all your physicke is violent . cut off ▪ cut off ▪ but a prudent prince in more moderate manner can effectuate peace , giue authoritie to truth , and falshood fals to the ground . and where you say that the face of a most beautifull church is defaced , meaning the church of the first towne in the kingdome : how vnrighteous , vndutifull and inconsiderate are you ? is it your pleasure to spit in the face of your mother ? delight you to vncouer her shame , if you could finde it ? and where you cannot , is it your sport to blacke her face with the soote of your calumnie , and then call enemies to looke vpon it ? what say you , mr. dauid to the church of edenburgh ? is it not still a mother church ? is not the way of god truely taught in it ? hath it not learned and famous preachers of whom you are vnworthie ? is there any defection in it from any point of truth ? how then defaced ? by masses ( say you ) said in it . were they publicke ? you dare not affirme it . were they stollen in secret ? you cannot denie it , and yet discouered by the vigilant care of their bishop and pastors . thankes to god , such abhomination dare not be auouched there . is this a defacing of that church ? no : it is a detracting of yours , no defacing of them ; yea , rather it is their great commendation , that in so populous a citie scarce twelue are found miscarried by seducers , and those also of no credit nor countenance ; who , vvhen they are tryed and examined , professe they had done it of simple ignorance , and that they abhor the masse so much the more , because they haue seene it , offering themselues most willing to declare their publicke repentance , to remoue all offences giuen by them , out of the hearts of others : and among them seeing there was not one burgesse of edenburgh deprehended in this fault , why blame you the town● for it ? tell mee , i pray you , was the church of ephesus defaced , because some false apostles did creepe into it ? find you not the contrarie ? that the bishop of ephesus , called there the angell , is commended , for that he had examined them , and found them to be lyars . if the church of edenburgh had fallen away ( which god auert ) as the church of thyatyra did , and suffered iezabell a false prophetesse to teach and deceiue the seruants of god ; there then you might say it were a defaced church , i suppose ( which i hope in god shall neuer fall out ) that sathan had a throne there , as he had in pergamus , yet seeing there is a church that will not denie the faith , no though antipas should be slaine , how say you the face of the church is defaced ? but the contrarie is manifest , satan may creepe in there like a thiefe ( thanks be to god ) he hath no throne there : what villanie can hee worke , which they punish not ? can you say any of their magistrates , councellors , ministers , elders , deacons , or any honourable man of the body of their citie , is stained with that heresie ? how then is the face of their church defaced ? and truely , though that many such were among them ( as you haue said ) which yet is not , it were no maruell to mee , when i remember the apostles saying ; there must be heresies , that such as are approued may be tryed ? where there is no winde to carrie chaffe away , how shall the corne be discerned ? where there is no heresie how shall they be knowne who are confirmed in veritie , rooted and grounded so in christ , stablished and built vpon the rocke , that no winde of contrarie doctrine can carrie them away ? traduce as you will , this is the truth , for many reasons is that church worthy to be commended ; but in my iudgement , this is the greatest commendation that euer it got , that subtle heretiques with the seed of false doctrine , creeping in into her bosome , to seeke an aduantage , can finde either none at all or verie little . yet your other assertions are more impudent : it contents you not most wrongfully to haue defaced a chiefe church in the kingdome , now you proceede to doe the like vnto all other pastors and professors in our church . the admonent . i know many doe countenance bishops , because they haue to doe with them , and giue them obedience as a man would giue his goods to arobber ( let not the comparison seeme odious , for in this they are alike ) that hee take not his life also ; because hee is not able to resist him . i know , some feare their menaces of deposition , suspending , silencing , putting them from their flockes , takes it for a iust feare , and so a compulsion , so themselues to be excused : but that from their hearts like of that office , i know none , such as you speake of . the ansvvere . the words of the righteous are stedfast , and what is it , that you can iustly reproue in them ? i haue spoken it , i speake it ouer againe , and i know it , that many worthie fathers and brethren of our church , are of that same minde concerning church-gouernment , that i haue here declared . as for those whom you say you know to be otherwise minded , looke what a miserable patron you are vnto them ( if any such be , for in this you haue lost credit ) you make them all temporizers , dissemblers , sillie timerous bodies that countenance bishops not from their hearts , but for feare and for compulsion . mr. dauid , i suffer you with the greater patience miscalling me at your pleasure , since i see your tongue spares none ; nay , not those whose hearts you grant your selfe are with you : you spare not to call them dissemblers , &c. since so it is that you take libertie to speake of all men as you please ; neither sparing those who are in heart with you , nor yet those that in heart are against you in your opinion , what remaines , but that it be publickely proclaimed , the good man of gods croft his tongue is no slander . the admonent . and that which you pretend of the aduise of this present church , comes vnder the same count , nothing voluntary nor by ●hoyse , but forced by such feares , iust or apprehended for iust , neyther by the church customably assembled , but by a number propped out , for the most part by bishops , to that effect . the ansvvere . that mr. dauid may be knowne for a compleate conuitiator , as he hath hitherto spared no estate vntouched ; for hee hath set out the king hauing eies and eares not his owne , that may deceiue him , as though wee had so inconsiderate a prince as to iudge by the eyes and eares of other men . bishops hee hath painted out for tyrants , bribers , libertines , vsurpers . pastors reuerencing bishops hee hath made false , dissemblers , sillie bodies . the whole church hee hath giuen out to flow and ouer-flow with heresie . the principall church in the kingdome he hath described to be a defaced church : so now , as if those were too little in his last furie , debacchatur in supremam ecclesiae synodum , binding vp all his former railings in one bundle . the assemblie was conuocated by his maiesties will and authoritie , a part of his christian and kingly power ; the bishops of the church present in it . pastors hauing commission to vote from their presbiteries , many noble men honestly affected to religion , vnspotted , yea , vnsuspected in it ; many commissioners from the most famous churches and townes of the kingdome . all these assembled together , mr. dauid not with powder , but with his penne , blowes vp into the ayre as a corrupt assembly , compelled , budded , bribed , not rightly assembled , and wherein nothing was rightly done : yet was there some aged fathers who subscribed plainly to the episcopall gouernment , now after better aduisement ; of whom it is knowne that before , they suffered imprisoning for impugning of it : whereof i doe but warne him by the way . in the remanent of your sections , after your owne disordered manner , to tell you as the truth is , like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you compasse about mine apologie without order , making a proffer to many places in it , not lighting nor resting vpon any , to speake it in scots , you flie bumming a throat after the manner of a drone bee , making a great sound and noise , but little labour , no honie , no solid reason , no truth , no learning vttered here , onely iterate inuectiues , not worthie to be insisted in , except i would actum agere . your misconstruction of iosephs preferment for the good of his brethren , as if i had so spoken of my selfe , confirmes me in that which i perceiued before , that you are but a vaine discourser , pleasing your selfe in argutijs , silly , fectlesse , and impertinent conceptions and speeches . and therefore being loath to wearie the reader and my selfe both any longer with your batt●log-tautol●gies , i presently commit them to the south winde to be carried away from your peele-house at preston , with the rema●ent smoke of your pannes , to the water of forth , and so bid farewell to mr. dauid in his furie , and now turne mee to speake with him in his more sober minde . the admonent . vvhat is there then to be done here will you say ? euen this certainely as you said sometime your selfe , if you haue gotten new light which you had not before , communicate it to others your brethren , that they also may follow you in their hearts , and know they yeeld to you in a good conscience , &c. let bitternesse be remoued , let the cause with calmnesse and meeknesse be considered . the ansvvere . now at length m. dauid , the euill blood begins to fall from your heart , god be thanked , and you are come to some coolnes , suppose not kindly enough , yet of your former feauer wherein you raged , yet it puts vs in hope , you may recouer of this disease betime , what you haue here said , i receiue ●buijs vlnis , any light i haue i will willingly communicate , bitternesse ● agree be remoued ; perit enim iudicium , vbires transit in affectum : i wish therefore perturbate and preiudicat affection may be laid by : it is onely these two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that fights against episcopall gouernement . to be short , i embrace all your conclusion , and euery condition of it , except onely where you will me , not to disguise my speech by sought out sentences ▪ and o●tentation of reading , to iuggle the iudgement of the simple , i must warne you , that whether your word stand for a i●gulator , or a deceiuing iugler , your deede comes too soone ▪ against your protestation , euen now you craued bitternesse may be remoued , and you cannot leaue it , but to vse your owne prouerbe , a wolfe will be a wolfe . naturam expellas furcalicet vsque recurret ; and as to my manner of writing , i cannot change it : i want not my owne reasons , neither haue you any cause to complaine of it . now we goe to the question . the admonent . i goe from all that long disputation . 1. whether bishops be lawfull . 2. whether they were , and how they were in the primitiue church , which you claime to . 3. how they were in our owne church at the beginning , or leaues it to a fitter time , and alledgeth how euer these things were , they are not lawfull now to vs ; 1. in respect of our oath , since our oath ; 2. in respect of our discipline more profitable for vs. the ansvvere . now mr. dauid hauing of a long time trauelled with wickednesse , and conceiued mischiefe , at length bringeth forth a lye . when all is reckoned and counted the matter comes to iust nothing : et magno conatu murem tandem peperisse videtur . who could haue looked but that mr. dauid who so largely and liberally hath condemned bishops in word , would haue brought at least one argument against them ? hee doth it not , but rather destroyes all that hee hath said before . you cannot eschew this ; you haue multiplyed words , and by most sharp inuectiues haue condemned episcopall gouernment : you haue called it tyrannie , and vnlawfull in it selfe ; and now you remit the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse of it to be disputed . truely good man you haue wronged the partie , and abused the reader : for , according to reason , you should haue disproued episcopall gouernment before you had condemned it ; but after that you haue condemned it , is it not your shame to remit it to further reasoning ? in the one you haue shewed superfluitie of malice , mouing you to speake euill of it ▪ in the other penurie of knowledge , that you haue no reason to iustifie you in the condemning of it . thus haue you shewed your selfe , in initio confident em , in facto timidum ; one that feareth to fight , but is bold to bragge . you will not simplie giue ouer the combat , but declines it farely for this time , and puts it off to a better time : but in my minde a better time could you neuer haue had then this , seeing you haue gathered your friends , and haue mustered you armie , and ordered it out of your ripest wits in sixe sheetes of paper before you ; what a shame is it , that in so feeble manner you should turne your backe , and leaue all that you haue sent and said before ? you haue braued a bishop in presence of your friends , now hee stands before you , and you dare not looke him in the face , nor strike one stroke at him in this quarrell , that the office of a bishop is vnlawfull in it selfe . but to pursue you euen to the vttermost point , wherevnto you haue fled ; in this also you shew your selfe weake , yea , ridiculous : for now you haue drawne all your speech to this assertion , and i pray the iudicious reader to consider it , howsoeuer episcopall gouernment in it selfe be lawfull or vnlawfall to other churches , or sometime lawfull in our owne church , yet it is not lawfull now . a paradoxe indeede : i thinke mr. dauid speakes not simplie , but grants it by concession . but taking it as hee giues it , let vs heare it ouer againe , though episcopall gouernement in it selfe were lawfull , lawfull to other churches , lawfull once to our owne church , yet now it is not lawfull . to proue this , mr. dauid brings two reasons , which had neede to be very strong , it being a strange position they haue to defend : but the reader shall by gods grace see it made plaine , that there is no more truth , worth , nor value in his two reasons , then in the rest of his assertions . and since the whole weight of the controuersie stands vpon these two reasons , i set them downe truely to you , as mr. dauid hath set them downe to mee . the first reason . we may not receiue bishops , because the oath in conceiued word is against hierarchie . the second reason . in respect of our receiued discipline more profitable for our church . the confutation of these reasons . before i come to a iust examination of these reasons , i will onely present a view of their weaknesse to the reader , in these words . in the confession of faith , sworne and subscribed by the preachers and professors of this land , they haue abiured the popes wicked and worldly hierarchie . mr. dauid leauing out the differences of papall , wicked , worldly , makes mention onely of hierarchie : which , in it selfe , signifies an authoritie or imperatiue power in things sacred : who will abiure this ? but to declare their meaning , they added these three differences , papall , worldly , wicked : but mr. dauid to declare how hee distrusts his owne cause , deceiueth the simple , by putting in into his reason the word hierarchie onely . by this , any indifferent reader may see that mr. dauid deales not truely , nor faithfully , nor like a man defending a good cause , but fore-seeing that these words would destroy his assertion , of purpose he leaues them out . his second reason is without reason , and against the very rules of reasoning . this is petitio principij , he begs the question , and takes it for a principle , which is the controuersie it selfe , as shall appeare in our improbation . i will not be presumptuous to dispute that which is concluded alreadie , and past in a law. onely to cleare the proceedings of our church from the wrongfull imputations of malecontents , i giue an answere to all their obiections in these positions following . 1 episcopall gouernment in it selfe is lawfull , and of all other hath best warrants in the word . mr. dauid hath declined this question , yet will i giue to him and others such light in it as god hath giuen mee . 2 no church since the dayes of christ vnto our fathers dayes , was without episcopall gouernment , and mr. dauid cannot shew one instance to the contrarie : for , howsoeuer in some reformed churches superintendents were placed , the name being onely changed , the matter remained . 3 the church of scotland in her purest estate , enioyed the gospell with episcopall gouernment for the space of twentie yeeres , as may be proued out of the monuments of our church , for there you will finde by acts of generall assemblie , ministers ordained to be subiect to superintendents . a law craued from the lords of secret counsell , for punishment of such as disobeyed superintendents . power to hold assemblies twice in the yeere , giuen to superintendents . power to transport ministers giuen to superintendents . power of diuorcements taken from ministers and giuen to superintendents . power to admit ●inisters , and depose them , giuen to superintendents . no religious bookes to be printed but by ad●ise of superintendents . this was the order of our church all the dayes of iohn knox , &c. here you obiect , first , that the offices of bishops and superintendents are not one : and why ? i am sure you know in power of signification they are one ; in power of iurisdiction they are declared to be one by act of generall assemblie , anno 1573. what power a superintendent had by the law of our church , that same power a bishop had by the same law : and those countries which had bishops of the reformed religion , president ouer them were neuer committed to the care of superintendents : but the bishops exercised all points of iurisdiction partaining to them , vvithout any contradiction made to them by our assemblies . to ●ay yet further , there was appointed by the generall assemblie , some commissioners , to be assembled with other commissioners appointed by the regent , and lords of councell , to entreat of ecclesiastique iurisdiction , & establish it . commissioners for the church , beside sundrie superintendents , were mr. iohn knox , m. iohn craig , m. iohn row , m. dauid lindsay , with others that were in the yeere 1564. the same commission renued againe by the church , anno 1567. and againe , 1568. a supplication from the as●emblie to the regent , m. iohn willok , superintendent of the west , being then moderator , was directed , desiring that such as were appointed by the lords of his highnesse councell , and by the church , might meet , for setling church-iurisdiction . after this , in euery assemblie the same sute is renued , till at length , an. 1571. the gouer●ment of bishops is ratified by act of assem●lie . thus m. dauid , you see bishops willingly rec●iued into our church . your other obiection is , superintendents had their office from the church : did their office by aduise of their brethren , and were countable to the church for it . tell me i pray you , what else see you in bishops ? their office and power is from the church , their temporall preferment , their rent and maintenance , is conferred by the king ; yea , good reason it is that his maiestie haue the nomination of a bishop , out of lytes of honest men giuen in by the church : what nouation is here ? you will finde the nomination of superintendents referred to his highnes counsell in his maiesties minoritie , becaus● they gaue them their maintenance , see act of assemblie , an. 1562. againe , superintendents did by aduise ; good reason : see the law prescribed to bishops of olde , an. 1573. that no bishop admit any minister , without adu●se of three well qualified ministers of the bounds . the same stands now , and can you say that any bishop in our church stands against this , except onely that where the law bindes them to vse the aduise of three , they vse the aduise of sixe , or tenne , or thirteene if they may get them ? what can you say against this mr. dauid ? see you not here a constant forme of gouernment in our church ? see you any other bishops now then were in the dayes of iohn knox ? here say you , superintendents were changeable ? but you should haue cleared your selfe , not deceiued the simple people vnder ambiguitie of words . tell the truth , were any of them changed in their time , or was there any cause might haue taken from them the office of a superintendent , but such as might haue also depriued of the office of preaching and all other offices in the church ? in which case superintendents , bishops , and pastors , both might and should lawfully be deposed ; but god be praised such examples feil not out in our church . oh but superintendents were subiect to their brethren . here also you lu●ke vnder the shadow of doubtfull speeches . will you say that superintendents were subiect to the censure of ministers , ouer whom they had the inspection ? the contrarie is true , our fathers foresaw the perill of that , and exempted them from it ; reseruing them to be iudged by the generall assemblie , as i haue cleared before : and doubtlesse there could be no order where such as should correct the faults of others , are put vnder the censure of thos● that should be corrected by them . you still reply , there is now ( say you ) no generall assemblie to censure them : but you may know that the same law which restoreth the iurisdiction of bishops , ratifieth also generall assemblies , howbeit in a reformed state , the power to call it belongs to the christian magistrate , and seeing it is the parliament of the church , the great ecclesiastique councell of the church , the calling of it , except vpon very vrgent occasions , proueth often more hurtfull then helpfull , but where great and weightie causes require it , you may be sure the prince will not refuse it . but your great grudge is here , that bishops are not vnder the power of ministers to be cast out of their places by pluralitie of voices you dreame of an assemblie that would finde the authoritie vnlawfull , and depose them all : but you are deceiued ; our ministrie are not so affected , they see the necessitie and vtilitie of this calling : they who disliked it at the first , are now brought by reason and experience to allow it , and where you will finde one discontented with it , i warrant you twe●tie who are pleased with it , and thanke go● for it . speake no more then of the exemption of bishops from censure , there is a christian king , there is a councell of bishops , till necessitie require a nationall assembly , and it is not denyed to any in the church or kingdome to complaine , accuse , delate , bishop or archbishop , that hee may be brought to his answere , and tryed ; yea some that haue complained , haue beene answered with iustice , to their satisfaction . in a word , let it be told you in name of all the bishops of our church , our calling is of god , allowed by the generall assemblie , ratified by our most christian king and states of the kingdome . our care is to discharge it in the best sort wee can , when wee haue done all that is possible for vs , there are many of you ready so farre as you may to vndoe it , out of an euill humor , more narrowly looking to negligences then to obserue paines and good diligence : wee are men , and may fall as others , but our faults should not be abused to condemne our function , more then the faults of ministers condemne their ministrie . we claime no liberty , but are readie by gods grace , to answere all our superiours , and be censured by them as the meanest in the church . and we carrie this humble minde , that if you , or any other , in loue and good affection , will signifie to vs wherein wee offend , wee will either satisfie you by reason , or willingly amend it : yet so that wee will maintaine the honour of our charge and calling , and not leaue it free for euery man to raile against lawfull authorities , whereof i pray you consider in time , and be more sparing to spread such inuectiue libels : for , it will be thought a contempt of them whom you are bound to honour , and if you suffer punishment for it , you will not suffer as a martyr , but as a malefactor , which i wish may no befall you . 4 so long as this episcopall gouernement stood in vigour , there was nothing but comely order in our church , fathers honoured as fathers , ministers agreeing in pleasant vnitie , without any schi●me among them , singular peace betweene the king his maiestie and the church , t●ey going together like moses and aaron , to doe the worke of god , without grudging , anger , or diuision , then the gospell flourished , and no professed papist was in the land , but with decay of the one ensewed a lamentable change of the other , which cannot be mentioned without griefe , and i wish for euer may be buried in silence . alway at this doore of vnhappie diuision , papistrie creeped in againe into our church ; it was sowen then , it tooke roote then , it buddeth now ; and by a false kinde of reasoning , a non causa pro causa , it is imputed to bishops now , but as with the decrease of episcopall gouernment it entred : so i hope in god with the credit , and author●tie thereof , it shall goe to the doore againe , onely the lord cloath his seruants with his righteousnesse and saluation , let his vrim and thummim be with his holy ones . the lord set our hearts rightly to seeke his glorie , then shall his helping hand be with vs. there is no fault in the cause , god graunt it be not found in our persons . 5 episcopall gouernement beganne first to be withstood , an. 1575. this is the first time that commissioners for eschewing of alleadged ambition , are appointed to be changed yeerely . the same time authoritie of bishops is called in question : some with it , some against it , the matter is referred to the aduisement of three for euerie opinion , whose names are inserted in the act : they resolue on these conclusions . it is not thought expedient , the question be answered at this time , but if any bishop be chosen , who hath not such qualities as gods word requires , let him be tried by the generall assembly , and so deposed . 2. that the name of a bishop is common to all preachers , whose chiefe function is to preach the word , minister the sacraments , and execute discipline . yet of this number some may be chosen to ouer-see and visite other bounds beside his owne flocke , with power to ordaine and depose ministers , with aduise of the brethren of the bounds . perceiue here how loath wise men in our church were to quit all grip of episcopall gouernement . 6 and againe , the office it selfe comming in contempt for the euill qualities of them that had it , whereof some were professed enemies of religion : it was laid by and suspended , an. 1580. but not simply abrogate , as will appeare by this three-fold consideration : first not the office , but corruption of the office in bishops is impugned , so beareth act , an. 1578. for as much as there is great corruption in the estate of bishops , as they are presently made in this realme , where-vnto the church would prouide remedie in time comming , therefore further admission of bishops is discharged till the next assembly . an argument by the way to mr. dauid , that they were before in the church , and had their ordinarie admission of the church . then in the next assembly holden that same yeere . iune 11. sect. 3. it is concluded , that the former act shall be extended for all time to come , aye , and while the corruption of the estate of bishops be remoued , and that all bishops alreadie elected be enquired particularly to submit themselues to the generall assembly concerning the reformation of the corruption of that estate of bishops . nothing here you see against the office , but against the corruptions . secondly , alb●it anno 1580. episcopall gouernement was disallowed ; yet that it was not done with full consent or approbation of the fathers of our church , will appeare by that act of reuocation : which if a man will consider , hee shall finde procured by the wisedome and fore-sight of some wise and honest men of the ministrie , who contenting to submit themselues to the present gouernement , and loath to trouble the church for that matter with schismes , and diuisions , ( which you and yours cannot doe ) did notwithstanding leaue an open doore to their posteritie , to bring in againe episcopall gouernement , when they should see it expedient for the church . see the act . an. 1583. sess● . concerning th● question moued to the assembly , if the generall church haue power to prouoke , whatsoeuer things done by them , or any particular member of the same , to the hurt and preiudice of the church , or not . the brethren after reasoning and disputing , at length voted affirmatiue in the question , that the church had power to doe the same : no exception here of any act , made either for bishops , or against them . thirdly , the abdication of episcopall gouernement which was made ; was made without consent , yea contrarie the will of them by whom it was concluded in the church , for episcopall gouernement being practised in our church from the beginning , was established by act of assembly , an. 1571. whereat vvere present commissioners from the regents grace , and lords of secret counsell , in his highnesse name , being also required specially , and to this same purpose by the church : there it was agreed to stand during the kings minoritie ; and therefore when first his maiestie perceiued an intended nouation in church-gouernement : his highnesse discharged it , and protested against it by his letter registred in the bookes of generall assembly , an. 1579. ●ul . 7. what can you finde out of all this , why episcopall authoritie should not be restored againe ? or rather see you not many reasons that should moue vs to receiue it ? 7 as for your alleadged oath , whereby you make the simpler sort beleeue , that our church hath abiured episcopall gouernement : the strength of your cause is in it , but it shall be knowne to be as weake as the rest of your defences . for first of all , an oath should be defended by the lawfulnesse of the thing that is sworne , and it is no good ground in diuinitie , to defend the thing that is sworne by pretence of the sacred authoritie of an oath . this order you keepe not . secondly , since the most part of preachers in our church , gaue no oath for discipline at all , for mine owne part it was neuer required of mee , and i know there 〈◊〉 many others in the same estate : what reason is it , that the oath of some , albeit they had made it ( as you say ) which will not be found , should binde others that made it not . thirdly , when it was appointed by act of parliament , an. 1572. ianuar. 26. that the confession of faith which therein at length is exprest , should be sworne and subscribed by all church-men , the gouernement which then was in our church was episcopall , for the oath and subscription is ordained to be made in presence of the archbishop , superintendent , or commissioner of the diocie , as the words of the act plainly imports , so that this oath makes no renunciation of episcopall authoritie , but rather ratefies and approues it . fourthly , concerning the latter negatiue confession , whereof it is most likely you meane , what will you finde there against episcopall gouernement ? nothing at all : it is a good confession , many pastors , professours of our church haue sworne it , subscribed it . othere , say you , an oath is conceiued against hierarchie . mr. dauid , speake as the truth is . ( now rahel takes the idols , and hides them in cammels litter ) now rachel blushes for shame . now mr. dauid steales away the chiefe words of the confession , and hides them for feare they should tell the truth , and shame him : will you say m. dauid ? hath our church renounced hierarchie simply , all sacred authoritie , all order , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? say it not for shame , there are the words : looke what we haue renounced , these are the verie words of the oath , we detest and refuse , the vsurped authoritie of that romane antichrist , his worldly monarchie , and wicked hierarchie : therefore saith master dauid , we detest all hierarchie : why mutilate you the words ? and why falsifie you the words which you bring by a corrupt sense of your owne ? which i will proue was not the subscribers minde . will you condemne episcopall gouernement vnder the name of papall , vsurped , worldly , wicked hierarchie ? is it ignorance hath moued you ? who would thinke you were so ignorant ? or if you know better , what malice is this to beare downe a good thing vnder an euill name ? were not bishops in the church before a pope vvas in rome , at least before antichrist was hatched in it ? haue any sort of men in the church done more , suffered more , to destroy antichrists kingdome then bishops ? yet you will haue all bishops antichristian . let vs first see the iudgement of the fathers of our owne church plat contrarie to m. dauids , it may be he will reuerence them , and thinke shame of his owne folly : when m. iohn knox got license from our generall assembly to goe into england , they wrote a letter with him of this tenour : the superintendents , and commissioners of the church of scotland , to their brethren the bishops and pastors in england , that haue renounced the romish antichrist , and doe professe the lord iesus with them in sinceritie , the perpetuall encrease of the holy spirit . see it registred in our assembly bookes , an. 1566. m. dauid , did our fathers esteeme episcopall gouernment antichristian hierarchie ? do they not plainely disioyne them , writing to bishops that had renounced the romish antichrist ? o , but it will be said , our church was then in her infancie ; it may be you make them all infants : all the worthie , learned , and vnspotted superintendents of our church , iohn willok superintendent of the west , iohn winram of fyfe , iohn spotswood of lowthian , iohn erskin of din superintendent of angus , iohn row superintendent of galloway : make infants also of m. knox , m. craig , m. lyndsay , m. hay , with many more i cannot name , present at the writing of that letter : all these may well be infants , where a man of your experience comes out : but beleeue me , wee haue not seene many such olde men in our church since . now as this sense , which you make of the word hierarchie , is against the minde of our first fathers ; so is it against the minde of the swearers and subscribers : and are you not a foule abuser to inforce vpon them a sense whereof they thought neuer ? this is cleere as the light . for why , did not his maiestie sweare and subscribe that confession of faith ? this was his royall and most christian oath , offered to god in defence of his truth . did not his highnesse there , and at many other times , professe openly a renunciation of that wicked hierarchie ? will you inferre vpon this , that his maiestie therefore abiured episcopall gouernement ? i dare appeale to your owne knowledge , hath not his maiestie kept one constant iudgement concerning church-gouernement euer from his young yeeres ? doth not the inhibition of nouation in church-gouernement cleere this ? doth not the publike printed declaration of his highnesse intention proue it ? doth not all his highnesse speeches , and actions , before the subscription , since the subscription , declare his highnesse approbation of episcopal gouernement ? and yet you would make it to be beleeued of the people , that his highnesse renounced episcopall gouernement , when his maiestie renounced hierarchie , vsurped , papall , wicked : this , or else a worse , must be the drift of your language . truly you may thanke god you haue to doe with a clement and gratious king . and that this same which is his highnesse mind of that article , is also the minde of most part of the ancient teachers , and other brethren , learned , godly , vnspotted , who haue well deserued of the church present , by fidelitie in their ministrie , will bee cleared also : i will not goe about in any inordinate manner to seeke subscriptions to this purpose , but when it shall be required by order in the church , you will finde a cloud of witnesses standing against you , to improue this calumnie of yours : yea , many times in my younger yeeres haue i heard famous and auncient fathers of our church , who haue seene the first beginnings thereof , affirme , that our church could not consist vnlesse episcopall gouernement were restored againe : this they spake when there was no appearance of it , and when episcopall gouernement was in greatest disdaine , and at that time being vnacquainted with church discipline , i thought strange to heare it . and here againe , mr. dauid , i am in doubt with my selfe , what to thinke of you , seeing i know no other oath you meane of , and you haue touched none other in your treat●se admonitorie : what hath carried you to t●is absurd affirmation , that the oath conceyued against papall , vsurped ▪ wicked , wordly monarchie , and hierarchie , is against episcopall authoritie ? shall i thinke ignorance hath done it ? you are giuen out , and bragged of for a learned man , and a writer . or shall i thinke malice hath done it ? you are counted for a christian , and so i thinke you be : what euer hath moued you , sure i am , it hath miscarryed you : for let mee tell you , when zorimus bishop of rome , sent ouer his legates to the councell of africke , wherein were assembled two hundred & seauenteene bishops , among whom it is thought augustine was one , to proue that it was lawfull to appeale vnto him from all bishops in the world , alleadging this power was giuen by the councell of nice : after long deliberation and inquisition of the most auncient copies of the councell of nice , his fraudulent vsurpation was discouered , and he warmed by these fathers neuer to attempt any such thing in time to come . many reasons they gaue him ( as indeede they had all reason for it ) specially this , that the grace of the holy ghost , had not with-drawne it selfe from all other prouinces to rest in one alone , to discerne there the right of all causes : wherefore they willed him to abstaine from such ambition , ne fum●sum saeculi typhum inducere in ecclesiam dei videatur . here mr. dauid , you see a solemne reiection of the wicked hierarchie of the bishop of rome : did these fathers by so doing reiect episcopall authoritie exercised by themselues allowed , accepted , embraced , and reuerenced in their churches . thus haue i made cleare that you haue fained a sense of that article contrarie to his maiesties minde , contrarie to the minde of the first fathers of our church , contrary to the minde of the present fathers of our church , and contrary to the mind of the ancient fathers of the church primitiue in the foure hundreth yeere . and if i should draw you vp higher , are you able to denie that episcopall gouernment was in the church before that romish hierarchie was hatched out of the the shell ? what hath the one of them to do● with the other ? hath the romish church beene more impugned by any then orthodoxe bishops ? or hath any sort of men beene more persecuted by the romish hierarchie , then reformed bishops ? why are you so vnrighteous as to oppresse the one vnder the name of the other ? were all the bishops who suffered martyrdome in the first three hundred yeeres , guiltie of that hierarchie which you haue condemned ? and if i should draw you yet vp higher , i see as much light in the word of god , as giues warrant to me of the lawfulnesse of episcopall gouernment , and i doubt not will serue to content reasonable men when they shall heare it . you prouoked me to this point ; but you turne your backe and flie from it , and i haue not any leasure to pursue a flying man , hauing better studies i would more gladly ouer-take : yet something will i subioyne for discharge at least of my dutie . 8 these things therefore so standing , the question will be thus : seeing episcopall gouernment in it selfe is lawfull , seeing all christian churches haue had it , seeing our owne church had it ratified by acts of generall assemblie , for many yeeres , with an happie successe of the euangell ; seeing it was laid by against the will of a christian king in his minoritie , against the will of his highnesse regent , and lords of councell , well affected to religion , and that not simplie , but with a power of reuocation : queritur , whether if or not , a christian king in his maioritie , requiring a restitution of it , the present church hath done well to receiue it in againe ; especially , seeing it is done without destruction of that policie so long aduised , and added at length by the fathers of the middle age of our church , for strengthening of our discipline . to contract then all the matter which you haue spread out with a multitude of idle words , into a short summe ; there is no new discipline brought into the church , but the auncient restored to th● former strength , no point of later policie abolished , but established , and an happy vnion made euery way betweene them who should agree in one , to do the worke of god. this is my iudgement , and i esteeme by it the name of the church of scotland honoured , a christian king in his most reasonable desire satisfied , the peace of the church happily procured , the mouths of aduersaries stopped , offence from weake and simple ones remoued , and much more good easily effected , if contentious and vaine spirits would not hinder it . thus is the very state of the question cleared vnto you , so that you haue no cause to cry out as you doe , who should teach vs but bishops ? and if they will not , our bloud be vpon their heads . you seeme to be very earnest here , but all men may see it is but your orpit or ironic conceit : so like as m. dauid will be taught of bishops , a sort of profane men without either learning or grace , in your account . but you neede not make the halfe of this stirre ; you might be ignorant of church-gouernement , and your bloud in no danger for all that : but if indeede you stand in feare least you loose your soule , follow our counsell , and we shall lay our life for yours , repent of your sinnes , beleeue in iesus the sauiour of the world , amend your life , decke the hid man of your heart with a meeke and qui●t spirit , which before god is a thing much set by ; put on loue and meeknesse , leaue off strife and contention , be content with your owne calling , meddle not with things without your compasse , whereunto albeit you might reach , yet are they not so profitable as to repay your paines , nor yet absolutely necessarie for your saluation : doe this , and it shall be well with you ; if not , your bloud shall be vpon your owne head , and none of the bishops of scotland shall be guiltie of it . the rest of your discourses of paritie and imparitie in church-gouernement , are answered by that which i haue said ; neither doe you here your selfe insist in them , but remit mee by particular quotations to your epistles , foureteene in number , written to seuerall men , contayning eight sheetes of paper , bound vp in forme of a booke , and sent to mee to peruse them . but you must remember it is an vnreasonable request to require a bishop , employed in daily teaching , and other necessarie charges in the church , to reade ouer all your missiue letters , yet haue i looked to them as i had leasure , and answered them as cause requires in this my defence . as for your epistles , if your conceit be such of them , as if they contained humane and diuine learning , like that which augustine hath vttered in his two and twentie bookes de ciuitate dei : or if for eloquence you esteeme them like the workes of some new cicero ; or else for vndoubted rules of church-gouernement that are in them , you meane to make them vp as the bodie of some new canon law , whereunto in reasoning you will remit men as vnto rules and decrees ; or at least , will haue other men take paines to make glosses and notes vpon them : then i pray you mr. dauid , seeke some aldus manutius , or ludouicus viues , or some new gratianus , you will get of these right good on that side of the water : but mr. dauid , for me , i thinke them not worthie of that paynes , neyther haue i any time to spare vpon them ; the paines i haue taken are for your satisfaction if reason may doe it ; to pleasure you i haue lost much good time , which i intended to bestow another way . at the midst of september i receiued your admonitorie , as your letter will shew , though many saw it before you sent it to mee . in the end of october i absolued this answere to it ; what time hath ouerpast since , hath beene spent in writing it ouer and ouer againe for the presse , for you will haue it publicke , and it is best so , for others and me also , to ease me of much paines of priuate writing , wherein i cannot giue euery man contentment . if my paines profit not you , i haue great losse , beside my instant labour , being forced , all this time to intermit mine ordinarie exercise of teaching at euening prayer : wherein i know you haue done more euill to this people , then i thinke you haue done good to any congregation in the land : but if eyther my paines or their losse ( for this time ) may serue to gaine you , the one i will thinke pleasure , the other i thinke they will esteeme vantage ; if not , yet i hope it shall doe good vnto others . and now in the end , albeit m. dauid doe shunne the question it selfe , yet seeing hee desireth i should communicate to him such light as i haue , i will not refuse to doe it , partly for his satisfaction , and partly also for satisfaction of others , who are not contentious of purpose about this question . there are some godly and learned men in the church , who maintaine episcopall gouernment to be iuris diuini , of diuine authoritie : there are others , worthy light of the church also , who albeit they thinke it not to be iuris diuini , but humani or ecclesiastici , and sees not that it is a diuine ordinance , but humane , or ecclesiastique , yet they reuerence it as a good , and a lawfull , and a profitable policie for the church . if mr. dauid will not adioyne himselfe to the first , i wish at least , hee would betake himselfe to the modest iudgement of the second ; and consider what a grieuous sinne it is to nourish a schisme in the church , for such a matter , and how far the famous lights of our time mislike them who spare not to diuide the church , for their opinion in the contrary . the arguments vsed by the first sort , the reader will finde at length in the learned treatises of d. whytgift , bilson , douname : the reasons mouing mee to incline to episcopall gouernment , and by which i found greatest light and contentment to mine owne minde , occurred to mee in the handling of the epistles to timothie , i haue shortly subioyned them , and submit them to the censure of the church . a view of church-gouernment , best warranted by the word , proponed in these few positions . 1 as other bookes of holy scripture , are written chiefely for the institution of a christian , to teach him what he must beleeue and doe , that he may be saued , so the epistles to timothy and titus are especially written for the institution of ecclesiastique office-bearers , teaching them how to behaue themselues in the gouernement of gods house . 1 tim. 3. 15. so that as the tabernacle was build according to the patterne shewed to moses in the mount : so the right plat-forme of discipline must be learned from the patterne prescribed by god in his word , and most clearely in these epistles . 2 and as no man can be so farre miscarryed as to thinke that the epistles directed to the romanes , corinthians , &c. containing rules of faith and manners , belonged to them onely , but to all christians till the worlds end : so is there no reason why a man should thinke that the epistles written to them , containing rules of discipline and church-gouernment were for them onely , but for their successors also . 3 so that the power giuen to timothie and titus was not personall , to endure onely during their dayes , or to dye in the church when they by death were taken from the church , but it is perpetuall to continue in the church to the worlds end : for why ? the precepts are giuen for gouernment of gods house , and wee know his house is not for one age , but for all ages till the worlds end . and againe , timothie is commanded to keepe this rule to the second appearance of christ , 1 tim. 6. 14. which by himselfe is impossible to doe , but in his successors . 4 now , this power giuen to timothie and his successors is the power of a bishop , not onely in respect of preaching : for , in this generall sense all pastors are bishops , hauing the ouer-sight of their flockes : but also in regard of their speciall gouernment and power ouer other pastors committed to their inspection ; in which sense the name of a bishop is proper to some preachers of the word , not common vnto all , as is euident out of the points of power , by diuine authoritie giuen them . 5 as first , a power to commaund pastors that they teach no otherwise then according to the rule of the word , 1 tim. 1. 3. secondly , a power to depose and stop the mouthes of them who teach otherwise , 2 tim. 2. 16. tit. 1. 11. thirdly , a power to lay hands vpon pastors , to ordaine and admit them to their callings , 1 tim. 5. 23. lastly , a power to iudge pastors , and to receiue or repell accusatious giuen in against them , 1 tim. 5. 19. so that his power is not onely ouer his flocke , but ouer other preaching pastors also , according to this rule . 6 this power afore-said wee finde by diuine authoritie established in the person of one : let any man contrary minded , shew as cleere a warrant , to proue that this power is taken from one , and giuen vnto many . 7 and as here we haue this power giuen to one , for gouernement of gods house in the precept , so is this same power established in the person of one , by the practise of the son of god , for in his seauen epistles to the churches of asia , he writes vnto one , as bearing the burden of all , both pastors and people in those cities . and beza confesseth , that when s. iohn directed his epistle to the angell of the church , vnder that name he directed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the president of the brethren . there wee haue a pastor president , both of pastors and people . 8 and here , because the custome of some is , to create enuy to episcopall gouernement , by stirring vp other pastors to grudge & mislike it , as being preiudiciall to their libertie . let them know , that no tyranny with contempt , yea , or neglect of other pastors is here allowed : neither yet are other pastors debarred from the participation of this same power , when by authoritie and order of the church they shall be called vnto it . 9 neither are here condemned other churches , who through necessitie of time , cannot haue episcopall gouernement ; for howsoeuer it be the best , yet god forbid wee should thinke , but that without it there may be a true church , whole and sound , in all substantiall points of faith. 10 these grounds being so cleare , it is euident out of them that to haue one in the church , clothed with the power aforesaid , to exercise it for the benefit of the rest , is an apostolike ordinance . 11 the common obiection against this , is , that timothie was not a bishop , but an euangelist , because the apostle exhorts him to doe the worke of an euangelist , 2 tim. 4. 5. but it is knowne , that the name euangelist is common to al that are employed in the propagation of the gospel : whether it be by them penned , as the foure euangelists , who were by the spirit to write the history of the gospel : or else by preaching it from place to place , as extraordinary euangelists did ; or preaching it in a certaine place , as ordinary euangelists then did , and yet doe . 12 in the iudgement of caluin , it is vncertaine whether s. paul call timothie an ordinarie or extraordinary euangelist ; he thinks that he was aboue vulgar pastors , yet so , that he was a pastor . 13 and truly , whatsoeuer timothie was before he trauelled through sundry countries , to water churches planted by the apostles ; yet now , by reasons furnished out of the text , it appeares ; that timothie is setled at ephesus , a resident ordinary office-bearer , and not an extraordinary : i passe by many , and touch but one . 14 the apostle warnes timothie , that he neglect not the gift giuen him by imposition of the hands of the presbyterie : eyther this place renders no warrant for a presbyterie ( as ye take it ) or else it must proue that timothie was an ordinary , and not an extraordinarie office-bearer in the church of ephesus . 15 for , by a presbyteric here , you must vnderstand either the office it selfe , of a preacher , whereunto caluin enclines , or else the office-bearers , as most part of ancients and recents thinkes . and then , whether you take a presbyterie ( in your sence ) for a fellowship of equall pastors , or for a colledge of bishops , as consent of doctors takes it , the argument is still against you . 16 for , seeing you affirme , that a presbyterie is an ordinary indicatorie , or call it as you please ; and presbyters are ordinary office-bearers in the church : how can it bee that an ordinary office in the church , can giue calling or admission to an extraordinary ? neque enim fas erat vt inferior ordinaret maiorem , nemo tribuit , quod non accepit . but it shall be best , rather then you take away a presbyterie from the church , you should confesse that timothie was an ordinary office-bearer in the church , and stands here for a paterne to such as succeeds him in this ministration to the worlds end , and who must haue such power as he had ? 17 but it is needlesse for our purpose to dispute this question , whether timothie was an extraordinary euangelist , or an ordinary bishop ; whatsoeuer himselfe was , the question here is ; whether this instruction giuen him for gouernement of gods house , be extraordinary , temporarie , and to endure but a ●ime ; or , are they continuall , and should this rule of gouernement be kept in the church till christs comming againe ? 18 and if it should be ( as i thinke no man will denie it ) that this rule should continue , then it cannot be eschewed that it is most conformable to the apostolike ordinance , that there should be in the church a bishop or pastor , hauing power of admission , deposition , iudging , and censuring of pastors : for the conseruation of true doctrine , vnitie , order , and loue in the church . 19 besides this , it is not to be neglected that in the postscript of the second epistle , timothie is called the first bishop elected of the church of ephesus , and titus , in the end of that epistle , the first bishop of the church of the ●retians . 20 against this it is obiected , that the post-script is no scripture , and why ? because some ancient copies haue it not . a dangerous assertion : i meddle not with it . the contents of chapters , and marginall notes , are no scripture , but inscriptions of prophecies and epistles , such post-scripts also , as haue beene found in most autentique copies , from which wee haue the epistles themselues , let men beware to reiect them for any fauour they carrie to their owne priuate opinion . 21 the post-script in the geneua bible , beares , that timothy and titus were bishops ; the bible of the spanish learned translator hath it , arrius monta●●s the latine hath it , the greeke hath it , which is the language wherein the newe testament was written ; the scots and english bibles haue it , and howsoeuer men now make bolde eyther to deny or infirme it , we must thinke it is of greater authoritie to proue that timothy and titus were bishops , then eyther mr. dauid , or mr. iohn , or mr. robert , or mr. william , their assertion in the contrary . 22 specially , seeing so many both ancient , and recent fathers of the church , are of this same iudgement , that timothie was bishop of ephesus , titus bishop of creta , it were long to rehearse all their testimonies , any man that pleaseth , will finde them cited by d. whitgift , bilson , and douname , in their learned treatises , written in defence of episcopall gouernement . if there be any prettie man contrarie minded , that hath learning , and leasure to write , i doe but here poynt out vnto him where he may finde a partie : what needs new prouocations till these be answered who haue written already ? now vnto these arguments , gathered out of holy scripture , let vs but ioyne this one argument , furnished vnto vs by the fathers , and seruing for this purpose . constat id esse ab apostolis traditum quod apud ecolesias apostolorum fuerit sacrosanctum : without doubt that must haue beene deliuered vnto vs by the apostles , which in apostolike churches is holily obserued . tertul . aduers. marcion . lib. 4. quod vniuersa tenet ecclesia , nec concilijs institutum , sed semper retentum fuit , non nisi apostolica authoritate traditum rectissime creditur . that which is receiued of the whole vniuersall church , not instituted , nor ordained by any councell , but reteined , as being before counsels , is rightly beleeued to haue beene deliuered vnto vs by apostolike authoritie . august . de bap. cont . donast . lib. 4. cap. 24. this being the proposition , warranted by tertullian and augustine , containing a truth , which i thinke no reasonable man will denie ; the assumption will be this . but episcopall gouernement is such : embraced of the catholike church , not instituted first by any councel : for it was before the first o●cumenick councell of nice , retained by all councels ; not reiected , nor impugned by any : and this assumption is verefied by consent and testimonie of the church in all ages , which the learned fathers of our time , zanchius and beza , plainely confesse : the words of zanchius here follow . fides autem mea nititur cum primis & simpliciter verbo dei , deinde nonnihil etiam communi totius veteris ecclesiae consensu , si ille cum sacris literis non pugnet . credo enim , quae a pijs patribus in nom●●● domin● congregatis communi omnium consensu , citra vllam sacrarum literarum contradictionem , definita & recepta fuerunt , ea etiam quanqu●m hand eiusdem cum sacris literis authoritatis , a spiritu sancto esse . hin● fit , vt quae sunt etusmodi ego ea improbare ▪ nec vel●m , nec aude●m bona conscientia . quid autem certius ex historijs ▪ ex con●lijs , & ex omnium patrum scriptis , quam illos ministrorū ordines ( de quibus dixim●s ) communi totius republicae christianae consensu in ecclesia constitutos , receptosque fuisse ? quis autem ego sum , qui quod tota ecclesia approb●uit , improb●m ? my faith leanes first of all and simply vpon the word of god , thereafter also it something depends vpon the common consent of the whole ancient church , where it is not repugnant to the holy scripture . for i beleeue those things which by godly fathers , assembled in the name of the lord , haue beene concluded , decreed , and receiued , not contradictorie vnto holy scripture , and that those same things also , albeit they be not of equall authoritie with the holy scripture , haue proceeded from the holy spirit : whereof it comes to passe , that i neither will , nor dare in a good conscience , contradict them . for , what is more certaine out of histories , councels , and the writings of all fathers , then that these orders of the ministrie , whereof we haue spoken , were by common consent of all christendome concluded , and receiued into the church ? and who am i , that i should d●sallow that which the whole church hath allowed ? zanch. in his confession . to this same purpose serues the testimonie of beza , who hauing declared the reasons that moued the auncient church , to elect one of the presb●terie , who in place and dignitie should be aboue the rest , and to whom the name of a bishop , in speciall manner , should be giuen by the remanent , hee subioynes as followes . neque enim quicquam est , quod in hac prostasia , reprehendi potest aut debet : for there is nothing in this presidencie or supereminence of one pastor aboue the rest , which either can , or ought to be reproued . and the reason he giues for it , is worthy marking , quum praesertim , vetustus hic mos , primum presbyterum deligendi in alexandrina celeberrima ecclesiaiam inde a marco euangelista esset obseruatus . especially ( saith hee ) seeing this ancient custome to choose out the first of the presbyters to gouerne the rest , hath beene obserued in the famous church of alexandria , euer since the dayes of s. marke the euangelist . now it may be collected , that s. marke died in the eight yeere of the emperour nero , the holy apostles peter , paul , and iohn being yet aliue : whereof it followes , that this policie hath had the apostles , eyther authors , or approuers of it , and so will fall to be of diuine authoritie . now then , the proposition being manifest in it selfe , and by the testimony of tertullian and ambrose confirmed . the assumption also cleare , and confessed by the testimonie of zanchius and beza , that one pastor was in place and dignity aboue the rest , called by the name of a bishop , in a speciall sense proper to him , not common to the rest ; the conclusion followes sure , that this policie may and should be receiued , as descended from authoritie . but now we come to speake of them ; who , albeit they thinke not that episcopall gouernement is diuine , yet they reuerence it as a necessary and profitable policie for the church . that episcopall gouernement is a good and profitable policie for the church , in the iudgement of most learned , and modest doctors in our time . and as concerning these worthy diuines of our time , who thinkes not episcopall gouernement to be of diuine authoritie , yet they reuerence it as a godly and most necessary policie , and all of them condemnes you that nourishes a schisme for it ; i cannot now attaine to them as i would , being absent from my bookes , but you shall haue some notable testimonies to this purpose . zanchius , hauing set downe ieroms iudgement concerning it , sub●oynes as here followes . non damnat hieronimus consuetudinem hanc , vtpote vtilem & ferme necessariam vt fit ordo in ecclesia . adde quod non prohibetur verbo dei , si igitur liberum est ecclesiae possunt ex tot● presbyterorum collegio , presbyterum vnum eligere , qui peculiarem ecclesiae curam ●uscipiat , & in con●istorio ●it se● consul in senatu politico : at que vt ab alijs decernatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vocars potest episcopus , vel superintendens , vel inspector , vel alio quo●●s nomine episcopus . certe ecclesiae vnitas scindi non debet propter huius cemodi titulorum aut nominum differentias . zanchius epist. ad philip. cap. 1. ierome condemnes not this confuetude ( of the power and preferment of a bishop before a pastor ; as being profitable , and almost necessary for conseruation of order in the church : besides that it is not forbidden in the word of god. seeing therefore it is free , the churches may chuse out one of the colledge of presbyters , to haue the peculiar care of the church , and who may be in the consistorie of presbyters , as a consull in the politique senate , and to the end he may be distinguished from others he may in more excellent manner then the rest , be called bishop , superintendent or inspector , or by any other such name . certainely the vnitie of the church should not be rent for any such titles or differences of names . see you not here , that in the iudgement of this worthy doctor , episcopall gouernment is not forbidden in the word , and so is not against any point of faith , as you affirme ? see you not that the name of a bishop is not abused , when it is giuen to one , and not vnto the rest ? and thirdly , doth hee not condemne you that ●end the vnitie of our church for such a matter ? iunius in like manner : o 〈◊〉 haec vt iuris humani , atque 〈◊〉 ( si ita placet ) ecclesiastici concedimus fuisse i●m olim abs●ru●ta , nec d●mnamus ea simpliciter si non abusus access●●it . wee confesse that all these haue beene of a long time obserued in the church , as being of humane authoritie , or if you please , ecclesiastique : neyther condemne wee them simplie , if they be not abused , iunius in b●llar . controuers . 5. lib. 1. ca. 24. but no such moderation is in you , you are not content to fight against the abuse of the office , you will haue the office it selfe abolished , but without any reason . to this same purpose is the testimonie of he●●mingius : tametsi tempore apostoli nondum receptus fuit pro●●●endi ritus , qualis nunc in vsu est , sciendum tamen est , pi●s ecclesiarum & scholarum gubernatores , bono & vtili con●ili● instituisse promotionum gradus , tum vt arrogantes 〈◊〉 vsurp●rent sibi hunc honoris titulum si●e ecclesie iudi●●● , tum v● idonei ex testimonio publico agnoscerentur , ac●● precio haberentur . neque hoc est contra hierarchie ecclesiasti●● diguitatem , quae nobis a s. sancto commendatur ▪ nam cum s. sanctus or din●m & detorem commendat ecclesi● , ius ipsi relinquit or dinandi ritus , qui ad ordinem & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 facere videantur . qu●ere non est quod moremur superborum spirituum voces contemnentium hos ecclesiasticos gradus , meminerin● eos non contemptus aliorum aut arrogantis supereminentiae symbola esse , sed potius publica testimonia officij quod ecclesiae debent , & ad quod tanquam publico sacramento obstringuntur . albeit ( saith hee ) in the time of the apostles , this custome of promotion now vsed in the church , was not then receiued , yet we must know that godly gouernours of churches and schooles by good and profitable counsell haue ordained degrees of promotion , partly that arrogant men should not vsurpe this title of honour without approbation of the church ; partly also , that they who by publicke testimonie of the church are thought meete for it , may be knowne and had in reuerence . neyther is this against the dignitie of ecclesiastique hierarchie , commended to vs by the holy ghost ; for in that hee requireth order and decencie in his church : the power to ordaine rites pertaining to the church , hee leaueth to the church . wherefore we must not stand vpon the voices of some proud spirits , contemning ecclesiasticall degrees : for , those degrees are not giuen them eyther for contempt of others , or to nourish any arrogant supereminence in themselues , but onely to be publicke testimonies of that dutie wherein they stand bound and obliged to the church . sed obijciunt , ecclesia christi nesciat pompam , habeat fidei & sanctimoniae probationem , preces , & manuum impositione● : respondeo , minime indignum esse christianis , pijs ac eruditis viris , testimonia doctrinae & honestatis conferre , vt sci●t ecclesia quibus possit tuto gubernationem & curam doctrin● commendare . nec obstat , quod huiusmodi promotiones longo tempore in abusu fuerint , mod● sordibus abstersis res ecclesiae ●tiles retineamus . but they obiect : there should be no pompe in the church of christ , but faith and holines , prayer and imposition of hands . i answere , that it is not vnseemely for christians to giue vnto godly and learned men publike testimonies of doctrine and honesty , that the church may know to whom the care of doctrine and gouernement of the church may safely be committed . neyther should it be any impediment that these degrees of promotion haue of a long time beene abused , prouiding the abuse be remoued , and that which is good and profitable for the church be retained . rursus dicunt dominum prohibuisse appellari rabbi & magistros super terram . respondeo , idem dominus dicit non appellandum esse patrem super terram , &c. quare , non de appellatione , sed de alia re interdictum est intelligendum ; dei●de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo●i satis conumcit , quis sit huius loci sensus ; addit enim , qui maximus est vestrum , erit minister : non vult sua interdictione sublatam appellationem patris , magis●●i , aut doctoris , sed arrogantem fiduciam . hemming ▪ in epist. ad ephes. cap. 4. againe , it is obiected that christ hath forbidden that any should be called lords or masters vpon earth . i answere that the same lord hath also forbidden that any should be called father vpon earth : wherefore the interdiction is not to be vnderstood of the appellation of any by such names , but of some other thing . againe , the circumstance of the place proues plainely what is the meaning thereof : for , hee addes ; he that is greatest among you , let him be the seruant of the rest : he will not therefore take away the stile of master , father , or doctor , but onely the arrogant conceit of any greatnesse in themselues for it . and in another place to this same purpose saith zanchius : cum prius omnes verbi ministri , tum pastores tum episcopi , tum presbyteri , ex aequo app●llarentur , equalis etiam essent authoritatis , quod postea vnus caperit , alijs omnibus praefici collegis , quanquam non vt dominus , sed tanquam rector in academia , reliquis collegis , & huic imprimis , cura totius ecclesiae commissa fuerit , eoque & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quandam is solus episcopi , & pastoris nomine appellari consueuerit , reliquis symmistis nomine presbyterorum contentis , it a vt in vnaquaque , ciuit ate vnus tantum caeperit esse episcopus & multi presbyteri , hoc minime improbari posse iudicamus . whereas before all preachers of the word were called equally , pastors , bishops , presbyters , and were also of equall authoritie , that thereafter one was set ouer the rest , albeit not as a lord , but as a gouernour of an academie , and that to him was committed the charge of the whole church , who for that , in a more excellent and singular manner was called bishop , the rest of the preachers contenting themselues with the name of presbyters ; so that in euery citie , there vvas but one bishop and many presbyters or ministers . this is a policie which in my iudgement cannot be disallowed . hac saue ratione quae etiam de archiepiscopis , imo & de quatuor patriarchis ante concilium nic●num creatis , constituta fuerunt , excusari , defendique posse sentimus . zanch. de ecclesiae militantis gubernatione , cap. 11. and by this same reason also , that which is said of archbishops ; yea , and of the foure patriarkes created before the counsell of nice , wee thinke may be not onely excused , but easily defended . and least ( as commonly is obiected ) men should thinke that this distinction of degrees tends to establish also the superioritie of one aboue the whole church : marke what this same father hath in the chapter following . ceterum quod vnus tantum caput omnibus per vniuersum terrarum orbem , ecclesijs praefeci , iusque & plenitudinem vt vocant potestatis in omnes habere debeat , illud non solum non possumus probare , sed contra non possumus non execrari . but that one as head should be set ouer all the churches in the world , hauing right and plenitude of power ouer all others , that is an iniquitie : which not onely we cannot approue , but also cannot but curse . whereof it is euident , that if the iudgement of zanchius be any thing worth , it must be eyther a grosse ignorance , or great malice , that stirreth vp many to cry out against episcopall gouernment , as if it were antichristian . it is to be wished that wee had many such wise , humble , learned , and sober minded men among vs : for the cause of our trouble is the ignorance of some , the pride of others , ( a very few excepted , ) and these are the parents of needlesse contention . and yet more cleare is that other part of zanchius his testimonie cited by vs before , which now followes , quis autem ego sum , qui quod tota ecclesia approbauit , improbem ? sed neque omnes nostri temporis viri docti improbare ausi sunt , quippe qui norunt , & licuisse haec ecclesiae , & ex pietate , atque ad optimos fines pro electorum aedificatione ea omnia fuisse perfecta & ordinata fuit praeterea mihi habenda ratio earum etiam ecclesiarum , quae licet euangelium complexae sunt , suos tamen & re , & nomine habent episcopos . quid quod in ecclesijs quoque protestantium non desunt reipsa episcopi , & archiepiscopi quos ( mutatis bonis graecis nominibus in male latina ) vocant superintendentes , & generales superintendentes ? sed vbi neque vetera illa bona graeca neque haec noua male latina , verba obtinent , ibi tamen solent esse aliquot primarij penes quos fere tota est authoritas . de nominibus ergo fuerint controuersie , verum de rebus conuenit , quid de nominibus altercamur ? who am i that i should disallow that which the whole church hath allowed ; yea , neyther dare all the doctors of this time disallow it , knowing that this policie is lawfull in the church , and that for good ends ; namely , the edification of the elect , it was receiued and ordained . it behoued mee also to haue respect vnto those churches which haue imbraced the gospell with bishops both in name and office . yea , also in the churches of protestants , there wants not in effect bishops and archbishops , whom ( by changing good greeke names into euill latine names ) they call superintendents , and generall superintendents . and euen there where neyther the good auncient greeke names ( of bishop and archbishop ) nor the euill latine names ( of superintendents ) haue place , yet is there some principall men who haue the authoritie and chiefe credit of church-gouernment . so that the controuersie is onely about names , but where men agree in the matter , why should there be an vnnecessarie strife about words ? and vnto this same purpose saith beza : neque tamen huius tyrannidis omnes archiepiscopos seu episcopos ●odie vocatos accusamus : quae enim fuerit h●●c arrogantia ? imo cunctos sic hodie appellatos modo sanctorum illorum episcorum exemplum imitentur , & tam misere deformatam domum dei ad amissim ex verbi diuini regula pro viribus instaurent , vt ecclesiae christian● fidos pastores cur non agnoscamus ? obseruemus ? & omni reuerentia prosequamur ? nedum vt quod falsissime & impudentissime nobis obijciunt , ●uiquam vspiam ecclesiae sequendum nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus , imperiti ssimorum illorum similes , qui nihil nisi quod ipsiagunt rectum putant , ber. de grad . minist . cap. 21. sect. 2. wee accuse not all archbishops and bishops , so called this day , of this tyrannie : for what arrogancie were this ? yea , those who are so called , prouiding they follow the example of former holy bishops , to reforme the deformed house of god , according to the rule of gods word , why shall wee not acknowledge and reuerence them as faithfull pastors of the christian church : so farre are wee from that which most falsly , and without shame , is obiected against vs , to make our particular example a rule which other churches are bound to follow , which is the fashion of wilfull ignorant men , who thinke nothing well done , but that which they doe themselues . and againe , albeit ( saith hee ) of old the gouernement of presbyters was by course , attamen prostasias hic modus paulatim postea visus est ita mutandus , vt vnus presbyterio pr●estos esset & permaneret , cap. 23. sect . 25. yet this forme of presidence was in such sort changed , that one was set ouer the rest , as constant and perpetuall gouernour . ita factum est , vt episcopi nomen ad hunc prestota proprie significandum , & quidem suorum compresbyterorum respectu sit translat●m , cap. 23. sect. 9. and so it came to passe that the name of a bishop was translated properly to signifie this president of the presbyterie , not onely in respect of superioritie ouer the people , but ouer his compresbyters also . postremum hunc ordinem , vel modum ordinis humanum , non simpliciter tamen , sed comparate nulla cum patrum & tot ecclesiarum iniuria appellauero , sect. 10. and this last order , or manner of order without any offence of the fathers , or of so many churches , i call humane , yet not simply , but in comparison . absit autem , vt hunc ordinem etsi apostolica & mere diuina dispositione non constitutum , tamen vt temere aut superbe in●ectum reprehendam . sect. 13. farre be it from mee rashly or proudly to reproue this order , albeit it be not established by apostolicke , or meerely diuine disposition . cuius etiam magnum fuisse vsum , quandiu boni & sancti episcopi ecclesijs praefuerunt quis inficiari possit ? fruantur igitur illo qui volunt & poterunt , sect. 13. and it cannot be denyed that this policie was very profitable vnto the church , so long as good and holy bishops were presidents ouer it . let them therefore enioy it who so will , and may haue it . this is the iudgement of these modest and reuerent doctors of thereformed churches , who albeit they see not clearely that the episcopall function is diuine , yet they reuerence it as a necessarie and lawfull policie , which may make most iustly the malecontents of our time ashamed , who haue nothing in their mouthes but that the office of a bishop is antichristian , that the name is abused when it is giuen to one pastor and not to all the rest ; wherein if they will not be reformed by vs , i wish at least , that laying all preiudice aside , they may follow in their iudging and speaking , this moderation of these learned and godly fathers of our church . a short answere , to the tripartite antipologie of some namelesse authors . as a little sparkle of fire kindleth a great flame , and one waue in the waters causeth many ; or as the barking of one dogge in a village wakeneth the rest to barke also ( excuse mee to vse this comparison , for in this , as mr. dauid his word is , the case is alike ) so mr. dauid by his example hath prouoked others , his complices , to imitate him in his manner of doing . for since my comming to edenbrough , for directing ▪ away my dikaiologie to the presse , there was deliuered to mee three sundry treatises inuectiue , coincident for the most part , with mr. dauid his parologie ; and where they differ from him , a particular answere is here returned vnto them . the authors of them i know not , their names are suppressed : the first and the third goe together , and seemes to be some preachers of fyffe ; they reckon out some sundry indwellers of fyffe , to proue a certain alleagance concerning the late bishop of s. andrewes . their intelligence also with perth , bordering with that prouince , from which reports of my sermons are so easily carried vnto them , insinuates also the same ; but for their persons , be what they will , the matter is all one . great brags were made be mr. dauid , of many answeres , and many inquisitors that were to search mine apologie : before they came , some great thing was expected , but no such thing is found : doubtlesse they haue manifested the weakenesse of their cause , that so many labouring about one thing haue not brought among them all , so much as one argument to defend it . an answere to the first . the first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , is vnacquainted with mee , onely hath heard mee teach oftentimes , and beene as sundry others were , comforted thereby , for which hee thankes god : for , truely the glorie of that good which god worketh by the ministrie of his weak seruants belongs vnto himselfe ; for , wee are not able of our selues so much as to thinke a good thought . and to the end that such as haue gotten good by my ministrie , may be further confirmed , i thought it my dutie , after i had considered the matter of church-gouernement , rightly to informe them , that there is no cause why our church should thus be diuided for it : and i may , and now doe with a good warrant of the word and mine owne conscience say to it , i should not , i will not , i dare not , be an author nor maintainer of diuision in our church for it . if any will , let them doe it vpon their owne perill , wherein i will be loath to communicate with them . in your third sect. you mislike the boldnes of others that vsurpe the iudicatorie of other mens consciences , i wish the like moderation had beene vsed of the rest of your complices . this onely you say , that albeit god be onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the searcher of the heart , yet men may iudge of other men by their fruits : whereunto i willingly agree ; for , it is the rule of our sauiour , by their fruits you shall know them . if a man condemne the life of another , let him disproue it by his euill deedes ; or if hee will impugne the opinion , let him doe it by strength of reason : but to vsurpe the iudicatorie of an other mans conscience , is it not intollerable presumption ? yet commonly practised by your complices ? for whom it were good they remembred nazianzen his warning , multa versanda sunt animo priusquam ali●m iraepiet atis condemnes . sect. 8. you graunt that from the beginning of reformation till the yeere 1575. our church contented themselues with bishops and superintendents , why then is it counted so odious a thing that bishops should be in it now ? you affirme also that i can bring no warrant for episcopall gouernment , neyther from gods word , nor practise of the primitiue church for the first three hundred yeeres . the answere you will finde in my reply to the last opponent . sect. 11. you alledge , that they who assembled at glasgow , came vpon priuate missiues from his maiestie , and vpon promises of gaine . mr. dauid obiected that before , and i answered it in my dikaiologie ; onely you adde , that i know it to be so : but if you hope to make your assertion good , you shall doe well to vse some other probations , for in truth i know not any such thing . sect. 16. the argument i vsed , mistaken by you , concerning the apostles dispensation of circumcision , shall be cleared in mine answere to the last opponent , who also impugnes it . sect. 17. 18. you would proue that you are not the authors of schisme , but bishops : why ? because they haue departed from the gouernment , whereunto you stand ( say you ) but this middes will not draw on that conclusion . for wee stand to the gouernment of our first fathers , ( confessed by your selfe ) from the which who so shall be found to haue departed , let the blame be theirs . sect. 19. your alledging of the growth of papistrie now , that was not before , is as i told you a sophisme , a non causa pro causa , kingdomes and churches haue their owne periods of times , whereinto sinnes long contracted before , doe bring iudgement vpon them , which honest and godly men cannot hold off . by this same reason daniell and ezekiell might be blamed for babels captiuitie , which the sinnes of former ages had procured . it were but folly for you or vs eyther to charge one another with the causes of this wrath . there are none of vs free , by our sinnes wee haue deserued iudgement ; god giue vs grace ioyntly to preuent it by vnfained repentance in all holines and loue . sect. 28. you charge mee for comparing my brethren of the ministrie to shimeies , if i had so done , i were worthie to be blamed , but in truth you haue mistaken mee , god forbid . my words are plaine against the libeller , and such as hee , who if in their calling they were laborious , as i did hope to giue them example if they were acquainted with mee , they should finde no time for such idle toyes , and i maruell how men can so farre misconstrue my words ; for i affirmed plainely that i was perswaded no well aduised christian would fight with such armour as lying libels , and if no common christian will doe it , farre lesse euer thought i that a christian preacher would doe it . and where you say they are very idle if they be not more laborious then i , my answere is , let the worke beare witnesse . and so fare you well in the lord. edenburgh . nouemb. 24. 1613. an answere to the second . the second ( to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) commeth in like a swaggerer , breathing out many brawling speeches without either truth or modestie , ●he shoots his fectlesse bolt , and hideth himselfe , which is the fashion of a feeble coward : hee conceales his name , but by his speech may be discerned to be some lucius blastus , a furibund , but a figuline fellow , loadned with railings , lyings , fabulous fictions , wherewith he ouer-burdens himselfe . i leaue him where i found him , vexing himselfe with his owne anger , tumbling , and weltring in the puddle of his tumultua● thoughts , whereof hee cannot rid himselfe , bragging most vainely , but bringing nothing that may be counted worthie of an answere , saue onely that for lacke of any other thing , wherewith to charge me . hee carps at my commentarie vpon the eight to the romanes , and passing by ( as the manner of enuious men is ) all the good that is in it , hee findes fault with the grammaticall construction of the seauenth verse . a great matter , indeede i thanke the lord ; these labours of mine published in twelue or thirteene seuerall treatises , hath done good to the church : and howsoeuer they be disesteemed by you and some of your humour , yet that they are in account with men of greater pietie and learning then you is euident , in that now the third time that commentarie vpon the eight to the romanes , hath beene imprinted ; others of them fiue times imprinted . you come short of this honour your selfe , and grieues at it , you cannot walke with mee in the same way , to put your talent vnto profit , neither yet can suffer another to doe it beside you , vnlesse you lye snarling , and barking at his heeles , and thereby declare your selfe to be but a base bodie . i must tell you , as the truth is , for many of you blinded , with a vaine conceit of your selues , spils vnspoken to , whose manner is , that either they vvould doe , but cannot ; or else can doe , but for idlenesse will not , or may not : yet doing no good themselues , they will censure the doings of all others , neither can any thing be done , were it neuer so good , that shall escape the stroke of their tongue . but now to the word you quarrell , i know very well that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is sometime a substantiue , and you cannot denie it is also an adiectiue ▪ beza in his notes , findes fault most iustly with the latine translation , rendring the words in this manner , carnem inimicam esse deo. first , because if the word had beene vsed heere as an adiectiue , the apostle would haue said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to make it agree with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . secondly , because it doth not so significantly expresse the apostles meaning : it being more to say the sense of the flesh is inimitie with god , then to say , it is an enemie to god. now if i looking especially to the best sense , haue vsed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as an adiectiue substantiuated in the plurall , the more effectually to expresse the corruption of our nature , according to that of moses , all the i●aginations of the thoughts of mans heart , are onely euill continually . and so hath rendered the words , sensus carnis inimicitiae aduersus deum . and out of it , haue drawne a true and profitable obseruation , what haue you heere to carpe it ? as to these words subioyned ( otherwise it could not agree with the substantiue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : it is of truth , it is drawne out of the first vncorrected copie , and continues in the second edition expresly against my direction . but when you shall haue taken as great paines to encrease your talent for edification of the church , and shall offer your labours to the publicke censure of others . i can assure you , modest and reasonable men will excuse you for the like construction , prouided they finde good in the remanent of your labours . and truly i haue great cause to thanke the lord my god , that so many eyes and tongues , and pennes being stretched out to marke my wayes : my words , my secret writings ; my publicke writings yet among them all they can finde nothing either in my life , or in my labours wherewith to charge me : if they could , the world should haue heard it ere now : yea , since some of them haue beene so impious , as to iudge of gods affection toward me by the death of some of my children , which i know hath beene tratled into the eares of some within edenburgh . what would these who so narrowly seekes a blame against mee , haue done if they could haue found it ? againe , i thanke the lord who hath so watched ouer me , as not to suffer mee to fall vnder the rebuke of man. i feare not , i care not the censure of flesh , and i trust in his grace , that still hee will preserue me pure and blamelesse to his heauenly kingdome for his names sake . but to returne vnto you , you haue here no other thing worthie of an answere : not answered alreadie ; it is scarse a sheete of paper you haue sent me , and you post through it with such speede , that any man may perceiue the heat of your humour hath spurred you to clatter out of the cabinet of your cheeke any thing came readiest into it : neuer going in into your selfe , as becomes a modest man to aduise with your minde . my counsell to you , is , that when such a fitte of furie takes you againe , you giue commaund before to your seruants to holde paper , penne , and inke out of your vvay , least you shame your selfe yet more , and so good master 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vvishing to you greater modestie of minde and speech , i bid you farewell . edenburgh nouemb , 25. 1613. an answere to the third . the third begins his logomachick declamation , with a great exclamation : o tempora ! o mores ! wherein is more noise of words , then dint of reasons : who ( saith hee ) would haue said within these twelue yeeres , that i would haue beene of this minde ? but indeede it is no strange thing to see any christian , farre lesse a christian preacher , in twelue yeeres ; yea in one yeere , attaine to knowledge which he had not before : what else is our life heere , but a daily changing from darknesse to light , from sinne to sanctification , from satan to the liuing god , from euill to good , from good to better ? wee behold as in a mirrour the glorie of god with open face , and are changed from glorie to glorie , into the same image by the spirit of the lord ; what change i haue made , is neither so so dainly , nor so lightly done , as you suppose . i haue considered the matter at length , and findes for the one part arguments from the authoritie of persons , which did long restraine mee , as also from a late custome of our church , which when i searched the register of our generall assemblies , i found easily taken away by a more auncient custome of our church : on the other part , arguments from the truth it selfe , which i dare not conceale for respect of persons ; neither is it any reason that i should be bound with the cordes of former ignorance , and holden backe from giuing place to a better light , when god reueales it ; yet this is the maine argument you bring against me , which i thinke you would not repeat so often , if you had any stronger to bring for you . in this same page , you charge mee with two speeches , which are vntruths , they are not mine , i neuer had any such words , and it is a shame for you , who in the end of your treatise subscribes your selfe philalethe● , that you should proue pseustes in the very beginning . but if these vaine reports , wherewith you fill the hearts of such as leane their eares vnto you , were taken from you , you would be found bare and barren of matter , whereby you might maintaine them in a liking of your opinion . your calumnies , fol. 2. that episcopall dignitie drawes neere to babel , and egypt ; that the calling is euill in it selfe , and corrupts the cariers thereof : that the shew of worldly glorie hath turned me out of the path●way of christ , that a man nose-wise ( like you ) might smell in my speeches the sauour of a vaine-glorious , and selfe-pleasing humour , that mine heart cleaueth to the world , that it appeares to be auaritious and ambitious , are but words of winde , neither able to moue the mountaine of episcopall dignitie ( as you call it ) nor yet one whit to commoue me at all : but so much the more confirmes me , that i see you fight with lies and vntruths . you denie that superintendents and bishops are one , fol. 6. and why ? because superintendents rode not at parliament . a strong argument ( forsooth ) as if this pertained to the substance of their office : but it is good enough , you wot where . your ▪ anger at episcopall garments , and their riding at parliament with foot-cloathes , would be the lesse , if your care to redresse vanitie of apparrell in your selfe , and your complices were greater . as for bishops their apparrell and riding , where-vpon you gnaw so much , if the honour of their place in that supreame court of this kingdome , wherein now they haue by his highnesse fauour that benefit to sit , craued so long by our fathers , and not obtained till now , if this i say moued them no more , then any respect of honour to themselues , i doubt not they could willingly content , to be without it . and if i should answere you in this as i could , well i know i might iustly make you asharned . bishops you graunt , fol. 6. were once set vp in our church , with consent of our church : so your first brother confessed before you ; what aileth you then at a bishop now ? why make you such a stirre for receiuing that , which our best and oldest fathers embraced before vs. why call you hereafter episcopall gouernment , the romish hierarchie ? fol. 10. did mr. kn●x and our fathers set vp romish hierarchie ? this must follow , if you be a true man. god forgiue you , and lay it not to your charge , that rends the vnitie of our church for that which you are forced to graunt our fathers had before vs : you blame them who haue departed from you : but considers not they haue ioyned themselues to the fathers of our church older then you , the blame is not theirs , but shall be yours , if you also follow them not : for my owne part it repents me , i knew not the truth of this matter sooner , but as now by searching the monuments of our church and former churches i know it . if i had knowne it , no man should haue beene confirmed by my example in the contrarie . there may be personall faults in bishops present , they are but men : but i am sure the insolent pride euident in many of you , that will follow none , but be followed of others ; together with your hote contentions and needlesse strife , whereby you rend the bowels of this church without compassion , bending your tongues in publicke and priuate against your brethren : is a sinne more abhominable in gods sight , then any wherewith you are able to charge them ? let alone therefore this conceit , and standing vpon your reputation . thinke it no shame to submit your selfe to episcopall gouernement ; to receiue it in the church , which the plaine euidence of truth forces your selfe to confesse , that it was set vp in our church by the oldest and best fathers that euer our church had . but if still you will be contentious , and foster a diuision , if you will depriue this poore church of the good wee might haue vnder so christian a king , so long as wee haue his highnesse for the establishing of the gospell : if you haue no respect to encrease his highnesse ioy be our vnion , nor to vnite the present estate of our church with her first estate for the honour thereof ? if you haue no care to stoppe the mouth of the common aduersarie , and will diuide ierusalem within , when it is besieged without , stand in feare , least god require this at your hands . you denie that the episcopall and presbyteriall gouernement were euer vnited . you may as well denie , that the sunne shined in the primitiue church . your fellow writer wishes he had the benefit of printing , i wish the same ; you care not what you write in priuate , but if you were to publish them by print , i hope it should be some awband to you , to restraine you from your accustomed rash affirmations of such paradoxes , vntruthes , fables : or otherwise it would turne to your greater shame . but now if you will credit ignatius , from peter the third bishop of antiochia : through all his epistles , hee euer distinguishes a bishop and a presbyterie , and yet makes them sweetly concurre to doe the worke of god : let it be , you doubt of some of his epistles , but i hope you will not reiect them all : hauing exhorted the traellians to obey their bishop and presbyters , he defines them both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what is a bishop , but hee that hath power and rule in the church , so farre as a man can haue it , and is according to his power a follower of christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . what is a presbyterie ? but a sacred consistorie of counsellours and assessors to the bishop . see you not heere a bishop and presbyters distinguished : see you them not vnited , the one hauing power to rule , the others dutie being to counsell and assist . and this testimonie of their vnion fifteene hundreth yeeres old . many other cleare testimonies out of all the epistles of ignatius bishop of antiochia , martyr at rome , might be gathered to this same purpose , but that it were too long to rehearse them . take with this another of nazianzen . nos omnes vinum corpus in christ● 〈◊〉 , ac singuli tam christs s●mu● membra , quam alter alterius , nimirum imperat & praesidet hoc , illud du●●tur , necidem efficunt vtraque , siquidem imperare , ac subie●tum esse imper●● non sunt idem , & fiunt tamen vtraque , vnum per vnum spiritum conglutinata in vnum christum . wee are all one bodie in christ , and euerie one of vs the members of another , as also the members of christ : one is president and commaunds ; another is gouerned : both these effectuates not one thing , for to commaund , and to be subiect to commaundement , are not one , and yet these two becomes one being conglutinate and conioyned by one spirit into one christ : that nazianzen meanes here of the distinction of ministers , whereof the superiour hath power , to rule ; the inferiour his place to obay , yet both happily vnited in christ , to doe the worke of god : see elias commentarie vpon this place . looke againe the fourth councell of carthage , holden about twelue hundred yeere since . presbyter ordinatur episcopo ●um benedicente & manum imponente capiti eius , & qui adsunt presbyters manus suas iuxta manus episcopi teneant : a presbyter is ordained , the bishop laying hands vpon him , and blessing him , and let the presbyters which are present , haue their hands beside the hands of the bishop . there they are distinguished yet vnited . omnes episcopus presbyter est , sed non omnis presbyter episcopus , hic enim episcopus est , qui inter presbyteros primus est . euery bishop is a presbyter said ambrose , but euery presbyter is not a bishop : for hee is a bishop , who is first among the presbyters : there they are distinguished and vnited . ioyne to these cyprians complaint ; aliqui de presbyteris nec euangely , nec loci sui memores nec futurum domini iudicium , nec sibi praepositum episcopum cogitantes , quod 〈◊〉 sub antecessoribus nostris factum est , cum contumelia & contemptu praepositi totum sibi vendicant , &c. si vltri in s●●dem perseuerauerint vtar ea admonitione , qua me dominus vti iubet vt interim prohibeantur offerre . in his sixt epistle hee professeth he was determined to doe nothing without counsell of his compresbyters ; but because some presbyters had receiued some that had fallen , to the peace of the church , inconsulto episcopo , without knowledge of the bishop ; neyther fearing the future iudgement of god , nor the present bishop set ouer them , which hee saith was neuer done by any presbyter vnder any of his ancestors , not without contumelie and contempt of their bishop , he warneth them if they continue in it , hee will vse that censure against them which the lord commaunded him , and suspend them from their ministrie . how vnwise you were to alledge the authoritie of cyprian for you , this one place , among many , may witnesse : for he not onely affirmes that the power of a bishop ouer presbyters is more auncient then his time , but that it is warranted also by diuine authoritie . i could to this same purpose bring many others , if at this time i might attaine to my owne minutes , collected for helpe of my memorie . but let these suffice for the present . if they content you not , then i send you to the fourth booke of douname , wherein hee proueth episcopall function to be of apostolicall institution , because it was generally receiued in the first three hundred yeeres after the apostles . if you be purposed to dispute this question , you will finde him there with very formall and forcible reasonings defending episcopall gouernement : if you will not , as i thinke you will not meddle with him , because hee is too strong for you , then you shall doe best to let alone your whisperings in the eares of simple people , and your triuiall arguments which seeme good enough to them that know no better , but in very deede are like the cuties of bone wherewith children shoote in the streetes , that may well make a little fize with powder , but are not able to carrie any bullet , and it will be long before you hurt a bishop with such . you carp at my argument fol. 9. that i bring to proue the externall d●scipline to be arbitarie and changeable , as may best serue for edification , because the apostles , in a greater matter , dispensed with circumcision for edification , some of them retayning it , some not admitting it , as they saw best for the state of their people . you neede not tell mee that circumcision was a sacrament , and no point of church-gouernment , i know that very vvell : but must tell you againe , that as quicke as you thinke your selfe , you mistake the argument ; for , it is from the more to the lesse : if the apostles vsed a diuersitie in a greater thing , for the good of the church , and did not all keepe one rule concerning the sacrament of circumcision ; why shall it be thought euill now to see diuersitie in the church about a lesse thing ? some churches vsing externall gouernment one way , others another way , as the state of the time and people requires . besides that , i beleeued your doctorship had beene so acquainted , at least with the recent writers of this age , that you would haue soone perceiued the author of the words alledged by mee to be musculus on 1 tim. 1. and his probation of it , is not from auncient augustine , as you take it , but from the latter augustana confessio ; put on your spectacles and reade it againe . thus while as like a blinde man you would strike at mee , you strike a more worthy man then euer you were , and a vvhole reformed church also . yet for all this , your vvords are oracles good enough ( i warrant you ) in your owne conuenticles , and with them the simplicitie of many christians is abused , whose eyes i pray the lord open , that as they know the truth of the gospell , so they may know the truth of this question also , and leaue off to rend this church by so vnlawfull a diuision . that you affirme no schisme was in our church till bishops came . i must tell you this is but your calumnie , and the contrarie is notoriously knowne : to mee it is cleare as the light ; with a mourning heart many a time haue i looked vnto one , i could make it cleare to the world , but i will not for all your prouocation . i say no more , but if you be ignorant of this , you are a great stranger in s. andrewes . your discourses fol. 10. 11. 12. 13. are answered alreadie . in the 14 you condemne the calling of the bishops of this church , they neyther haue it from the people , nor the church , nor the generall assemblie . surely , you are a pert affirmer of any thing you please , for you will not finde any bishop of scotland , whom the generall assemblie hath not first nominated and giuen vp in lytes to that effect , or else by such as haue authoritie in the church to doe it . in your fol. 15. you vsurpe the iudgement of my conscience , and therein vtters the pride of your spirit , but impaires not mine honest inward testimonie in the contrarie . i affected no bishoprie , no creature can conuince me of ambitus , directly nor indirectly : but you must be like your selfe , affirme falshoods confidently , that your simple ones may beleeue you : neuerthelesse know that god will bring you to iudgement , and you shall be countable , if for your idle words , much more for your false lying words , spoken and published for the corrupting of others . my words against the lying libeller you wickedly and most wrongfully wrest against my brethren , god forgiue you ; i haue answered it alreadie . and where in your last leafe you runne out vpon your comparisons , that those who haue laboured more faithfully and fruitfully in the worke of god then i haue done , could teach mee how to behaue my selfe in the house of god , though now ( say you ) i seeme to my selfe a great doctor in israell . all this is but needlesse talke : i refuse not to be taught of any in the church , i haue learned some good from any that euer i heard , and haue taken paines to keepe it : but what i seeme to be in mine owne eies is hard for you to know . when in the secret of my heart i deale vvith my god , i know my roome , that i am the chiefe of sinners , and least of saints ; and in truth i so esteeme my selfe : but where you will come in , and out of your pride , runne ouer mee , and treade my gift vnder your feete , i will not suffer you . it is not mine owne , and i got it not from you i will speake in defence of it , and not let you disgrace it . i haue by the grace of god , laboured as faithfully , diligently , and i trust also fruitfully , as you , or any with you that haue stretched the penne against mee . hee that made mee a doctor in israell , hath taught mee that which i neuer learned from man , and wherewith you , if you were well tryed would be found vnacquainted . some of your sort , i wot not if it be your selfe , haue beene carping at my works in a publicke sermon to the people . s. luke ( saith hee ) when hee wrote the historie of the acts , dedicates it simplie to theophilus , but some writers of our time must in their dedicatorie epistles premit honourable stiles : is not this thinke you , good diuinitie ? but the reputation of this doctor maketh any thing good enough that hee liketh to speake . but if hee read the booke through , before hee beganne to expound it , hee might haue marked that s. paul speaking to festus , giues him an honourable stile , o noble festus ! what will hee say vvhen hee comes to that place ? if it had beene eyther heresie , or flatterie , or vnlawfull , in it selfe , to giue stiles of honour to honourable men , s. paul would not haue vsed it . and hee who did obserue this lesson on saint lukes speech to theophilus , did but abuse his hearers , and wrong the absent whose workes hee would faine disgrace , for a misliking of himselfe . as for fideli●●e in the ministerie , the onely iudge thereof is the lord : and who hath laboured more or lesse fruitfully in his worke , will be knowne in that day wherein euery mans fruit shall be manifested : your presumpeuous preuenting of it will make no man vp nor downe : hee is not higher , because you doe commend him , nor the lower , because you disesteeme of him . my labours published for edification of others , are not the lesse regarded , that they want some fifaean sonnets prefixed to them , meeter for actors of comedies then doctors of diuinitie . in your conclusion , seeing you will haue no peace except it agree with your humour , which i am not able to giue , and is as little reason you should receiue , i leaue you till god mend you , and worke a more sober and peaceable minde in you : and so farewell . edenburgh , nouemb. 28. 1613. the conclvsion . and now to conclude all ; if mr. dauid , or any of his complices will still be contentious , let them know i will no more interrupt the course of my studie and better exercises for such matters , except it be by commaundement of my superiours : if any moe had come so long as my penne was about this purpose , they should not haue wanted an answere , but now seeing i know none others , i close vp this combat , non licet ad huiusmodi ineptias vacare : surmise , say , report , backbite , lybell as you will ; bu● seeke some other partie . i haue bent the course of my studie to more profitable labours . i wish my paines may worke in you what i would , but because wee finde by daily experience the truth of that once spoken by macarius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : i turne mee with nazianzen , to the lord , who is onely able to tame the nature of man : beatissime christe mortalium lumen , velim super mare nostrum ambules , & i●ctari desinet ; sweet iesus , the light of mankinde , let it please thee to come and walke vpon the sea of our perturbed affections and it shall become calme . veni domine iesu & aufer scandala de regno tuo : come lord iesus take offences out of thy kingdome , out of our hearts . who but thou should raigne in them ? let not pride possesse vs , let not arrogancie rule ouer vs , let not filthie couetousnesse command vs : put these to the doore o lord ; come thou and possesse thine owne ; none but thou o lord , can claime a title to vs : vtinam praeter christum nihil in nobis viueret ! oh that nothing beside christ iesus were liuing in vs ! lord iesus who left thy peace to thy church , keepe it among vs , that wee may be one in thee , with all holinesse , truth , and loue , amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a19489-e430 philo de migratione abraham● . zach. 3. cyprian ad anton. h●●●●n prolog . 2. 〈◊〉 iob. nazian . ambros. tertul. amb. off. lib. 1. to . 5. august . ad frat. in erem . ambros in psal. 119. aug. confess . art. 7. nazian . beza . hosea , 2. 8. august . amb. off. aug. cont . liter . petil. lib. 3. c. 7. 1 cor. 1. iam. 1. notes for div a19489-e1520 aug de . verb. dom ber. epist. 78. nazian . lib. cyg . carm. chrysoft in ioan. cap. 7. cler. rom. cyp. epist. 31. pro. 26. 5. 1 cor. 4. ber. psal. 37. 14. rom. 12. 17. turtul . nazian . eustochio . epist. 55. basil. ser. de ira . 2 sam 2● . aug. marcel . epist. 5. psal. 55. 12. psal. 35. 12. reuel . 9. pro. 26. 23. 1 sam. 12. 3. ☞ pro. 18. 17. basil. ser. in 4. mar. 1. ☞ psal. 57. psal. 58. psal. 91. 6. nazian ▪ de laude athan. pro. 26. 28. sect. 2. sect. 4. iudg. 21. 6. 1 sam. 30. 16. phil. athan. cont . gent. 2 sam. 6. 22. mich. 7. 9. sect. 3. pro. 26. 9. iob. 28. 15. 3. ambros. aug. de ciuit. dei. lib. 10. ca. 4. psal. 37. nazian . psal. 119. rom 9. 1. ber. ad og●r . epist. 87. iob. 19. 2. psal. 35. 11. psal. 7. 9. psal. 17. 3. iames 3. 17. psal. 19. 12 aug. n●z . orat . 39. in sancta luminaria ▪ ambros. aug. ephes. 6. rom. 16. aug. confess . art. 7. beza do presb . & ex●om . beza de gradibus ministrorum . amb offi ▪ lib. 1. ca. 2. amb. basil. asc●● . philo. lib. de ioseph . nazian●rat ●rat . 2. de th●olog . gregor . moral . philo de temulentia . seneca . pro. 27. 4. aug 〈◊〉 . epist. parm. ●ib . 1. ca. 4 pisid. sect. 4. nazian . cyg . carm. histor. tripart . lib. 8. prou 25. 11. iob. 9. 20. iob. 27. 4. 1 kings 19. 9 chris. 〈◊〉 mat. hom ▪ 22. pisid. iob 15. 1. prou. 25. 14. 2 sam. 19. prou. 21 ▪ 24. prou ▪ 26. 21. prou. 6 , 19. ☞ elias in naz. de compositu d●ffer ▪ ration● . iob. 11. 3. iob 12. 2. pro. 11. 1. pro. 23. 3. cyp. epist. 26. sect. 18. prou. 26. 20. acts 23. 3. cent. 7. lib. 2. ●ea . 20. psal. 52. 4. psal. 26. 9. sect. 22. nazianz. orat . ad eu●om . iob 6. 25. 1 tim. 17. psal. 7. 14. an. 1561. an. 1561. an. 1562. an. 1562. an. 1573. an. 1563. ☜ notes for div a19489-e18990 amb. in 1. epist. ad tim. cap. 3. beza de grad . minist . cap. 23. sect . 29. & sect . 11. beza ibid. cap. 23. sect . 11. notes for div a19489-e21190 naz ●rat . 7. 2 cor. 3. 1● . ignat. ad tra●llia●● . epist. 2. nazian . ●rat . 7. de composita disser●●●● rati●ne . concil . carth. 4. cap. 3. ambr. in 1. tim. 3. cypr. epist. 10. fol. 13. & 15. acts 26. 25. notes for div a19489-e22790 cypr. epis● . 6. master geree's case of conscience sifted wherein is enquired, vvhether the king (considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy. by edward boughen. d.d. mr. gerees case of conscience sifted. boughen, edward, 1587?-1660? 1650 approx. 459 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28864 wing b3814 estc r216288 99828026 99828026 32453 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28864) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32453) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1944:2) master geree's case of conscience sifted wherein is enquired, vvhether the king (considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy. by edward boughen. d.d. mr. gerees case of conscience sifted. boughen, edward, 1587?-1660? [8], 71, 70-141, [1] p. [s.n.], london : printed in the yeare, 1650. an edition of: boughen, edward. mr. gerees case of conscience sifted. a reply to: geree, john. a case of conscience resolved. text is continuous despite pagination. reproduction of the original in the congretional library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng geree, john, 1601?-1649. -case of conscience resolved -controversial literature -early works to 1800. church of england -government -early works to 1800. solemn league and covenant (1643). -early works to 1800. episcopacy -early works to 1800. divine right of kings -early works to 1800. church polity -early works to 1800. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion master geree's case of conscience sifted . wherein is enquired , vvhether the king ( considering his oath at coronation to protect the clergy and their priviledges ) can with a safe conscience consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . aug . de trin. l. 4. c. 6. contra rationem nemo sobrius , contra scripturas nemo christianus , contra ecclesiam nemo pacificus senserit . cypr. ep. 27 dominus noster , cujus praecepta metuere , & observare debemus , episcopi honorem , & ecclesiae suae rationem disposuit . dr. corn . burges . fire of the sanctuary . p. 68. men now count it an high piece of zeal to direct their directors ; and like clock-makers to take the church all in pieces at their pleasure . by edward boughen , d. d. london . printed in the yeare , 1650. to the most excellent and pious prince , charles , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , and guardian of the church . sir , it may seem strange to some ; but , my hope is not to your majesty , that i make this dedication , at this time , to your sacred person . the matter of this treatise is in your behalf ; it justifies your solemn oath at coronation , the just necessitie of this oath ; as also your crown and dignity , and the goodliest floure in that crown , supremacy . to whose hands then should i chiefly present it , but to yours ? the times affright me not from my faith , and duty . i remember well , that during the ecclipse of heaven and the king of heaven , there was one , that durst acknowledge our saviours kingdom ; and in the full assurance of his title , preferr'd his petition to him as a king. and shall i be ashamed to do the like ? i know , you are my onely soveraign here on earth . i know , you represent my saviour in his kingly office ▪ though your crown be wreathed with thorns . with all humility therefore i present this acknowledgement of my most loyall affections , which are due to your sacred majestie , from your poore , but most faithfull subject , edward boughen . to the intelligent reader . i was intreated by a very good friend to take mr. gerees case of conscience into consideration , and to bestow some pains in disclosing the weaknesse and foulnesse of his arguing . truly i was willing to undeceive my seduced countreymen , and yee ded to his request . the treatise i finde to be small , but dangerous . it aims at the ruine both of church and kingdom . it perswades the king , that his oath as coronation is a wicked oath , and that he ought to break it . and then wo be to his soul , and the kingdoms safety . yea he affirms it to be a vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie . thus he hath knit up out most gracious soveraign , with all his religious predecessors , in the bundle of iniquity no sooner read i this , but b my heart was hot within me ; and while i was musing upon this , and the like blasphemies ▪ the fi●e was kindled within me , and at the last i spake with my tongue . c why should this shimei blaspheme my lord the king ? and d slander the footsteps of those anointed of the lord , that have so long slept in peace ? e because he hath done this wickednesse , the lord shall return it upon his owne pa●e and king charles shall eblessed ; and his throne shall be established before the lord for ever . consult i pray you , with dr. cornelius burges a feirce assembly man , and of great authority among them ; and he will tell you , that f god is tender not onely of the safety , but also of the honour of his anointed . in so much , that g he hath made a law to all , not to revile the gods , nor curse the ruler of the people . which law ( saith he ) not onely proh●biteth imprecations , and seditious railings which are an hellish impiety , though it be but in word onely , ●e the prince never so impious ) but even all rude , bitter , and unseemly speeches . and mr. nathaniel ward in his sermon upon ezech. 19. 14. preached before the commons , june 30. 1647. affirmes h that besides the male administrations of government by magistrates themselves , there is no readier way to prosti●ute it , then to suffer vile men to blaspheme and spit in the face of authority . all this master geree hath done most undeservedly . if then i shall cleare the kings oath from these foule imputations , i shall prove mr. geree to be involved i in the bond of iniquity . and he that is so , k his heart is not right in the sight of god , l he is in the very gall of bitternesse just in simon magus case . i shall therefore take up s. peters words , and advise him , to m repent of this his wickednesse , & to pray god , if perhaps the thought of his heart may be forgiven him . if you conceiv●● i have ventered upon some questions , not so fit to be handled ▪ & without my profession , i beseech you take notice , that this minister hath led me into these undesired , and unpleasant pathes . he that undertakes to answer a book , is bound to confute all , but what he approves . silence in such passages , speaks consent . good reader , let true reason , scripture , and authority guide thee , and then thou shalt be sure to judge impartially . take notice , that j g. stands for mr. john gerees case of conscience . i d. for jus divinum regiminis ecclesiastici . sir robert cotton ; for his treatise , that the soveraignes person is required in the great councels , or assemblies of the state. his majesties oath published by himself in an answer to the lords and commons in parliament . 26. may. 1642. sir , will you grant and keep , and by your oath confirm to the people of england , the laws and customs to them granted by the kings of england , you lawfull and religious predecessors ; and namely the laws , and customs , and franchises granted to the clergie by the glorious king s. edward , your predecessor , according to the laws of god , the true profession of the gospel established in this kingdom , and agreeable to the prerogative of the kings thereof , and the ancient customs of this realme ? rex . i grant and promise to keep them . episcopus . sir , will you keep peace and godly agreement entirely ( according to your power ) both to god and the holy church , the clergie and the people ? rex . i will keep it . episcopus . sir , will you ( to your power ) cause law , justice , and discretion in mercie , and truth to be executed in all your judgments ? rex . i will ▪ episcopus . will you grant to hold and keep the laws and rightfull customs , which the commonaltie of this your kingdom have , and will you defend and uphold them , to the honour of god , so much as in you lieth ? rex . i grant and promise so to do . then one of the bishops reads this admonition to the king , before the people , with a loud voice . our lord and king , we beseech you to pardon & grant , and to preserve unto us , and to the churches committed to our charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice : and that you would protect and defend us , as every good king ought to be a protector and defender of the bishops and churches under his government . rex . with a willing and devout heart i promise and grant my part , and that i will preserve and maintain to you and the churches committed to your charge ▪ all canonicall priviledges ▪ and due law and justice : and that i will be your protector and defender , to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdome by right ought to protect and defend the bishops and churches under his government . then the king ariseth , and is led to the communion table where he makes a solemne oath , in sight of all the ●●op●e , to observe the premises , and laying his hand on the booke saith , the oath . the things , that i have before promised , i shall perform and keep , so p 〈…〉 me god , and the contents of this book . the contents . chap. i. vvhether the king may lawfully consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . 1. chap. ii. whether the kings oath taken at his coronation , be an unlawfull oath . 4. chap. iii. whether prelacy in the church of england were an usurpation . 9. chap. iv. whether the king may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy , if so that calling be lawfull . 18. chap. v. whether ye have not bound your selves by your solemne league and covenant to maintaine episcopacy . 22. chap. vi. whether the king , without impeachment to his oath at coronation , may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . 31 chap. vii . whether the king may desert episcopacy without perjury . 37. chap. viii . whether the kings oath to the clergie be injurious to his other subjects , and inconsistent with his oath to the people . 41. chap. ix . how far forth , and wherein the clergie is subject to a parliament , and to what parliament . 52 chap. x. whether it be lawfull for the king to abrogate the rights of the clergie . 60. chap. xi . whether the clergie and laity be two distinct bodies , or one body politicke . that church-men in all ages had some singular priviledges allowed them . 69. chap. xii . whether to sit and vote in parliament be incongruous to the calling of bishops . 78. chap. xiii . certaine light and scandalous speeches concerning prince & preist , tenderly touched . 87. chap. xiv . whether the lands of the church may be forfeited by the misdemeanour of the clergie . 93. chap. xv. whether it be lawfull to take away the bishops lands , and to confer them upon the presbytery . 104. chap. xvi . how far forth the king ought to protect the church & bishops . 114 chap. xvii . whether there be two supremacies in this kingdome . 127 mr. gerees case of conscience sifted . chap. i. whether the king may lawfully consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . 1. i find a case of conscience proposed by mr. geree , and this it is ; a whether the king ( considering his o that coronation , to protect the clergie and their priviledges ) can salvâ conscientiâ consent to the abrogation of episcopacy ? but why ( i pray you ) is the question proposed here , when you have determined it before ? for doth not your title page speak thus ? in this case of conscience it is cleared , that the king may , without impeachment to his oath , touching the clergie at coronation , consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . thus you have full magisterially determined , before the question be so much as proposed . is this the fashion , first to resolve , and then to argue the case ? this may be the course of hereticks ; it is otherwise with good catholicks . but you are resolved to maintain , that a christian may swear and forswear , without the least prejudice to his soul . 2. and your practice is accordingly ; witnesse the oaths of allegiance and supremacy ; which you with your great masters have taken more then once . and those of your perswasion have taken up arms against their soveraign lord , without impeachment to their oath of allegiance ; and maintain that b the parliament is subordinate to no power under heaven , without any breach of the oath of supremacie . and your self , like a good preacher of gods word , have taken the oath of canonicall obedience to the bishop ; and yet endeavour the abrogation of episcopacy , and the extirpation of that order , from whence you had your orders , and without which you could have had no orders . 3. me thinks , the smectymnuans should not endure this proposition , since with them a bishop and a presbyter are one and the same . thus , while you endeavour to ruinate episcopacy , you subvert the presbytery , according to their tenets . i wonder much , how your case hath passed so long unsifted , and uncensured by the divine masters of your learned assembly . 4. but i shall take it for your best advantage , as it is distinguished , or ( as we say ) a distinct order from presbytery . i shall also take into consideration , the severall motives , which you produce for the abrogation of episcopacy . 5. whereof your first is this ; that c there is no hope of the kings or kingdoms safetie , without an union between our king and parliament . i must confesse with anguish of spirit , as matters have been handled , the king and kingdom are driven into a great streight ; and an vnion between our king and your parliament hath been prayed for , and sought for by all commendable , or tolerable means . the hope left us is onely in our god and saviour , whose custome it is to d scatter the proud in the imagination of their hearts ; to pull down the mighty from their throne , and to exalt the humble and meek . thus can he e shew strength with his arm , and do great things for us . and this , i hope , in his due time he will do , and reduce this kingdom from irreligion and sacriledge ; and not cast off the innocent with the prophane blasphemers . oh , that we might begge that blessing from heaven , to see a parliament rightly regulated , religiously minded , and with-out any by ends of their own : f men of courage , fearing god , men dealing truly , hating covetousnesse . such , as will not be g led by a multitude to do evil , or to subvert the truth . i am certain , we should then have an union , a blessed vnion between king and parliament . 6. but by you it seems , that h there is now no probable or possible means of reconciliation left , in mans judgement , unlesse the king yeeld to the extirpation of episcopacy . you should have added , unlesse he lay down his lands , royalties , and just prerogatives at his subjects feet : unlesse he abandon the wife of his bosome , and become a stranger to the children of his loins : unlesse he sacrifice his friends to the malice of his foes , and the ruine of whole families to their avarice : unlesse he cast off the service of god , that most excellent form of common prayer , and give up the houses and lands of god , and all that is accounted holy , to satiate their sacrilegious appetite . 7. but , in sober sadnesse , do you beleeve that the abrogation of episcopacy is that , they yawn at ? you are mistaken , good brother , the episcopall houses and lands , as also what ever belongs to deans and chapters , to archdeacons and prebendaries , are the things they hunger and thirst after ; they will wipe your mouthes of all such morsels : as their ordinances for the sale of such lands have fully manifested . 8. and wheras you seem to be much troubled for his majesty , lest i he should condescend renitente conscientia , against conscience , to gratifie you in this kind , and to bring sin upon himself . which you perceive , and in a manner confesse , he must do , if he do , as you would have him : for you say , it would be sinfull to himself . thus you endeavour to perswade our soveraign into sin , upon pretence to sin : how you can salve it , we shall see hereafter . in the mean space i must tell you , that you trouble your self for the king , blessed be god , without cause ; for we cannot perceive , that he is inclinable to gratifie you in this kinde . neither doth every reluctance of conscience make a grant sinfull ; but onely when my conscience checks me upon just grounds . it is not the renitence , or strugling , of conscience , but the pulling down of gods ordinance , episcopacy , that makes the sin ; though , i confesse , the sin is the greater , if it be done upon deliberation against conscience ; let the pretence be , what you please . if this indeed should prove to be the kings case , which god forbid , then must it necessarily follow , that k it would be sinfull to him ; and so he should forfeit inward to procure outward peace ; and be represented to times in the glasse of conscience , to adventure the heavenly , to retain an earthly crown . nothing more certain . wo then be to him , or them , who ever they be , that plot , how they may endanger the kings earthly crown , that so they may deprive him of his heavenly inheritance . he hath been tried as gold in the furnace ; he hath been enforced thorow fire and water ; but for all this , with gods blessing he shall arrive in the haven of happinesse . 9. but there is an l oath , that stands in the way , which was taken at the kings coronation . this hath been prest by some learned pens , with that probabilitie , that ( by your own confession ) may stumble a right intelligent reader . but you are none of that number , you stumble not , but smoothly passe over such rubs ; and though m they have not hitherto received any satisfactory answer , yet now we shall have it in print n . by your pains the obj●ctions shall be cleared , which while they stand unanswe●ed , cast an ill reflection upon the king , in condescending to abrogate episcopacy . i beseech you , do you dream ? who told you , that his majestie had condescended to this impious and antichristian demand ? no , no , blessed be god , he hath done christ , and his church , and himself that honour , in the refusall of this proposition , that his memory shall be glorious in our histories , and his name high in the book of life . but for certain , they will cast an ill , a foule , an infamous ref●●ction upon those , who ever they be , that shall presse him to this unchristian act . this you , and your masters of the assembly can never avert with all your dutch devices , and geneva fallacies . i say it now , it shall be explained hereafter . 10. but why am i so forward , when o the kings oath may be taken off two wayes ; either by clearing the unlawfulnesse of it ; or else by manifesting , that p though episcopacy be lawfull , yet notwithstanding that his oath , the king may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . both these your wayes shall be severally taken into consideration ; and first for the unlawfulnesse thereof . chap. ii. whether the kings oath taken at his coronation , be an unlawfull oath . 1. you say , and say truly , that a the oath , which is vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie , is void the first day . and your reason is firme ; for qui jurat in iniquu● , obligatur in contrarium , he that swears to do that , which is unjust , is bound to performe the contrary . your argument hitherto is good ; and upon these very grounds we will joyne issue . but how will you proove , that his majestie hath sworne to uphold that , which is unjust or impious ? this shall be done by manifesting that b the king hath sworne to maintaine that , which is contrary to christs institution . and what is that ? episcopacy , say you . your resolution is high and peremptory , as if you were settled upon infall blegrounds ; which upon just try all will dissolve into sand . and yet with you i readily acknowledge , that c if prelacie in the church be an usurpation contra●y to christs institution ; then to maintain it , is to sin , and all bonds to sin are frustrate . 2. i hope you use no tricks ; but fairely without any fallacie , according to the question proposed , by prelacie you mean episcopacy , properly and strictly so called . otherwise there are foure termes in your syllogisme . now if this proposition be firme , upon the same grounds it will follow , you cannot deny it , that if supremacie in the parliament be an usurpation contrary to christs institution ; then to maintain it , is to sin . but supremacie in the parliament is an usurpation contrary to christs institution ; ergo to maintaine it , is to sin . that supremacie in the parliament is contrary to christs institution , is evident by st. peter , who placeth supremacie in the king ; in these words , d submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake , whether it be unto the king as supreme , or unto governours , that are sent by him , by the king. and every rationall man cannot but discerne , that there can be but one , not two supremes , in the same kingdome , e as you would have it . but of this more fully in the last chapter . secondly , it followes , if ordination by presbyters be an usurpation contrary to christs institution , then to maintain it , is to sin . but o●dination by presbyters is an usurpation contrary to christs institution . to maintain it therefore is to sin . the minor with gods blessing , shall suddenly be made good against the presbyterian jus divinum . thirdly , if episcopacy in the church be no vsurpation , but christs institution , then to endeavour the extirpation thereof , is sin . but episcopacy in the church is no usurpation ; but christs institution . therefore to endeavour the extirpation thereof , is sin . 3. that f you , your assembly , and parliament , have made and taken an oath to extirpate episcopacy , is too notorious to be denyed . but if i shall prove , that episcopacy is not contrary to christs institution , then shall i cleare the kings oath from sin . secondly , if i shall demonstrate , that episcopacy is the institution of christ , then is your covenant g vinculum iniquitatis , the very bond iniquitie ; and you are bound in conscience publickly and penitently to retract it . that the same order cannot be christs institution , and contrary to christs institution , is so apparent a truth , that a meer idiot may discern it . but the order of bishops is christs institution : and yet ye have sworne to up with it root and branch . much like to those in the prophet , h let us destroy the tree , with the fruit thereof . and yet the root of episcopacy is our b. saviour ; who is called i the bishop of our soules ; from him it takes his rise ; from him it receives life , it springs up , and is watered with the dew of his heavenly blessing . 4. we know , that he , from whom a familie springs , is called the root of that familie . that * our saviour is the root of episcopacy , that from him it received being and life , is evident in the apostles strictly so called , who had their orders immediately from christ , as is evident s. mat : 10. s. luk : 9. s. i● : 20. 21. &c. to them he gave power to ordain apostles , in gratis accepistis , gratis date . s. mat. 10. 8. so s. k ambrose , so s. l jerome , so m gennadius patriarch of constantinople , with seventy and three bishops more in a full synod . our saviours words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which the greekes understands thus , a gift ye have received , give ye this gift . this commission he renewed unto them after his resurrection , in these words , n as my father sent me , so send i you . so s. o hilarie , so p s. cyril , and other with them , upon the strength of this commission christs apostles ordeined some other to be apostles , conferring upon them the same honour and power which they themselves had received from christ . this is evident in s iames bishop of hierusalem , in epaphroditus , bishop of philippi , and in apollos bishop of corinth . these are called apostles in scripture ; s. iames , gal. 1. 19. epaphroditus , phil. 2. 25. apollos , 1 cor. 4. 9. and these are confessed to be apostoli ab ipsis , ap stolis ordinati , apostles o●dained by the apostles ; even by q s. jerome , r calvin , and your mighty champion ſ walo melsalinus . 5. apostles they were at that time called , but afterwards that title , upon just occasion was taken from them , and the name of b●shop was setled upon them , and their successors in office. so theodoret. t the same persons were sometimes called both presbiters and bishops , but those who are now named bishops , were then called apostles . but in processe of time the title of apostle was reserved to those , who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apostles properly and t●uly so called . and the name of bishop became appropriated to those , who were lately called apostles . hence is it , that timothy and titus are called bishops and apostles : bishops in the postscripts of those epistles , which were written to them by s. paul ; but apostles by k ignatius , l theodoret , and m many other . 6. bishops they were at that time called , when episcopacy was distinguished from the presbyteriall order ; but n apostles they were named , when a bishop and a presbyter were one and the same . these were o apost●es not onely by name , but in office and power ; and p governed churches and their presbyter-bishops by the same right , and with the same authority , that the cheife and prime apostles swaied them with . and as they governed , so they , and they onely ordained pres●yters . 7. from hence we argue thus . they , that have the same name and office with the true apostles , are of the same order with the true apostles . bu● bishop timothy , and bishop titus , and bishop epaphroditus have the same name and office with the true apostles . they are therefore of the same order with the true apostles . q the major is smectymnuus his proposition , and not to be doubted of . the minor , or second proposition shall be justified by salmasius ; who in severall passages acknowledgeth this name , and office , and power in epaphroditus bishop of philippi . take this for all ; r epaphroditus pau●o dicitur apostolus philippensium ; quia ad philippenses eum miser at ad ecclesiam eorum confirmandam , & constituendos in eâ presbyteros & episcopos ▪ that the name of apostle was usually given to timothy and titus , i have already manifested . that the apost●licall power was in each of them , is evident by those epistles , which s. paul wrote unto them : and more briefly in these words to titus ſ for this cause left i thee in creete , that thou shouldest set in order , o● redresse , what is wanting , or a misse , and ordain presbyters in every city as i have appointed thee . herein is both jurisdiction and ordination allowed him ; and the maine power of the apostolicall order consists in jurisdiction and ordination . herein the bishops , and onely bishops , succeed them . 8. since then the apostleship and episcopacy , are one & the same office , he that is the root and author of the one , is the root and author of the other . but christ is the root and author of the apostleship ; he is therefore the root and author of episcopacy . in covenanting then to take away episcopacy root and branch , you have done no lesse then covenanted to take away jesus christ , t who gave the ap●stles , and u ordeined them in the church . indeed ye have taken the ready way to root him out o● our hearts & soules . for ye have absolutely stripped the church of the three creeds , the ten commandments , and the lords prayer , with the epistles and gospels ; wherein was daily mention made of our b. god. and saviour , as also of his power , pleasure , and mercy . and what i pray you , is become of the lords supper , x which we are commanded to administer and receive , in remembrance of our b. saviour ? and y unlesse we eat his flesh , and drink his blood , in that holy sacrament , we have no life abiding in us . many parishes in this kingdom have been utterly deprived of this heavenly supper , even since their lawfull parsons or vicars have been imprisoned , or sequestred by your instigation . so farewell ro●t and branch , and fruit , as much as in you lieth . and now , i hope , the kings oath is cleerly discharged of sin ; and your covenant sufficiently proved to be the bond of iniquity . 9. but how comes it to passe , that if root and branch must up , yet by your ordinance some branches of that root may be preserved ? for it is resolved , that z ordination performed by a bishop , being a presbyter , j●yned with other presbyters , is for substance va●id , and not to be disclaimed●y any , that have received it . and most probable it is , that you are a branch , or sucker , of that root . for a presbyters so ordained , shall he admitted to a charge , without any new ordination . is not this a flat contradiction ? some branches lopped off , and some spared ; is this according to your solemne league and covenant ? indeed had they taken all branches away , which spring from that root , there had hardly been a man of any learning left . and is not that clerke , who hath been ordeined by a bishop , a wise man , to sware to root himselfe up , if not here , yet out of the land of the living . for he that is not a member of the church militant , can never be a saint in the church triumphant . chap. iii. whether prelacy in the church of england were an usurpation . 1. the question proposed is , of episcopacy ; the oath is for the maintenance of episcopacy ; and your endeavour is for the abrogation of episcopacy . according to your sense therefore by prelacy i understand episcopacy , which you have vowed and covenanted to extirpate . whether upon just grounds , or no , shall be now enquired . for the office is either good or bad , lawfull or unlawfull , necessary or indifferent . if in it self bad , and utterly unlawfull , god forbid , but we should joyne in the extirpation of it . if indifferent , it is in the breast of authority , to allow , or disallow it . but if simply lawfull , and good , and necessary , for the being and continuation of a church , then it is not in the just power of man to discard it , or cast it off . and yet you resolve , that b the kings oath to uphold episcopacy is sin . if sin , then it necessarily followes , that episcopacy in it self is naught , and utterly unlawfull . thus in the first place you condemne all the kings and queens of this kingdome , that have taken this oath . secondly , you condemne those many saints of god , that have discharged this office of episcopacy . thirdly , you condemne all those fathers , and councels , which justify a necessity of bishops . and last of all you condemn the whole church of christ , which from her infancie hath been governed by bishops . is not this to c blaspheme the footsteps of the lords anointed ? is not this to question the actions of those saints d to whom the faith was first delivered ? is not this to vilifie the spouse of christ , and christ himselfe ▪ who hath suffered the church to erre so foully from the beginning . 2. but how shall it be proved , that episcopacy is so bad , that it is a sin to defend it ? an universall proposition must have an universall proofe . exparticulari nonest syllogizari . a particular makes no proofe , but for that particular , whereof it treats . i● i manifest , that monarchy , or arist●cracy hath been a●used in such a state or nation , by such or such a prince , or peeres , do i therefore justifie , that it is a sin to defend moarchy , or aristocracy ; o● if i shall make it appeare , that some parliament men have abused that trust , which is committed to them , is therefore a parliament naught ? this follows not ; but hereby i manifest , that they who at that time sat at the helme in that place , did abuse that , which in it self is good . is the apostleship naught , because judas abused himself and that ? is episcopacy bad , because gregory vii ▪ of rome , george of cappadocia , or paulus samosatenus abused their place and function ? far be it from me to argue , or conclude in this manner . i have learned to distinguish between the office and the officer : the office may be simply good , and the officer extremely bad . this then is no argument against episcopacy , though perchance you may prove , that episcopacy hath been ill managed . 3. but view we your own words , which are the minor of your conditionall syllogisme ; which are these . e and truly as prelacy stood with us in england ingr●ssing all ruledome in the church into the hands of a few l. bishops , i think it may be cleered to be an usurpation . and truly i think not . so you and i are of two severall opinions . but truly your thinking shall be cleered ●y this one argument . f that power , that dispoiles any of christs officers , of any priviledge , or duty indulged or injoined them by the word of god , that power is an usurpation against the word . but this prelacy did , as it stood in england ergo , english prelacie was an usurpation against the word of god. 4. how properly you speake , and how strongly you argue , let the intelligent judge : that you , and others may be sensible of the strength of your argument , under favour of parliament , i shall invert it thus . that power that despoiles any of christs officers of any priviledge or duty indulged or injoined them by the word of god , that power is an usurpation against the word . but this the parliament doth , as it stands now in england ergo , the english parliament is an usurpation against the word of g●d . i hope you know your own argument ; though it alter a terme , it alters not the forme . g the major , you say , is cleer of it self , it needs no proofe , as you conceive . the difficultie is in the minor ; and that i make good thus , out of your own words . h presbyters are by christs warrant , in scripture indued with power to rule in their own congregations , as well as preach . but the parliament hath banished many hundreds of us from our own congregations , and barred us from preaching therein . ergo , the parliament hath despoiled many of christs officers of their priviledges and duties indulged , and injoyned them by the word of god. you cannot deny us to be christs officers , since we are presbyters . that we are presbyters , is acknowledged by your great masters ; i who grant all those to be presbyters , who have been ordained by a bishop j●yned with other presbyters . and so , i am sure , we are . 5. let a review be taken of the soliditie of your former argument ; and then we shall finde you offend in limine , in that major , which is so clear of it self . for do not you say thus ? that power , that despoils any of christs ●fficers of any priviledge , or duty indulged or injoyned them by the word of god , that power is an usurpation against the word . had you said , that power , that wrongfully , or causelesly despoils any of christs officers , &c. you had said something . you have not , it seems , learned to distinguish between justly and unjustly ; but we must . and yet k this proposition is clear of it self , if we take your word . but gods word and yours , are two . gods word saies , l non est potestas nisi à deo , there is no power but of god ; but you say , that there is a power , which is an usurpation against the word of god. but how can that be usurpata , which is data ; both usurped , and given ? that it is given by god , m our saviour testifies , s. joh. 19. 11. indeed this power may be abused ; and the abuse of this power is an usurpation . the office is from god , the abuse from our selves . but you cannot , or will not distinguish between the office and the abuse . if all ●ffi●es must be discarded , because the officers have done a misse , what office will remain in this kingdom ? i fear , not one . 6. we read , that n pas●ur the high priest set jeremie the prophet in the stocks for preaching the truth , o which the lord had commanded him to preach . and yet who dares say that the high priesthood in the old law was an usurpation ? we know , that p the office of a king is gods own ordinance ; and yet we dare not say , that the power of jehoi●kim king of juda was an usurpation against gods word , when q he slew vrijah the prophet . but we may safely and truly justifie , that he abused his power . and so did king zedekiah , when r he imprisoned jeremiah for prophesying , what the lord had injoyned him to denounce . both regall and priestly power are the gift of god ; they cannot therefore but be good . but the abuse of this power to other ends then god gave it , is the viciousnesse of man , and therefore bad . ſ solomon made just use of this power , when he despoiled abiathar the high priest not onely of his priviledges , but also of his office , and of all that belonged to his office . the reason is , because t abiathar for his treason deserved this and an heavier doom . and i presume , it was no usurpation in st. paul , when u he delivered hymeneus unto satan , that he might learn not to blaspheme : nor yet when he x anathematized and accursed those preachers , that taught otherwise , then they had received . if then our bishops have made use of this power in silencing or depriving hereticall , schismaticall , or seditious preachers , y they have done no more then they ought to do . this therefore is no usurpation , but a just use of that power , which with their orders was conferr'd upon them for this end and purpose . 7. i have done with your major ; now to your minor. z but this prelacy did ▪ as it stood in england . what did it ? why it a despoiled christs ●fficers ( the good presbyters that preached up the scottish discipline and doctrine ) of their priviledges indulged , and duty inj●yned them by the word of god. if they deserved this censure , it was no despoiling , but a just deprivation . if they deserved it not , let it be proved . i am sure , courts and committees have been long enough open , to receive large informations , and easie proofs against them . and i am as sure , that our saviour never indulged any such priviledge to his apostles , or any other of his ●fficers , as to vent heresie , schisme , or sedition . if any bish●p be faultie , i plead not for him . i justifie episcopacy , not the bishop . judas was bad , cut his episcopacy good ; judas offended , but not his office . judas was cut off , not his episcopacy ; b the office is continued , and a good man must be put into it . so st. peter . and c let another take his bishopprick . so the spirit of prophecie . prelacy therefore is not in fault ; but the prelate . and it is as false a speech to say ▪ prelacy despoils any , as to say , judicature wrongs any . since we know , that judicature is blamelesse , when the judge is criminous . and as improper a speech it is to say , that a man is despoiled of his duty : i may be forbidden my duty , but not spoiled of it : because i am bound to discharge it , though forbidden , if unlawfully forbidden . 8. but what are these priviledges , and duties , whereof they are said to be despoiled ? the particulars are these ; d power to rule , and to preach in their own congregations ; and this power they are indued with ●y christs warrant . power to rule , and by christs warrant , sound high , and raise attention . and this they have as well , as much , as power to preach ; if we may beleeve you . as if they had ruledome ( as you call it ) from christ himself . if this be doubted of , you give us scripture for it , and that in foure severall texts . the first is this , e if any cannot rule his own house , how shall he take care for the church ? here is care to be taken for the church , but no rule given to a presbyter in the church , unlesse you allow him as much power to rule in his parish , as he hath in his own house . to which assertion no man , i conceive , will subscribe . it is required indeed , f if any lay-man desire to be a presbyter-bishop , that before he be ordained , he be known to be such a one , g that could rule his own house well . but what is this to prove , that by christs warrant in scripture a presbyter is indued with power to rule in his eongregation ? alas , h this government , as your learned brethren confesse , is but domesticall in private families ; not ecclesiasticall in the publick congregation . in like manner i deacons must be such , as rule their houses and children well . and yet ye allow them no ruledome in the church , but set lay-ruling elders to over-top them . no warrant here for this presbyteriall ruling power ; what may come hereafter , shall be examined . 9. the next proof is from the same epistle ; the words are these ; k i charge thee before god , and the lord jesus christ , and the elect angels , that thov observe these things without preferring one before another , and do nothing partially . this is something , were it to the purpose . here is a large authoritie given to timothy in this chapter ; and a charge in this verse , that he be carefull to discharge his office with integritie . but what is this to the point in question ? alas , you are clean mistaken in your mark . it rests upon you to prove , that this power in scripture is given to a presbyter-bishop ; whereas it is here given to an apostle-bishop ; who is clean of another , an higher order . if i should justifie , that a sergeant at law hath power to hear and determine suits in westminster-hall , because the justices of the kings bench , and common ple●● have such a commission , you would think , i were beside the cushion ; and so are you . 10. in the third place , you produce a text of the same apostle to the hebrews ; where-in he commands his brethren , to l obey those , that have the over-sight of them , and to submit themselves un●o them . no question , but they ought to do so . but who are these praepositi , these rulers , here mentioned ? are they presbyters onely ? presbyters are not mentioned here ; and it is impossible to prove , that presbyters onely are intended here ; unlesse they be the onely church-governors . it is rather to be beleeved , that all church-governors , or else the chief governors , were here intended . that he speaks of presbyters , i deny not ; but that he speaks of presbyters onely , i utterly deny . when you can prove , that onely presbyters m watch for the souls of the people , and that they onely must give an account for those souls , then shall i readily acknowledge , that the apostle speaks only of presbyters in this place . 11. if the kings majestie should command his souldiers to obey their commanders , could any man imagine , that he spake of the lieutenants and captains onely ? no wise man can have this imagination : but this must reach , to majors , and collonels , and all other in authority . thus , when the lord commands his people , to obey those governors , that watch for their souls , he means not onely deacons and presbyters , but bishops also . for as in an army there are captains over souldiers , and commanders over captains ; so in the church , which is n aci●s ordinata , a well-ordered army , there are o praepositi populo ▪ & praepositi presbyteris , spirituall governors of the people , and some set over both people and presb●ters . such were the apost●●s in scripture , and such their p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their copartners in labour , and successors in office ; whom we now call bishops . such were timothy and titus , q who had not onely the power of ordination , but of jurisdiction also : that is , they had authoritie , not onely to set in order , what was amisse in the church , and r to reform the laitie ; but to 1. convent , 2. silence , and 3. excommunicate the clergie , even deacons and presbyters , if they deserved it . 12. for convention , in the first place observe , that ſ s. paul acknowledgeth in bishop timothy power to receive an accusation against a presbyter , or elder ; and upon proofe to rebuke him . which could not be done without conventing him . 2ly . that the power to silence preaching presbyters was in bishop timothy , these words manifest , t thou maiest command some that they teach no other doctrine . and as for bishop titus u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it be hoves him to stop the mouths of the disobedient and deceitfull , as also to x stay foolish questions and contentions . and if this will not serve , then must they proceed to higher censures even to excommunication . for doth not s. paul command timothy , to y withdraw himself from those , that teach unwholsome doctrine ? and what this means let beza speake ; z gravissime damnatos extra ecclesiam ejicit , he casts for●h these as condemned men out of the church . for as s. cyprian speaks , a they that are not in communion with the bishop , are out of the church . timothy then being bishop of that church , and withdrawing his communion from them , they were no longer members of the church . this power , we see , was in the apostle bishops ; but no man can shew that ever it was in the presbyter bishops , par enim in parem non habet potestatem ; it is a sure rule , that no man hath power over his equall , while his equall . 13. the last place is reserved for the first in scripture , which you have kept for your reserve to help at a dead lift ; and this it is . b we beseech you , brethren , that ye know them , which labour among you , and are over you in the lord , and admonish you : a great friend of the presbytery tels us that c this is the same with that , which the apostle speaks in another epistle that those presbyters are worthy of double honour , who labour in the word and doctrine . so then , in his judgement , this rule , you so much boast of is , but your labouring in the word and doctrine . and surely he hath two able men , that back him very well , viz. the●d●ret and ca●vin . theodoret tels us , that when s. pau saith , qu●praesunt , th●se th●t are over you in the lord , it is all one ▪ as if he ha● said , they that ●ff●● up prayers and supplica●ions for y●u . and ca●vin thu● , e qu docendo rite & fideliter gu●ernant , who by teaching orderly and faithfully govern the people . and el●ewhere f he expounds this kind of g●verning by boris & salutaribus consiliis popu●o praeire , by guiding the pe●ple with good and wholesome counsell . the preifis rule then consists in 1 prayer for gods people , in 2 admonishing , 3 inst●ucting , and 4 advising them ; as also in 5 conveying to them those heavenly blessings by the sacraments ; which in an ordinary way they could not otherwi●e obtain . this is all the rule , that i can find belonging to presbyters . and this was ever allowed you in your own congregations , while ye behaved your selves as the ministers , of christ in all meeknesse and sobriety , dividing the word of god aright ; and while ye kept within the ru●e of faith . 14. thus your ruledome ( my fellow presbyters ) is come to no great matter by these texts . shew me one place of scripture , that allowes presbyters to excommunicate , or absolve , of their own authority ; and i shall be of your mind , and justifie , that ye have susteined much wrong ; if ye have been suspended from officiating , or silenced , ye may thank your unbridled tongues , which have been so lavish in venting unsound and seditious doctrine . the bishop in these cases hath but discharged that dutie , which is required of him by gods word . 1 ▪ tim. 6. 3. 5. 2. tim. 3. 5. tit. 1. 11. tit. 3. 9. and it is no more , then the presbytery chalengeth to it selfe in those places , where it hath gained autho●i●y . 15. g that ye were excluded from all society in rule ▪ is that , which troubles you . society pretends equ●litie , and rule is that which ye affect . so ye may be made bishops , or b●shops fellowes , equall with them in rule and authority , all sh●ll be well , but till then we must expect no p●ace , if ye can hinder it . h●d your leading church-men be●n made bish●ps or deanes , the k●ngs oath had been most just , and unalterable ; yea unquestion●ble . some mens mouths have been stopt so heretof●re ; the more the pitie : and ye have gaped after such morsels . what the benefit hath been , is sufficiently discerned , and ambitious male-contents shall no more , i hope , be tempted in this manner to continue among us , when they are neither with us , nor of us . but , i pray you , what society in rule , can you chalenge with the bishops , when by scripture ye are made subject to them ? we know your pride ; ye would faine be hail-fellows with your governours both ecclesiasticall and civill . faine would ye have the raines in your own hands , with phaeton , though it were with the same issue . but how shall they learn to govern , that know not how to obey ? all baristers are not qualified to be judges . 16. but there is another thing , which troubles you marvelously , that you deem to be h much more prejudiciall to the dignity and liberty of the ministery ; namely to be subjected to a lay chancelour . and yet how many lay chancelours have you subjected us to ? i to the whole parliament ; that 's plaine ; and yet not so much as one presbyter among them : and to every committee-man both in citie and countrie , whose busie apparators are all persons disaffected to the doctrine and discipline of the church of england . and all this is for the dignity and liberty of the ministery , according to your new magna charta . thus much to manifest , that ye are deeply plunged in those crimes , which you boldly charge upon others . but this is no new , no strange thing . for this hath been generally observed ; when your great masters blemish our most gracious soveraigne with any foule or illegall surmise , they usually act it themselves . dominisimiles , such masters , and such chaplaines . k par autem erat , ut vel quod accusant , non facerent , vel quod facerent , non accusarent . but it were meet , that either they should not do , what they blame ; or not blame , what they do . 17. and now , i beseech you which is most prejudicall , to be subject to one lay chancelour in a diocese , or to those great lay courts of lords and commons and others at westminster ? to so many lay committees in the city ; to so many in every countie ? without whom ye are not able to subsist , nor to abide in your congregations , if these men take but the least offence against you . and how can the gentrie and comminaltie of this kingdome take it well , that you complain so much of one lay chancelour in a diocese , and yet enthrall them to so many lay elders , parochiall , classicall , provinciall , and nationall . say not , that there be preaching elders joyned with them , least it be returned upon you , that the lay chancelour is but the bishops officer in such cases of judicature , as belong to his profession ; and to the bishop he is accountable . but you can endure no loy judges over you , on any hand . and whereas l you charge the lay chancelorship with usu●pation contrary to gods direction , i am certain , ye have made use of it against gods direction . for how many of you have been instituted into benefices by lay chancelours ? qu● jure , comes not now to be scanned . thus ye can abuse them , and yet use them . but i shall turn you over to the doct●rs of the commons ; them it concerns , they are well able to argue the case with you , and to wash off these aspersions . 18. your first argument is , i hope , sufficiently confuted in the eye of indifferent and judicious men . i shall not therefore any longer insist upon it , but observe , at how low a rate you value authority . nor bishop , nor king , nor your idolized parliament shall be a power , but an usurpation against god and his word , if they deny you any priviledge indulged , or debarre you any dutie , which ye suppose to be injoyned you by the word . if they sequester you from the pulpit , or from ruling in your congregations , farewell my great lords and masters at westminster . and when they have sold the bishops and chapters lands , they shall no longer be a parliament , but an vsurpation ; because they have m despoiled you of those lands , which ye lay claim to , and which they ought to have disposed of , to supply you and your predicant brethren with such maintenance , as your selves hold sufficient . chap. iv. whether the king may consent to the abrogation of epi●copacy , if so that calling be la●full . 1. saving your argument , in the first place this is certain , ●f episcopacy be lawfull , then the kings oath at coronation was not as you would have it vinculum iniquitatis , a bond of iniquitie . and hereupon it follows , quod non obligatur in contrarium , that he is not bound to break this oath . take this by the way . you must then seek some other way , to cleere it to us , that it is lawfull for his majestie to wave this oath . but your own conscience seemes to check you for your former resolution ; you therefore confesse , that n this way of invalidating the kings is most satisfactory but to some . 2. surely if to some it be satisfactory , those some are such , that are either very weak , or wilfully blinded with avarice ; o whose gaine is godlinesse . but the end will prove , th●t p godlinesse is pr●fitable to all things . q that is ( as the geneva note hath it ) he that hath faith and a good conscience , is promised to have all things necess●ry for this life , and to injoy life everlasting . this would be seriously layed to heart . 3. but though your former argument seem satisfactory to some r yet to some it will not hold ; namely to those that are not c●nvinced of the unlawfulnesse of episcopacy . what ? so satisfactory and yet not hold ? alas , alas , what creatures have you to deale with ? pitie it is , that you have to deale with learned and rationall men , and not with ignoramus and his dull man. what shall now become of your case of conscience ? why ? z it will cast the resolution of this doubt upon another question . from one question to an other . and what 's that ? the lawfulnesse of episcopacy . this is a large field , that you are not acquainted with . and yet to satisfie the conscience of your reader , you have already concluded , that a episc●pacy is an usurpation against the word of g●d ; and therefore sinfull and unlawfull . how ? conclude first , that episcopacy is unlawfull , and then b grant it to be lawfull . but this is granted onely for argument sake . that is , because your argument is so loose , that it proves just nothing again●● episcopacy . for a firme demonstration admits of no contradiction , it leaves no doubt behind . 4. well , be it lawfull , c yet not withstanding that his o●th , th● king without impea●hment may in this circumstance consent to the ab●●g●tion of episcopacy . what mean you by circumstance ? is the kings o●●h , or episcopacy , or the abr●ga●i●n of episcopacy but a circumstance ? a circumstance is that , which is not substantiall , or essentiall to the point in question ; but comes in upon the by ; at most , for illustration . the question is , d whether the king , notwithstanding his oath , may consent with a safe conscience , to the abrogation of episcopacy ? all these then i take to be essentiall to the question ; unlesse a safe conscience be with you and with your brethren but a circumstance . and yet it is such an ingredient , that a man may neither swear , nor consent to , nor act , but what he may undertake with a safe conscience . e for if our heart ( if our conscience ) condemn us , god is greater then our heart , and knoweth all things ; his majesty , i make no question , hath sadly thought on this . 5. that he may abrogate that which is lawfull , you say , and we deny not , since god hath given kings a power nt onely over things indifferent , but even in such things , as are lawfull , and honest , and in their kind necessary for the preservation of a common-wealth . this is evident in jonadab the sonne of rechab , f who commanded his posterity , that they should neither drink wine , nor build house , nor sow seed , nor plant vineyard , nor have any . and yet as lawfull , and necessary , as these things were , g they obeyed their fathers voice . h god approves of their obedience , and crowns it with a blessing . and what a father is in his own familie , that is a king , at least , within his own dominions . 6. but here the case is different , for the question is concerning christs own ordinance and institution ; which the king hath sworne to maintaine . this then being lawfull , and legally sworne , the oath may not in any wise be dispenced with . nay , if we say , that the king , or any authoritie upon earth , may alter , or abolish any one ordinance of our saviour , we contradict our selves , and complie with the papists . what reason bring we against the halfe communion , but christs own institution , who commanded it to be deliver'd and received in both kinds . and i calvin deservedly reproves bishop cardiner for attributing this power to a king : now if episcopacy be our saviours institution , then may no humane power root it up ; least they that do it , be rooted out of the land of the living . but that this very order , which we now call episcopacy , is christs own institution , is already proved cap. 2. 6. 7 8. 7. besides , if this be the onely order , to which christ hath given power to ordaine presbyters and deacons , who shall confer these orders , when bishops are taken away , and utterly extinguished ? say not , that in case of necessity presbyters may ordaine , when you maliciously make the necessity . god provides for such necessities , as are inforced upon us , or happen casually and inevitably ; not for those , whereinto we wittingly and wilfully plunge our selves ; delve up the root , & god will hardly work a miracle to provide sap for the branches , or body of the tree . k sine nostro officio est plebi certa pernicies . it is s. austins . without our , without the episcopall office there is certaine ruine to the people . s. austine was a bishop , when he resolved thus , and wrote it to a bishop . l that i may speake plainly ; god and the times require it : no bishop , no preist ; no preist , no lords supper ; no lords supper , no salvation , according to the ordinary way prescribed by our blessed saviour . 8. this shall be made good , first according to your protestation ; secondly , according to your solemn league and covenant . in your m protestation , ye have vowed in the presence of almighty god , to maintain and defend the true reformed protestant religion expressed in the doctrine of the church of england . this doctrine is punctually and carefully delivered in the 39 articles . according to which articles i proceed thus . the ordinary way to heaven is by the word and sacraments . no man may preach , or administer the sacraments , but he that is lawfully called and sent . none are lawfully called and sent , but they onely , who are called and sent by those , that have authority . but bishops , and onely bishops have authority to send in this kind . and therefore no bishop , no ordinary way to heaven . 9 the first proposition is not doubted of by protestant or papist ; it is therefore taken for granted . the second proposition is in terminis let down art : 23. it is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publicke preaching or ministring the sacraments in the congregation , before he be lawfully called and sent , to execute the same . the third is likewise expressed in the same article . those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be chosen and called to this work by men , who have publick , authority given unto them in the congregation to call and send ministers into the lords vineyard . and who are these men , that have this authority ? bishops , onely bishops ; so the 36 article . the book of consecration of arch-bishops and bishops , and ordering of preists and deacons , doth containe all things necessary to such consecration and ordering and whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the rites of that book , ●●e decreed to be rightly , orderly , and lawfully consecrated and ordered . but therein the bishop onely hath authority to ordain . and in the preface to the book of ordination it is resolved that i is requisite that no man shall execute any of these orders , except he be called , tried , examined and admitted , according to the forme following in that book . 10. thus we cannot but see , that according to the expresse doctrine of this church of england without a bishop no sacraments , and consequently no salvation . for though god can save without meanes , yet he hath tied us to the meanes ; and the meanes must be used , if we desire to be saved n this book was composed and set forth in the time of k edward the sixt , by those holy men , who afterwards were blessed martyrs , and at the same time confirmed by full consent and authority of parliament . o after this in the time of queen elizabeth it was again confirmed , and alwaies ratified with the 39 articles ; and p the clergie injoyned to subscribe to this booke , in and with those articles , that so they might be known to be in communion with the church of england . thus far with the protestation . chap. v. whether ye have not bornd your selves by your solemne league and covenant , to maintain episcopacy . 1. now i descend to your solemne league and covenant , wherein ye have publickly vowed to endeavour the reformation of religion according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches . i shall therefore prove first by the word of god , and secondly by the best reformed churches , that ye have solemnly bound your selves to maintain episcopacy , if so ye are resolved to keep this branch of your covenant . 2. first , we know , that q there is no other name under heaven , whereby we may be saved , but onely the name of our lord jesus christ . secondly , we are agreed , that r faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word of god. thirdly , our saviour saith flatly , ſ except ye eat the flesh of the son of man ; and drink his blood , ye have no life in you . we cannot therefore but acknowledge , that without the word and sacraments , there 's no salvation . since then all those , that are in orders , exercise t the ministration of the word and sacraments , not in their own name , but in christs , and do minister by his commission and authority ; we are therefore to enquire , who have this commission given them in and by the word of christ . for s. paul wonders , u how any man can preach , in publick , except he be sent . the commission for preaching was immediately given by our b. saviour , both to the twelve apostles , and to the seventy disciples . to the twelve , st. luk 9. 2. st. matth. 28. 19. to the seventy , st. luk. 10. 9. 16. the commission to consecrate and administer the lords supper , is given to the twelve apostles , st. luk. 22. 19. 1 cor. 11. 24. x st. paul , and y st. matthias also were immediately admitted to the apostleship by christ himself . these , and onely these , who are here mention'd , were immediately ordained by our b. saviour . 3. but our saviour having commanded and provided , that z all nations should be taught , and baptized ; and having a instituted , and in his holy gospel commanded us to continue a perpetuall memory of his precious death , untill his coming again ; that this might be done , he gave his apostles this large commission , b as my father hath sent me , even so send i you . and how was that ? even to preach , to baptize , to consecrate , and administer the lords supper ; to binde sinners , and loose the penitent ; and to ordain other apostles and presbyters , which might continue these blessings to his people in all ages . as also else-where in c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . a gift ye have received , give this gift . the greeks take not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adverbially , but substantively : and i beleeve , in the east they understand their own , the greek tongue better , then we do in the west . and as they were commanded , they did . d s. paul and s. barnabas were apostles ; and them we find ordaining presbyters in every church , where they come . act. 14. 23. e s. paul himself ordains timothy to be the apostle , or bishop of ephesus . he gives the power of ordination to titus . tit. 1. 5. and acknowledgeth it to be in timothy . 1 tim. 5. 22. these were the apostles , or bishops properly so called , of their severall churches . these had the power of ordination , but not the seventy , not those of the inferior order , not meer presbyters . 4. besides , doth not st. paul justifie , that f none may preach , except they be sent ? talk not of an inward calling , or extraordinary sending . neither of these will serve the turn , without the outward , without the ordinary ordination . st. pauls words are full to this purpose . g no man taketh this honour [ of priesthood ] to himself , but he that is called of god , as aaron was . the extraordinary calling , which some pretend to , is abolished , in that , no man takes this honour to himself . how then must he attain the priesthood ? the apostle tels you , he must be called of god , as aaron was . and how was that ? non immediatè a deo , sed mediante hominis ministerio ; he was not called or ordained immediately by god , but by the interceding ministery of man. the apostle therefore doth not say , he , that is called of god , as moses was ; but , he , that is called of god , as aaron was . but we know , that though h moses were immediately ordained by god , yet i aaron was not , he was ordained by moses . and yet both k moses and aaron are among his priests ; for moses discharged the priests office , before aaron was ordained . exod. 24. 4. &c. exod. 29. 12. 18. 25. 36. &c. exod. 30. 29. 30. 5. i have done with your first way , having , according to your covenant , proved by scripture , that none may confer orders in the church of christ , but onely apostles , or bishops , as we take them in a strict and ecclesiasticall sense : that is , onely such , as are of the same order with the apostles , and may fitly be called apostle-bishops . 6. we are now cast upon the example of the best reformed churches , which may raise some dust . for when we descend to comparisons , we cannot but displease those , who are left out of the superlative . yet this i dare say , that those churches are best reformed , which come neerest to the primitive church in doctrine and government . for to reform is not to innovate , but in primaevam & veram formam reducere , to settle it in the ancient and true state . for l thus saith the lord ; stand in the wayes , and behold , and ask for the old way , which is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall find rest for your souls . this rule therefore is given by zanchius , m exempla veteris ecclesiae nobis debent esse instar praecepti ; and your learned ministers of london second him , assuring us , that n the examples of the ancient church bind us as firmly , as any precept . and reason good , since o the custome of the ancient church is optima legis interpres , the best interpreter of the law of christ . the ancient church then ought to be a pattern to all reformers . 7. well , what kinde of government was there in the primitive church ? peter moulin testifies , that p either in the apostles times , or suddenly after , bishops had praeheminence over presbyters , in the severall cities , wherein they were setled . this government is very ancient ; and in the church of christ every thing the more ancient it is , the truer and better it is . zanchius justifies it . q in ecclesia dei , quo quid antiquius , eo etiam est verius , ideoque & melius . and lest i may seem to wrest that famous learned mans words to another sense , then he intended them , i shall give you his resolution at large concerning this point in question , whether bishops , or no bishops : and this it is . r hoc unum addo , me coram deo in mea conscientia , non alio habere loco quàm schismaticorum , illos omnes , qui in parte reformationis ecclesiarum ponunt nullos habere episcopos , qui authoritatis gradu supra veros compresbyteros emineant , ubi liquido , possint haberi . praeterea cum d. calvino , nullo non anathemate dignos censeo , quotquot illi hierarchiae , quae se domino jesu christo snbmittit , subjici nolunt . these are his words in latine ; and to your comfort you shall have them in english : like them as you please . this one thing i adde ( saith learned zanchius ) that in my conscience before god , i esteeme all those no better then schismaticks , who make it a part of reformation to have no bishops in the church ( where they may readily be had ) which maybe above their true fellow-presbyters in degree of authoritie . yea , with mr. calvin , i hold them worthy of the most grievous curse , who will not submit to that sacred prelacy , which is subject to christ . he was far from a rooter . 8. neither is zanchius alone , he hath that moderate and judicious melancthon to second him ; who is so right and home for episcopacy , that he comes with his ſ ego reddo , i , for my part , restore the whole jurisdiction and dignitie to bishops . and t he wisheth with all , that he and the rest of his friends might redeem peace , though it were upon harder terms . yea , he affirms , that u he sees not , quo ore , with what face they can take from bishops their ecclesiasticall government . and then he adds : x that i may speak my mind vtinam , utinam possem , non quidem dominationem confirmare , sed administrationem episcoporum restituere : i would to god , i would to god , it were in my power , not to confirm the dominion , but to restore the administration of bishops . for i see , i see ( saith he ) what a ●inde of church we are like to have , when the ecclesiasticall policie shall be dissolved . video postea multo intolerabiliorem futuram tyrannidem , quam antea unquam fuit i see , we are hereafter like to have a far more intolerable tyranny , then ever we have known heretofore note that ; and consider , whether experience hath not made us sensible , that his words were but a prophecie of these times . and after this he expostulates the same businesse with camerarius , and questions , y quo jure , by what law it might be free for them , to subvert the ecclesiasticall policie ; if so the bishops would yeeld unto them , what is meet ? the question being thus proposed , his resolution follows ; z et ut liceat , certè non expedit ; but suppose it lawfull yet is it not expedient . luther himself was ever of this opinion ; whom some , i perceive , love meerly for this ; because by his means they had shaked off their bishops , and thereby gained libertatem minimè utilem ad posteritatem , such a litertie , as will be little for the good of posteritie . this he spake , and we feel . a for what kinde of state shall the church be in , in after ages , if all ancient customes and manners be utterly abolished , and no certain governors established ? god knows , and we imagine . 9. hitherto you have seen , how zanchius for himselfe and calvin ; and melanthon with luther , did endeavour , even in the shell , to crush that new model , b which ye boast to be of divine right , and yet confesse , that c it is not much above fourscore yeers standing ; and that but d in some churches . for , the truth is , ye can give us no president for the presbyteriall government in any one orthodoxe church , for 1500 yeers after our saviours ascension . all this while the wisedom of god , it seemes was breeding this truth , and stayed for you , and such as you are , to be her midwives . her pangs were long and doubtful , but now juno lucina hath done her part , and the strip●ing reckons fourescore yeers , and that but in cantons , in some odde corners of the world . truth it is , he was creeping in here about seventy yeers since ; but banished he was as dangerous to the crowne . but now he is returned in a fresh suite , and hath got the hand both of king and bishops ; yea he hath put the peeres shroadly to it ; even those , that complyed with him . 10. it may be , for all this , you will replie , that these are but the opinions of a few particular men . what say you to that memorable convention at auspurg , where met all , or most of the learned , that endeavoured the reformation ? these were , at least , the whole reformation representative ; and melancton gives them that very title in his apologie . wherein he tels us , that e all the reformation did often professe in their meetings at auspurg , that they desired exceedingly , to f preserve that ecclesiasticall policie , which was settled by the cannons of the church : as also to continue those very degrees in the church , which were agreed upon by humane authority . these pious men desired not the subversion , but the reformation both of church and church-men . yea , g by protestation they cleer themselves to all porsterity , that it was neither their intent , nor fault , to overthow the order , or authority of bishops . melancthon therefore , in behalf of all his brethren , acknowledgeth , that h bishops have both potestatem ordinis , & potestatem jurisdictionis , power of order , and power of juridiction . and i beleeve , that these men had seriously considred of their protestation . 11. but what is this , that he calls power of order ? surely a power to do that , which presbyters could not do ; that is , a power at least , to ordain ministers . for i herein by calvins confession , was the difference between a presbyter and a bishop properly so called , in the opinion of the ancients , that a bishop hath power to ordain , but not a presbyter . indeed the resolution of the ancient church is this , k presbyterorum ordo non est potens generare patres ; the whole order of presbyters is not able to beget fathers , that is , presbyters for the church ; but bishops are able : the order therefore of bishops and presbyters is not one and the same . hence it follows , that there is a necessity of continuing bishops in the church , if so we desire presbyters ; since without a bishop no presbyter ; and without a presbyter ( at least ) no lords supper . 12 besides , your grand champion walo messalinus acknowledgeth , that l from the time that those orders and degrees were distinguished , and that a bishop became greater then a presbyter , ordination could not be common to them both . but those orders and degrees were from the beginning distinguished by our saviour , though not by these specificall titles observe , i beseech you . in the first place m he names the twelve , those of the higher order , apostles ; and after this , those of the lower order , the seventy , are called diciples , as i conceive , 3. luk : 10. 22. or else in the four evangelists they are distinguished from his other diciples by number onely , and not by title . in the other writings of the new testament they are distinguished into apostles and presbyteres , or bishops . n the apostles are of two sorts ; either such as were immediately ordained by christ , or such as were ordained by those apostles . the former are called the apostles of christ ; or o the holy apostles ; and sometimes p the chief apostles . the other are styled q apostoli vestri , and r apostoli ecclesiarum , your apostles , and the apostles of the churches ; because they had set cities , and a certaine people committed to their charge . the twelve were ordained by our saviour , while in the flesh he was conversant here on earth . but s. matthias , and s. paul , after his ascension were ſ called to be apostles by jesus christ and god the father . these did ordain , but not the seventy , not presbyters , or such as in scripture text are called bishops . s. paul and s. barnahas were apostles ; those we finde ordaining presbyters , act : 14. 23. and s. paul professeth , that he ordained timothy , 2 tim. 1. 6. 13. let us now descend to those apostles , who were ordained by christs apostles . such were s. iames , appollos , epaphroditus , timothy , and titus . none of these were immediately ordained by christ ; and yet they are called apostles . the three former plainly in scripture , as is heretofore evidenced ; t the latter by your good friend salmasius . that timothy & titus did ordain , is too plain to be denyed ; and u for epaphroditus we have an acknowledgement likewise from salmasius . 14. these offices were necessarily to be continued in the church ; for x christ gave them for the gathering together of the saints , for the work of the ministery , and for the edifying of the body of christ y till we all grow up unto a perfect man : which is now but in fieri , in polishing , not perfected , neither will it be , till the second comming of our lord and saviour jesus christ . for z the church is the body of christ , which will have her imperfections and blemishes , till she be made fully compleat in the kingdom of glory . our saviour therefore saith , a behold i am with you alwaies , even unto the end of the world : which could not be spoken of their persons , but of their office , b as is confessed by the london ministers : since their persons were shortly to leave this world ; but their office is to continue , till heaven and earth passe away . when therefore c s. paul had lively described the true government of the church , and instructed timothy the bishop of ephesus d how he ought to behave himself in the church , he charged him in the sight of god , and before jesus christ , that he keep these commands without spot , and unrebukeable , untill the appearing of our lord jesus christ . but this he could not do in his own person , which was shortly to depart ; calvin therefore readily acknowledgeth , that f these things were written not so much for timothy s as for other mens directions , that were to come after him ; since g herein ( as beza observes ) many particulars belong to the daily office of a pastor . these things then must be daily and duely done , as occasion requires : but diverse of these ought , and might be done by timothy onely , and by such as were of his ranke ; but by no other ; needs therefore must this order be continued for the edifying and perfecting of the body of christ . this office then being quotid●a●um munus an office of daily use , must of necessitie be continued in the church . 15. but what office was this , that timothy and titus did beare in the church ? let salmasius speake . h they at that time were mamed apostles , & revera erant episcopi jvre eodem et ordine , quo hodie habentur , qui ecclesiam regunt , & presbyteris praesunt , and indeed were bishops in the same right , and of the same order , whereof at this day those are accounted , who govern the church , and rule presbyters . but this very office was none of those , which were extraordinary , and to continue for a season onely , no , no , in beza's judgement it is quotidianum munus , an office of daily use ; of necessity therefore it must be perpetull in the church . and yet the duties of that office were such , i quibus sustinendis non alius quilibet ( e vulgo pastorum ) par fuisset , as none of the vulgar pastors , no ordinary presbyters , were meet to undertake . and what are these ? k even to redresse , what is amisse , and to ordain presbyters . these are matters of moment , and require more then ordinary discretion . l for this cause s. paul left titus at creete ; and for this very end m he sent epaphroditus to philippi , though at that time there were in that citie many bishops . phil. 1. 1. if then there needed no ordination , but every man without orders might have discharged presbyteriall duties ; or if the presbyter-bishops of that citie might have set that church in order , and therein ordaine presbyters , why did s. paul send epaphroditus to philippi , to do those things , which might either have been left undone , or at least have been done as well without him . surely s. paul imposeth not needlesse businesses upon any . 16. bishops there were ( you will say ) before in that church ; if then it belong to the episcopall order to ordain , and reforme in the church , what is amisse , why was epaphroditus sent thither ? take notice ( i beseech you ) that those bishops were but presbyters , or presbyter . bishops ; n which order never had the power either of ordination or jurisdiction . s. paul therefore sends unto them , epaphroditus an apostle-bishop , who could performe both . this you see acknowledged by your most able and subtill advocate . 17. well , let it be , what it will , lawfull or unlawfull , t is all one , in this exigent or distresse that his majestie is put to , o notwithstanding that his oath the king ( say you ) without impeachment , may in this circumstance , consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . his majesties oath now falls in question ; and i shall be willing fairely and calmely to consider , wherein , and how far forth a christian king is bound to keepe , or breake his oath . chap. vi. whether the king , without impeachment to his oath at coronation , may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . 1. this question hath two branches . the first , whether a christian king be bound to keep his oath . the second , whether he may notwithstanding his oath , consent to the abrogation of episcopacy . his majesties coronation deserves also to be looked upon ; since an oath deliberately and solemnly taken , deserves the more seriously to be thought on ; and will draw from god the heavier doome , if despised , or slighted . 2. by your own confession it is evident , that p an oath against christs institution is vin●u um iniquitatis , an impious oath , and ought not to be observed ; but to be cut off with shame and sorrow ; since q all bonds to sin is frustrate confesse we must , that an oath against god revealed will or honour , is a bond to sin ; and therefore no sooner made then void , and to be abhorred such is your covenant against episcopacy . and had the king either through misunderstanding , ill advice or fear taken that irreligious covenant , he had been obliged , by your confession , to have made it frustrate ; since it is a bond to sin , because it is against christs word and instituition , as is manifested c. 2. & 4. 3. but r an oath taken in truth , and righteousnesse , and judgement , because it is of such things , as may justly and lawfully be performed , yea because god approves & ratifies this oath , is vinculum aequitatis & necessitatis , such a bond as equity and conscience bind us necessarily to performe , to the utmost of our power . but such is his majesties oath at coronation concerning the church , the spouse of christ . 4. no unrighteousnesse can ye shew in it , the lawfulnesse of episcopacy , as also their just right to govern presbyters , is sufficiently justified c. 4. no untruth ; for our soveraigne hath sworn to maintaine an ordinance of truth , of christ himself . and sub paenâ judicij , upon paine of judgment he is bound to make good this his oath , so justly taken , least he fall into the hands of god , and so into eternall judgement . ſ for justice requires , that every man , much more a christian , and a king , keep his oath made upon such grounds , t though it be with hazard both of crown , and life , and all that may be indangered upon earth . 5. consider , i beseech you , how u in an oath we call god to record ; and we make him not onely our witnesse , but our suretie , that we will , with his blessing , performe , what we have vowed , or sworne in his name . and not onely so , but we call upon him to be our judge , and the revenger of our perfidiousnesse , if so we wittingly depart from this oath . with what face then can we fall back , and wilfully incurre perjury ? is not this as philo judaeus hath it , to x make god a shelter for our wickednesse , and to cast our sin upon him ? that so to the infamie of christian religion , we may ●oder up a faire repute before men . is not this to cast aside not onely a fore-head , but all conscience , and the fear of god ? oh , ( saith s. austin ) y what blindnesse can equall this , to hunt after a little vaine glory by deceiveing man , while in thy heart thou sleightest god the searcher of all secrets ? as if his error , who thinks thee good , were comparable with thine , who seekest to please man with a show of good , whilest thou displealest god with that , which is truly naught . 6. but this is no new thing to you , that have dispenced so long , so often , so variously with so many oaths of supremacie , allegeance , and canonicall obedience : that have done so many strange acts , contrarie to your faith , and subscription . take heed in time , lest not onely your oaths , but your own hand-writing arise in judgement against you , for casting off the book of ordination ; for renouncing the booke of common-prayer ; for disclaiming the articles of the church of england , with those three creeds , the glory and hope of all good christians . thus you , and your brethren , are become apostata's and renegadoes to all religion and piety ; gracelesse , faithlesse , perjured men . god of his mercy give you a sence of these sins , that so you may in time repent , and make some satisfaction to the church of christ , by an open confession , and by a full detestation of those presumptuous and crying sins . 7. this oath his majestie took solemnly before god , in the house of god , in the presence of the nobility , and clergie , and a multitude of his leige people . and shall not all these oblige him so much the more to be tender of this oath ? zanchius tels us , that z it is a more grievous sin to offend against a publick solemne oath , then against one made in private . what may we then think of an oath taken with such high solemnity ? 8. this oath was voluntarily , freely taken , without compulsion , or perswasion ; so no excuse that way . indeed it was taken a in truth , in judgement , and in righteousnesse . in truth , his sacred majesty resolving truly to keep it : in judgement , judiciously , upon mature deliberation ; and in righteousnesse ; intending that every branch of this oath should be justly and righteously observed in all his courts of justice . how then can he infringe this oath ? 9. he made this promiss●ry oath to a great body of this his kingdome , the whole clergie of this land ; and those not the meanest of his subjects . and not onely so , but to holy church his mother , and to god the father of us all . how can he then disclaime this oath ? which so obligeth his conscience before god. that b ●ad he bound himself by such a tye to high-way robbers , or to his professed ●nemies , he had been bound by the law both of nations and christianity , strictly to haue observed it without fraud or coven . talke not of a dispensation . nor life , nor death , nor principalities , nor powers , whether civill or spirituall , can possibly discharge him of this oath ; no more then they can me of my oath of allegiance . and yet it is a point of your religion to perswade to perjurie ; as if it would ease your consciences , to have millions concurre with you in the same perfidiousnesse and end . 10. is perjurie a sin , or no sin ? if it be a sin , and an heinous sin , c how then can i commit this great wickednesse , and sin against god ? is it no sin ? if you be of that mind , speake out , shew your self in your true colours . what religion are you of , i know not well ; little use hath your conscience made of religion in this case . your eye is wholly upon the parliament , and the present necessity , those members have wrought our good king and this whole nation . necessity hath so far prevailed with you , as rather to be forsworne , then to forgo your present maintenance . but our most gracious soveraigne , whom god ever blesse , hath wholly fixed his heart upon god , and his word , wherein we are charged d , not to sweare falsely by the name of the lord ; no , e nor to forsweare our selves , but to performe our oaths unto the lord. marke ; though the oath be made to the servant , it must be performed unto the lord ; because the caution is given to the servant in the lords behalfe ; yea upon the lords credit ; for by his name , and upon his book we sweare to do it . and if we do it not , f the lord will not hold us guiltlesse . minus dicitur , plus intelligitur ; by this one word much may be understood ; for g the lord will come against us in judgement , and call us to an account for our oaths . h oaths therefore must be avoided , lest we fall into condemnation . for perjurie is a foule , a dangerous , a damnable sin . i odious it is to god , because , k it defiles his most holy name . l for this very sinne the land mournes ; i beseech god , it become not disolate . sure i am , m a curse will enter into his house , that sweareth falsely ; it will settle there , till it have consumed the timber and stones thereof . or as the wise man hath it , n his house shall be full of calamities , and the plague shall never depart from it . let zedekiah be our evidence . o he took the oath of allegiance to nebuchadnezzar ; but slighted it , and rebelled against that his soveraign lord , who had so highly honoured him , and trusted him with a kingdom . but what became of him ? p the caldees came , besieged jerusalem , conquer'd it , took zedekiah prisoner , and slew his sons before his eyes . this done , they put out his eyes , and in fetters carried him captive to babylon . here was an end of the kings of that land , descended from the tribe of judah . are not here the timber and stones of his house , his strong men , and the sons of his loins utterly consumed ? 11. think not to excuse your selves or any other , by some later covenant ; this will not serve the turn . was the first sworn in truth , and judgement , and righteousnesse ? or was it not ? doth it truly and justly agree with the word of god ; at least , not contradict it ? if so , thou art bound in justice to observe it , lest judgement fall upon thee . for this is a true rule , if zanchius mis-guide us not , q posteriores promissiones , etiam juramento firmatae , nihil de prioribus detrahere , aut imminuere possunt : later aths cannot possibly make the former of no , or lesse validitie . why then do you perswade the king to break his oath ? he that enticeth a man to perjurie , under pretence of pietie and religion , r what doth he else but affirm , that some perjuries are lawfull . which is as much to say , as some sins are lawfull . which is naught else , but to conclude , that some things are just , which are unjust . i appeal to men of understanding , whether this proposition savours of pietie , or discretion . think not then to ensnare prudent and conscientious men , with such frivolous and senslesse pretences ; which favour strongly of absurditie , if not of atheisme . chap. viii . whether the king may desert episcopacy without perjury . 1. give me leave to passe over a few pages , and to take that into consideration , which follows next in reason , though not according to your method . we are now fallen upon a strange question , too high to be proposed by any subject . but you have enforced me to make that a question , which is harsh to loyall ears , lest i may seem to avoid your subtill and sawcie cavils , as unanswerable . for do not you say ▪ that your second ant●gonist plainly ●ffi●ms , that the king cannot desert episcopacy without flat perjury ? his words are far more mannerly : but i am bound to trace your steps ; and shall , with gods assistance , manifest , that his majestie without violation to his oath , and to religion , may not desert episcopacy , and leave it naked to the subtill fox , or the mercilesse swine . 2. first , according to your own confession , his sacred majestie hath sworn to almighty god , in his holy place , before a solemn assembly , to t protect the bishops , and their priviledges to his power , as every good king in his kingdom in right ought to protect and defend the bishops , and churches under their government . 1. good kings protect bishops ; and good they are in doing so ; there is no evill then in protecting bishops . 2. they ought to do it : it is therefore their duty ; and to fail of this their duty , when they may choose , is sin . 3. in right they ought to do it : they do wrong therefore , if they do it not . this right is grounded upon scripture ; for god saith , u erunt reges nutritii tui , kings shall be nursing fathers , and queens shall be nursing mothers to the church . who then dares say , they ought not , or shall not ? 3. besides , what is done in right is injurious to no man ; since jus and injuria , right and wrong cannot consist in the same action , under the same consideration . and yet no right is done , but it is displeasing to the adverse partie . god did right in protecting moses and aaron , against korah , and his confederates . he did right in destroying those factious and rebellious persons ; and yet x this was displeasing to all the congregation of the children of israel . and shall god or the king forbear to do right , because the multitude murmure at it ? this be far from the lord and his vicegerent . a judge is sworn to do right . if then he do not right to the utmost of his understanding , he is perjured . and the more eminent a man is in place , the greater the sin . you know , to whom it was said , y because by this deed thou hast given great occasion to the enemies of the lord to blaspheme , the childe that is born unto thee , shall surely dye . and of jer●boam it was said , z go , tell him , thus saith th● lord god of israel ; for as much as i ex●●ted the fr●m ●m●●g the people , and made thee prince over my people israel : and yet th●● hast done evill above all that were before thee , and hast cas● me behind thy 〈…〉 ▪ therefore behold , i will bring evill upon the house of jeroboam ▪ &c. 4. secondly , the king hath sworn to be the protect●r and defender of the churches under his government : and this , you will confesse , the king ought to do . but the king doth not protect the church , unlesse he protect the bishops ; since without bishops the church must needs crumble away , and come to nothing . the bishop is the ministeriall spouse of the church : how then can the church be protected , if her husband be taken from her , or stripped of his means ? just as our wives are maintained with the fift part . fed with an ordinance , with words ; but where 's the fift part ? which of our wives have had that justly payed them ? 5. the bishop is , under christ , the father of the church . destroy the father , and how shall the children be provided for ? nay who shall beget children of the church , when she is void of an husband ? and the bishop is the onely husband of the church ; a take ●way the bishop , and the church is a widow ; if you will beleeve the councell of chalcedon . b i have heretofore manifested , that none but a bishop can ordain either priest or deacon . and zanchius determines , that c the church may not want ministers , who are to administer these externall things , the word and sacraments . remove the ministers that have this power derived unto them from christ , and the sacraments must fail , and consequently the church . for what d is the church , but a congregation of christians , wherein the pure word of god is preached , and the sacraments duly administred , according to christs ordinance . but , according to christs ordinance , none may administer the word and sacraments but bishops , priests , and deacons . take these away , and what becomes of the sacraments ? take away baptisme , and according to gods ordinary and revealed way , we cannot become christians , e we cannot be born anew of water , and of the holy ghost . and when we are become christians , take away that food of life , the lords supper , and we must needs famish : for f unlesse we eat the flesh of the son of man , and drink his blood ( in that blessed sacrament ) we have no life in us . hence is that of calvin : g the light and heat of the sun , meat and drink are not so necessary for the cherishing and sustaining this present life , as the apostolicall and p●storall office is for the preservation of the church on earth . if then it be proved , that bishops properly and strictly so called , be of the same office and order with the apostles , then have we calvins acknowledgement , that the church cannot subsist without bishops . 6. indeed it cannot , if we beleeve s. cyprian ; for he saith , that h we ought to know episcopum in ecclesia esse , & ecclesiam in episcopo ; that the bishop is in the church , and the church in the bishop : it stands and fals with him . what then becomes of that church , where there is no bishop ? i si qui cum episcopo non sint , in ecclesia non esse . we must also know ( saith that blessed martyr ) that they , which are not with the bishop , are out of the church . thus the bishop is in the church causaliter , causally ; but the church in the bishop virtually . the fountain is in the brook causally ; and the brook in the fountain virtually ; because from the fountain the rives derives his being , from thence it is derived and fed . damne up the fountain , or divert his course , and what becomes of the river ? thus is it between the bishop and the church . hence i infer , that the matter of the oath is lawfull : i conclude therefore , with the author of the review , that k his majestie is bound in religion and conscience to protect the bishops with their churches , and priviledges . unlesse it be so , that you can bring him a new christ , who will ordain another way to heaven . 7. but , say you , ▪ it is a ground laid down by this author , that no oath is obligatory beyond the intention of it . that is , according to the common , plain , and literall meaning thereof , otherwise we know no intention of an oath . we must therefore look back to the intention of the first framers thereof , as also to the good and securitie of those , to whom , and for whose sake , it is tak●n . n. that m the intention of this oath , and the framers thereof , is against a tyramous invasion on the rights of the clergie ; as also to protect them against violence , no question at all is to be made ; and you do well to acknowledge it . so far then the king is to protect them to the utmost of his power . and hitherto , by the assistance of god , he hath done it : and my trus● is in jesus christ , that he will strengthen our good king to live and dye in this pious and princely resolution . 8. this oath is to the clergie ; the king then must have an eye upon them , and their intention , who so humbly begge his protection , and to whom he makes this oath . n expectationem enim eorum , quibus juratur , quisquis decipit , non potest esse non perjurus : for he that deceives their expectation , to whom he swears , cannot but be perjured . this s. austin proves at large in the preceding epistle ; wherein o he wonders , that any man should be of such an opinion , as to conceive , that a man might incur certain perjurie , to avoid uncertain danger , losse or death . it is a rule therfore in the canon law , p quacunque arte verborum quis juret , deus tamen , qui conscientiae testis est , ita hoc accipit , sicut ille , cui juratur , intelligit . what art soever a man use in the words of his oath , god who is witnesse of the conscience , takes the oath in that very sense , wherein the party takes it , to whom we swear . otherwise we shall not onely deceive others , but we shall cheat our selves into equivocation , wherewith of late we have so justly charged the jesuites ; and for which the fathers most deservedly heretofore condemned q the helcheseites , r valentinians , ſ priscillianites , and t the followers of origen . truly , i am much afraid , we are fallen into such times , as roger hoveden complains of under k. steven ; u wherein it was accounted a noble act to lye , and forswear ; and a manly deed to betray their lords and masters . 9. and is not this , which is wrought against the clergie , a tyrannous invasion ? what law is there to countenance , what of late yeares hath been done against us ? where is the orderly alteration , you speak of ? hath not all been done by tumults , and insurrections ? have not divers of the peers been assaulted , and many of the commons vilified , and terrified by a seditious faction , that so they might bring them to their own bend ? how many have been inforced to flye with all secrecy from westminster , because they would not passe their vo●es against law and conscience ? was it orderly to frame petitions at westminster , against the bishops and orthodox clergie , and then to gleane hands in the countrey from factious spirits , to your own petitions ? was this an orderly alteration , without any pretence of law , to deprive us of our freeholds , to plunder our houses , to imprison our persons ; and to thrust into our benefices men with unwashed hands , felt-makers , blacksmiths , taylors , and i know not whom ? and yet all this hath been done by our great masters in israel . 10. by your own confession , the king hath taken an oath to protect the clergie and their rights against violence , and a tyrannous invasion . but how shall he protect us , that is not able to secure himself ? this , it seems , was his dutie , and with gods assistance in his power , when his sacred majestie took the oath . his duty still it is , though he be robbed of his power . and when god shall restore him to his power , he is bound to discharge this dutie . for you confesse , that x his majestie is ingaged to his power to protect the bishops and their priviledges . and if he breake this solemne oath , in his own person , with what conscience can he punish perjurie in others ? 11. an orderly alteration , or legall waies of change , who condemnes ? but we justly complaine , that no such alteration hath been endeavoured . for that is not orderly , which is illegall : neither can that be imagined rationall , which is wrought by violence , or forced upon a king. he is to be ruled by the word of god , and right reason , y which is the life of the law ; not to be over-awed , or over-swayed by a faction . 12. that z it is rationall for a king to undertake , to protect the clergie against violence , you acknowledge ; and it is no more then all the kings ministers are bound in conscience to performe , the king hath done it , blessed be god , to the utmost of his power . whether the kings officers , and those he hath put in trust , have done their dutie , wi 〈…〉 be answered for at an higher barre . in right reason the oath should have no other sense . th●● sense then it hath ; and we desire that sense may be made good by parliament , and we restored to our free-holds , according to reason , and law ; and satisfaction made us for our losses , ●nd illegall imprisonment , ●ill an orderly and legall change be made . chap. viii . whether the kings oath taken to the clergie , be injurious to his other subjects , and inconsistent with his oath to the people . 1. you object , and we confesse , that a this oath to the clergie , must not be intended in a sense , inconsistent with the kings oath to the people ? how ? inconsistent with the kings oath to the people ? what ? all blind but mr. iohn geree , and his confederacy ? king and subject , preist , and people , composers , approvers , takers , all dimme-sighted ? how came you to spie this foule mistake ? surely this is one of your new lights ; for both these oaths as you please to call them , have happily stood , and may long stand together . there was a time , when the devill had found a device , to set god and caesar at odds : but our saviour set them to rights ; b give ( saith he ) unto caesar what belongs to caesar , and to god , what belongs unto god. that difference being reconciled , that arch enemie of man , hath found out a late device , to raise a quarell between clergie and people , as if the liberties of the one could not consist with the rights of the other . but we have learned of our blessed master to set these also at one , and beseech his majestie , to give unto the people what belongs to the people , and to the clergie , what belongs to the clergie . we desire nothing , that is theirs ; and we are certaine , that no good man will repine , at what is iustly gods , or ours . 2. it is gods command to c give every man his due . and if any law be made contrary to this , it is no law. the reason is , because d all power i● from god , and under god. e that law then , that god hath made , man may neither abrogate , nor alter ; it is onely in the lords breast to do it . indeed what is settled by man , may be changed , or abolished by man. but man must be carefull , that the law be just . f lex enim non obligat subditos , in foro conscientiae , nisi s●t justa : no law binds a subject in case of conscience , unlesse it be just . indeed it bind● them not to performance , but to submission . though they be not bound to performe , what is injoyned ; yet must they submit , to what shall be inflicted ; since resistance is damnable . ro. 13. 2. 3. since then it is onely the just law that binds us to obedience , it will not be a misse to set down , what laws are just , and what not . g that a law be just ( saith thomas ) three ingredients are requisite : first , power in the law-maker ; 2ly . the end , that it be for the common good ; and 3ly . the forme ; namely , that all burthens and taxes be equally , evenly layed upon the subjects ; not more upon one then upon another , but proportionably upon every man according to his estate . laws so qualified , are just , because impartiall . 4. from hence we may safely conclude , that h those laws are unjust , where , in the first place , the imposer wants authoritie . 2ly . when burdens are imposed , that are not for the common good , but for private interest , gaine , or glory . 3ly . when taxes , or subsidies , though for the publick good , be unequally layed . or , in the last place , when laws contradict gods written word : for i all laws ought to be so framed , vt illis , quos tangunt , prosint , & nemini praesertim notabile afferant n●cumentum : that they may be commodious for those , whom they concerne , and yet not be evidently injurious to others . from these or the like grounds , i find it resolved by the sages of this kingdom , that k the king may grant priviledges to any corporation , so they be not prejudiciall to some other of his subjects . 5. but wherein is the kings oath to the clergie , inconsistent with his oath to the people ? because his majestie hath first ( say you ) taken an oath for the protection of the people in their laws and liberties . their laws ? the peoples laws ? who made them makers ▪ or masters of the laws ? do the people use to make laws in a monarchie ? behold , all are law-makers . who then shall obey ? none but the clergie ▪ thus the clergie must obey the people ; and if obey , then please . for whom we obey , them we must please . and yet there is much danger in pleasing the people : for l if i should please men , ( that is , the common people ) i were not the servant of christ . the plain truth is , the laws are the kings laws , so we call them , and so they are ; and his subjects must observe them . otherwise m he beareth not the sword in vaine . the liberties indeed are the peoples , granted and confirmed unto them by the soveraignes of this realme . but wherein n will the latter oath be a present breach of the former and so unlawfull ? one would think , here were some great wrong offered to the people , as if some immunities , or means were taken from them , and transferred upon the clergie by this oath . but when all comes to all , it is no more then this , that o one of the priviledges of the people is , that the peers and commons in parliament , have power , with the consent of the king , to alter what ever in any particular estate is inconvenient to the whole . i had thought , that this priviledge , you speake of , had not been a priviledge of the people , but of the parliament , that is , of the peers and commons , representees of the people met in a lawfull and free parliament with the kings consent . not of the representees of the people alone . but you would faine incense the people a new against us , under a pretence , that all is for their good , and for the maintenance of their priviledges ; because they are represented by the house of commons . whereas the truth is , you endeavour to devolve al upon that house , for the erection of p●ssbytery ; that so both church and state may be democraticall , both settled under a popular government . 6. let us take a view of this passage , and see what truth is in it . one of the priviledges of the people is , say you , that the peers and commons in parliament have power to alter what-ever is inconvenient . how the lords will take this , i know not , though of late they have been so passive . can they endure , that their power should be onely derivative , and that from the people ? your words are plain ; one of the priviledges of the people is , that the peers have power . as if the lords had no power in parliament , but what issued from the peoples priviledges . why then are they called peers ; when they are not so much as peers to the people , but their substitutes , if not servants ? surely you lay the lords very lowe . and if it be one of the peoples priviledges that the lords have power ; then is it also one of their priviledges , that the lords have no power , that the people may take it from them , when they please . cuius est instituere , ejus est & destituere ; they that can give power , can also take it away , if they see good . this of late hath been usually vaunted against the house of commons ; and you say as much to the house of peers . whereas the peoples priviledges are but severall grants of the kings of this land , proceeding meerly from their grace and favour . alas , the people hath not so much as a vote in the election of peers ; neither have they liberty to choose members for the house of commons ; no , not so much as to meet , for any such purpose , untill they be summoned by the kings writ . so the peoples priviledges depends upon the kings summons ; no such priviledge till then . 7. and whereas you say , that the peers and commons have power to alter , what-ever is inconvenient ; you are much mistaken . when by the kings summons they are met in parliament , they have power to treat and consult upon alterations , as also to present them to his majestie , and to petition for such alterations , where they see just cause . but they have no power to alter : that is in the king ; or else , why do they petition him so to this day , to make such changes good , as they contrive ? hoc est testimonium regiae potestatis , vbique obstinentis principatum . this a full testimonie of the kings power in all causes , and over all persons , that the lords & commons assembled in parliament are faine to petition for his royall consent and confirmation , before they can induce an alteration . the truth is , the power of making laws is in him , that gives life to the law , that enacts it to be a law : not in them , that advise it , or petition for it . p where the word of a king is , there is power ; it is his word , le roy le v●lt , that makes it a law ; then t is a law , and not before . no power makes it a law but his . for q he doth , whatsoever pleaseth him . when it pleaseth him ; not when it pleaseth them : many times therefore he rejects bills agreed by both houses , with his roy ne veult , the king will not have them to be lawes . the reason is given by that renowned justice jenkins ; because r the law makes the king the onely judge of the bills proposed . ſ i counsell thee therefore to keep the kings commandment ( or , to take heed to the mouth of the king ) and that in regard of the oath of god. t that is ( saith the geneva note ) that thou obey the king , and keep the oath , that thou hast made for the same cause . this is agreeable to scripture . and the wisest of this kingdome not long since acknowledged , that u without the royall consent , a law can neither be complete nor perfect , nor remaine to posterity . a law it is not , it binds not , till the king speak the word . yea the kingdom of scotland hath declared , that the power of making laws is as essentiall to kings , as to govern by law , and sway the scepter . declar. of the kingdome of scotland . p. 34. 8. but if this be the peoples priviledge , that the peers and commons in parliament have power with the consent of the king to alter , what is inconvenient : whose priviledge is it , i pray you , for the lords and commons , without the kings consent , to make alterations , and abrogations with root and branch ? this is no priviledge of the people , nor yet of the houses ; x because ( as justice jenkins observes ) it is against their oaths to alter the government for religion . for ( saith he ) every of them hath sworne in this parliament , that his majestie is the onely supreme governour in all causes ecclesiasticall , and over all persons 9. but what inconvenience , i pray you , ariseth to the people from the rights and priviledges of the clergy ? not tithes . no , say you , y that justifie them to be due to your precious presbyters , by divine right . not the bishops revenues . by no meanes ; z they must not come into any mans hands but yours ; who are the parochiall pastors ; these must be your maintenance . a to seize them to private or civill interest , is detestable sacriledge , cried out upon all the world over , and to be deplored of all good men . so you with your master beza . indeed to take them away from those , that are intrusted with them , would prove marvelous inconvenient to the people . 10. how many inconveniences will arise to the people of this kingdome , by stripping the clergie of their immunities , and lands , cannot suddenly be discovered . some of them i shal lay down , and leave the rest to be displayed by those , that are cleared fighted . first the curse , that is likely to fall upon this whole nation by sacriledge . for a nationall sin must have a nationall punishment . b admensuram delicti erit & plagarum modus ; according to the fault , and the measure thereof , the number of the stripes shall be . let it be considered , how from severall counties multitudes came in with petitions , for the exrirpation of episcopacy . by whose instigation the petitioners best know . think not to avoid the scourge , because multitudes conspired in the sin : c we must not follow a multitude to do evill . hope not to lye hid in a throng ; d be sure , thy sin will find thee out , as e it did achan among the thousands of israel . his nobility could not excuse him . remember that this was for sacriledge ; for f he stole two hundred shekels of silver , & a wedge of gold , g which were consecrated unto the lord. this is a dreadfull sinne , h it will lye at thy doore ; it will be a stone of offence to thee , at thy going forth , and thy coming in . 11. i know there are men of severall mindes met at westminster . some are wholly bent upon church lands , and are resolved to swallow them up , come what will come . others are content to covenant , vote , or do any thing to save their own stakes ; for to what purpose were it for them to withstand ? alas , they are but an handfull ; they may wrong themselves , but no good can they do to church , or king. but we forget the lords rule ; i thou shalt not speak in a cause , to decline after many , to wrest judgement . 12. some young gentlemen there are , that must plead ignorance in their votes , as being not acquainted with the state of the question ; much lesse with the mysterie of iniquitie , which worketh powerfully in the sons of disobedience . but they must know , that there be sins of ignorance ; for these there must be an attonement made by the preist , and without this , for ought i read , no forgivenesse . levit. 4. yea , saith the lord , k if a soule sin , and commit any of these things , which are forbidden to be done by the commandments of the lord , though he wist it not , yet is be guiltie . and he shall beare his iniquitie , for l he hath certainly trespassed against the lord. but to bring it home a little neerer to these times , that are so violent for sacriledge , let all achans broode give eare to the words of the lord , m if any person transgresse , and sin through ignorance , by taking away things consecrated to the lord , he shall restore that , wherein he hath offended , in taking away of the holy thing , and shall put the fift part more thereto , and give it unto the preist . then n shall the preist make an attonement for him , not before ; then shall the sin be forgiven him , not before . here then remaines no excuse for any , that have the least hand in sacriledge , without restitution . but why do we o abhor idols , and commit sacriledge ? why rob we god , as if he were an idol , not sensible of these wrongs , nor able to revenge them ? 13. next , when the church is stripped of her means , what kinde of clergie shall we have ? p jeroboams priests ; the lowest , and meanest , of the people . for as now , so then , q the priests and levites followed their true liege lord. for that arch-rebell and his sons had cast them off from executing the priests office . this being done , r who would , might consecrate himself , and be one of the priests of the high places . like king , like priest ; each had alike right to their places . a lively character of our times . these are called the devils priests , 2 chron. 15. 11. men that wanted either the knowledge , or the fear of god , or both . and surely this is the ready way to fi●● our priests places with men void of learning , not ſ apt to teach , not t able by sound doctrine either to exhort , or to convince the gainsayers . now s. peter tells us , that u the unlearned and unstable ( ungrounded men ) wrest the scriptures to their own destruction . what then shall become of the people ? x if the blinde lead the blinde , both shall fall into the ditch . this will bring us to that passe , which bishop latymer speaks of , y we shall have nothing but a little english divinitie ; which will bring the realm into very barbarousnesse , and utter decay of learning . it is not that , i wis ( saith that good bishop ) that will keep out the supremacy of the bishop of rome . and this will be a strange dishonour to this nation , which hath alwayes abounded with learned men . 14. 3 hospitalitie will come to nothing ; 4 your rents will be racked ; and 5 your sons barred from one fair and most commendable course to preferment . for with us no one familie , or set persons are tyed to be priests , as was the tribe of levi. the qualification of the person , and not his pedegree , is with us inquired into . what understanding man then will freely dedicate his son to the ministerie , and be at an extraordinarie charge to breed him up to divinitie , when his reward shall be certain poverty ? and what scholer of worth will desire orders , when he knows , that by these he shall be exposed to contempt and beggary ? though we love the priesthood , when we are miserable in it ; yet no man affects the priesthood , that he may be miserable . i know many , since our coat is grown so contemptible , who intended divinitie , that have diverted their studie to physick ; knowing that this nation is carefull of their bodies , though carelesse of their souls . 15. is it not enough by this extirpation to barre your selves from heaven , unlesse ye sink your posteritie into the same damnation ? is it not enough to murder priests , unlesse ye slay the priestood also ? certainly ye run the readie way to do it . if ye will not beleeve bishop latymer , because a priest ; yet trust sir edward coke , because a lawyer and a states-man . this great learned man assures us , that z it is a more grievous and dangerous persecution to destroy the priesthood , then the priests . for by robbing the church , and spoyling spirituall persons of their revenues , in short time insues great ignorance of true religion , and of the service of god ; and thereby great decay of christian profession . for none will apply themselves , or their sons , or any other they have in charge , to the study of divinitie , when after long and painfull studie they shall have nothing whereupon to live . will not our church then come to a sweet passe ? and yet to this passe we are almost brought . 16. all the inconvenience , that mr. geree presseth , is this , that a we are not subject to the parliament , to be whipped and stripped as they please . if we be not subject to them , i am sure they have made us so . but how far forth , and wherein we are subject to the parliament , and what parliament , shall speedily be taken into consideration . chap. 9. 17. you speak much of b a former and a latter oath ; the former to the people , the latter to the clergy . as if his majestie took two severall oaths , at two severall times . whereas in truth it is but one oath , c as you acknowledge p. 1. taken at the same time , and , as it were in a breath . indeed there are severall priviledges proposed to the king , which he first promiseth , and afterwards swears to maintain . as for the promise , it is first made in grosse to the people of england ; & afterwards to the severall states of this realm ; but first to the clergie by name . in generall to the people of england , the king promiseth to keep the laws and customs to them granted by his lawful and religious predecessors . under this word people are comprehended the nobilitie , clergie , and commons of this kingdom . afterwards distinguishing them into severall ranks , he begins with the clergie , promising that he will keep to them the laws , customes , and franchizes granted to them by the glorious king s. edward his predecess●● . secondly , he promiseth to keep peace and godly agreement entirely , to his power , both to god , the holy church , the clergie , and the people . here also , you see , his promise to the church , and clergie , goes before that to the people . in the third branch his majestie promiseth to his power to cause law , justice ▪ and discretion in mercy and truth to be executed in all his judgements , to all before named . next he grants to h●ld and keep to the comminalty of this his kingdom , the laws , and rightfull customes , which they have to the honour of god [ mark that ] so much as in him lyeth . the commonalty , you see , are not mentioned , till we come to the fourth clause . and last of all , lest the bishops , though implied in church and clergie , should seem to be omitted , and an evasion left to some malignant spirits , to work their ruine , and yet seem to continue a clergie ; the king promiseth to the bishops in particular , that he will preserve and maintain to them all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice ; and that he will be their protector and defender . how then can he desert them , or leave them out of his protection ? 18. these promises made , the king ariseth , is led to the communion table , where laying his hand upon the holy evangelists , he makes this solemne oath in the sight of all the people : the things , that i have promised , i shall perform and keep ; so help m● god , and the contents of this book . though then the promises be severall , the oath is but one : and so no former , no latter oath ; not two , but one oath . d the kings oath to the people is not first taken ; but you are wholly mistaken . 19. if any man desire to know , who the people and commonalty of this kingdom are , let him look into magna charta ; where he shall find them marshalled into severall estates , corporations , and conditions . there you shall also see the severall laws ▪ customes , and franchizes , which the king and his religious predecessors have from time to time promised , and sworn ▪ to keep and maintain . that great charter begins with the church ; e inprimis concessimus deo : first , we have granted to god , and by this our present charter have confirmed , f in behalf of our selves and our heirs for ever , that the church of england be free , and that she have her rights entire , and her liberties unmaimed . now sir edw : coke , that oracle of the law , tels us , that g this charter for the most part is but declaratory of the ancient common laws of england : to the observation wherof the king was bound and sworn . and not onely the king , but h the nobles and great officers were to be sworn to the observation of magna charta : i which is confirmed by thirtie and two acts of parliament . 20. the liberties of this church , as i have gleaned them from magna charta , and sir edw : coke are these . first , that k the possessions and goods of ecclesiasticall persons be freed from all unjust exactions and oppressions . secondly , that l no ecclesiasticall person be amerced ( or fined ) according to the value of his ecclesiasticall benefice , but according to his lay tenement , and according to the quantitie of his ●ffence . thirdly , that m the king will neither sell , nor to farm set , nor take any thing from the demeans of the church in the vacancie . fourthly , that n all ecclesiasticall persons shall enjoy all their lawfull jurisdictions , and other rights wholly without any diminution or subtraction whatsoever . fiftly , o a bishop is regularly the kings immediate officer to the kings court of justice in causes ecclesiasticall . sixtly , p it is a maxime of the common law , that where the right is spirituall , and the remedy therefore onely by the ecclesiasticall law , the conusans thereof doth appertain to the ecclesiasticall court. seventhly , q sir edw : coke tels us from bracton , that r no other but the king can demand ( or command ) the bishop to make inquisition . eightly , ſ every archbishoprick and bishoprick in england are holden of the king per baroniam ( by baronry ) . and in this right they that were called by writ to the parliament , were lords of parliament . t and every one of these , when any parliament is to be holden , ought ex debito justitiae ( by due of justice ) to have a writ of summons . and this is as much as any temporall lord can chalenge . the conclusion of all is this , that u neither the king , nor his heirs ( or successors ) will ever endeavour to infringe or weaken these liberties . and if this shall be done by any other , nihil valeat , & pro nullo habeatur , let it be of no force , and passe for nothing . hence x it is provided by act of parliament , that if any judgement be given contrary to any of the points of the great charter , by the justices , or by any other of the kings ministers whatsoever , it shall be undone , and holden for nought . let all true hearted englishmen observe this , that are lovers of their countreys liberties . 21. we have seen , what the king hath granted & sworn , as also in what order ; and that the oath is but one . and yet mr. geree goes forward , as if it were certain without question , that this to the clergie , were a severall oath from that to the people . confidently therefore he presseth it , that y the king cannot afterwards ingage himself . whereas he ingaged himself alike to his people at the same instant , that he would preserve the priviledges both of clergie and commonaltie , because both his people . now , why his majestie should be bound to maintain the priviledges of that one estate , rather then of the other ▪ i cannot conceive . especially when i consider , that z the priviledges of the clergie are granted to god ; without whose blessing nor privilege , nor people can be preserved . the king then herein non c●●sit jure suo , hath not yeelded up the clergie or his right to any other ; neither can he with a safe conscience do so . but since a magna charta hath been so often confirmed , even by 32. severall acts of parliament , the parliament , in that sense you take it , hath parted with that right it had , by these severall grants and confirmations : and we ought in justice to enjoy our priviledges , and they to maintain them ▪ unlesse they mean to affront and subvert so many acts of parliament , and that main charter and honour of this kingdom . as if they onely had the judgement of infa 〈…〉 ibilitie ; which scotland denies . declarat . of the kingdom of scotland , p. 19. chap. ix . how far forth , and wherein the clergie is subject to a parliament , and to what parliament . 1. the net is prepared , the snare layed , danger is at hand , and yet we must not forsake , or betray the truth in time of need . the noose layed by our church adversary , is this : b the clergie and their priviledges are subject to the parliament , or they are not . to this we must say , yea , or nay ; and the man thinks he hath us sure enough . but the man is mistaken , one mesh is not well made up ; and i must tell him that we are subject to the parliament , and we are not . subject we are to the parliament , consisting of head and members ; but not to the members without the head , not to the members alone ; since we are subject to the members meerly for the heads sake ; and in those things onely , wherein he subjects us to them . set apart the head , and we are fellow members , fellow subjects . for iowe no temporall subjection to any or many subjects , but onely for the kings sake . though the parliament be a great , a representative , an honourable body , yet it is but a body : and that body , with every member thereof , owe obedience and service to the head ; not one to another . i say nothing , if i prove it not by scripture . c submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the lords sake ; whether it be to the king as supreme ; or unto governors , as unto those that are sent by him , by the king. as if he should say , submit your selves to the king , for the lords sake ; and to other governors for the king● sake . for king● have their commission from god ; but all state governors from the king : and iowe them no subjection beyond their commission . if then it shall please the king to give the members of parliament power over us , we must submit either by doing , or suffering . either by doing , what they shall command , or by suffering , what shall be inflicted on us . 2. subjection is not due to them , as they are great , or rich men ; but as they are the kings ministers . this is evident , because d all commissions breath and expire with the king e upon death of the king follows necessarily the dissolution of parliament . none of us , that are meer subjects , have at such a time power one over another , but onely by advice ; none of us authority , but onely as this or that man hath gained esteem by his wisedome and integritie . onely the preisthood never dyes , because christ ever lives , from whom the preist hath his commission . but all other subordinate powers expect a new commission from the succeeding prince . this experience taught us upon the death of queen elizabeth . 3. though this be truth , yet no truth can charge us , that f we claime exemption from secular power . you see , we acknowledge our selves subject to the king , as also to those ministers , that he sets over us . but as these may not exceed their commissions given by the king ; neither may the king exceed his commission granted him by god. the kings commission is like the preists , g ad aedificationem , non ad destructionem , for upholding the church and service of god ; not for the ruining of either . and the king may not grant a larger commission to his ministers , then himselfe hath received from the king of heaven ▪ his commission is , to be h a nursing father to the church , not a step-father ; to i preserve to her all her rights and dues , to see , that she be provided with necessaries , and to protect her against her profaine and sacrilegious enemies . surely if our soveraigne hath intrusted the parliament with any power over the church and church-men , it is but with some part of that , wherewith god hath enriched him , and no other . 4. well , k if we be under parliamentary power , it cannot rationally be conceived , to be the meaning of the king so to subject us to the parliament , as to forget , or renounce his hath , by destroying the priviledges of the clergie ( which he hath swo●ne to preserve ) against ( or in dishonour to ) that power to which they are legally subject ▪ how far we are legally subject to this parliament , i know ; and how far we are ▪ or may be under parliamentary power , i have alreadie declared . the power we are legally subject to , is his royall majestie ; and it is not , it cannot be , the meaning of the kings oath , to preserve our priviledges against his own power ▪ or to exempt us from his iurisdiction . let the world judge , whether your , or our priviledges and principles be distructive of legall power . we are bound by canon l faithfully to keepe and observe , ( and as much as in us lieth ) to cause to be observed and kept of others , all and singular laws and statutes made for restoring to the crown of this kingdome , the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiasticall , m against all usvrped and forraign power . marke that ; it is not onely against forraign , but it is against usurped , and all usurped power ▪ shew me , if you can , one such loyall canon or resolution from any presbyteriall assembly . n this jurisdiction ecclesiasticall is by the lawes and statutes restored to the imperiall crown of this realme , and not upon the parliament ; because it is by gods word settled upon the crowne . 5. o this authority in causes ecclesiasticall was in the godly kings amongst the jews , & christian emperors in the primitive church ; and hath been exercised by the kings of this realme , according to an act of parliament in that behalfe , an. 32. henr. 8. c. 36. according to this statute were the bishops and the rest of the clergie assembled b● king edward vi. and queene elizabeth for composing the articles of religion , which were allowed to be holden and executed within this realme , by the assent and consent of those princes ; and confirmed by the subscription of the arch-bishops & bishops of the upper house , and of the whole clergie in the neather house in their convocation . as is to be seen in the r●tification of those articles . agreeable to the same statute , the arch-bishops , bishops and other of the clergie were summoned & called by k. iames to treat of canons and constitutions ecclesiasticall ; which were by them agreed upon an. dom. 1603. and were by the same king of blessed memorie ratified and confirmed by his letters patents . and i am certaine , that we have subscribed and sworne , p that the kings majestie under god is the onely supreme governor of this realme , and of all other his highnes dominions and countries , as well in all spirituall , or ecclesiasticall things or causes , as temporall . 6. the substance of your touchie argument is , i hope , satisfied in the eye of every moderate and discreet man. the rest ▪ that follows is but a rhetoricall flourish , or reiteration of what passed before , as if q the kings oath to the clergie could not be consistent with the priviledges of the nation , formerly by him sworn to . as if , without peradventure , there were a former and a latter oath , which i have proved to be most false . and as if we of the clergie were none of the nation . or as if we were bastards , and not legitimate ; slaves , and not free-born subjects . and yet , blessed be god , diverse of our orthodox clergie are as well descended , as any that speake against them , is this , my good brother , to r reverence the preists , and count them holy ? is this the way to invite men of worth , to incorporate themselves into your presbyteriall hierarchie ? surely we are a part of this nation , to whom this promissory oath was made . our rights consisted comfortably many yeers with the priviledges of the people , to the honour of this nation , and to the astonishment of others . with what face then can you say , that the kings oath to the clergie cannot be consistent with the priviledges of the nation ? whereas it is evident , that in three or foure yeers this nation is so weary of the presbyteriall encrochments , that they can no longer possibly endure them . 7. but by your words it seems , ſ when and while the clergy were a distinct corporation from the laitie , the oath had this sense , viz. that the kings oath to the clergie was consistent with the priviledges of the nation ▪ that must be the sense , if i know what sense is . but the clergie were and are a distinct corporation . in ceasing to be popish , we are not ceased to be preists : neither is that necessary and just exemption , or distinction yet abolisht . if it be , why are you so zealous , to distinguish us and our privileges , from the people and their priviledges ? whereas if we be all one without distinction , our priviledges must needs be the very same ; and so no inconsistencie at all . but of this more fully chap. 11. 8. a popish exemption it was for the clergie to be free from the kings commands . but this is abolished , and we readily submit to every ordinance of man ; and wish , that you , and your assembly brethren would learn the same christian obedience . a popish exemption it is for the bishops and their churches to know no governor but the pope . that also is disclaimed , and at the kings coronation it is publickly acknowledged , that the bishops and their churches are under the kings government . the antichristian usurpation is condemned , and true christian subjection justified . the king is the ●nely supreme o vern●r , to him we owe obedience , and to others for him , and under him . and though all antichristian usurpation were abolish●d upon the death of queen mary , yet in all the acts since that time to this present parliament the lords spirituall are distinguished from the lords temporall , the clergy from the laity , and the convoc●tion from the parliament . yea even in these times of confusion , the clergie are doomed by your great masters , to be unfit for lay ▪ or civill imploiment ▪ if there be no such men , then was that sentence sencelesse : & while we are of the same corporation with them , we are as capable of any office of state , as the rest of our fellow-subjects , even to be members of both houses . but this distinction is still on foot ; the kings oath therefore to us is still binding ; especially since our immunities may as well subsist with the priviledges of the commons , as the priviledges of bristoll with the franchizes of london . 9. indeed you may well twit us with the change of our condition ; for we have just cause with bishop latymer to complain , that z there is a plain intent to make the clergie slavery : which was far from the intention of this oath , till your faction prevailed in the change . but what inconvenience will follow , if we confesse , that the intention of the oath was changed , with the change of our condition ? not that , which you aime at . for therein , and so far forth onely is the intention of the oath changed , as our condition is changed . but wherein is our condition changed ? a church we are still ; bishops and preists we are still ; onely our condition is thus far changed ▪ before we were subject to antichristian usurpation , but now we are altogether for christian allegiance . before our bishops and preists were subject to the pope ; but we submit wholly to the king. and i hope , we shall not fare the worse for that . the kings oath is , to protect the church , as it is , not as it was ; not as she was popish and superstitious , but as she is catholick and apostolike . then she was subject to the pope , and free from the king , but now she is subject to the king , and free from the pope . but you would faine enforce us to our old vomit ; for we cannot but discern , that a far more intollerable tyranny is drawing on , by how much the more dangerous it is to be subject to a multitude , then to one ; to a multitude at home , then to one abroad : both of them being equally destructive to the liberty of the church , and alike contrary to the word of god. 10. besides , the change of our condition is either for the better or the worse . if for the worse , this is to maintain popery . he that saith our condition is changed for the worse , justifies , that it is better for us to be subject to the pope , then to the king. if for the better , then must the intention of the oath be changed for the better . for are not these your words , that the change of the clergies condition must needs change the intention of the oath ? without question the intention of the oath was to protect all his subjects in their severall places , dignities , add degrees ; and not to suffer them to oppresse or devoure one another , to see justice done for them and upon them , according to the laws established ; and not to yeeld to any law , that may be distructive to the rights or liberties of any of his subjects . 11. the intention of the oath is , to maintain the ancient , legall , and just rights of the church ; and to preserve unto the bishops due law and justice . we desire no more , and no man may with reason deny this , to be the intention of the oath . the the words are plaine : sir , will you grant , and keep , and by your oath confirme the laws , customs , and franchizes granted to the clergie by the glorious king s. edward ▪ your predecessor , &c. and again ; our lord and king , we beseech you to pardon and grant , and preserve unto us , and to the churches committed to your charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice . all this the king hath sworne to performe ; and hath acknowledged , that by right he ought to do it . and would you have him to be forsworne , and to neglect that , which by right he ought to make good ? surely you would make an excellent ghostly father for the man of sin . 12. neither is this the peculiar opinion of us church-men onely ; that great oracle of the law resolves , that a the king is bound to maintain and defend the rights and inheritance of the church . and he gives two reasons for it ; first , because the church is alwaies in her minoritie , it is under age : seconly , she is in wardship to our lord the king. and then he addes , b nec est juri consonum , quod infra aetatem existentes , per negligentiam custodum svorum exhaeredationem patiantur , seu ab actione repellantur : neither is it consonant to the law ( nor yet to conscience ) , that those who are under age , should either be spoiled of their inheritance , or barred from action at law , through the negligence of their guardians . especially kings being by divine ordinance made guardians and nursing fathers to the church . es . 49. 23. 13. you see , we have divine and humane law for what we say , we claime no c priviledges long since by act of parliament abolisht . we desire not his majestie to contradict , but to ratifie bis oath , and to maintain those laws he found in force . but as for you , all your endeavour is to perswade the laity , that our weale is their woe , and that the upholding of the clergie in their due and ancient state , would be certain ruine to the commons . as if our priviledges were like d pharaohs lean kine , ready to devoure the fat of the laity : as if our aime were to reduce antichristian usurpation , & to subvert the ancient laws . whereas every man may readily discern , that these are but pretences . the true end aimed at in these invectives and incentives , is that the caninus appetitus the wilde ravenous stomachs of m. geree and his fellow presbyterians may be satisfied . but at seven yeers end they will be as lank and hungrie as pharaohs famished kine . it was so with king henry viii : and it will be so with all , that tread in his steps . 14. e it s apparent then to make the intention of that oath to be false and fallacious , and under pretence , that it may not be against legall alteration , so to wrest it , that it may be to the ruine of a great body of his subjects , and those not the worst ; that it shall be against all law and conscience , ( for f that law , which is unjust is no law ) : that it shall be to the subversion of the true religion and service of god , to the distraction of his people , and to the eternall dishonor of himself and the whole kingdome , makes his oath in your sense utterly unlawfull . and if unlawfull , then is it not obligatory either in foro conscienciae , or in foro justitiae , either before god , or any good man ; unlesse it be to do the contrary . but if this oath in the true and literall sense be not against legall alteration , but against unjust oppression , sacriledge , and profanenesse , manifest it is , that it is both lawfull and obligatory ; and the king may not , without violation of his oath , and certain danger of the pure and undefiled religion , passe a bill for the abolition of episcopacy , what ever his houses of parliament think , or petition , or presse never so violently . 15. but your opinion is , that the king may passe a bill , for the abolition of episcopacy . and what i thinke , or what the king thinks ; it is no matter if his houses of parliament think it convenient , he may do it . it is wonder , you had not said , he must do it . indeed you say that , which is equivalent ; for are not these your words ; g he cannot now deny consent ( to their abolition ) without sin ? and if the king without sin cannot deny it , then must he assent unto it . thus by your words it seemes , he is at their disposing , not they at his . indeed , if a man may beleeve you , the power is in the houses , and not in the king. for do not you say , that h the peers and commons in parliament have power , with the consent of the king , to alter whatsoever , &c. and againe ; i there 's no question of power in the parliament to over-rule it . the power , it seemes , is in them , consent onely in the king. and here , the king may passe a bill , when his houses think it convenient . well , he may , and he may choose ; he may consent , or dissent . k cujus enim est consentire , ejus est & dissentire . and so long we are well enough . for the kings negative in parliament is a full testimony of his supreme power . hence is it , that the houses petition for his consent , which they need not do , if the power were in the houses . besides , his houses , the kings houses , you call them ; and so they are . this also manifests , that they are at his disposing , and not he at theirs . they must therfore wait his pleasure , til he thinks it convenient . his consent they may petition for , enforce they ought not , since they are his subjects ; enforce it they cannot , since l he hath power over his own will. and whatever you suppose , it is in his power to consent , or dissent , when he sees it convenient ; and consequently to keep , or not to keep his oath . his affirmative makes it a law ; his negative denys it to be a law. for m the king is the onely judge , whether the bills agreed upon , and presented , be for the publick good , or no : and to take away the kings negative voice , is contrary to your covenant ; it diminisheth the kings just power and greatnesse ; and cuts off all regall power . witnesse the declaration of the kingdome of scotland . p. 18. chap. x. whether it be lawfull for the king , to abrogate the rights of the clergie . 1. the question proposed is concerning episcopacy ; but now you are fallen to the rights of the clergie . as if this were a sound and unanswerable argument , it is lawfull for the king to abrogate the rights of the clergy : ergo , it is lawfull for him to abrogate episcopacy . it is for all the world , as if one should say , it is lawfull for the king to take away the rights of lawyers ; ergo , he may also take away judicature . yet all men would say , that this were flat tyrannie ; since without judicature no man can compasse , or enjoy his own with peace . 2. but i shall return your argument so upon you , as shall concern you more neerly . it is lawfull for the king to abrogate the rights of the clergie : it is therefore lawfull for him to abrogate presbytery . how like you this ? is it not your own argument , changing terme episcopacy into presbytery . ye have strooke out the former & set up the latter in the place of episcopacy . and your scholers , by the same argument , may live to root up thut too , if any lands be annexed to this great diana of geneva . thus you have made a rod to scourge your selves with . 3. but you will say , that though it be legall for the king , to take away the rights , yet he may not destroy the order . and why so ? because the rights are granted by man , but the order was settled by god : and what god hath ordained , is not lawfull for man to abrogate . i must return you the same answer , since t is sufficiently justified . c. 4. 5. that the order of episcopacy is the immediate institution of our b. saviour , and ministeriall root , from whence all orders spring . though then this be n the usuall way of cleering this your assertion , and you o conceive it to be a sound resolution , yet learned men see , that you have said just nothing , unlesse you confesse , that the order of presbyter may likewise be ex●i●pated by royall authority . 4. but return we to the rights of the clergie , and take notice upon what grounds you suppose it lawfull for the king to abrogate those rights , which he hath vowed so solemnly to maintain . p the king ( say you ) is sworne to maintaine the laws of the land in force at his coronation . yet it is not unlawfull for him after to abrogate any of them , upon the motion , or with the consent of his parliament . i am glad that you acknowledge it to be the kings prerogative , to maintaine the laws of the land ; and that it is not unlawfull for him , to abrogate any of them with the consent of his parliament . if he be bound by oath , either he hath power to maintain these laws , or not . if he hath not power , it is a senselesse oath . if he hath power , where is it ? what is become of it ? hath he resigned it ? we know the contrary . hath he forfeited it ? to whom ? to his subjects ? he can no more forfeit his regall power to his subjects , then a father the right of fatherhood to his children . he is no more a king upon condition , then a father is a father upon condition . his power he hath not from the people , but from god. q per me reges regnant , by me kings reign , saith god. and , i hope , god speaks no untruth . his substitute the king is , for r he sits on gods ( not on the peoples ) throne ; and ſ king he is for the lord , in his stead . 5. if you object misdemeanours , or bearing armes against his parliament ; your self say , that t he is sworne to maintain the laws of the land. the laws , liberties , and properties were all at stake , they were trampled upon by his faithlesse , but potent subjects . this enforced him to take up u that sword , which he ought not to beare in vaine , but to x execute wrath as the minister of god , upon them that do evill ; upon such , as plunder his good subjects , and turn them out of house and home . for y the king is made by god the supreme governor , for the punishment of evill doers , as also for the praise of those , that do well . but suppose the king were a tyrant , as bad as bad may be , yet z we ought from our hearts to give him all due honour ; so beza ; and not to rob him of his just power . if he sin a it is against god onely ; and to him onely he must account ; not to his subjects . 6. well , bound he is by oath , b to maintain the laws , while they are laws . as yet then the rights of the church are safe , and the king is bound to maintain them . but how long are these laws in force ? c till they are abrogated by just power in a regular way . they are your own words , and we subscribe them . but the just power is in his majestie , by your own confession , both d to maintain , and to abrogate laws . and the regular way , say you , is at the motion , or with the consent of his parliament . but with all our loyall predecessors we say , at the petition , or humble suit [ not at the motion ] of his parliament . and his it is , his they are all , though members of parliament , since the parliament is his. they are not then a parliament of themselves , at their own choice , or disposing , nor yet without him . his they are ; i am sure , they should be so ; i would to god they were so . * the king is the fountain of honour and power within his own dominions . and e who may say unto him , what doest thou ? why doest thou honour this man , and not that ? why doest thou call a parliament at this time , and not at that ? f impius est , qui regi dixerit , inique agis : he is impious , that saith unto the king , thou dealest unjustly , or unequally . so the fathers read that place . no obbraiding , no controulling of a king ; g he can do no wrong . so the law. 7. his , the kings , they are , when they are met , and set in parliament , h his great councell , magnum concilium regis ; i his houses , k his parliament . and l therefore called so , that they may parlar la ment , speak their minds freely for the generall good . him they may entreat , not controul ; advise , not command ; perswade , not enforce . suppose , the king grants them power and authoritie , he grants them none either over , or against himself : this he cannot do . this were to set the members above the head , and to make his subjects superior to himself . this were to despoil himself of the power of the sword. but this he may not do , since m god hath made him supreme , and n given him the charge of the sword. and his majestie may not invert that order , which god hath set ; neither may he repeal gods ordinance , or make it void . god hath laid the charge upon him , and he cannot with a safe conscience decline it , or neglect it . 8. observe , i beseech you : o though pharaoh set joseph over his house , and over his people to rule and arm them at his pleasure : though joseph were so p made ruler over all the land of egypt , yet without him no man might lift up his hand or foot , within that land ; yet joseph is not king . q pharaoh keeps his throne ; and therein is he greater then joseph , who still is but pharaohs deputy , though r lord of all egypt . and though he be ſ a father to pharaoh , yet t is he still at his command . thus is it with the parliament of england ; though they are put in highest trust by the king , yet are they still at his disposing , either u to be adjourned , prorogued , or dissolved at his pleasure ; and are at his command in all things lawfull and honest . to this great councell we are no further to submit , then in those things they are sent for by the king , and so far forth as they have commission from him . s. peter saies the same . x submit your selves unto the king as supreme , or unto governors as unto them , that are sent by him , by the king. so far forth , and in such things , for which they are sent , i owe them obedience ; but no further . 9. how far forth the king is sworn to maintain the laws of the land , and upon what grounds they may safely be repealed , we have alreadie seen . now we are called upon to descend to the rights of the clergie ; whereof your resolution is this , by way of consequence . y so the king by his oath is bound to maintain the rights of the clergie , while they continue such . but , blessed be god , such they do continue : the king therefore by oath is bound to maintain them . 10. z but ( say you ) if any of their rights be abrogated by just power , he stands no longer ingaged to that particular . why , i beseech you , do you leave out something here , that you held necessary for the abrogation of the laws of the land. before it was , that the laws might be abrogated by just power in a regular way . but here you grant , that the rights of the clergie may be abrogated by just power . but what 's become of the regular way ? was it forgotten ? or left out on set purpose ? surely there is a my fiery in it ; for your argument ought to procede thus : by what means the laws of the land may be abrogated , by the same means may the rights of the clergie be abrogated . but the laws of the land may be abrogated by just power in a regular way . ergo , the rights of the clergie may be abrogated by just power in a regular way . thus the syllogisme stands fair for the form ; and the major or minor proposition must be denied by the respondent : otherwise he is at a non-plus , and convinced . but your conclusion is , so , or , ergo , the rights of the clergie may be abrogated by just power . but this so is faultie ; and so is the syllogisme ; because the minor terminus is maimed in the conclusion ; it comes not in whole , as it should do . the reason why , is plain ; because you are not able to set down a regular way , wherein , or whereby those rights , you aim at , may be abolished . 11. and what wonder , that you can finde no regular way for the clergie and their rights , since you have put them clean out of the regular , the right way . and when ye will find the regular way , god knows ; for , plain it is , that ye are out of the way . ye wander this way , and that way , like men in a maze , or mis-led by an ignis fatuus , by jack in a lantern . no rule at all you have to be guided by but onely this , that the book of common prayers must down , and episcopacy shall not stand . so farewell heavenly devotion , and all true faith ; and farewell church . if this be not to be possessed with the spirit of giddinesse , and impietie , i know not what is . 12. but , i pray you , give me leave , before i passe further , to tell you , that just power goes alwayes in a regular way . and when it leaveth that way , it ceaseth to be just ; unlesse inforced by such necessitie , as cannot be provided for in a regular way . that power onely is just , which doth nothing wittingly but what is just ; and distributes to every man and societie their severall dues . if it do otherwise , we cannot call it just , unlesse we desire to incur that sentence of the almighty , a he that saith unto the wicked , thou art righteous , him shall the people curse , nations shall abhor him . 13. well , be it just , or unjust , be it never so much cursed at home , or abhorred abroad , you are resolved to justifie the abrogation of the rights of the clergie . what ? a clergie-man , and a preacher of the word of god , and altogether for ruine and destruction ? surely you are not a preacher of that word , which s. paul taught ; for he professeth , that b authoritie is given to men of our calling , not for destruction , but for edification . shew me one preacher in the word of god , besides corah and his confederates , that ever spake , or wrot any thing against the rights of the clergie . you cannot possibly , unlesse you bring in judas with his c ad quid , finding fault , with that cost , which was bestowed upon our saviours person . indeed no man so fit for your turn ; d he robbed and betrayed the head , and you the body . but you know , what censure is passed upon him for it ; e this he said , because he was a theife , and did carrie the bag . he did , and you would . it is private , not publick interest , that stirres up ambitious and greedy spirits against christ and his vicegerents . i can shew you f s. paul magnifying his office , and g justifying the priviledges therof . but you are none of s. pauls followers ; demetrius and alexander , silver-smiths and copper-smiths , are your good masters , and with them i leave you . 14. but what are these rights that you are so eagar to have abrogated ? every subject in his severall place and degree hath right to his lands , to his goods , to his liberties and privileges : and so hath every clergie-man ; unlesse we of the clergie be no longer subjects , but slaves . would you have all these , or onely some of these abolished ? a question it was at first , but now i see , what they are . first , h episcopacy . 2ly , i the clergies priviledges , & immunities . 3ly , the k bishops ecclesiasticall , or sole jurisdiction in so large a circuit . 4ly , l the bishops great revenues . thus the rights of the clergie , are precisely inventoried , that so neither root nor branch may scape their fingers . episcopacy we have already taken into consideration ; now let us take a survey of the rest . 15. but first let us observe the course , you propose , to strip us of these rights . your method is subtil , and your expressions at first view seeme moderate : you put us in equall balance with the rest of our fellow-subjects . thus you argue ; m it is not unlawfull to abrogate any of the laws of the land : it is not therefore unlawfull to abrogate any of the rights of the clergie . thus far your argument seemes to proceed fairely . but how comes it to passe , that out of this any of the kingdome , you conclude against all the rights of the clergie ? for what have the clergie besides their orders , priviledges , and immunities ; besides their jurisdiction and revenues ? and yet all , all these you expose to the mercie of a parliament . but , in good sooth , do you think , that if it be lawfull for a parliament to alter or abolish any particular laws of the land , that therefore it is lawfull to take away all , that the clergie have , or should have ? indeed this is something answerable to the proceedings of these times . it would sound very harsh , if it were thus resolved ; it is lawfull for king and parliament to abrogate any of the laws of the land : it is therefore lawfull for them to abolish all the laws of the land. and yet this is your manner of arguing . as if a particular included the generall ; as if any were equivalent to all . which is apparently false ; for universals are of a far larger extent then these individua vaga , uncertain notions . though all comprehend any , yet any comprehends not all . for lawfull it is not to subvert the fundamentall laws ; therefore not all . this were to raze the foundation of the kingdome . were this justified of any particular corporation , or body politick , besides the clergie , it would not be indured . oh , how would the citizens of london storme , if we should conclude thus ; it is lawfull to take away any of the laws of the land ; and therefore it is lawfull to take away all the rights of the city of london . yet let wise men judge , if this be not your argument right . but the clergie is become the asse of the times ; it must bear all , or sink under the burden . 16. but you say , that this is to be done n by just power in a regular way . well and good . but can that be a just power , which deals unjustly ? for o justice gives to every man his own ; according to gods command , p render to every man his due . the law of god we confesse to be the supreme law ? whatever then is done against the law of god , cannot be just . yea though it be done by a law , no act can justifie it ; since a law contrary to gods word , is no sooner made , then void . i speak to christians . but with you r the law shall be valid , though injurious . to the injuriousnesse of this law i shall submit , because a subject ; but never acknowledge any validitie therein , because a christian . 17. by a just power , we see , this cannot be done ; how then shall it be done in a regular way ? a regular way , as you conceive you have set down ; wherein any law of the land may be abrogated . and that is , ſ upon the motion , or with the consent of the parliament . how comes this to passe ? because the parliament consists of the head , and the representative body of the whole kingdome . and who are these ? first t the king , who is the head . 2ly , the lords spirituall and temporall : and 3ly , the commons . but the parliament is maimed of late . u 1. the house of commons represents the greivances of the countrey . 2. the house of lords advise his majestie with their counsell , and propose for the common good , what they conceive meet . 3. x it is in the kings power to assent to these proposals , or to disassent , to make them statutes , or no statutes . and that the crown may receive no detriment , the king hath the judges of the land , his councell , and other officers of state present , to prevent such mischiefes . the lords take care of their lands and honors , that they be not damnified by any new law. the knights and burgesses by the severall counties and corporations , are intrusted with such things , as concern their generall or particular good . and all are to take care for the good of the church , the common mother of us al. in these things every man doth , or ought to provide , that all things be so done for the common good , that ( if it be possible ) nothing be done to the prejudice of any . 18. and reason for it : for as y by one spirit we are all baptised into one body spirituall , or mysticall , so by the goodnesse of god we all are under one king incorporated into one body politick . z but the body is not one member , but many . indeed a if it were all one member , where were the body ? and god hath so tempered this body together , that b every member hath need one of another ; and c those , which seem to be most feeble , are necessary . all this was done by the great wisedome of god , d that there might be no divisions , or distractions , in the body : but that the members should have the same care one for another . thus god hath knit us together with the bonds of a mitie and necessity , that we might love one another sincerely . but charity is so farre from doing wrong , that e she seeketh not her own . which is thus to be understood , according to s. austins expression , f quia communia propriis , non propria communibus anteponit : because charity prefers the common good before her own private interest , and not her own private interest before the common good . where this love is , ther 's the common-wealth . but what state is that kingdom in , where they that are intrusted by the publick , seeke their own , and indeavour with might and maine , to make that theirs , which is none of theirs ? where under pretence of the common good , they ingrosse all into their own clutches ? is not this the crying sinne , the grand monopolie of these times ? 19. the regular way to abrogate any of the rights of the clergie , or laity , is at their own motion , or consent , made and delivered by their representatives in parliament , or convocation . henry viii , with cromwell , and the rest of his blessed councel , after banishment of the popes power , knew not which way to make a title to monasteries with their lands and goods , but onely by grant and surrender of the abbots . with them therefore he labours by his great and active servant cromwell ; who prevailes with some by promises and large annuities ; with other by violence and the sword : as is manifested by master spelman , in the preface to his ever honoured fathers book de non temerandis ecclesiis . the statute therefore 31. hen. viii . c. 13. tells us , that these grants surrenders , &c. were made freely , voluntarily , and without compulsion , to the king , his heires and successors . what ever the truth be , this was the onely legall pretence they could devise . and this is the onely course you can take , to make a plea in law to the church-lands . you are faine therefore at last to perswade the clergies consent , p. 5. but of that in due place . 20. in the mean space thus much by the way . either we are subjects , or no subjects ; if we are subjects , then ought we to have the liberties and priviledges of subjects ; whereof this is one , that not so much as a subsidie , or a little ship-mony be taken from any one of us , without our assent yeelded either by ourselves , or by such as we put in trust . and this present parliament hath often protested before god and the world , that the rights and liberties of subjects they do and will defend with their lives and fortunes . why then are our rights and liberties so strook at , and exposed to contempt and sale ? are we no subjects ? surely we were borne so . how then did we forfeit g our birth-right ? by taking orders ? then is it better to be mr. gerees groom , then himself . and , it may be , this is the reason , why so many step up into the pulpit without orders , lest perchance they lose their birth-right . 21. it may be , you will say , that we were not born priests or clergie-men . you say right ; neither is any man born a lawyer , a goldsmith , or a draper . and yet when any of our brethren undertake these professions , they enjoy the rights and liberties , they were born to , with some additions . and why not we ? and yet we poore clergie-men are the onely free-born subjects , that are out-lawed , as it were , and cast forth as dung upon the face of the earth . surely it is better to be a parliamentarians foot-boy , then h a steward of the mysteries of christ . and yet such we are . little do these men consider , that all subjects are born alike capable of these rights , if so they be fit to take orders . the wrong therefore is done alike to all free-born subjects ; perchance to mr. speakers grandchild . since then i the kings oath ( as you confesse ) is against acting or suffering a tyrannous invasion on laws and rights ; it must necessarily follow , that as he may not act , so he may not suffer any such tyranny to be used . hitherto he hath withstood these temptations : and god , i hope , will ever deliver him from them , and from the hands of his enemies . even so amen , lord jesu . chap. xi . whether the clergie and laitie be two distinct bodies , or one body politick . that church-men in all ages had some singular priviledges allowed them . 1. that with some colour you may perswade the people , that it is lawfull not onely to clip the wings , but to pick the carkasse , and to grate the very bones of the clergie , you tell them , that k this oath was so framed , when the clergie of england was a distinct society or corporation from the people of england . when was this oath , i beseech you , framed ? you should have done well to have pointed out the time ; and not tell us , that l this distinction is a branch of popery . but this is the fashion of such , as you are , when you intend to disgrace , alter , or destroy any thing , that concerns the church , then presently 't is popery . thus you cast a mist before the peoples eyes , that loath popery ; and yet know not , what popery is . 2. but this his majesties oath is grounded upon the word of god , who hath made promise to his church , spread among the gentiles , that m kings shall be her nursing fathers , and queens her nursing mothers . when therefore christian kings are inthroned , they take a most solemn oath , not onely to administer true justice to the people , but that they will also maintain the rights and priviledges of the church and clergie , as by right they ought to do . the reason is , because there are so many envious & mischievous eyes upon the church : because n the edomites and ishmaelites , the moabites and hagarens , have cast their heads together with one consent , and conspired to take her houses and lands into possession . gods word prevails with few ; the kings sword therefore must stand between the church , and such sacrilegious spirits . 3. if they fail in this duty , then o will the lord enter into judgement with the ancients of the people , and the princes thereof . what , for this cause ? yes , for this very cause : p for ye have eaten up the vineyard ; the spoil of the poore is in your houses . is this any thing to the church ? yes marrie is it , the geneva note tels you so . q meaning ( saith the note ) that the rulers and governors had destroyed his church , and not preserved it according to their duty . those , who are guilty of this mischief , let them beware : his majesties comfort is , that he hath withstood these impious designes according to his duty . for r whosoever shall gather himself in thee , against thee , shall fall . ſ meaning the domesticall enemies of the church , as are the hypocrites . dear brother , take heed to your feet , and remember , that t it is a dreadfull thing to fall into the hands of the everliving god. but view we your reason . 4. u the clergie and laitie ( say you ) were distinct bodies ; but this distinction is taken away , and laity and clergie are now one body politick . one body politick ? are we so ? whence is it then , that the bishops are thrust out of the house of peers ; and that none of us may vote , or sit in the house of commons ? are we of the same body ; and yet have no priviledges with the body ? in at subjection , out at immunities ? in at taxes , out at privileges ? this is one of those even ordinances , which your blessed covenant hath hatched . of the same body we are , under the same power , subject to the same laws , and yet not capable of the same privileges . is this equalitie ? scoggins doal right , some all , and some never a whit . 5. neither do we say , that we are a severall or distinct body ; but we are a severall state , or corporation in the same body . one body , but severall members in and of the same body . in ecclesiasticall persons of this kingdom are commonly three qualities or conditions : one is naturall , the other two are accidentall . 1. englishmen and denisons of this kingdom we are by birth : 2. vniversitie men by matriculation and education : and 3. clergie men by ordination . by the first we have an interest in the privileges of the kingdom . by the second we have an interest in the immunities of the universitie . by the third we have an interest in the rights of the church . the later privileges do not annihilate that right or claim , which we have by birth . neither cease we to be the kings subjects , because clergie men . in taking orders we put not off allegeance ; we rather confirm and inlarge it . for x a shame it is for us to teach others , what we do not our selves . and our duty it is , to y put every man in minde to be subject to principalities and powers , and to obey magistrates . 6. that there are severall relations in us of the clergie , and that we have severall privileges by these relations , will appear evidently in s. paul , who was z an israelite by blood , a a roman by freedom , but b an apostle by ordination . by his orders he lost none of his former privileges , but c acquired new , whereto he had no right as israelite , or romane . yet , as occasion serves , he stands upon his privileges as a romane ; and both d the centurion and the commander in chief were afraid to offend against that law , or privilege . but we with bl●shlesse foreheads trample upon gods laws , and the privileges of his nearest servants . but though s. paul stand upon his privileges , and e magnifie his office , yet f he acknowledgeth himself to be cesars subject , and that at his tribunall he ought to be judged . 7. our saviour himself had severall relations : g he was the son of david , and the lord of david ; the son of david , according to his humanitie ; but the lord of david , in his deitie . as lord of all , he receives tithes and sacrifices ; h as a subject he payes tribute to cesar : and when an arraigned person , i he acknowledgeth judge pilate to have power against him . besides this , he is a king , a priest , and a prophet : a king , to command ; a priest , to offer sacrifice ; and a prophet , to foretell , what he sees meet . nay there is hardly a citizen of london , but hath a treble relation to severall privileges : 1. to the generall rights as he is a free denison of this nation ; 2. to others , as he is citizen of london ; and to a third sort , as he is free of this or that company . and shall the meanest freeman enjoy his severall rights , when the ministers and stewards of god are cut out of all . are we dealt with as the dispensers of gods high and saving mysteries ? nay , are we so well dealt with as the lowest members of this nation ? is not this the way to lead in jeroboams priests ; to fill the pulpits with the scum of the people , and to bring the priesthood into utter contempt ? o all ye , that passe by the way , behold , and consider , if ever the like shame befell any nationall church , that is threatened to ours , at this day . but k thus it comes to passe , when there is no king in the israel of god. 8. if this distinction between clergie and laity be a branch of popery , how comes it to passe , that those great reformers , and zealous enemies to popery , suffered the clergie to continue a distinct province of themselves ; and that they did not with popery quite extinguish this distinction ? why doth q. elizabeth call them l a great state of this kingdome , if they be no state at all ? why did king edward vi. that vertuous lady queene elizabeth , and wise king iames , summon the bishops to convene in convocation as a distinct society ; and to vote in the house of peers as lords spirituall ; plainly by title distinguished from the lords temporall ? m vndoubtedly ( say you ) all priviledges of the clergie , that are ( or were ) contrariant to the laws of the land , were abolisht in the reign of henry the eight . they were so . it follows therefore undoubtedly , that these priviledges , which were continued through so many princes raigns that were enemies to popery , were neither popish nor contrariant to the laws of the land. and yet some of those times were not over favourable to the clergie . 9. that we are a distinct society , or corporation from the people is evident ; by the coronation oath , by magna charta , by severall acts of parliament , and by scripture itself . the coronation oath observes the distinction of clergie and people ; and assures us , that they shall be distinctly preserved . magna charta does the like : and the acts of parliament distinguish the kings subjects into clergie and laity , allotting to each their severall priviledges ; allowing the people to take many courses , which the clergie may not . this distinction is approved by scripture , where n the lord takes the levites from among the children of israel . s. paul assures us , that o every high preist is taken from among men. and the scholiast tels us ▪ that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is there taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if the apostle had said , he is set apart from men , from the common people . this exemption or distinction , which you are pleased to call q a branch of popery , or r of antichristian usurpation , is here justified by gods owne word . and josephus that was well skilled in moses writings , and judaicall antiquities , testifies , that ſ moses did seperate the tribe of levi from the communitie of the people . he might have said , that god himself did it ; for the text saith plainly , that t the lord seperated the tribe of levi to beare the arke of the covenant , to stand before the lord , to administer unto him , and to blesse in his name . from that time forward u they were not numbred amongst the rest of the people ; x the lords they were : and y the rest of the tribes were strangers to their office . z the very light of nature taught the heathen to distinguish between preist and people ; and to allow them distinct priviledges . and the light of scripture taught christians to do the like : hence is it , that not onely in the canons of the church , but also in the imperiall constitutions this distinction between the clergie and laity is most frequent and familiar . otherwise what strange confusion must necessarily have overspread the face of the church , if this distinction had not been religiously preserved ? what diverse would not see , these times have enforced us to feele . 10. and yet for all this , we say not , that a we are exempt from secular power ; neither set we up two supremacies . this will prove to be your popish or anarchicall doctrine ; yours , i say , that would so fain cast this aspersion upon us . for do not you tell us , that b ther 's a supremacie in the king , and a supremacie in the parliament ? are not here two supremacies set up by you ; that so you may make the parliament law-lesse , and subject to no power ? we detest and have abjured the popes supremacie ; and not onely that , but all other supremacies , besides the kings , within these his majesties dominions and countries . for we have sworne , that king charles is the onely supreme governor of all his realms , over all persons in all causes . but you induce the peoples supremacie . wheras we know no coordination but a subordination of all persons severally and jointly to his majestie , and to his majestie onely , within all his dominions . 11. we protest before god and the world , sincerely and from the heart , that the king is major singulis , & major universis , greater then any , and greater then all the members of his dominions , whether in , or out of parliament : and that he is c homo a deo secundus , & solo deo minor , second to god , and lesse then god onely . to this our best lawyers bear testimonie , even that d the king is superior to all , and inferior to none . and our e acts of parliament say the same . thus much in substance we have sworne ; and we unfainedly beleeve , that all the world cannot absolve us of this oath . as therefore we hitherto have done , so shall we still , by gods grace , bear faith , and true allegiance to his majestie , his heirs and successors , though it be to the hazard of our liberty , of our estates , and lives . yea we acknowledge our selves obliged to the laws of the land in all those things , which concern the right and peaceable administration of the state. to the king we pay first fruits and tenths : which lay impropriators are seldome charged with . to the king we grant and pay subsidies after an higher rate , then any of the laity , by many degrees . where then are the two supremacies , which we erect ? 12. 't is true indeed , that f for deciding of controversies , and for distribution of justice within this realm , there be two distinct jurisdictions , the one ecclesiasticall , limited to certain spirituall and particular cases . the court , wherin these causes are handled , is called forum ecclesiasticum , the ecclesiasticall court. the other is secular and generall ; for that it is guided by the common and generall law of the realme . now this is a maxime , affirmed by the master of the law , that g the law doth appoint every thing to be done by those , unto whose office it properly appertaineth . but h unto the ecclesiasticall court diverse causes are committed jure apostolico , by the apostolicall law. such are those , that are commended by s. paul to timothy the bishop of the ephesians , and to titus the bishop of the cretians . first , to i receive an accusation against a presbyter , and the manner how . 2ly , to k rebuke him , if occasion require . 3ly . l if any presbyter preach unsound doctrine , the bishop is to withdraw himself from him , m that is to excommunicate him . 4ly , n in the same manner he is to use blasphemers , disobedient and unholy persons , false accusers , trucebreakers , traitors , and the like . 5ly , o the bishop is to reject , p that is , to excommunicate , all hereticks after the first and second admonition . 13. q these things the ordinary ( or bishop ) ought to do de droit , of right ( as sir edward coke speaks ) that is to say , he ought to do it by the ecclesiasticall law in the right of his office . these censures belong not to secular courts ; they are derived from our saviours preistly power , aud may not be denounced by any , that is not a preist at least . and , r a maxime it is of the common law , ( saith that famous lawyer ) that where the right is spirituall , and the remedy therefore onely by the ecclesiasticall law , the c●nusans thereof doth appertain to the ecclesiasticall court. but ſ a bihop is regularly the kings immediate officer to the kings court of justice in causes ecclesiasticall . therefore not a company of presbyters : no rule for that . and this is it that wrings and vexes you so sorely . for your a me is t to share the bishops lands and jurisdiction among you of the presbyteriall faction . this your vast covetousnesse & ambition have of late cost the church full deere , and have been a maine cause of these divisions and combustions . by these means you have made a forcible entrie upon nabaoths vineyard . it were well ahab and jezabel would beware in time . however , wise men consider , that every one , that steps up to the bar is not fit to be a judge ; nor every one , that layes about him in the pulpit , meet to be a bishop . 14. besides , in those epistles this power is committed to single governors , to timothy alone , and to titus alone . but timothy and titus were bishops strictly and properly so called ; that is , they were of an higher order then presbyters , even of the same with the apostles . hence is that of s. cyprian , u ecclesia super episcopos constituitur , & omnis actus ecclesiae per eosdem praepositos gubernatur . the church is settled upon bishops , and every act of the church is ruled by the same governors . by bishops , not by presbyters . now the word of god is , norma sui , & obliqui , the rule , whereby we must be regulated : from which if we depart , we fall foule , or runne awry . since then the church is settled upon bishops , it is not safe for any king or state to displace them , lest they unsettle themselves and their posterity . they that have endeavoured to set the church upon presbyters , x have incurred such dangers , as they wot not of . for if we beleive s. cyprian , 1 they offend god , 2 they are unmindfull of the gospel ; 3 they affront the perpetuall practise of the church ; 4 they neglect the judgment to come ; and 5 endanger the souls of their brethren , whom christ dyed for . neither is this the opinion of s. cyprian onely ; ignatius speaks as much ; y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as many as are christs , cleave fast to the bishop . but these that forsake him , and hold communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with the accursed , shall be cut off with them . this is ignatius genuine resolution , attested by vedel●us from geneva : and if true ; a most dreadfull sentence for those , that endeavour the extirpation of episcopacy . 15. as for the priviledges of the clergie , which you are so earnest to ruinate , i shall manifest , that they have footing in the law of nature , in the law of moses , and in the gospel . in the law of nature . z abraham give tithes to the preist of the most high god , a the preists in egypt had lands belonging to them , as also portions of the kings free bountie . and the same law of nature taught pharoah and joseph b not to alienate either the preists lands , or other their maintenance in time of extremest famine . by the light of nature c a●taxerxes king of perfia decreed , that it should not be lawfull for any man to lay toll , tribute , or custome upon any preist , levite , singer , porter , or other minister of the house of god. and d king alexander sonne of antiochus epiphanes made jonathan the high preist a duke , and governor of a province . e he commanded him also to be clothed in purple ; and f caused him to sit by , or with , his own royall person . g he sent also to the same high preist a buckle or collar of gold , to weare ; even such as were in use with the princes of the blood . and h by proclamation he commanded that no man should molest the high preist , or prefer complaint against him . and can it be denied , that i melchisedec , preist of the most high god , was king of salem , and made so by god himself ? 16. in the law , k the lord made aaron more honourable , and gave him an heritage . he divided unto him the first fruits of the increase ; and to him especially he appointed bread in abundance . l for him he ordained glorious and beautifull garments . m he beautified aaron with comely ornaments , and clothed him with a robe of glory . n upon his head he set a miter , and o a crown of pure gold upon the miter , wherein was ingraved holinesse ; and this , if i mistake not , is p that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which philo tels us , was set upon the preists head , and is the cheife ornament of the eastern kings . the reason , he gives for it , is this ; because q while the preist is discharging his dutie he is more eminent then any person whatsoever , even then kings . but i rather conceive , it was because at that time he represented , or prefigured the royall preisthood of our saviour . 17. for the gospel , we have prophecies , in what state and honor preists ought to be had among christians . witnesse that evangelicall prophet , whose words are these , r ye shall be named the preists of the lord ( as they are at this day ) : men shall call you the ministers of our god. ye shall eat the riches of the gentiles , and ye shall be exalted with their glory . this is one ▪ the other shall be from that royall psalmist ; t in stead of thy fathers thou shalt have children , whom thou mayest make princes in all lands . do not you go about to make the word of god a lye , while you endeavour to dis-inherit the clergie of these privileges and honors ? but u god shall be true , he shall be justified in his sayings ; and every man shall be a liar . behold , how these prophecies were fulfilled under the gospēl . when our saviour sent forth his apostles and disciples to preach the gospel , and to dispense his heavenly mysteries , he daines them with this honour , to rank them for usage with himself ; x he that despiseth you , despiseth me ; and he that receiveth you , receiveth me . to intimate to all christians , that they ought to use his messengers , as they would christ in his own person . for whether well , or ill , he will take it as done to himself . hence is it , that y the galathians received s. paul as an angel of god , even as christ jesus . yea z they were ready to pull out their own eyes , to do him a pleasure . and a when this apostle came to melita , he , and those that attended him , were courteously entertained , honoured they were with many honors , and enriched with gifts , by the prince of that island , and his people . 18. some , it may be , may conceive , that these were but personall honors ; and that they belong to them onely , whom christ immediately ordained . but the scripture will teach us a better lesson . for doth not our saviour say , b he that receiveth whomsoever i send , receiveth me ? now we know , that our saviour sendeth not onely by himself , but by those also , to whom he hath given power to send , and ordain . thus by s. paul he sent timothy and titus : and we find c s. barnabas with s. paul ordaining presbyters in all churches , where they came . this therefore is a generall rule ; d those governors , who labour in the word and doctrine ( whether they be ordained by christ , or his apostles , or any other , to whom this authoritie is duely given ) are worthy of double honor ; that is ( saith primasius ) e both in love , and place . thus f titus by the corinthians was received with fear and trembling , and memorable obedience . g they honoured him ( as theodoret speaks ) as their father , and reverenced him as their spirituall governor . these honors are due , not so much in respect of personall worth , as in regard of the office , which they bear . this appears by s. paul ; who willeth the philippins not onely to h receive epaphroditus , their apostle , or bishop , with all gladnesse ; but , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he chargeth them to hold such , as he was , in honour and reputation . all must be thus honoured ; but those most , that are most worthy . 19. constantine , the first emperor that ever was christen'd , had learned this lesson ; i he therefore did reverence the bishops , ad imaginem quandam divinae praesentiae , as if he had some resemblance of god before his eyes . k he kissed those bishops skars , that had suffered for christs most holy name . l he entertained divers of them at his own table : and m at their departure he bestowed upon them many & goodly gifts . n upon bishops he conferr'd very many privileges , and the highest honors he had to bestowe . he ordained , that o those canons , which were agreed upon by the bishops , and had received his royall approbation , should be of more sacred authority , then any law or sentence , that should passe from his highest judges : and that none of his princes should dare to infringe them . to conclude , p he commanded the governors of his severall provinces to give reverence and honour to bishops ; threatning no lesse then death to such as should revile or abuse them . what reverence and esteem bishops were of with his severall sons , though differing in religion , the church history manifests : for these and all other privileges were inviolably preserved to the church , till that apostata julian ware the crown . but those pious and orthodox emperors , that succeeded him , raised up the church , and made good her former privileges . 20. the reason why good princes were so carefull of the church and churchmen , was q because they were confident , with great constantine , that god gave a blessing to their affairs , for the bishops sakes . and those two wise emperors leo and constantine professe with justinian , that r the peace and felicitie of their people , as well for body as soul , depend upon the harmonious consent of the imperiall and episcopall functions . mark that . in scripture ſ the prophets and servants of god are called the charet of israel , and the horsemen thereof ; because t by their prayers they did more prosper their countrey , then by force of arms . yea u by them god blessed his people . these were the church-priviledges ; and these the opinions the most christian princes had of church-men . and you cannot say , that any of these emperors had any dependance upon the pope , or any compliance with him . but we are fallen into those times , wherein it is accounted losse , to bestowe cost upon christ ; pietie , to rifle the church ; and good service to god , to murder his apostles and priests . indeed , what ever is good and commendable , is now with the round brotherhood cried out upon as popish . by this time , i hope , it appears , that x these immunities , which belong to the church , arise not from the errour of the times , as you suppose , but from the tenure of scripture . that 's the tenure , we hold by . chap. xii . whether to sit and vote in parliament be incongruous to the calling of bishops . 1. something an hard theme to treat upon , and unpleasing to the times . and yet i must say something to it , lest i seem to desert the cause , to blame our predecessors of indiscretion , and to acknowledge that weaknesse in our bishops , which the wisest of this kingdom know to be far from them . what ? not contented to strip us of our rights , lands , and priviledges , but you must twit us with the losse of y the bishops votes , as if they were neither fit to sit or vote , in the house of peers ? that this hath been done cannot be denied ; but how justly i shall not question for the honour i bear to my soveraign . yet thus much is evident to every single eye , that we have had many even and conscionable parliaments , wherein bishops have voted : what kinde of parliament we have had without them , some will make bold to speak hereafter . but a word in private . were they not thrust out , lest the king should have too many faithfull counsellors in the house ? were they not removed , to make way for these civill broils ? the incendiaries knew full well , that those messengers and makers of peace would never have passed a vote for war. 2. but what were the motives , that wrought upon his majestie , to yeeld to have the bishops turned out of that house , z wherein they had voted from the first day , that ever parliament sate in england ? and before ever there was an house of commons , they had their votes in the great councels of the kingdom ; as sir robert cotton manifests in his treatise , that the soveraigns person is required in the great councels of the state. p. 3. &c. if at any time they have been forced out of these parliaments , or great assemblies , it hath been with so ill successe , that with all possible speed they have been recalled . will you hear the motives ? surely they were the very same , that drove the king from westminster , and london . i remember , the clothiers were perswaded in a mutinous manner to cry down the bishops votes , because they had no market for their clothes . and now they cry out , that they want wooll to make clothes . is not this the blessing they have gained by that hideous and senselesse out-cry ? 3. but why was this privilege abolisht , as incongruous to their calling ? are bishops unfit to advise , or assent in framing laws ? surely they are rationall men , and learned men . by reason of their age , and offices , which they have heretofore passed thorow , they must needs be men of much experience . and it is to be presumed so many , for so many , as conscionable , and as much for the common good , as any . and such men are most fit to prepare , and commend laws for and to kings . for i have learned , that a this is a strong argument in law , b nihil , quod est contra rationem , est licitum , nothing contrary to reason , is lawfull . for reason is the life of the law ; nay the common law it self is nothing else but reason . which is to be understood of an artificiall perfection of reason , gotten by 1 long studie , 2 observation , and 3 experience , and not every mans naturall reason : for , nemo nascitur artifex , no man is born master of his profession . against reason therefore it is , that men of long study , much observation , and experience , should be excluded from voting in matters of such high concernment . and some men , that have scarce any of these , should be admitted , as if they were born wise , or gained state-experience by hawking , or hunting . 't is true , that c senatore sons might be admitted to the government of the common-wealth , before they were five and twenty yeers of age : but d before they were twenty and five yeers compleat , they could give no suffrage among the rest of the senators , though senators . this was the wisdom of that thriving roman state. 4. now give me leave to enquire more strictly , what it is , that is incongruous to the calling of bishops . is it to sit in the house of peers ? or to vate in the house of peers ? or both ? that the lords spirituall have sate and voted with the lords temporall , cannot be denied . the acts of parliament speak it , from the first session to this last . let it not be thought incongruous for bishops to sit with the best of subjects . e they sate at constantines own table . nor to be numbred among peers . f the prophecie saith , that they may be made princes . nor to vote in matters of state : since usually they are men of great learning , of much experience , observation , and conscience . such as fear god , honour their soveraign , and love their countrey with-out by ends . such they are , and such they ought to be . and though sometimes there be a judas among the twelve , yet is the calling never the worse . 5. had it been incongruous to their calling , melchisedech that was both king and priest had never been a type of our saviour . the law of god and nature abhor that , which is incongruous . had it been incongruous to the priesthood , god had never made moses and eli governors of his people , in temporall affairs ; for g they were both priests . h jethro , priest of midian , was of excellent use to moses in state affairs . and it may not be forgotten , that i king jehoash thrived , as long as he hearkned to jehoiada the high priest . but when he sleighted the priests counsell , he suddenly fell into the extremest miseries . 2 chron. 24. 21. 23. &c. our histories will likewise tell you , how k. henry vii . prosper'd by applying himself to the advice of his bishops , morton , denny , fox , and others . and how his son k. henry viii . never thrived , after he turned his ears from the counsell of his prelates . and yet he excluded them not from parliaments ; he could not be drawn to that . sure , had this been incongruous to their calling , your fellow ministers of london would never have granted , that two distinct offices may be formally in one and the same person ; as melchizedech was formally a king and priest . i. d. p. 212. 6. a wonder it is , that you & your faction should spie thi● incongruitie , which was never discerned by the wisest of our fore-fathers . the writ , which summons the parliament , runs thus , k rex habiturus colloquium & tractatum cum praelatis , magnatibus , & proceribus . the king intending a conference and treatie with his prelates , and great men , and peers . this writ , as some report , was framed under k. henry iii. and is continued in the same terms to this day . and yet no incongruitie discerned in it , till ye came in with your new lights , which issue from your light brains . but now the bishops must no more vote , no , not sit in parliament ; because you , forsooth , conceive it to be incongruous to their calling . but will any wise man take your word for a law , or imagine it to be more authentick , then the resolutions of all our fore-fathers ? you have no way to finger the bishops lands and jurisdiction , but by turning them out of the house . this , this was it , that moved you to charge their presence in parliament with incongruity . 7. the lawyers tell us , that l the writ of summons is the basis and foundation of the parliament . and m if the foundation be destroyed , what becomes of the parliament ? truly it falls ; saith justice jenkins ; according to that n maxime both in law and reason , sublato fundamento opus cadit , the foundation being taken away , the work falls . if then it shall be proved , that you endeavour to ruine the foundation , the writ of summons , it must necessarily follow , that you endeavour the ruine of the parliament . by the writ the king is to have treatie with his prelates . but you suffer him to have no treaty with his prelates . where then is the writ ? nay , the bishops are quite voted down root and branch . how then shall he treat in parliament with those , that have no being ? the lord commands o the ark to be made of shittim-wood : if there had been no shittim wood , the ark could not haue been made . if there be no prelates , where 's the treatie ? where the parliament ? it will not serve to slip in the presbyters ; they are not the men , they are not called for . p these are episcopall privileges : q all other ecclesiasticall persons are to be contented with those liberties and free customes , quas priùs habuerunt , which they enjoyed heretofore . 8. the writ summoned this parliament , for the defence of the church of england . herein you have also made the writ void ; for you have destroyed the church of england . and in destroying the church , you have destroyed the writ . the commission is for defence ; they then that destroy , what they are bound to defend , overthrow their commission . r our saviour sent his apostles to preach peace ; ſ to blesse , and not to curse ; t to please god , and not man. if then we preach warre , and not peace ; if we curse , when we ought to blesse , if we please men , and not god , we forfeit our commission . s. paul is plain ; u if we please men , we are none of christs servants ; much lesse apostles . for x his servants we are , whom we obey , whom we please . if then we prove y faithlesse and unprofitable servants , we shall be turned out of our masters house , even out of doores , and cast into outer darknesse . upon these grounds i argue thus . he that overthrows the prime intention of the writ , overthrows the writ . but you have overthrown the prime intention of the writ . therefore you have overthrown the writ . that you have overthrown the prime intention of the writ , i prove thus . the prime intention of the writ is for the state , and defence of the church of england . but you have z overthrown the state and defence of the church of england . you have therefore overthrown the prime intention of the writ . the second proposition cannot be denied , it is so palpably true . the former is sir edw : cokes ; his words are these . a the state and defence of the church of england is first in intention of the writ . and b if the writ be made void , all the processe is void ; and so farewell parliament . 9. besides , i have learned , that c the assembly of parliament is for three purposes . first , for weighty affairs , that concern the king. secondly , for the defence of his kingdome . and thirdly , for defence of the church of england for the king , no question , but the bishops are faithfull to him . we see , they have constantly adhered to him in these times of triall . in gods and the kings cause they have all suffered , and some died commendably , if not gloriously . for the defence of the kingdome none more forward with their advice , purses , and prayers . and for the church , who so fit , who so able to speake as bishops ? versed they are in the divine law ; in church history , and in the canons of the church . they fully understand not onely the present , but the ancient state of the church . they know , what is of the essence of the church ; what necessary , and what convenient onely ; what is liable to alteration , and what not . these things are within the verge of their profession , and most proper for them to speak to . 10. when king david first resolved to bring up the arke of the lord from kiriath-jearim , into his own citie , d he consulted with the captains of thousands , & hundreds , & cum universis principibus , and with all his princes , about this businesse , e by their advice he orders , that the arke should be carried in a new cart ; and vzzah and ahio are to drive it . but what becomes of this consultation ? f an error was committed clean thorough , and vzzah suffers for it . though david were a marvelous holy man , and a good king , and had a company of wise , religious councellors about him , in the removall , and ordering of the arke , they were mistaken , because they did not advise with the preists about it . for g the preists lips preserve knowledge ▪ & they shall inquire of the law at his mouth . and h the law will not have a cart to carrie the arke , nor lay-men to meddle with it . david saw his mistake with sorrow ; and confesseth to the preists , that i he and his councellors had not sought god after the due order . and why so ? k quia non eratis praesentes ( so the fathers read ) because the preists were not present , & he had not consulted with them about this sacred businesse . and hence it is , that l they did illicitum quid , somthing that was unlawfull . that then a thing be not unlawfull , we must consider , not onely what is to be done ; but the order and manner is to be considered , how it ought to be done ; least failing of the due order , it prove unlawfull . most christians know bonum , what is good ; but few are skilled in the bene , how it ought to be done ; and that is it , that makes so many ruptures , so many breaches , and factions in the world , because every man will prescribe the order , and manner ; which , god knows , they ttle understand . 11. when therfore david had once more resolved to fetch up the arke from the house of obed edom , he calls for the preists , and acknowledgeth , that m none ought to carrie the arke of god , but they ; and that n therefore the lord had made a breach upon him and his , because the preists had not brought it up at first . that this fault may be duly and truely mended , o david commands the preists to sanctifie themselves , and to bring up the arke . they did so , p they brought it up upon their shoulders , q according to their dutie . and r god helped the levites , that bare the arke ; because it was now done in due order . it is no shame then for us , to acknowledge our error with david , and with him to amend , what is amisse . yea this was such a warning to him , that ſ he would not so much as resolve to build an house for the lord , till he had acquainted the prophet nathan with it . in matters therefore , that concern the arke of the covenant , the church of the living god , it is not safe to do any thing without the preists advice . if then the cheif and maine end of calling a parliament be for the good of the church , it is most necessary to have the cheif fathers of the preists present . but sir edward coke assures me , that this is the main end of calling a parliament . his words are these ; t though the state and defence of the church of england be last named in the writ , yet is it first in intention . and what is first in intention is chiefly aimed at , all other things that are handled , are but as means to effect that . it is not then incongruous , but most consonant to the calling of bishops to sit and vote in parliament . 12. besides , u if the honour of god , and of holy church be first in intention , how shall the honour of god , and of the church be provided for , how defended , when the fathers of the church are discarded , who know best , what belongs to gods honour ; who are most able to speake in defence of the church , & to shew how she ought to be provided for ? shall she not in their absence be layed open to the subtill foxes , and mercilesse bores to wast and distroy her ? yea x by this means she is already distroyed . so pious justice jenkins . the incongruitie then is not to the bishops calling , but to the covetousnesse of bores and foxes . 13. another incongruity will follow upon this . y the whole parliament is one corporate body consisting of the head and the three estates . if one of the estates be wanting , it cannot be called a whole , but an imperfect , a maimed parliament . but z the bishops are one of the three estates . suppose them to be the more feeble and lesse honourable estate , or member , yet a this very member is necessary ; and the body is but lame without it . take heed then , that the excluding of bishops , be not incongruous to the parliament . i see not , how it can be incongruous to the prelates to suffer wrong , since b for this purpose they are called . but it is incongruous to the parliament , to be without them ; since without them , it is not a whole , but an imperfect parliament . for i have read , that c bishops were in all parliaments , and voted in them , since we had any . yea , that great master of the law justifies , that d every bishop ought ex debito justiciae of due justice to be summoned by writ , to every parliament , that is holden . but if they leave out the bishops , they begin with injustice , and lay but an ill foundation for so great a court of justice . and where injustice beares the sway , there is little justice to be hoped for . so they are incongruous in the first stone , or foundation of a parliament . 14. there is a statute , that no act of parliament be passed by any soveraign of this realm , or any other authority what soever , without the advice & assent of the three estates of the kingdome , viz. of the 1 lords spirituall , & 2 temporall , & the 3 commons of this realme . and all those are solemnly cursed , by the whole parliament , that shall at any time endeavour to alter this act , or to make any statute otherwise then by the consent of all these , or the major part of them . this , as the learned in the law report , is upon record in the parliament roles . 15. and what comfort , i beseech you , can his majestie have to call a parliament without bishops , since he cannot assure himself of gods assistance without them ? f cenwalch king of the west-saxons was sensible , that his province was destitute of gods protection , while it was without a bishop . indeed g a good bishop is ( with gregory , metropolitan of cesarea ) not onely the beautie of the church , and a fortresse to his flock , but he is the safety of his country . it was the religious conceit of our country men heretofore , that h both king and kingdome have by the church a solid , ● sure foundation for their subsistence . and it was the usuall saying of king iames , i no bishop , no king. in scripture the preists are called k the charets and horsemen of israel ; because by their prayers the country prospered more then by force of armes . and the greek fathers observe , that l the bishop is therefore to pray for all , m because he is the common father of all , be they good or bad . 16. and as he can have little spirituall comfort without bishops ; so n without them he can have no temporall releife , no subsidies granted for his own supplies , or for the defence of the kingdome . i am sure , none have been granted him at westminster , since the expulsion of the bishops . thus have you moulded up such a parliament , as was never known in this realme , since these great councels of state were first assembled . for though the bishops were by his majestie summoned according to justice ; yet were they afterwards turned out at the instigation of a strong & tumultuous faction ; & not suffered to vote in matters that concerned either church or state. thus ye are become o like the princes of judah , that remove the bounds ; that is as the genevians interpret , p ye have turned upside down all politicall order , and all manner of religion . q therefore upon those , that have done so , the lord will powre out his wrath like water ; which will surely overwhelm them , as it did those desperate sinners in the deluge . thus i have manifested , that it is not incongruous to the calling of bishops to sit , and vote in parliament ; but to exclude them is incongruous to the being of a parliament , to the weale of the king , and safety of the kingdom . 17. and yet , as if what-you had delivered , were ex tripode , as sure as gospel , r from barring their votes , you deduce an argument for taking away their jurisdiction ecclesiasticall . if one be abolished , why may not the other be removed ? as if , because my cassocke is taken from me , i must necessarily be stripped out of my gowne 't is true , if this be also done , i must bear it patiently ; but my patience doth not justifie their action , that do me the injurie . neither doth the former fact justifie the latter : truly no more then davids follie with bathsheba can countenance the murder of vriah . the question is not de fact● , but de jure , not what is done , but whether it be justly done . if the fact may justifie a right , then may we maintaine robbing upon salisbury plain ; because it hath been done there more then once . a wonder it is , you had not framed your argument thus : who knows not , that the parliament caused the arch bishop of canterbury to be beheaded ? and then why may they not hang the rest of the bishops , if their lives prove inconvenient , and prejudiciall to the church ? but with julian the apostata , ye had rather slay the preisthood , then the preists . 17. indeed ſ the removall of their ecclesiasticall jurisdiction is no more against the oath then the abolition of their votes . both alike in respect of the oath ; but if we consider the severall authorities , from whence they are derived , we shall find a difference ; because the most part of their jurisdiction is the grant of god ; but their voting among the peers is by the favour of princes , grounded upon the right of nature , and that civill interest , which every free denizon ought to have in some measure , in disposing of his own , and assenting to new laws . but suppose princes may revoke their own favours , can they without perill to their soules , cut off that entaile , which god hath settled upon his church ? i beleeve , no. but you will onely remove it , not abolish it . and removed it may be from dorchester to lincolne , from crediton to exiter . but the removall of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction from bishops to presbyters , is utterly unlawfull ; since without sinne we may not alter the ordinance of god , who settled this jurisdiction upon bishops onely , and not upon presbyters ; as is demonstrated in the next chapter . chap. xiii . certaine light and scandalous passages concerning prince and preist tenderly touched . 1. there 's a great cry in the fourth page against the jurisdiction of bishops , ● inconvenient and prejudiciall to the church ; against unlawfull immunities , anti-evangelicall pompe , combersome greatnesse , and forfeiture by abuse . all these are cryed out upon , but none of them proved . i shall therefore passe these by as a distempered foame , or pulpit froath . yet thus much i must say , that the immunities of the clergie , are held by law , or not . if by law , then are they not unlawfull , but legall . if legall , it is presumption in you to call them unlawfull . if unlawfull , shew against what law. we take not your word to be so authenticke , as if we were bound to beleeve , what ever you say . 2. somthing answerable to this it is , that you tel us , t when this oath was framed , the church was indued with the ignorance of the times . but when was that time ? for that we may go seek ; for you relate it not . if you had , perchance we might have shewed you as wise , and as learned men in those times , as westminster affords at this day . 3. and yet upon these imaginations you conclude , that u the kings oath is invalid , and not onely so , but that it is vinculum iniquitatis , the bond of iniquitie . the respects , you relie upon , are onely these . first , that x prelacy is an usurpation contrary to christs institution . 2ly , that y the clergie ●e of themselves a distinct province , is a branch of popery . 3ly , that z bishops sitting and voting in the house of peers , is abolisht as incongruous to their calling . 4ly , that a the church was endowed with diverse unlawful immunities . and last of all , that b when this oath was framed , the church was indewed with the ignorance of the times . the foure former have been pretily well sif●ed , and a non liquet is returned , i find them not proved . when you make good the last , i shall , with gods blessing , return you an answer . 4. in the mean space i cannot but tell you , that you have willfully & dangerously scandalized diverse princes or blessed memorie ; and charged them almost as deeply , as c s. peter did simon magus , with the bond of iniquitie . a binding , in intangling sinne . surely those princes if you may be credited , tooke this coronation oath either ignorantly , o● maliciously . if ignorantly , they are simple , or carelesse : if maliciously , they were neither good kings , nor good christians . but light forsooth , hath shined forth since those mistie daies . i fear this late light , is but a false light : for it was never spyed by any , that were not condemned hereticks , till now of late . 5. well , thinke men , what they please , you have lately discovered , that the jurisdiction , which was inconvenient and prejudiciall in the bishops , will prove very convenient and commodious for the church in preaching presbyters . those immunities , that were unlawfull in them , will be lawfull in you . that pompe , which was anti-evangelicall , and carnall in them , must needs be spirituall and throughly sanctified to such evangelists as yourself . that combersome greatnesse will but fit your shoulders ; and those great promotions , will not at all be unwildy to presbyteriall saul , which did comber bishop david . and d those priviledges , which were disadvantagious to the church , and hindred the growth of religion , while they were in episcopall hands ▪ will in a classicall assembly turn to the advantage of the church , and further her edification . if this be not your meaning , let the world judge . for these are your words ; e and why may not the great revenues of the bishops , with their sole ▪ jurisdiction in so large a circuit , be indicted and convict to be against the edification of the church ; and it be found more for the glory of god ; that both the revenue be divided , to maintain a preaching ministery , and their jurisdiction also , for the better oversight and censure of manners . you have indicted them indeed , and their revenues , as if under the bishops there were no preaching ministery , no censure of manners ; as if under them there were nothing to the edification of the church or the glory of god. wheras it is well known , that whilest the bishops enjoyed their jurisdiction , other manner of sermons were preached , then have been ever since . 6. you have already vaunted , that the bishops revenues and jurisdiction are against the edification of the church ; and i make no question , but you will justifie , that the abolishing of the three creeds , is much to the edification of gods people . and is not the silencing of the ten commandments , for the better oversight and censure of manners ? thus you have also condemned that most excellent forme of divine service , and vented multitudes of heresies ; and all for the glory of god. but when these things come to try all we shall certainly see , who will be convicted by that grand jury , f that shall sit upon twelve thrones , judging the twelve tribes of israel . not onely of israel according to the flesh , but of israel also according to faith . 7. but why are you so suddenly fallen from an abolition , to an alteration ? before you professe , g that the abolition of the one , is no more against the oath , then of the other . there you would have the bishops jurisdiction abolisht with their votes . but here you will have the jurisdiction divided , their domination altered , and all to maintain a preaching ministery . this you call h the removall of their ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ; in the same page . aaron must lay down his miter and holy garments , that korah may put them on . and s. paul must resigne his apostolicall rod to simon magus , to alexander the copper-smith , and to the brethren in q●irpo . and why so ? alas , the apostle-bishops i do not further , but hinder the work of the gospel ; they are superannited and decrepit ; away with them by all means , and bring in the young , lustie presbyter-bishops , k where strong holds are to be vanquisht . these are the men will do the work , or the pulpit and church shall ring for it . this you call l a good plea to alter the uselesse anti-evangelicall pomp . indeed ' ●is the best you have ; and make the best you can of it , it will prove but an anti-evangelicall and antichristian plea ; if we trust scripture . 8. yet , that this may be done according to your designe , you allow the king thus much power , m that he may , notwithstanding his oath , consent to alter the clergies immunities . no oath shall stand in the way , so ye may gain by it . what ? again fallen from the question ? from abrogation to alteration ? what if i should tell you , that you have altered the state of the question ? that abrogation is the repealing , the disanulling of a law ; and not the changing of it ? but this is no error with you , whose aim is to have episcopacy abolisht , that so the immunities and lands thereof may be transferred upon the presbytery . this is the alteration you gape after . yes , you would so ; n settled you would have them upon preaching ministers , and o upon parochiall pastors : as if none were preachers or pastors , but you of the presbyteriall cut . i will not say , that you are hereticks in this and in other your new-forged doctrines , invented to subvert monarchy and episcopacy . but i shall tell you s. austins opinion , and so leave you to the opinion of the world . p he , in my conceit , is an heretick ( saith that father ) who for any temporall commoditie , and chiefly for his own glory and preferment , doth either raise or follow false and new opinions . and are not pelf , honour , and preferment the cause of all these fidings , and seditions , in church , and state ? if these times speak it not , i am deceived . as for your opinions , it hath been sufficiently manifested , that they are both false and new . 9. be your opinions what they will , their immunities and rights must down , or you will fail in a dilemma . q the clergie ( say you ) either hold their rights and immunities by law , or otherwise . this is not to be denied . but what follows upon this ? r if by law then the parliament , which hath power to alter all laws , hath power to alter such laws as give them their immunities : and those laws altered , the immunitie ceaseth ; and so the kings ingagement in that particular . if not by law , it is but an usurpation . you say it , and we grant it . for truth it is , that we claim no rights and immunities , but what the ancient and christian laws of this realm have confirmed unto us by act of parliament . 10. you say , that the parliament hath power to alter all laws . what if a man should say , that this assertion is not true ? i conceive , it were no blasphemie . indeed it is a blasphemous position to broach the contrary . none but an atheist dares justifie , that ſ the parliament , or any mortall soveraigntie , hath power to alter either the law of god , or the law of nature . and yet these are laws . and who , but an enemy to his countrey , and a friend to confusion , dares affirm , that the parliament hath power to alter the monarchicall or fundamentall laws of this kingdom . i am sure justice jenkins resolves , that t by the law of the land a parliament cannot alter any morall law. 11. give me leave to propose your own argument in terminis , in behalf of the city of london . the citizens of london either hold their rights and immunities by law , or otherwise . if by law , then the parliament , which hath power to alter all laws , hath power to alter such laws , as give them their immunities : and those laws altered the immunity ceaseth . if their immunitie be not by law , it is an usurpation without just title ; which upon discovery is null . how like you this , my rich masters of london ? hath not mr. geree set you in the sleep way to ruine ? but ye may , perchance , have a confidence , that the parliament will not serve you so . be of that minde still . the power , it seems , is in their hands : how they will use it towards you , i cannot say . how they have used it towards us , and towards our good soveraign , ye know . and can ye look to fare better ? remember , what our saviour saith , u the servant is no greater then his master . if they have persecuted me , they will also persecute you . as they have used your lord and king , they will use you . the courtesie ye are like to find , is that , which vlysses had from polyphemus , to be their last breakfast . 12. well , x upon the alteration of the law , the immunitie ceaseth , and so the kings ingagement in that particular . an ordinance of parliament hath absolved many a subject from his oath of allegeance : and now we shall have a law , to absolve the king from his oath of protection . but i am sure no law can absolve him from a duty inherent to his crown . and * such is the duty of protecting his subjects from oppression , and the church from sacriledge . you cannot therefore possibly absolve him from this ingagement . besides , it was never conceived , that an ordinance was of sufficient force to alter a law. the kings ingagement therefore stands as yet in this particular . 13. but suppose , there were such a law , as you-speak of , could it be just ? i have learned from your london ministers , that y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 law , is so called in greek , from rendering to every person , what is just , meet , equall . in very deed , as the great lawyers speak , z jus , idem est , quod justum & aequum ▪ the law is nothing else , but that which is just and right . if it be otherwise , it is not jus , but injuria , an injurie , but no right . you are pleased to acknowledge a our privileges to be our rights . how then can they be taken from us without injuri●● and it is not lawfull , with the supreme judge , for any prince or court to deal injuriously , with the meanest , that are subject to them . justice it is , to give to every man his own . injustice then it must needs be , to spoil any man of that , which is his , either by the laws of god or man. suppose us to be in equall balance with our fellow subjects , and that we have no other right to our lands and privileges , but by the laws of the realm : what reason can be given , why we should not peaceably enjoy , what is ours , by the law of the land , as well as the rest of our fellow subjects ? we have the same right ; and why not the same protection ? chap. xiv . whether the lands of the church may be forfeited by the misdemeanour of the clergie . 1. vve shall have reason to work us out of our rights , and law to turn us out of the kings protection . but such reason and law , as may with much ease , and more equitie be returned upon your selves . your reason is this ; because b these rights were indulged to the clergie , for the personall worth of present incumbents . if therefore their successors forfeit them by their ill demeanour , these rights may be taken from them . this is easily resolved , not so easily proved . for the truth is , these rights were not given to particular persons , but to a succession of bishops and priests , and other officers for gods service . or rather , these lands and privileges were given to god and the church , for the maintenance of these offices . my unworthinesse makes not the office the worse ; neither can my wickednesse make a forfeiture of gods inheritance . i may , c with abiathar , justly be deprived of my place , and the benefits thereof ; but the place , and the rights thereof fall not into a premunire ; a good man even d zadok succeeds this traitor abiathar , and enjoyes not onely the office , but all the profits ▪ that belonged thereto . this was solomons justice ; he knew , how to distinguish between the faultie priest , and the faultlesse office . but you are a rooter ; if a twig be in fault , up with b●ai●h and root . this is your justice . but e it is far from the ju● judge of all the world , to root up the righteous with the wicked . and surely we ought to endeavour to be righteous and just , as our heavenly father is just . 2. have you a desire to know , what true justice is ? it is that , f quam uniformen ac simplicem proposuit omnibus deus , not what we fancie , but what to all men god hath proposed uniform , and alike , plain and simple ; such as can admit of no cavill or misconstruction . g where this true justice is wanting , there can be no law , no right . for that which is done by right , is done by law. and that , which is contrary to right , is contrary to law. nothing can be according to law , but what is according to justice . for justice is that , which gives lif● & being to a law. and to say , that this or that is an unjust law , is a flat contradiction : since it is jus à justicia , law hath the latin denomination from justice : r and the greek from rendering to every man , what is just ▪ and meet . and the latin word jus signifies both law and right . an unjust statute therfore there may be , an unjust law there cannot be . ſ n●n enim jura dicenda su●t , vel putanda , iniqua hominum constituta : for the unjust constitutions of men , are not to be called , ●r esteemed laws . and they that frame unjust decrees , are not princes , but tyrants : neither are their subjects , free-men , but slaves . neither can the state , they live in , be called a common-wealth ; since , as scipio africanus observes , and s. austin approves , t respuplica and res populi , the common-weal and the weal of the people , are one and the same . and then is it truly a common-weal , u cum benè ac justè geritur , when it is fairly and justly governed , either by one king , or by a few noblemen , or by all the people . but where the government is unjust , there 's no common-wealth . it is s. austins ; x vbi justicia non est , non est respublica . take away justice , and farewell republick . for how can that be for the generall good of all , where justice is not equally distributed to all of whatsoever profession . 3. but y there 's a great deal of difference ( say you ) betweene an ingagement made to persons , on valuable consideration , and that which is made gratis to an office or society subservient to publike good . so much difference indeed there is , that the setling of land upon a corporation is more firme then any entaile upon a familie ; because persons dye , but corporations live . if gratis make the difference in your opinion , it makes none in law : for that land ●● as much mine , which is conferred upon me by deed of gift , as that which is conveyed to me by purchase . what difference , i pray you , between lands , purchased by the society of goldsmiths , and such as are freely given to that company ? are not the later as much theirs , as the purchased lands ? are they not alike settled by the same law , & justified alike by the same law ? and z of this very sort is this ingagement to the english clergie . and never a whit the worse for that . for of this sort is that magnificent maintenance , which was settled upon the tribe of levi , by god himself : all given gratis . a and of this sort are the ingagements made to them by darius king of persia . and yet b whosoever shall alter this word , let the timber be pulled down from his house , and being set up , let him be hanged theron : and for this let his house be made a dunghill . and the god , that hath caused his name to dwell there , destroy all kings and people , that shall put their hand to alter and to destroy this house of god. of this sort also were c the silver and gold , which were freely offered by king artaxerxes and his counsellers , by the preists and people to the god of israel , for the house of god. of this sort also was d the relaxation of all toll , tribute , & custome to the preists and levites ; a free gift . and yet e whosoever will not do the law of god and of the king , in these things , let judgement be speedily executed upon him , whether it be 1 unto death , or 2 to banishment or 3 to confiscation of goods , or 4 to imprisonment . and was not this priviledge granted , for the grace and favour that f shesbazzar and g ezra found in the eyes of those kings ? or , if you will , for their personall worth ? and yet this grant is called not onely the law of the king , but the law of god : and delivered so to posterity by h ezra aready scribe in the law of moses , and the penman of god. 4. suppose we also , that i these rights were indulged for the personall worth of the present incumbents ; may they therfore be alienated , because some succeeding officers demean themselves amisse ? so say you ; but you are wide of the marke . these lands and immunities were not made to any particular persons , but to the office or society ; or to god for their use . what is given to a person for life , goes not to the office , but dyes with the person . but what is settled upon an office , lives with the office. k and i have manifested , that episcopacy is a living office ; an office , that must last , while christ hath a church on earth . persons may forfeit their place , and the benefits arising from thence to their incumbency ; but the office , if necessary , must continue . l judas by transgression fell from his office ; but the office fell not with him ; no , m another , a saint may , and must take his bishopship , or apostleship , and the rights that belong thereto . 5. however then some such favours may be granted to an office , with relation to the personall worth of the present incumbent , yet being given to promote the usefulnesse of the office , it shall be no movable ; it is fixed ( as the lawyers speak ) to the freehold , and shall abide , till the office be found uselesse , and therefore abolisht . but till then n it is injustice to alter , or alienate those rights , without which the usefulnesse of that office cannot be so well promoted . injustice it is , to take that away , which you never gave , and is so usefull for the office , let the officers fault be what it will. it is wild work to punish the office for the person : this is none of gods course . o the sons of eli were as bad as bad might be ; god destroyeth them , but not the office , neither yet doth he fleece it . but before i passe further , i must make this observation : the quarrell you picke with the clergie , to rob them of their lands and priviledges , will suite with any society , or corporation . if it shall please your great masters to say , that the drapers , or grocers , or that great corporation of london have so demeaned themselves , that they have forfeited their lands and immunities , up they go ; they shall be in the same state with us . they that uphold their power by the sword , do usually what they list , not what they ought . if parliaments might utterly be abolished for misdemeanour and miscarriage , i presume , this iland should never see another parliament . 6. you speake largely p of the parliaments power . it is out of my element , and i am tender to meddle with it . i know t is large in a free and full convention , when the members constitutive are present : but how large , i shall leave it to the learned of the law to define . yet this i dare say , whatever their power be , they cannot make that just , which is unjust ; nor that truth , which is a lie . q ahab and jezabel had power to over-rule the elders and nobles of jezreel ; and to take away both naboths vineyard and life , without any cause at all . you will not , i hope , justifie any such power , or act. 't is true ; naboth hath lost all at a blow ; but it was by tyranny , not by law : because there was no equity in the sentence . and yet there were as good witnesses came against naboth , as any appeare against episcopacy . 7. but you have been at the bar of late , and have learned a law distinction , which neither scripture , nor fathers , nor scholmen ever taught you , and this it is . r an ingagement may be gone in law , though not in equity . and that an order of parliament will be valid in law , though injurious . how ? valid in law , though injurious ? the learned in the law deny , that an order of parliament is valid in law. and some of their own creatures in their circuits have rejected some orders from westminster , because they were contrary to law. but you , my masters , that have been so forward with your purses , bewar . ſ he speaks of summs of mony , borrowed upon the publique faith , for publique good : for t the parliament may ordain release of the ingagement . here 's divinity without equity or conscience . but it 's like the rest . 8. gone in law ( saith this conscientious preacher ) , not in equity ; valid in law , though injurious . behold law without equity ; a law , and yet injurious . god blesse me from such law , and such divinity . i ever thought , that law and equity had gone together , and that law could not have stood with injurie : since ( as s. austine speaks ) u jus & injuria contraria sunt , law and injurie are contraries ; and can no more consist then light and darknesse . and if with x thomas , and y the london ministers , jus be that , which is prescribed , or measured by law ; then either that is no law , which prescribes , what is not right ; or else injurie shall be right , because it is prescribed by law. i hope , you are not of this mind . 9. if the fathers were not quite out of date , i could tell you , what s. austine saith . and yet why may not i make use of him as well as your fellow ministers of london ? behold then the very case . z quid si a liquis condat jus iniquum ? what if any shall make an unjust law , a law without equity ? is not the case put right ? if it be so , take his resolution . a nec jus dicendum est , si injustum est . if it be unjust , it is not to be named a law. and yet with you it shall be a law though injurious . thus your case of conscience is resolved against conscience ; for all injurie , if understood , is against conscience . surely the parliament is much beholding to you , to stretch your conscience , and their fringes so much against conscience . for you justifie a power in them to do injurie ; and not onely so , but a power to make laws , to justifie this injurie . and yet b in them this shall be no tyrannous invasion on any societies rights , because done by a parliament . that title is a salvo for all blemishes and injuries . no tyranny , no invasion , if done by a parliament : as if they were infallible , and could not erre ; impeccable , and could not do amisse . or as if god himself did alter his own laws , that their alterations might be irreprovable . 10. i must confesse , the next is a very conscientious proposition , of another die ; and this it is . c if there be no injury , the king and parliament may cancell any obligation . without peradventure they may . but what makes that so there ? as ther 's no question of power in the parliament , to ordain an injurious order , or a law without equity : so if there be no injury &c. what so , and no otherwise ? then have they no power at all to cancell any obligation , because the parliament hath no power to make a law without equity . if this do not follow , let men of understanding judge . and if you have no better argument to prove , that it is lawfull for the king and parliament to abrogate the immunities , and to take away the lands of the clergie , you will never be able to approve the lawfulnesse thereof . 11. what is according to law , true law , is lawfull ; and what is lawfull , is according to law. if lawfull , not injurious ; if injurious , not lawfull , not valid in law : since nothing is valid in law , that is injurious . to what purpose then are those words ; d the abrogation will be just , as well as legall , there will be no injury done ? surely none , where law is of force ; for where law is , there can be no injustice countenanced . but where your law bears sway , an order may be legal , though injurious ; for your words are , e the order would be valid in law , though injurious . 12. and as for f forfeiture by miscariage , the forfeiture in justice must fall upon him , that miscarries , that is , upon the person , not upon the office ; for an office duely settled can no more make a forfeiture , then it can miscarrie . such an office is episcopacy , which was duely settled by christ himself . and i hope you have not so far forgotten your selfe , as to say , that an office immediately instituted by our blessed saviour can run into a forfeiture by miscarriage . what reason can you give , why that should suffer , that cannot erre ; that never offended ? this is none of gods justice . and it is well known to the wise , that bishops hold their lands , revenues , and immunities not as granted to their persons , but as annexed to the office for the continuall and comfortable maintenance thereof . our religious predecessors had learned of s. paul , that g no man feedeth a flock , but he eateth of the milk of the flock . and that h it is the dutie of the gentiles to minister unto them in carnall things , of whose spirituall things they have been made partakers . indeed i he makes a wonder , that any man should doubt of it ; for how can the office be maintained without means ? surely , though k s. paul did sometimes worke with his own hands , that he might not be chargeable to new converts ; yet he telleth the corinthians , that l he robbed other churches in taking wages of them , to do the church of corinth service . yea this apostle justifies , that m he hath power to eat and drinke of their charge , and to n live upon their cost . and that o he wronged them , when he did otherwise . 13. we confesse , that p the office was provided for publick good ; and that those , which are of the office neither hold , nor ought to hold any thing but for publick good . is the ministery lawfull , or no ? was it settled by christ , or no ? q your london ministers have concluded for the divine right of ministers , or pastors , and teachers : and i know , you subscribe to their doctrine . there may not then be any forfeiture of the ministery , since the ordinance of christ cannot be forfeited by the miscarriage of man ; that 's out of all peradventure : of priviledges perchance there may be a forfeiture , where they prove prejudiciall to the publick good . but if and where never prove any thing , unlesse you can justifie , that these priviledges have been prejudiciall to this church and state. 14. our religious predecessors began the great charter with r concessimus deo , first of all we have granted to god , and by this our present charter have confirmed for us , and for our heires for ever , that the church of england be free ; and that it have all her rights entire , and her liberties unhurt . ſ william the conqueror began his raign with confirming the liberties and priviledges of the church . and he gives this reason for it , t quia per eam & rex & regnum , solidum habent subsistendi fundamentum ; because both king and kingdome have by the church a solid foundation for their subsistence . had that prince been alwaies of the same mind , he had never defiled his hands with sacriledge , nor plunged himselfe and issue into so deepe a curse . for after he began to ransake churches , to rifle monasteries , and to expose holy ground to wild beasts , and church-lands to his pleasure , he and his became most unfortunate . he rips up the bowels of the church his mother ; and sucks her blood : and the son of his loines rebels against him , beats him , and draws blood from him . the conqueror turns god out of his inheritance , and his sonne robert endeavours to do the same to him . what afterwards befell him , and all his issue , i shall not need to relate , u mr. spelman hath lately saved me that labour ; to him i remit you . in whose treatise you may briefly see the lamentable end of all that great conquerors posterity . to this i shall adde , & wish all my countrie men to observe , that in the strictnesse of reformation episcopacy was continued , as most usefull for the church . 15. but though episcopacy have not been prejudiciall heretofore , it is likely now to prove so . for unlesse they degrade themselves , unlesse they will patiently x part with their wealth and honour , and lay down their miters , the crown is like to runne an hazard , and the whole land be brought to nothing but misery . i am sorrie to read these lines from a professed preacher of the word of god ; for so you stile your self . and yet i am glad , you deale so fairely with us , as to give us notice , what hath been the cause of your factious preaching , the countries and citys tumults , and this detestable and deplorable rebellion ? 1 the bishops great wealth , 2 their honour , and 3 their miters : these three 1 their wealth they are already stripped of ; 2 their honour lies in the du● ; and 3 their miters have not been seen many a faire yeer , unlesse it be upon their armes . we know no more what a miter is , then a bishop knows what great wealth is ; by speculation meerly . few of them have gained so much by the church , as their breeding cost their parents . and yet the clergie is the onely profession repined at . 16. you should have done well , mutatis mutandis , to have directed this passage to the parliament with this small alteration . i hope , you will not be so tenacious of that wealth , and honour , you have gained in these tumultuous times , as to let the crown run an hazard , rather then lay down this usurped power , and indanger the whole land to be brought to nothing , rather then your selves to moderation . o , that they would bow down their ears in time , and embrace this counsell ; then might they yet heal the sores of this shaking land ; and save their own souls . but the blame and danger are layed upon those , that least deserve it ; that stood in the gap , as long as possibly they could , to avert schisme , heresie , blasphemie , atheisme , rebellion , & bloodshed . all which , since the bishops have been stripped of their honour and power , have overspread the face of this land. 17. suppose , the bishops were faulty , shall god be turned out of his possessions , because his servants are to blame ? mr. selden can tell you of a charter of king edgar , which will teach you to distinguish between god and man ; between gods right , and mans fault . a inviolabilis stet monasterei winton libertas ; b although the abbot , or any of the covent , through the incitement of satan , fall into sin , let the liberty of winchester monastery stand inviolable ; because god , who possesseth the plentifull munificence of this privilege , as also the place , with the whole family of monks , and all the lands belonging to that holy monastery , never committed sin , neither will in future times commit any . let therefore this liberty , or privilege , be eternall , because god the possessor of this liberty is eternall . the same say all good men for , though the bishop be faulty , god is not , cannot be . the possessions therefore , and rights of the church must stand inviolable . the faults are the bishops , the lands are gods. let not god suffer for the bishops irregular behaviour . let the bishop be deprived of his place and profits , but not god of his lands . c episcopatum ejus accipiat alter , according to the holy ghosts prescription , let another , a good man , take his bishoprick , that gods service may be duely celebrated , his name glorified , and christs flock faithfully provided for . 18. but say we , what can be said , the bishops are to blame , and must be brought to moderation . and how must this be done ? by being brought to just nothing . for , according to your doctrine , episcopy must be abrogated , and their lands alienated . this we simple men take to be extirpation , or annihilation . but such discreet , conscionable men , as you are , know it to be but moderation . should god return this moderation upon your heads , the presbyteriall government would come to , what it should be , even to nothing . 19. well , their wealth , their honour , and their miters are in fault : and the bishops must be corrected , for not laying down all these at this blessed parliaments feet , to redeem the kings crown . good king , he suffers for the bishops obstinacy ; and they , poore men , have parted with all , but what they may not part with , namely , their fidelitie to god and the king. have you not alreadie dis-roabed them of their honors ? have you not plundred their houses , and seized their lands ? have you not made them house-lesse , harbourlesse , not able to keep a servant ? what would you more ? but , let me tell you , your great masters might have purchased better houses and lands at a cheaper rate . this they will be sensible of , when the accounts are cast up as well elsewhere , as at london . 20. the bishops wealth , honor , and miters were your aim ; these you have preached for , these you have fought for ; what would you more ? all these your masters have , and the crown to boot ; and yet not quiet . indeed all these thus gained will not afford a quiet conscience . that there may be some shew of legality , y the king must get the clergies consent , and the bishops must lay down their miters . and then 't will passe for currant , that these acts were passed by their own consent , and so no wrong done . z volenti non fit injuria . true it is , undone they are without consent : but if they consent , they undo themselves , and wrong their souls . and a madnesse it were to be chronicled , if i should cut mine own throat , to save my enemie the labour . how then can i give away gods inheritance to the edomites & ishmalites , lest perchance they enter forcibly upon it ? and yet the bishops are much to blame , if they will not do this : if not , the crown will run an hazard , and the whole land be brought to ruine . 21. what is to be done in this case ? surely if the bishops knew themselves guilty of the difference betweene the king and his subjects , god forbid , but they should be willing to part with all , they may lawfully part with ; and a be earnest with jonah , that they might be cast into the sea , to allay this dangerous storme , if that would do it . but b what is gods and the churches , they cannot give away , or alienate . no , no , saith s. ambrose , i cannot deliver up that , which i have received to preserve , not to betray . the lands of the church they may take , if they please . imperatori non dono , sed non nego . i give them not to the emperour , but i deny them not . c i withstand him not ; i use no violence . d what i do , is for the emperours good ; quia nec mihi expediret tradere , necilli accipere ; because it would be neither safe for me to give them up , nor for him to receive them . what beseemes a free preist , i advise freely ; si vult sibi esse consultum , recedat à christi injuriâ ; if he desire to prosper , let him forbear to wrong christ . observe what belongs to the church , is christs , not the bishops . if any part of it be diminished , the wrong is done to god , and not to man. e ananias layed down his possession at the apostles feet ; but kept back part of the price . here was wrong done ; but to whom , think you ? not to the apostles ; no : f he lyed not unto men , but unto god ; he couzen'd god , and not man. this was the moderation of s. peter , and s. ambrose ; and we may not be drawn from this moderation . advise your great masters to embrace so much moderation ; as to wrong no man , but g to give unto caesar , what belongs to caesar , and to god , what belongs unto god. till then , however they may seem to prosper , they will never be secure . chap. xv. whether it be lawfull to take away the bishops lands , and to confer them upon the presbytery . 1. the church at this present , is much like her h saviour hanging between two theeves : but in so much the worse case , because neither of these are for our saviour . one , the independent , is wholly for stripping the church of all settled maintenance : with him the minister is to rely meerly upon the peoples benevolence . and reason good ; for he is no longer a minister , then it pleaseth that congregation . but the other , the presbyterian is like the chough in the fable , that would faine prank up himself with other birds feathers . i the bishops lands and revenues must be diverted , & divided , to maintaine parochiall pastors ; so you call them . k sacriledge you condemne ; but theft you like well of , so you and your fellow presbyterians may be gainers . quocunque modo rem , is profitable doctrine ; so you may have it , you care not , how you come by it , nor who smarts for it . l the man of jerusalem fel into such hands . 2. m prelacy must be abolisht ; that 's agreed upon . so far you go with your parliament , but you are against seizing of the prelates revenues , to private , or civill interest . that is , as i conceive , to any particular mans use , or for the service of the state ; as ye call it . i am just of your mind , and resolve with you , that this kind of impropriation could want neither staine , nor guilt . such was that in the dayes of , k. henry the eight ; which was deservedly cried out of , all the christian world over . but cry out you and your mr. beza with your stentorian voices , upon this n detestable sacriledge , your good masters are resolved upon the question , and have exposed the bishops lands to sale . so they may have these revenues to dispose of , they will venter stain , guilt , and curse too , say what ye can . 3. i must confesse , you would faine set a faire glosse upon this detestable act . you would have o those large revenues ( as you are pleased to call them ) to be passed over from the fathers of the church , to the sons of the church ; from the bishops to parochiall pastors , or presbyters . i call these parochiall pastors , sons of the church : because , though they be called fathers in respect of their parishioners ; yet are they but sons in respect of bishops , from whom they have their orders , and by whom , as ministers , they are begotten . for presbyters have not power to ordain a deacon , much lesse to ordain a presbyter ; as p hath been already manifested , & shall be more fully , if god give me life and leave , to examine the divine right of church government . 4. but since q these revenues must be diverted , or passed over from the fathers to the sons , to supply them with sufficient maintenance , who shall make the conveiance ? and when the conveiance is drawn with all the skill that may be , it is nothing worth , till the proprietary , the true owner give his consent , and confirme it . desire you to know , who is the true owner ? look upon god , he hath accepted them , and taken possession of them ; his they are by deed of gift . the charters usually run thus ; concessi , offero , confirmavi deo & ecclesiae , i grant , offer , or confirme to god and the church , such and such lands , mannors , or messuages . when they are thus offered , god accepts of the gift , and sets this stamp upon them , * they offered them before the lord , therefore they are hallowed . and again , r nothing devoted , or separated from the common use , that a man shall devote unto the lord ( whether it be man , or beast , or land of his inheritance ) may be sold , or redeemed : every devoted thing is most holy unto the lord . when it is once seperated from common use , it may no more return to common use ; since ( as your geneva note tells us ) ſ it is dedicated to the lord with a curse to him , that doth turn it to his private use . and of this curse they have been sensible , that have turned it to such use . observable therefore it is , that t this word , which we here translate devoted , or dedicated , signifi●s properly , destroyed , quia destructio imminet usurpan●il us illa , because destruction hangs over their heads , that usurp them . jos . 7. 1. &c. we translate this word accuesed : and u ● cu●se fell upon achan openly for medling with the accursed or devoted silver , and gold , and a costly garment . god made a●●ma● example of his justice to all posterity , that so the dreadfull end of him and all his , might strike a terrour into the hearts of all covetous persons ; that they medle not with that , which is dedicated to the lord. 5. achans fault was , that x he clancularily stole it , and dissembled , and put it among his own stuffe . but what you do shall be in publike , enacted by parliament ; and they shall not be seized to private or civill interest . your purpose is to have them diverted , or settled upon your selves , and your fellow presbyters , who are no private or civill persons . oh , no , you are the men , by whom the work of the ministery is cheifly performed . and yet i cannot but observe , that here is a diversion ; and what is diverted , runs not in the right channel , it is enforced another way . but y this ( you say ) will not be to ruine , but to rectifie the devotion of former ages , and turn pompe into use , and impediments into helps . there needs no proofe for this , ipse dixit , mr. geree hath delivered this in the pulpit ; it is enough , so it come from him , who is so well skilled in devotion , and able to rectifie former ages . but i am none of your credulous followers ; my faith is not pinned to your sleeve . indeed , to deale plainly with you , i am of another mind , and suppose , i have good reason for it . 6. that revenues were very anciently settled upon the church , can be no new thing to them , that are skilled in councels , fathers , and church history . but who were these lands settled upon ? to whose trust were these committed ? z that constantine settled revenues upon the bishops , is too too evident to be denyed . that the bishops had houses and lands long before constantines time , is manifest by the councell of angur , can. 15. as also by that of a paulus samosatenus ; whom the emperor aurelian ejected out of the episcopall house , after he had been deprived of his bishoprick of antioch by a councell of bishops . b in s. cyprians time and writings we read that the church was endowed with means . a little higher we may go in our own country , c we find king lucius in the yeer of grace 187. settling possessions upon the church . 7. neither were these means very small ; as some conceive . d s. austine was a gentleman well desended , and had a faire estate left him . and yet he professeth , that e the possessions of his bishoprick of hippo , were twenty times more then the lands of his inheritance . and yet his was none of the richest bishoppricks in africk . such was the devotion of former áges . 8. of these revenues the bishops had the profits ; they did f uti frui rebus ecclesiae ( as s. austin speaks ) tanquam possessores & domini ; they were gods trustees ; and yet as possessors and lords they disposed of the church goods . g at his see the government of the lands and oblations belonged to him ; but h to some of his clergie he committed the charge both of the one and of the other . but so , that once a yeer at least , he had an account from them , as from his stewards . i at his charge , as it were , the presbyters and other clerks of that church were fed and clad . indeed k the lands and goods of the church were so at the bishops disposing , that the steward might not distribute any of them , as he thought meet , but as the bishop directed him . this was not onely by custome , but by canon , that the bishop have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power to dispose the goods of the church upon the needie . and l if it happened , that any of the lands were alienated , or sold in the vacancie , it was in the succeeding bishops power to ratifie or make void the sale . 9. neither did the bishops innovate any thing therein ; they followed the steps of the prime and apostolick church ; as is to be seen apost . can. 41. and in the acts. there we read , that the christians , who were so charitably minded , m sold their lands , or houses , and layed the prices thereof ( not at the disciples , not at the presbyters , but ) at the apostles feet . after this indeed n the disciples choose out men of honest report , full of the holy ghost , and of wisdom , that might dispose of these legacies to such , as were to be relieved by the church stock . but this they did not of their own heads , but at the apostles directions , who reserved this power to themselves . the text justifies it ; o whom we may appoint over this businesse . so the apostles . hence is it , that s. paul commanded timothy , bishop of ephesus , to take care , that the presbyters be well provided for : p let the presbyters , that rule well , be counted worthy of double honor , of double maintenance . and to what purpose was this charge to timothy , unlesse he were to provide for the presbyters of his church ? i am certain , that it is most consonant to common sense , nature , and scripture , that q parents provide for their children , and not children for the parents . and is it not reason , that he , who sets the presbyters on work , should pay them their wages ? but bishop timothy was to set them on work ; r those things , that thou hast heard ( or learned ) of me , the same commit thou to faithfull men , who shall be able to teach others . and ſ charge them , that they teach no other doctrine then this . but if they do , what then ? t withdraw thy self from them . that is , eat not with them , let them not come to thy table , allow them no maintenance . what counsell the apostles gave others , without question they observed themselves . but s. paul commands , that u we eat not with open and notorious sinners ; and s. john , that we x receive not deceitfull preachers into our houses . the same rule then they observed themselves . for in those times y the bishop and his presbyters did usually live in the same house , and eat at the same table . in those times the bishops provided for the presbyters ; but our start up presbytery will so provide , that the bishops shall have just nothing left them to relieve their own wants ; all must be for mr. presbyter . 10. and why so ? because there are many z defective parishes in england , which want suffi●ient maintenance to supply their parochiall pastors with . but from whence comes this defect , or want of maintenance ? surely not from the bishops , not from their greedinesse , and wretchlesnesse : but from that detestable sacriledge ( a as beza and you call it ) which was by parliament acted and ratified under the reign of king henry viii . at the dissolution of abbeys the appropriations of tithes were taken into lay-mens hands ; which heretofore were appropriated and annexed to this or that particular religious house ; b which house ( according to mr. spelman ) was the perpetuall incumbent parson of each of those rectories , and did duely officiate the cure , by one of their own fraternity . then were there few , or no defective parishes . but upon these new statutes the lay appropriatoes swept all into their own custody and possession . from hence ariseth the want of congruous maintenance , in too many parishes , for him , or them , that serve those cures . and shall bishops smart for it , when lay-men have done the mischief , and purse up the profits ? dat veniam corvis , vexat censura columbas ; when the laity offends , the clergie suffers . is this justice ? but so the parliament do it , it is with you c valid in law , though injurious . but god and you are of severall minds . 11. nay , if this be done , if bishops lands be removed to presbyters , d there will be no danger of sacrilege . how prove you that ? e this ( say you ) will not be to ruine , but to rectifie the devotion of former ages , and turn pomp into use , and impediments into helps . this is somewhat like cardinall wolseys pretence , who dissolved fourty small monasteries of ignorant silly monks , to erect two goodly colleges , for the breeding up of learned and industrious divines . was not this to turn impediments into helps ? lo , he removed lazie drones , that did little but eat , and drink , and sleep ; that so learned men might be provided for , who would labour in the word and doctrine , and might be able to do church and state good service . was not this as fair a pretence as yours , or as any you can invent ? and how was this accepted of ? god , that forbids theft , will no more endure the offering gained by theft , f then by adultery . one of his colledges dyes in the conception ; the other remains unfinished to this day : and it pities me to see her foundations under rubbish . and a misery it is to take into consideration the ruine of this man , as also of that king and pope , who gave him licence to commit this sin . this attempt and grant opened a gap to the most profuse sacrilege , that ever christian nation , before that time , had been acquainted with . and yet , for ought i find , by this particular sacrilege there came no gain into any of their private purses . 12. but , i beseech you , what is the meaning of these words , this will turn pomp into use ? what your intent is , perchance i may gesse : but to take them according to the plain and literall sense , i can make no other construction of them , then this : if the prelates revenues were diverted , to supply with sufficient maintenance all those parochiall pastors , that want congruous maintenance , this would turn pomp into use . that is ; that pomp , which the prelates made no use of , the presbyterians would turn into use . if this be not the grammaticall sense , i appeal to any rationall man. and their essay in the divine right of church government , shews what their proceedings would prove . i must confesse , ye have marvellously improved the impediments , and turned them into helps . for the power and jurisdiction of bishops , which were the main impediments to schisme and heresie , you have covenanted to root up ; and have brought in all the helps , that may be , to further irreligion , and atheisme . while the bishops had power , heresies were rarae nantes , seldom seen , and suddenly supprest , if any such crept in . but now they flowe in by shoals , and have pulpits and presses cloyed with them . does not your own mr. edwards professe , that never was there such plenty of sects and heresies ? as many more in truth , as ever the church knew in former ages . onely , as g by julian the apostata , both pulpits , and presses are locked up to the orthodox ; no coming there for them , lest perchance they infect the auditories with sound and apostolike doctrine . 13. parochiall pastors are most necessary men ; by them the work of the ministery is chiefly to be performed . this is true , and not true . true in the fathers sense ; not in yours . h in the fathers sense a pastor is a bishop strictly so called , as by his order he is differenced from a presbyter ; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no petty countrey or citie parish ; i it is a whole citie , with the precincts and countrey adjoyning , which were under the jurisdiction of the citie , and repaired thither for justice , if differences arose . with them paraecia was the same , that a diocese is with us . so a parochiall pastor , in the ancient and church sense , is a diocesan bishop : and in this sense , the work of the ministery is chiefly performed by the parochiall pastor . this pastor indeed can perform all ministeriall acts ; divers of which are clean out of a presbyters power . and yet you say , that by the parochiall pastor , who is with you but a presbyter , the work of the ministery is chiefly performed . not so , my good brother not so , not that work , without which the church cannot possibly subsist . and that is twofold ; first k the ordering of the church ; and 2ly , ordeining of presbyters . the chief works of the ministery , according to st. paul , are to 1 regular the church , and to 2 beget those , by whom the sacraments may be administred , and absolution pronounced . but these works may not , cannot be done by any , or many presbyters . in your sense therefore this proposition is false . 14. but why cheifly ? what , because presbyters offer up the prayers and supplications of the church ? because they are the usuall preachers , and dispensers of the sacraments ? these indeed are the most usuall and daily offices , and very necessary ; but i dare not say , that by them these offices are cheifly discharged . what say you to that principle of reason , l propter quod aliquid est tale , illud est magis tale ? especially if it be such an efficient or ministeriall cause , without which , in the ordinary way , there can be no such thing . but by a bishop a presbyter is made a minister of these holy duties ; & in the ordinary way , without him he could not be a presbyter . the bishop then doth cheifly performe the work of the ministery . the reason is , because illo mediante by his means , or mediation , that is done , which without him could not be done . the work of justice is usually performed by the justice of the severall benches . but i presume , you will not say cheifly ; that you will reserve to the parliament ; since you have sworne that to be m the supreme judicatorie of this kingdome . and in this treatise you have concluded , that n the parliament is the supreme court , by which all other courts are to be regulated . and as all courts are to be regulated by parliament , so are all presbyters to be guided by their own bishop . 15. cheifly , say you ; onely , saith your ordinance for ordination ; wherein you make the presbyter the onely minister . in your solemne league and covenant , ye resolve and vow o the extirpation of arch-bishops and bishops . and in both ye lay the whole work upon the presbytery ; as if they were the men , that could discharge all sacred and ministerial duties . no such matter ; the contrary is manifested . can any man imagine , that a common souldier , or an ordinary marriner , doth performe the cheife work in an army , or ship , because they take the greater toile to the outward eye ? no , no ; it is the pilot in a ship , the colonel in a regiment , the admirall in a navy , and the generall in an army , that discharge the cheife duties . without these there would be wise worke by sea or land. ev●ry one , that can pull a gable , or manage an oare , is not fit to be a pilot. every man that can and dare fight , and charge with courage , is not fit to be a commander . but the church is both a ship , and an armie . and i dare say , that every one , that can talke lavishly , or make a rhetoricall flourish in the pulpit , is not fit to be a bishop , or governour , in the church of christ . and yet q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for this cause left i thee in creet , that thou shouldest set in order the things , that are wanting , & ordain presbyters in every city . these are the duties of a bishop ; without which the church will suddenly be out of frame , and crumble into nothing . 16. in a ship , or regiment , no man comes to sit at the stern , no man attempts the cheife command , the first day ; if he do , both ship and regiment suffer for it . no ; they are trained up in their severall professions , and by degrees they rise till they come to the highest . thus was it in the ancient , and thus is it in the present church . if any be suddenly raised to a bishoprick , it is seldom for the good of that diocese . 17. but you and your fellow presbyters want congruous and sufficient maintenance ; down therefore must the bishops ; and their revenues must be divided amongst such good pastors , as you are . the levellers doctrine right ; the nobility and gentrey have too much , & the godly of the land to little : all therefore must be shared , that jack and tom may have a congrurus maintenance . if the great men of the land will not yeeld to this , the parliament shall be garbled , the nobility and gentry shall be turned aside ; and then look for a new covenant , and a fresh extirpation . dukes descend from profane esau ; marquesses , earles , vicounts , &c. are but heathenish titles , invented by the children of darknesse , and the children of light defie them . what ? are we not all adams sons ? are we not brethren in christ ? is it not fit , that we should all have share , and share like , as had the children of israel in the land of promise ? as long as the church onely was strook at , it was well liked of ; but now patience perforce , we must be leveled both in church and state. we shall find , that there is such a sympathy between them in all christian common-wealths , that they stand and fall , swimme and sink together . 18. what ? talke we of levelling ? that is enough to destroy the state and face of a kingdome . but in your project there will be no danger . how ? no danger ? no danger , ( say you ) of sacriledge . no danger in the subversion of the church ? surely this must be ruine to episcopacy , and consequently to the church . for no bishop , no church . r ecclesia enim super episcopos constituitur ; for the church is founded and settled upon bishops . so s. cyprian . think not , that we exclude christ . christ it is that layd the foundation , and settled the church so . and it is not for man to unsettle it , or to lay another , a new foundation . for other foundation can no man lay , then that is layed by jesus christ . but ſ we are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets . and bishops and apostles , are of the same order ; they are one and the same . t apostolos , id est , episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit . so s. cyprian , the lord made choice of apostles , that is of bishops & prelates . when therefore our saviour founded the church upon the apostles , he founded it upon bishops . who dare then after this foundation ? he that endeavours it , doth not build , but destroy the church . 19. is there no danger of sacriledge in robbing father and mother ? the bishop your father , and the church your mother ? for as in the church you were born anew of water and the holy ghost ; so if you be a presbyter , as a presbyter you have your being from a bishop ; or else you have no such being . but you return , that ye rob not the church : for you intend , that these revenues shall be settled upon church-men ; that is , upon presbyters . suppose , you rob but one , but your father , the sacriledge is detestable . for doth not the lord say , u who so robbeth his father , or mother , and saith it is no transgression ; the same is the companion of a murtherer . but to make the sacriledge more odious , i shall manifest , that ye have not onely robbed your father , but your mother also . the bishop your father is the husband to his particular church ; if then you rob him of his meanes , who will succeed in his roome , and become an husband to that church ? for though there be a thousand presbyters in a diocese , yet , x if she be without a bishop , that church is a widow . so that great councell of chalcedon . thus ye rob the bishop of his means , & that church of her husband . and wile a widow , she can bring forth but a bastard brood . consider that . 20. upon these motives i must tell you , that if his majestie shall gratifie either the parliament , or the assembly , in the abolition of episcopacy , and in sacrificing the church-lands to your , or their sacrilegious avarice , it will be such y a work , for which following generations shall have just cause to pitie , & lament him , that so good a man should either be cheated , or enforced into so foule a sin . his children and the whole kingdome would rue it ; and the generations to come ( unlesse the world turn presbyterian ) will speak of him as of king henry the eight : with this difference , that king henry wilfully plunged himself into this sin , and king charles was driven into it by an atheisticall and bloody faction . but i am confident , his majestie is seasoned with better principles ; he knows , it was z no excuse for saul , to confesse , that he had sinned , because he was afraid of the people , and obeyed their voice , not gods directions . a this king knew gods word , & rejected it ; god therefore rejected him from being king , and his seed from the throne . a lamentable case , to be frighted by a multitude , out of gods favour , and the crowne . but i hope , you have no saul in hand : our good kings crowne you may cause to totter , but not his resolution . ye may , and have robbed him of his prerogatives , revenues , and liberty : but you cannot imprison , or force his conscience , that will injoy her ancient priviledges , & freedome ; and these disasters shall end in a crowne of glory . his memory shall be honoured in our annals , and his posterity flourish in these thrones . amen , amen . chap. xvi . how far forth the king ought to protect the church and bishops . 1. it is confessed to my hand , that b the king is ingaged to his power , to protect the bishops , and their priviledges ; as every good king ought in right to protect & defend the bishops & churches under their government . reason requires no more ; and religion requires so much . for by that god , whom we serve , kings are made guardians , and c nursing fathers to the church ; and by the same god this ingagement is put upon them . not by man , not d by the author , as you seem to intimate ; nor yet by the bishops . one of the bishops indeed , in the behalfe of his brethren , and the whole clergie , humbly beseecheth his majestie to protect and defend to them , and to the churches committed to their charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and justice . the king with a willing and devout heart premiseth , to be their protector , and defender to his power , by the assistance of god. and afterwards at the communion table , he makes a solemne oath , upon gods own book , to observe the premises . this ingagement then is not put upon the king , but with a willing heart he takes it upon himselfe ; acknowledging that he ought to do so , if he be a good king. yea , ( saith sir edward coke ) e the king is bound and sworn to the observation and keeping of magna charta . his majestie then is but intreated to do , what he is sworne and bound to do . and since sworne and bound , he may not with a safe conscience give them up to the f wild boares of the forrest to root up the plants , or suffer the wild beasts of the field to devour this vine , g which the lords right hand hath planted . 2. that h the king is bound no further to exercise his power in the protection of the church , then he can do it without sinning against god , is most undoubtedly true : and it were not the part of a christian to desire more . for we know , that i the king receives his power from god , which is to be used , not against , but for god. not to protect the church to his power , is to break his oath , it is to desert that trust which god hath committed to his charge : and is not this to sin against god ? in the discharge of this dutie , he is so far from being injurious to the rest of his people , that if he should forbear it , it would prove the greatest mischeife , that can be imagined , to his people , and to their posterity , in their soules , in their estates ; and a perpetuall infamie to this nation . i need not prove it now , it is already done , cap. 8. sect 10. 11. &c. 3. that k his sacred majestie hath interposed his authority for the bishops , & put forth all the power he hath to preserve them , is that which vexeth your confederacy . and yet you cannot deny , but that every good king is bound in right to do so . what we ought to do , is our bounden duty ; and what we do in right , is justly done . oh , that this had been done in the right time . indeed he is not onely bound , but he finds it more then necessary to protect and preserve them ; for in protecting them , he protects himself , his throne , and his posterity . alas , he was strook at thorough the bishops sides . his wise father descried this long since , l no bishop , no king. what the father spake , his sonne our good king hath found true by woefull experience . his crowne hath sunke with their miters . 4. well , by your own confession , what our gracious king hath done , is right , and what good kings are bound to do , to the extent of their power . thus our good king is justified by his enemies , as m our saviour was by judas . if his majestie have endeavoured to do that , which is right , what are they , that have hindered him from doing it ? have not they done wrong ? how can they excuse themselves before god or man , that have so manacled our betrayed soveraigne , that he cannot do , what good kings are bound in right to do ? is this to be good ? is this to be just ? then have all the saints of god been utterly deceived . 5. n if after all this he must perforce let the bishops fall ; you and your schisme have much to answer for , that have driven him to this necessity . you seem to pitie his good subjects , who with their blood have endeavoured to support episcopacy . their swords were not drawn to maintaine this government , or the religion established ; they never learned to fight for religion . what they did , was done in submission to his majesties just commands , and to manifest their allegiance . but if these be good ; that have indangered their lives to uphold bishops , what are they , i beseech you , that have spent their blaod to root them out ? surely in justifying the former , mr. geree hath condemned the latter ; and when the waspes find it , he must look to his eares : 6. i must confesse , it is an hard case for one man to o ingage his life for the maintenance of other mens privileges . but who did so ? not a man ingaged himself ; but the kings command , the oath of allegiance , and the laws of the land ingaged every good subject , to assist his soveraign to the utmost . the king , according to his oath , endeavoured to maintain the laws of the land , to protect the members of both houses driven from parliament , to support the bishops ; and to suppresse those seditious and sacrilegious persons , which plotted and covenanted the ruine of religion , root and branch . though much the greatest part of the nobility , gentrie , and learned in the law , were deservedly moved to see majestie dethroned and blasphemed ; religion spurned at , and vilified ; the fathers of the church scandalized , and persecuted ; the laws of the kingdom , and liberties of the subject sleighted , and trampled on ; yet not a man of these took up the sword , till he was commanded by him , to whom the laws of the land , and the word of god have committed the power of the sword. this may not be called backwardnesse , or unwillingnesse , but pious discretion , which ever waits upon the soveraigns call . when therefore his majesty had set up his standard , i may truly say , p the governors of our israel offered themselves willingly among the people ; they did the king service to the utmost . had there not been a back-doore to let in a forrein nation , to divide the kings forces ; had not some of q the nobles of judah conspired with tobiah , held intelligence with him , and acquainted him with nehemiahs secrets , there never had been so many thanksgiving dayes , nor so much boasting , that god prospered the cause . god suffered david his own chosen servant , his anointed , and a man after his own heart , to be hunted as a partrige upon the mountains , to be frighted from his throne , and to live like a forlorn man ; and yet in his good time he restored him to his scepter in peace , and subdued the people to him . 7. and whereas you term them others privileges , as if they concerned no man but the clergie ; i dare boldly say , they concern every man , as he is a member of this church and realm . r if we have sown unto you spirituall things , is it a great matter if we reap your carnall things ? and if we reap not your carnall things , how shall we sowe unto you spirituall things ? this is worthy of consideration ; unlesse you have layed aside all care of the soul . have we some privileges , that the laity have not ? they are not ours alone ; they are every mans , that enters into orders . and orders are indifferently proposed to all , of all families whatsoever , so they be sufficiently qualified . high and lowe , noble and ignoble have reaped the benefit of these privileges . i have known some of high birth in orders ; and some of good rank , that have taken sanctuary under a priests coat . and we read of ſ a young man of the tribe of judah , of the most remarkable family , that was glad to turn priest , and to t serve by the yeer for ten shekels of silver , a double suit of apparell , and his victuals . if then our calling suffer , all families suffer in it , and with it . 8. but what if the laws of the land , what if magna charta do oblige all men to stand up for the due observation of these privileges ? if so , then must every man readily acknowledge , that all good subjects are bound to obey his majestie , when he commands that , which the law requires . view we then the words of that great and justly magnified charter , which are these . u reserving to all arch-bishops , bishops , earls , barons , and all persons , as well spirituall as temporall , all their liberties , and free customes , which they have had in times past . and all these customes and liberties aforesaid , which we have granted to be holden within this our realm ; as much as appertaineth to us and our heirs , we shall observe . and all men of this our realm , as well spirituall as temporall ( as much as in them is ) shall likewise observe the same , against all persons . mark that : are we not all , both spirituall and temporall , bound to maintain each others privileges , as much as in us lies ? 9. i know , you will return , that abbots and priors are provided for by the same law ; and yet they have since been taken away by act of parliament . i confesse it : but i shall desire you to observe in the first place , how they prospered , that were the contrivers and procurers of that act. 2ly , i cannot but take notice , that you with your master beza call that disso●ution x detestandum sacrilegium , detestable sacrilege , and such as was cried out of all the christian world over . it is not therefore to be drawn into president . 3ly , consider , i pray you , that y they who did so , are stiled enemies of our soveraign lord the king ▪ and his realm . 4ly , that great * councell of chalcedon , consisting of above 600. bishops , resolves , that no monastery , consecrated with the bishops liking , may be turned to a secular dwelling . and those that suffer any such thing , are lyable to the canonicall censures . 5ly , you will , i hope , make a difference between our saviours institution , and mans invention . bishops are of our saviours own institution , but abbots and priors are titles and orders of mans invention . and yet z hospitalitie , and alms , and other works of charity , for which these fraternities were erected , failed much with them . how those means were imployed , i shall not enquire ; but i am certain , that good and pious men have wished , that the abuses had been pruned off , and that the lands had been disposed of according to the doners intentions . this indeed had been pietie , not sacrilege . 10. how oft have the kings of this realm ingaged themselves to observe magna charta , and to maintain the rights and liberties of the church ? are not these the words of the statute , a we take the prelates and clergie with their possessions , goods , and chattels into our speciall protection and defence ? the princes of this land have bound themselves strictly to keep this great charter ; and have provided , that if any other shall do , or procure to be done , any thing contrary to this charter , it is to be accounted void , as soon as procured . take the words of the charter . b we have granted unto them ( the spirituall and temporal persons of this realm ) on the other part , that neither we , nor our heirs shall procure , or do any thing , whereby the liberties in this charter shall be infringed , or broken . but suppose , they shall make any such grant through ignorance , wilfulnesse , or evill counsell , shall it be of force ? the law saith , no. for it follows immediately ; c and if any thing be procured by any person contrary to the premisses , it shall be holden of no force , ne effect . you and your great contrivers , what have ye laboured for , all this while ? what have ye fought for ? what have ye shed so much blood for ? for wind , nothing but wind . for all the westminster orders and ordinances contrary to this charter , shall be holden of no force , ne effect . you had best then keepe your paper for a more necessary use . 11. and yet you tell his majestie , that d it is not equall to ingage the lives of some to uphold the honour of others . is it equall then , i beseech you , to ingage the lives of some , to destroy the honour and estate of others ? all this while you have been on the destructive part , all for rooting up , what the lords right hand hath planted , and for alienating the lords inheritance . and that ye might effect , what ye have subtilly projected , ye have ingaged the lives of many , who were very unwilling , to uphold the honour of some at westminster , that had overlashed , & ran themselves upon dreadfull rocks . i would to god , the commons of this kingdome would lay it to heart , how e cruell ye have been to many thousands to be indulgent to a few , to uphold the honour of a few . consider , how many thousands in england and ireland have been plundered , sequestred , imprisoned , maimed , and murdered , because they would not submit to the illegall , unjust , and irreligious decrees of the men at westminster . a compleat mercurius rusticus will make after ages stand amazed , and their hearts bleed within them , to consider , that such a nation as this , so blessed with peace and plentie , should be so miserably deluded , as to undoe themselves willfully , and sheath their swords into one anothers bowels , to save a lord and five members from tryall by law. 12. that you may perswade us , some way or other , that the king ought to give up the bishops , and their lands , since he hath hitherto protected them to the utmost of his power , you argue by supposition . f suppose ( say you ) a king put a commander into a city , and give him an oath to maintaine the priviledges of it , and keep it for him to his power : and this commander keeps this towne , till he have no more strength to hold it , unlesse he force the towns-men to armes , against the priviledge , which he hath sworne to maintaine . well , what then ? if this governour now surrender this towne upon composition , doth he violate his oath ? thus far mr. gerees question : what think you of it ? what any man thinks , is no matter ; g mr. geree thinks none will affirme it . and i think , there be many , that will affirme it ; and i am one of that number . good lord , to see , how mr. geree and i differ in opinion ! his is but thought without proof , but i shall give you reason for what i think , and say . 13. if this casuist speake to purpose , as he ought , he speaks of a king of this realme ; and no town within this realme hath any such priviledge , as not to bear armes against the kings enemies ; or not to keep it for his majestie , to the utmost of their power . the reasons are these : first , h these are the kings dominions and countries . 2ly , these towns and cities are part of these dominions . 3ly , the inhabitants and citizens thereof are his majesties subjects . 4ly , i all lands and tenements are holden either mediatly , or immediatly of the king. 5ly , this citie or towne is the kings ; otherwise how could he put a commander into it , and give him an oath to keep it for him ? i speake of towns within these his majesties dominions , which in all writings are called the kings cities , counties , and towns. 6ly , it cannot be imagined , that the kings of this realme would grant any priviledge destructive or dangerous to their owne safety . and we must take notice , that k all liberties at the first were derived from the crown . adde hereunto the severall acts of parliament , wherein l the peers and comminalty confesse themselves to be bound , and make faithfull promise , to aide their soveraigne at all seasons ; as also to assist and defned his , or their , rights , and titles , to the utmost of their power , and therein to spend their bodies , lands and goods , against all persons , whatsoever . but new lords , new laws ; and these statutes are out of date . 14. by this time , i hope , you see , that no towns-men have any such privilege , as to refuse to bear arms in the kings behalf . but they are bound by their allegiance , and the laws of this land to keep those towns for his majestie , & to defend them with all their might against his foes . if then the inhabitants shall be backward , the commander ought to force them to armes : and if he do it not , he violates his oath , and the towns-men their fidelity . and now you may tell your freind , that helped you to this supposition , that he is no skilfull apprentice at law. if then m the kings case be such in this particular , his highnesse may not recede from his oath , nor do any thing contrary thereto . 15. though this may seeme reasonable to sober men , yet n the onely objection ( as you conceive ) which lyeth against this , is ; that though it be not in the kings power to uphold them , yet it is in his power not to consent to their fall . though this be not the onely , yet is it a just objection , or rather a resolution ; which being rightly harkned to , will preserve the king from sin in this particular . for how ever you are so uncivill with his majestie , as to call it o peremtorinesse in him to deny assent to the fall , or abolition of episcopacy ; yet such as are learned to sobriety , know this to be christian prudence , and true fortitude , p not to fear them , that can imprison him , that can rob him of this earthly crowne , and slay his body , but to stand in aw of him , that can slay the soul , that can deprive him of his heavenly crown , and cast him into the infernall pit . oh , q 't is a fearfull thing to fall into the hands of the living god ; we are not therefore to be threatned , or frighted into sin . these things you can presse violently in the pulpit , but now you are beside both pulpit and text , beside modesty and truth . it is justice , religion , and courage , not peremtorinesse , to deny the least assent to sin . that it is sin to yeeld to , or confirme the abolition of episcopacy , is already manifested c. 4. 6. since it is to destroy an ordinance of christ ; which cannot be done without sin . 16. however then he may indanger his own crown , not save their mitres , yet he shall be sure , by denying assent , to save his own soul : for r without consent no sin ; and without sinne no damnation . ſ a woman ravished is free from fornication , because she assents not , but is really enforced ; and yet t he , that commits that sin upon her , must die for it . this is the kings case right : if he yeeld not , this is a rape upon his power , no sin in his person , since no assent . hence is it , that idolatry and oppression in scripture are charged upon kings ; because their assent makes a law. without the kings affirmative every ordinance imposed upon the people is not law , but tyranny ; since it is not legall , but arbitrary . our brethren of scotland say as much . take their words . there can be no law made , and have the force of a law without the king. declaration of the kingdom of scotland . p. 19. 17. that t it is in his majesties power , or not in his power to deny assent to the abolition of bishops , is most certainly true . but we must learn of you to distinguish between a naturall and a morall sense ▪ and then we shall find both true , that he can , and he cannot deny consent . in a naturall sense he may , but in a morall sense he may not . in a naturall sense he may ; because the will cannot be inforced . in a morall sense it is not in his power ; because he cannot now deny consent without sinne . so it is , and it is not in his power , or rather as s. austine speaks , u in potestate est , quod in voluntate esse non debet : that is in our power , which ought not to be in our will ; x the king then hath it in his power to yeeld , or not to yeeld ; because he may do , which he pleaseth . the book of god stands by , and adviseth him to do that , which is right in the sight of god , proposing blessings if he do so ; and menacing curses , if he shall do any thing contrary to gods revealed will. and all this while it doth but instruct & perswade him to do , what he ought and may , when he will. this then being in the kings power , he must take heed , he incline not to sin . 18. i cannot but resolve , that to forsake the naturall sense , if good , is to be unnaturall . to renounce the morall sense is against good manners , and the morall law. if therefore both senses may be kept , we are to preserve them both safe . with confidence therefore , i speake it , that it is not onely in his power , but * it is his dutie to be master of his negative voice , and to deny consent . if he deny consent , he does his dutie , & observes his oath . if he yeeld assent , he breaks his oath , and failes of his dutie . and this will prove no lesse then sin . i have already demonstrated , that episcopacy is agreable to the word of god , and that it is the institution of christ himself . it is sinne therefore to abolish it , or to consent to the abolishing thereof . you neither have , nor can justifie the contrary out of holy writ , or from the ancient and apostolike church . and yet the observations upon the ordinance for ordination have been extant in print above these three years . but you and your assembly rabbines take no notice of it , because you have not what to say against it . 19. but though you have neither scripture , councels , nor fathers , for the abolishing of episcopacy , yet you have reason grounded upon policy , to worke his miajestie to yeeld to this abolition . for ( say you ) he cannot now deny consent without sin . it seemes then , he might , without sin deny consent heretofore : but not now . and why not now ; as well as heretofore ? because ( say you ) x if he consent not , there will evidently continue such distraction and confusion , as is most repugnant to the weale of his people ; which he is bound by the rule of government , and his oath to provide for . thus sin shall vary at your pleasure : sin it shall be now , that was none heretofore . that shall be sin in king charles , which was vertue and piety in queen elizabeth , and all their religious ancesters . 20. y where no law is , there is no transgression . before then you prove it to be a sin , you must prove it to be against some law either of god or man. not against the law of god ; that 's already proved . not against the law of man ; since no man can sin against that law , to which he is not subject . * the laws are the kings ; he gives laws to his subjects , not his subjects to him : and we know no law of his against bishops . indeed the laws of this land are so far from the extirpation of bishops , that z the fundament all law of this kingdom approves of them . they then that are enemies to bishops , are enemies to the fundamentall law of this kingdom . and what is fundamentall , is in and of the foundation . if then a law be made to extirpate bishops , it grates upon the foundation , it is against the fundamentall law of this realme , & it contradicts that law of laws , the word of god. besides , we are assured by that learned in the law , justice jenkins a that it is against the kings oath , and the oaths of the houses , to alter the government for religion . but an alteration of this government , must necessarily follow upon the abolition of episcopacy . yea with bishops , not onely the church and religion will be ruined , but the very government and laws of the kingdom will be so confounded , that the learned in the law will not know , where to find law. they must burn their old books , and begin the world upon the new model . all this will amount to no small sin ; it will be to the shame of this land ; to the ruine of those two noble professions , divinity and law ; and to the common misery of the people . 21. these reasons premised , i shall justly return your own words upon your self , in this manner . it is not in the kings power to consent to the abolition of episcopacy , because he cannot now yeeld consent without sin . for if he consent , there will evidently follow such distraction and confusion , as is most repugnant to the weal of his people ; which he is bound by the rule of government , and his oath to provide for . i say so , and true it is ; because it is evident to every discerning eye , that there are as many , and those more considerable , that are cordially for episcopacy and common prayer , as are against them . indeed they are not so factious , so mutinous , and bloody as the other . what multitudes are there in this kingdom , that mourn and grieve to see religion so opprest , so trampled on , and almost breathing out her last ? in truth it is palpable , that these seditious and irreligious courses have ingendred , and propagated , and will continue such distraction and confusion in church and state , as is most repugnant , not onely to the present , but to the eternall wedl and salvation of his people : both which he is bound to provide for , but more especially for the later . 22. and whereas you say , such distraction and confusion will continue , unlesse episcopacy be abolished ; if seems , you are resolved to continue these distractions . but , god knows , and your words testifie , that it is not the calling or the office of a bishop , that is offensive ; it is b their honour , and their wealth , which you aim at ; c these , with their revenues must be shared amongst you of the presbyterian faction ; and then all shall be well . till then we must look for nothing but fire and sword . hence it evidently appears , that neither episcopacy , nor the kings dissent , but your ambition and avarice have been the true cause of these distractions and combustions . d such a sedition as this there was in the time of moses about the priesthood ; because every man might not sacrifice , as , when , and where he pleased . because corah might not wear a miter , and go into the most holy place , as well as aaron . and yet who dares say , that the priestood was the cause of those uproars ? 23. that insurrection was against moses and aaron , against prince and priest : but against the prince for the priests sake ; because the prince would not endure , that every one should meddle with the priests office , or strip him of his means and honour . that conspiracie was linsie-woolsie , loomed up of clergie and laitie . korah , the son of levi was the ring-leader ; and c with him two hundreth and fiftie of his own tribe . to these were joyned f dathan and abiram , great princes , and men of renown ; such as were eminent in blood , and of the tribe of reuben . and was not the crie the same then , that is now ? g moses and aaron , prince and priest , ye take too much upon you , seeing all the congregation is holy , every one of them , and the lord is among them ; wherfore then lift ye your selves above the congregation of the lord ? the prince and priest did but their duty ; and yet are obbraided with pride . god raised them to their places ; and they are charged to raise themselves . but moses justly retorts upon them , what they had falsly cast upon him ; h ye take too much upon you , ye sons of levi. what ? i is it not enough for you , that god hath separated you from the multitude , that he hath taken you neer himself , to do the service of the lords tabernacle , but you must have the priests office ? but you must be k offering incense , as well as the high priest ? the priest of the second order would needs be equall with the chief priest , the priest of the first order . and is it not so now ? have we not just cause to say to you , ye take too much upon you , ye presbyters , ye sons of bishops . what ? is it not enough for you , that god hath separated you from the multitude , that he hath taken you neer himself , to do the service of the lords house , and to administer the sacraments ; but you must have the bishops office ? but you must be giving orders , as well as the bishop ? surely this is to assume that power to your selves , which god never committed to any presbyter , while a presbyter . 24. last of all , i cannot but observe , that when the lord had punished these schismaticall and seditious persons , l the tumult ariseth afresh against moses and aaron ; they cry out upon them as m murderers , as if these two had slain the people of the lord : for thus they call that factious and damnable crue . but the lord decided the controversie , and shewed manifestly , who were his ; first n by consuming the mutineers with the plague ; and secondly , by causing o aarons rod , when it seemed to be quite dead , to revive , even to bud , and blossom , and bear fruit in the tabernacle . p thus the mouthes of the rebellious children were stopped , and gods ordinance justified . q oh , that salvation were given unto israel out of sion : oh , that the lord would deliver his people out of captivity . oh , that we might see aarons rod once more bud , and blossom , and bring forth almonds . r then should jacob rejoyce , and israel should be right glad . chap. xvii . whether there be two supremacies in this kingdom . 1. in this treatise ſ you blame those , that seem to set up two supremacies ; and yet you cannot see the same beam in your own eye . you are of kin , sure , to those lamiae , those witches , that were blind at home , but quick-sighted abroad . thou , that findest fault with another , doest the same thing . for do not you say plainly , that t there 's a supremacie in the king , and a supremacy in the parliament ? i hope , you know your own language . clodius accusat . it is an usuall thing for your confederacie , to charge the king and his good subjects with that , which your selves are either guilty of , or intend to induce . 2. what , two supremacies , two superlatives , at the same time , in the same kingdom ? is this possible ? what , because there is summus and supremus ; because there are two superlatives of the same word , shall we therefore have two supremacies in the same realm ? is not this flatly against the oath of supremacy ? wherein you , and i , and your great patriots , have sworn , that the kings highnesse is the onely supreme governour of this realme , and of all other his highnesse dominions and countreys . but the king hath been so long out of your eye , that he is now out of your minde , and the parliament shall at least be his corrivall in the supremacy . take heed , take heed of perjury . i can tell you of severall acts of parliament since the reformation , that u lay a penaltie of fourty pounds , upon every particular perjurie . if his majestie had all these forfeitures , they would satisfie his debts , and make him a glorious king after all these pressures . 3. but you clip his majesties wings , though ye make him flie ; and tell us , as x you conceive , that the supremum jus dominii , the supreme right of dominion , which is above all laws , is not in the king. to say it is in him , is in this , in our state a manifest error . why , what 's become of the oath of supremacy ? have we forgot that ? was not that provided for this state ? in our state this is no error ; in yours it may be ; or else you are in a manifest error . certainly the members have sworn , that the king is the only supreme governour of this realm , or state. and that he is so , as well in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things , or causes , as temporall . if he be the onely supreme , how shall we find another supreme , or an equall to him within his own dominions ? if he be so in all things and causes both ecclesiasticall and temporall , what thing or cause is there , wherein he is not the onely supreme ; or wherein he hath any other supreme joyned to him ? for certain , these particles onely and all , are exclusive of any copartner . 4. but you will chalk out a way , whereby to elude , or avoid this oath , and the restrictions therein . there 's a supreme parliament , as well as a supreme king. or , a supremacy is in the parliament , and a supremacy in the king. an excellent arithmetician , he hath learned to multiply ; of one , and one onely , he hath made two . thus have they raised division out of unity : and from hence are these distractions and divisions , which are so repugnant to the weal of the people . this is one of their new lights , which is borrowed from their multiplying glasse , that makes a molehill as bigge as a mountain , and a spider as large as a sea-crab . but when the multiplying glasse is layed aside , the spider will be but a spider . 5. well , let us see , how you make good this twofold supremacy . y the supremacy , or the supremum jus dominii , that is over all laws , figere or refigere , to make , or disanull them at pleasure , is neither in the king , nor in the houses apart , but in both conjoyned . here then we are fallen back to one supremacy . and this supremacy is not the kings onely ; but it is the parliaments , as well as his . this is to skip from monarchy to aristocracy . kingdoms indure no corrivals ; and z kings have no peers . but this man hath found one thing , wherein the king hath peers ; and consequently is not the onely supreme governour of this realm . strange , how that parliament , and all since that time have been so mistaken , as not to see their own right , but to ascribe all to the king ; and that in a point of so high concernment . surely they wanted this young preacher , to bring them in a new light . but i beleeve , it will appeare , that the supremacie over all laws to make , or disanull them , is in the king alone , at the petition of both houses : and that those parliaments knew full well . 6. for satisfaction in this point i shall observe , what scriptures , fathers , and some modern writers have resolved concerning kings . s. petter plainly and fully a ascribes supremacy to the king. submit your selves ( saith he ) to every ordinance of man for the lords sake : whether it be to the king , as supreme ; or unto governors , as unto them , that are sent by him . kings are sent by god ; to them therfore we submit for the lords sake . all other civill governours are sent by the king ; to them therefore we submit for the kings sake , that sent them . answerable hereunto are those passages in tertullian , that b the emperor is homo a deo secundus , & solo deo minor , c in dei solius potestate , a quo secundus , post quem primus , the man second to god , and lesse then god onely . that he is in the power , or under the command of god onely ; from whom he is the second , and after whom he is the first . optatus saies as much ; d super imperatorem non est nisi solus deus , qui fecit imperatorem ; there is none above the emperor , but god alone ; who made him emperor . and what the emperor was in the empire ; the same is the king of england within his own dominions . for e the crown of england hath been so free at all times , that it hath been in subjection to no realm , but immediately subject to god , and to none other . hence is it called f an empire ; and g the imperiall crown of this realm . 7. the greeke commentators are so full for obedience to kings , that h they will not yeeld , that an apostle may be freed from this subjection . this doctrine s. paul justifies ; i i stand ( saith he ) at caesars judgment seat , where i ought to be judged . and after this appeal he resolves , that k no man , not the president himself , may judge him , or deliver him to be judged by any other . nay after this the president himself might not release him . so king agrippa , l had not this man appealed to caesar , he might have been set at liberty . are not these strong evidences of the kings supremacy ? that learned grotius gives a sure rule , whereby to know , on whom the supremacy is settled . m that ( saith he ) is the supreme civill power , cujus actus alterius juri non subsunt , whose actions are not subject to any other mans censure , or law. but such is the king , n qui sub nullo alio , sed sub solo deo agit , who lives in subjection to none , but to god onely . for o who may say unto him , what doest thou ? when therefore david had sinned , he cries out unto the lord , p in te solum peccavi , against thee onely have i sinned , thou onely canst call me to account hence is that resolution of all the learned of this church , in the time of king henry viii . among whom were bishop carnmer , and bishop latymer , q although princes do otherwise , then they ought to do , yet god hath assigned no judges over them in this world , but will have the judgement of them reserved to himself . and the judgement of the great lawyers in france is this , r rex solus ▪ the king onely is the supreme lord of all the subjects , aswell lay , as ecclesiasticall , within his own dominions . ſ all other men live under judgment ; & cum deliquerint , peccant deo , peccant & legibus mundi ; and when they offend , they sinne against god , and against the laws of the land. 8. but i know , you relye more upon the laws of this land , then upon the laws of god ; and upon our lawyers , rather then the fathers , and out best divines . i shall therefore transgresse my profession . & shew you , what their opinion is . t this realme ( say the statutes ) is an empire , whereof the king is the supreme head ; and consisteth of the spiritualty and tempora●ty , over which the king hath whole power , and jurisdiction . are you of this realm , or are you not ? i●●on be , then are you either of the spiritualty or tempora●ty and if of either , then wholly under the kings power the whole power is his ; why seek you to rob him of it ? of this realme the king not the parliament , is the supreme head : one head not two . he that makes two supremacies , makes a bul ; and he that se●● two heads upon one body , frames a monster . 9. indeed they are so far from having any supremacy , that they are subjects as well in , as out of parliament . u when king edward the confessor had all the earles and barons of the kingdome assembled in parliament , he cals them all , his leige men my lords , you that are my leige men. perchance you may say , the king calls them so , but that makes them not so . you shall therefore have their own acknowledgement , in parliament , thus . x we your most loving , faithfull , and obedient subjects , representing the three estates of your realme of england . thus the whole parliament united into one body . false therefore is that proposition , that the king is major singulis , sed minor universis , greater then any , and lesse then all the inhabitants of this realme . for here the representative body of the three estates of this kingdome , assembled in parliament , in their highest capacitie , acknowledge themselves to be the queens subjects , and her most obedient subjects ; because to her , they thus assembled , did justly owe both subjection , and obedience ; which none that are supreme , can owe. and these are due to his majestie & à singulis , & ab universis , from one , and all ; from every one singly , and from all joyntly . 10. secondly , when they are assembled in parliament , they petition , as well as out of parliament . this is evident by the acts themselves ; wherein we read , that y our soveraigne lord the king , by the assent aforesaid , and at the praier of his commons . the same words are repeated 2 hen. 5. c. 6 & 9. and in queen elizabeths time , the parliament humble themselves in this manner , z that it may please your highnesse ▪ that it may be enacted , &c. i might come down lower , but i shall satisfie my selfe with sir edward cokes report , b who assures us , that in ancient times all acts of parliament were in forme of petitions . mr. geree himselfe acknowledgeth , they should be so now . c the king ( saith he ) may passe a bill for the abolition of episcopacy , when his houses of parliament think it convenient , and petition for it . either then the houses have no supremacy , o● else they humble themselves too low , when they petition his majestie . but this supremacy of parliament is one of the new lights , that were lately wafted into this land in a scottish cookboate . 11. thirdly , what supremacy can there be in those , that may not lawfully convene , or consult , till the king summon them ; and must dissolve and depart , when the king command ▪ the writ it self runs thus , d prelatis & magnatibus nostris , quos vocari fecimus . to the prelates . and our nobles . whom we have caused to be called . and e sir robert cotton , out of elie register , tels us that parliaments were assembled at first as now , edicto principis ( not at their own , but ) at the kings pleasure . and sir edward coke assures me , that f none can begin , continue , or dissolve the parliament , but by the kings authority . and let me tell you , that if his majestie shall withdraw himself from parliament , it is not for your great masters to inforce him to return , but to g pray his presence , and to inform his majestie , that if he forbear his presence among them fourty dayes , that then by an ancient statute , they may return absque domigerio regis , to their severall homes . this is all they ought , or may do . 12. fourthly , whereas , according to your words , h the parliament is to regulate all other courts ; the court of parliament is to be regulated by the king. for the time , that is already manifested , to be at his majesties pleasure . and for the matter , that is prescribed , and limited by the king ; i super praemissis tractare , to consult and advise upon such things , as the king nominates , and prescribes . and if credit may be given to iohn speede , he tells us , that k the great lawyers judgments , in king richard ii. time , concerning orderly proceedings in parliaments , run thus . that after the cause of such assembly is by the kings commandement there declared , such articles , as by the king are limited for the lords and commons to proceed in , are first to be handled . but if any should proceed vpon other articles , and refvse to proceed vpon those limited by the king , till the king had first answered their proposals , contrary to the kings command ; such doing herein contrary to the rule of the king , are to be punished astraitors . and he cites the law books for what he saies . truly i am the rather induced to beleeve , what speed delivers , because sir edward coke gives us the reason , why , and how far forth , the king relies upon his parliaments . l the king ( saith he ) in all his weighty affairs used the advice of his lords and commons ; so great a trust and confidence he had in them . alwaies provided , that both the lords and commons keep them within the circle of the law and custom of the parliament . the reason , why the king useth their advice , is because he hath a great trust and confidence in them . but alwaies provided that they keepe themselves within the circle of the law , and custome of parliament . but how if they deceive the kings trust , and abuse his confidence ? how if they break the lawfull circle , and transgresse the customs of parliament ? how then ? what speede hath recorded , i have shewn you . but what the king may do in this case , i shall leave to the masters of the law to determine . 13. last of all , the king regulates their consultations . for in his breast it is , whether their bills shall become laws , or no. observe ; though the advice and assent be theirs , yet the power of ordaining , establishing , and enacting , is in the soveraigne . the statute books shall be my witnesses . m the king by the advice , assent , and authority aforesaid , hath ordeined and established . and again , n be it enacted by the queens most excellent majestie , with the assent of the lords spirituall , and temporall , and the commons , &c. hence is it , that they are called the kings laws . and o the king is called the head of the law ; because from him it is derived ; from him the law receives both life and force . p his breast is the shrine , or deske , wherein all the laws are stored up , and preserved . if any man make question of this , present experience will satisfie him . for do not the houses at this day petition his majestie , to make that a law which they have voted ? take their own words in that high message sent to holdenby house in march last . we the lords and commons , assembled in the parliament of england , &c. do humbly present unto your majestie the humble desires and propositions , agreed upon by the parliaments of both kingdoms respectively . vnto which we do pray your majesties assent . and that they , and all such bills , as shall be tendered to your majestie in pursuance of them , or any of them , may be established and enacted for statutes and acts of parliament , by your majesties royall assent . which words , though very high , do manifest , that there is neither majesty , nor supremacy , nor power in this , or any other parliament , to make , or repeale laws . it is at the kings pleasure to establish and enact them for laws and statutes , or not . this our neighbour scotland sees , and confesseth that regall power and authority is chiefly in making and enacting laws . declarat . of the kingd . of scotland . p. 18. 14. from hence it appears , first , that there is no supremacy in the parliament , without the king. secondly ; that the supremum jus dominii , the supreme right of dominion , which is over laws , to establish or disanull them , is in the king alone . for a bill not established , is of no force , it is no law. 3ly , that q the king is the supreme magistrate ( as you are pleased to call him ) from whom all power of execution of laws is legally derived . and 4ly , if the power of execution be derived from the king , much more is the power to regulate . for he , that gives them power by his commission , to put the laws in execution , he gives them rules in the same commission , whereby they must be guided ; and sets them bounds , which they may not passe . if they transgresse either , the king hath a legall power to revoke their commissions , and to dispose of them , to whom , and when , he pleaseth . hence is it , that all courts , and the judges of those courts , are called the kings courts , and the kings ministers of justice . and when we are summoned to appear in any court of justice , the processe runs coram domino rege , before our lord the king : because the kings person and power is there represented . and though his majestie be over-born , and against all law and reason kept from his courts of justice , yet in all writs you are fain to abuse his name ; though he be no way accessary to these lawlesse , and illegall proceedings . how these courts have been regulated , since his majesties forced departure , this kingdom is very sensible , and laments to consider it ; god amend it . 15. upon these grounds i argue thus . they , that are subjects ; they , that are suppliants ; they , that owe obedience to an higher ; they , that cannot lawfully convene , or consult , till they be called by another ; they , that must dissolve their meeting at anothers command ; they , that are to be regulated by another ; they , that can onely advise , perswade , entreat , but not enact a law , have no supremacy . but the whole parliament sever'd from the king , are subjects , are suppliants ; they owe obedience to an higher ; they cannot lawfully convene , or consult , till they be called by his majestie ; at his command , they are to dissolve their meeting ; by him they are to be regulated ; and q without him they cannot enact a law. the major is evident , to every intelligent eye . the minor is demonstrated , sect. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. i must therefore upon these premises necessarily conclude , that the parliament , in that sense you take it , hath no supremacy . 16. that nothing may be wanting , i shall give you the resolution of our sages at law , concerning the kings unseparable and incommunicable supremacy ; that so all mouthes may be stopped . bractons resolution is this , r rex habet potestatem & jurisdictionem super omnes , qui inregno suo sunt . the king hath power and jurisdiction over all , within his own kingdom . plowden saith as much ; ſ the king hath the sole government of his subjects . here is no man , no societie of men exempted ; all under the king , and solely under the king. where then is the parliaments supremacy ? not in this kingdom ; it must be looked for some where else . 17. secondly , t ea , quae sunt jurisdictionis & pacis ad nullum pertinent nisi ad regiam dignitatem : those things , which concerne jurisdiction and peace , belong to none but onely to the royall dignity . u the same he affirmes of restraint , and punishment . these then belong not to the parliament ; since that cannot chalenge royall dignity . where then is their supreme power ? all power almost consists in jurisdiction , ordering of peace , and punishing offenders . and all these are flowers of the crown . yea , x the power of the militia , of eoyning of mony , of making leagues with forreigne princes ; the power of pardoning , of making of officers , &c. all kings had them , the said powers have no beginning . if then all these and many more are peculiar to soveraignty , what is left for the parliament ? why surely if you will , to be the kings supreme or chief councell , and his capitall court. this they are ; and this is an high honour to them being rightly used . 18. thirdly , y omnis sub rege , & ipse sub nullo ; every one is under the king ; but the king is under none , but god onely . the supremacy then must needs be in the king ; who is superior to all but the god of heaven . and over the supreme there can be no earthly superior . to admit a comparative above the superlative in the same kinde , is a solecisme not onely in grammar , but in reason , and religion . yet , though no superior , there may perchance be an equall to this supreme . there may so ; but not within his own dominions . z rex enim non habet parem in regno suo ; a the king ( saith the statute ) hath no peer in his land. and if justice jenkins may be heard , he tels us , that b the houses in parliament confesse , the king to be above the representative body of the realm . they are not therefore his equals ; and so have no supremacy . when i can be perswaded , that any , or all the members of the body are equall to the head , then i shall be apt to beleeve , that there may be two supremacies in a kingdom . but i am confident , that c a wife may as safely admit of two husbands , as a kingdom of two supremes . for d the king is sponsus regni , that husband , who by a ring is espoused to this realm at his coronation . but a ring is superstitious , and husbands are grown out of date . the onely thing in request is liberty , to take or leave what and whom we please . 19. but e the parliament is the supreme court , by which all other courts are to be regulated : what say we to that ? this i say , that the parliament is f curia capitalis , the supreme court of this kingdom : and yet his court it is , whose courts the rest are . it is therefore called g curia regis , and h magnum concilium regis , the kings court , the kings great councell : yea and the kings parliament . sir rob. cotton justifies it from the parliament rowles . i henry iv. began his first parliament . novemb. 1. k the king began his second parliament jan. 20. and of henry vii . thus : l it is no doubt , but he would have been found as frequent in his great councell of parliament , as he was in the starre-chamber . and this very parliament , how oft have they called themselves , the kings great councell ? they are so , and they are no more . but why am i so carefull to heap up instances ? your self call it . his , the kings , parliament , p. 2. and his houses of parliament , p. 8. 20. if then in your sense , we take the houses without the king , there is no supremacy in them , either severally , or joyntly : since they are but subjects , and the representative body of subjects . and under this consideration they cannot regulate other courts , unlesse the king give them power to do so . but take the houses with the king , and then it is most true , that there is a supremacy in the parliament ; and that it hath power to regulate all other courts . but this supremacy it hath by , and from the king ; and from no other . we therefore professe with that learned mr of the law , that m the parliament is the highest , and most honorable and absolute court of justice of england , consisting of the king , the lords of parliament , and the commons . the lords are here divided into two sorts , viz. spirituall and temporall . when such an assembly meets , and each house and the members thereof keep themselves within their proper limits , i dare be bold to say , that this court is assembled as it ought , n for provision for support of the state in men and money ; and well ordering of the church and common-wealth ; and determining of such causes , which ordinary courts nesciebant judicare , were not skilfull to determine . o these are the causes of such assemblies . 21. but truly , when they are thus assembled , i do not conceive , that they have power to p make or disanull all laws at pleasure ; but upon just and necessary occasion . for there is great danger in altering laws without urgent cause . innovation in government makes an alteration in state : & sudden alterations are not for the safety either of bodies naturall , or bodies politicke . observe , what the mirror of his time k. iames speaks : q we are not ignorant of the inconveniences , that do arise in government , by admitting innovasion in things once settled by mature deliberation : and r how necessary it is to use constancy in the upholding of the publik determinations of state. for that such is the unquietnesse and unstedfastnesse of some dispositions affecting every yeer new formes of things , as if they should be followed in their unconstancy , would make all actions of state ridiculous and contemptible . whereas the stedfast maintaining of things by good advice established , is the weale of all common-wealths . there is often danger , seldom pleasure in the change of laws . truly since the laws-have been neglected , and varietie of ordinances have supplied their roome , ſ we have been fed with the bread of tears , we have had plentiousnesse of tears to drinke . we are become a very striffe unto our neighbours ; and our enemies laugh us to scorne . 22. that the king in parliament doth usually make or alter laws , as the necessity of the times , and common good of his subjects require , is no rare thing . yet this ought to be done with much care and deliberation ; that so nothing be enacted , which may be justly greivous or destructive to his leige people . sithence , according to your determination , t he cannot lawfully make any ingagement to any , against the laws , and legall rights of others . your reason is because , u that were not cedere jure suo , sed alieno , a parting with his own , but with other mens rights . the same reason will hold against the parliament . suppose we should grant , what we may not , that the king and parliament are equals ; it follows necessarily , that whatsoever is unlawfull for one , is unlawfull for any other of the same ranke and power . if then it be not lawfull for the king , neither is it lawfull for his great councell , to take away the legall rights of others against law. and therefore not the legall rights of bishops , deanes and chapters , or any other of the clergie . for by the laws of the land , we have as firme an interest , and as true a freehold in those possessions , wherein to we are admitted , or inducted , as any other of his majesties subjects have in theirs . boast not of your power ; x power must attend upon justice , not go before it , nor over-rule it . i● justice take place , it is a judiciall , a just power ; but if power over sway justice , the government proves tyrannicall . 23. as for the power of making laws , we must know , that y by the common law , which is guided by the light of nature , and the word of god , that power is acknowledged to be in the king. who is leg●●us superior , as * fitz harbert speaks , above the law. but the soveraignes of this realme to reitifie the tender care they have of their peoples welfare , and the desire they have to injoy their love , have so far condescended in the stature law , that they will not henceforth do so without the advice & assent of the houses . this is not to give them a supremacie , but to admit them to advice . this is the way to win the most refractary , to submit to those laws , whereto they have given consent either in person , or by proxy . besides , z what is concluded on with good advice , by common consent , and hath the opprobation of diverse wise , learned , and religious persons , gives better satisfaction to all in generall , then what is done by one alone , be it never so well done . and yet to this day the power of ordeining , establishing and enacting laws , is reserved wholly to the crowne . most of these statute laws are as so many royall legacies bequeathed to this nation , by the severall soveraignes and fathers of this countrey . a not a liberty or priviledge , b not any land or tenement , but is originally derived from the crowne . such hath been the goodnesse and bounty of our princes to us their unworthy subjects . all we have , is from them : and now we take all from them . is this gratitude ? we serve god and the king alike ; we are resolved to seize upon all , that is called sacred . and i have learned , that not onely c the kings house , but d his very lands are called in law patrimonium sacrum , the holy patrimony . is not this that sacra fames , that sacred hunger , which is so greedy of all that is called sacred ? 24. brand not us , poore clergie-men , with foule and fained aspersions ; delude not the people with false & forged suggestions . e whose legall priviledges , or rights have we invaded , or sought after ? when did we ever desire , or perswade his majestie , to do the least injurie to people , or parliament ? your own conscience clears us in the generall . and your own profession is , that f you cannot but have a better conceit of the major part of the clergie , at this time , that they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honour , as t● let the crowne run an hazard . if then we will , and have parted with that , which is justly ours , rather then in the least manner we would prejudice the king , or wrong our own consciences ; certainly we cannot perswade the king g to make any ingagement to us , against the laws , and legall rights of others . if any particular person have offended in this kind , we make no apologie for him : upon just proofe let him have a legall censure . this kingdom cannot but take notice , that we have been so far from incroaching upon others , that we have parted with u● own rights , though not with gods. we have deserted all we had , to preserve a good conscience . this is truly cedere jure suo , to part with our own , that we may not faile that trust , which is committed to us . we justifie gods right , and lose our own . 25. we confesse , that h the king is bound to maintain the legall priviledges of people and parliament ; but not so , as to destroy gods rights , or the priviledges of his ministers . that be farre from him . i suum cuique , the true princely justice is , to be just to god and man ; to give god what is his , and impartially to his subjects , what is theirs , as also what truly belongs to them in their severall places and professions . his majestie knows full well , that the liberties of the subject , the priviledges of parliament , and rights of the clergie , have long consisted and prospered together . take away the vine , and the elme will beare no fruit ; take away the elme , and the vine will fall to the ground , and be trod to durt . 26. that k the king hath been alwaies ready to confirme needfull ( not wanton , not malicious , not destructive ) bills , cannot be denyed by any of his impartiall & conscionable subjects . the quarrell raised against him is , because he will not suffer gods inheritance , and the churches patrimony to be devoured ; because he will not endure gods service , and all religion to be trampled on ; because he end eavours to releive his poore people the clergie , against whatsoever greivance they suffer , or threatned to be enforced upon them . the same favour he alwaies hath , and is at this time forward to afford to all his good people , and loyall subjects . yea , even to those , that are neither good , nor loyall . 27. but before i take my leave of your case of conscience , i shall resolve you , what a pious designe you have ventered on , and what a rock you have run your self upon . you will , i hope like the better of it , because it comes from that law , you most delight in . the statute saith , l when a man secular or religious slayeth his prelate ; to whom he oweth faith and obedience , it is treason . if then it be treason to slay the prelate , what sin is it to murder prelacy ? certainly by how much the sin is greater to destroy the species , all mankind , then one particular man ; by so much is the treason more heinous more abominable to kill episcopacy , then any one bishop whatsoever . and yet this you have endeavoured to the utmost of your power . for this i shall leave you to the law , and to those , m whom the king shall send for the punishment of evill doers . pray we therefore for the safety of our soveraigne , and that he may with speed be restored to his throne ; for these times have made us sensible with rabbi chanina , that n were it not for fear of him , alter alterum vivus devoraret , one would devoure another quicke . 28. o thus i think , by this time , i may safely conclude , that it is sufficiently cleared , that neither as a king , nor as a christian , may his majestie in justice , or conscience , ingage himselfe , or yeeld consent either to the extirpation of episcopacy out of this church of england , or to the abrogation of the just priviledges of his clergie , or to the alienation of their lands . since by your confession , p he cannot lawfully make any ingagement to any , against the laws and legall rights of others . and the king is so just ; that he will never do , what he cannot lawfully do . observe the plagues of such men , as are never touched with the miseries of others . they commonly fall under the same judgment , which others unpittied have tasted before . d. corn. burges . fire of the sanct. p. 50. 51. finis . errata . pag. 6. l. 34 melsalinus , r. messalinus . p. 20. l. 34. cardiner r. gardiner . p. 21. l. 33. let , r. set . p. 30. l. 21. perpetull , r perpetuall . p. 31. l 29. cut off . r. cast off p. 33. l. 20 teneatur , r. tenetur ib. l. 23 possit . r. posse . ib. in marg . l 12 quisquis r. quisque p. 34 l. 12. are you of r. you are of . ib l. 16. nation r. nation into ib l. 3● disolate . r. desolate . p. 35 l 29. viii . r. vii . p 38 l ▪ o rives r river . p. 44. l. 7 depends , r. depend . ib. l. 17. obstinentis r. obtinentis . p. 51 in marg . l. 13 concessimo , r. concessimus . p 53. l. nlt. distructive , r. destructive , p. 54. l. 10. not upon , r. not set upon . p 55 l. 25. abolishet , r. abolished . p. 50. l 2. overnor , r. governor . p. 60 l. 21. changing terme , r. changing the terme . ib , l 32. 1. and the ministerial . p. 6● . l. 2. yet r. that p. 83 l ult ttle , r. little . p 84 l. 34. distroied , r destroyed . p. ●●0 . l. penult . regular , r. regulate p. 111. l. 18. the justice , r. the justices . p. 113 l. 17. after , r. alter . p 116. in marg . l. 24. other , r. others , notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28864-e420 a i. d. p. 4. psal . 39. 4. c 2 sam 1● . 9. d psa● 89. 50. e 1. reg. 2. 44. 45. f the fire of the sanctuary p. 22● . g ib. p. 272. h nathan ward p. ●lt . i a● ▪ 8. 23. k ib v. 21. l ib. v. 23. m ib ▪ v. 22. notes for div a28864-e1000 episcopus . notes for div a28864-e1840 a i. g. p. 1. b mr. challenor● speech . c i g p. 1. d s. luk. 1 51. 52. e i● . v. 49. 31. f ex. 18. 21. g ex. 23. 2. h that such an union is ●●n●●p●●si●i●e ●●p●●si●i●e , 〈…〉 the king condescend in the point of episcopacy l. g. p. 1. i for the king to condescend renitente conscientiâ , though it might gratifie us , it would be sinfull to himself . i. g. p. 1. k i. g. p. 1. l the oath taken at the kings coronation hath been prest by some learned pens with that probability , &c. i. g. p. 1. m neither have they that i know , received an● satisfactory answer in print i g p. 1. n it may ●e a work worthy some pains to resolve this case ▪ and clear your obj●ctions , that while they stand unanswered , cast an ill reflect on both upon the king in condescending to abrogate episcopacy , and the parliament , in pressing him to it . i. g p. 1. o the bond of the k●ngs oath may be taken off two waies either by clearing the unlawfulnesse of it i. g. p. 1. p though it be granted , that episcopacy is lawfull ▪ yet notwithstanding that his oath , the king without impeachment may consent to the abrogation of episcopacy i g. p. 2. a it was vinculum iniquitatis , and so void the fi●st day : for qui jurat in iniquum obligatur in contrarium , ● . g p. 1. b i. g. p. 1. c i. g p. 1. d 1 s pet. 2. 13 , 14. e i. g. p. 9. f solemn league and covenant . ● . g. p. 1. h ier. 11. 19. i s. pet 2. 25. * as scripture is the rule of church ▪ government ▪ so christ is the sole root and fountain wh●nce it originally flows i. d. p. 50 k ambr. de dignit sacerd c. 5. l hieron . in mat. 10. 8. m gen●ad apud balsam . p. 1085. n s ioh 20. 21. o hilar in mat. can 10 p cyril in io. l. 12 c. 55. q hieron i● gal. 1. ●9 . r calvin in 1 cor 4. 9. ſ wal ▪ messal . p. 41. t theo in phi. lip . 11. k ignat ad eph. l theodoret ▪ in 1 tim. 3 1. m walo . messal . p ●0 43. n i● p. 53. o timoth●m apostoli munere & officio functus est ib p 42. 52. p ib. p. 47 50. 244. q smect . answ . to the remonst . p. 21. & 26. r epaphroditus by s ●au●●● ●● called the apostle of the p●●lippians , b●caus● h● had sent him to the philippians to confirm their church , and therein to ordain them ●resbyters and bishops walo . messal p. 58. ſ tit. 1. ● . t ephes 4 11. 1 cor. 12 28. x s. luk. 22 19. 1 cor. 11. 24 , 25. y ● joh. 6. 53. z ordinance for ordinat . p 2. a ib. p ▪ 13. b i. g. p. 1. c psal 89 50. d s. jude v. 3 ▪ e i. g p 1. f i. g p 1. g i g. p 2. h i. ● ▪ ● ▪ ● ▪ i ordinance for ordinat . p 2. k i. g. p. 2. l rom. 13. 1. m thou couldst have no power at all , ag●●nst me , except it were given thee from above s. jo. 19. 11. n ier. 20. 2. o ier. 19. 14. p prov. 8. 15. q ier. 26. 23. r ier. 32. 3. ſ 1 reg. 2. 27. 31. t ib. v. 26. u 1 tim. 1. 20. x gal ▪ 1. 9. y 2 tim. 3 ▪ 2. &c. z i. g. p. 1. a ib b act 1. 22. c act ▪ 1. 20. d presbyters are by christs warrant in scripture indued with power to rule in their own congregations , as well as to preach . see 1 tim. 3. 5 & 5. 21. heb. 13. 17 ▪ 1 thes . 5. 12. i g. p. 2. e 1 tim. 3. 5. f 1 tim. 3. 1. g ib. v. 4. h i. d. p. 12● ▪ i 1 tim. 3 ▪ 12 ▪ k 1 tim. 5 ▪ 2● ▪ l heb. 13. 17. m ib n c●nt 6. 3. o episcopus est pres●yt●●is pr●positus cypr ep . 10 p 2 cor ● . 23. philip. 2. 25 ▪ q 1 tim 5. 22. tit ▪ 1. 5. r 2 tim. 3. 5. t it 2. 15. & 3. 10. ſ 1 tim 5. 19. t 1 tim. 1. 3. u tit. 1. 11. x tit. 3. 9. y 1 tim 6. 3. 5. z beza & piscat . in loc . a si qui cum episcōp● non sunt , in ecclesid non sunt ▪ cypr. ep . 69 ▪ n. 31. b 1 thes . 5. ●2 . c hilar. dial. rom. in loc . apud ambros . d theodoret ▪ in 1 ●he● . 5. 12. e calvin in loc . f caluin i●stit . ● . ● . c. 3. sect. 15. g as prelacy stood in ●ngl●nd , the presbyters were ●x●●●●ed from all soc●●tie in rule . i. g p. 2. h which was much more preiudiciall to the dignity & lioerty of the ministery , the presbyters w●re subiected to a lay chancelor . i. g. p. 2. i the clergie & their priviledge● are subiect to the parliament . i. g. p. 7. k greg naz. orat . 52. ● 15. l an● was not here ●●urpation against gods direction ? i. g. p. 2. m i. g. p. 6. n though this way o● i●validating the k●●gs oath be most satisfactory to some , i. g. p. 2. o 1 tim. 6. 5. p 1 tim ● 8. q gen. no●e in loc . r yet to those that are not onvin●ed of the unlawfulnesse of ep●scopacy , it will not hol● . i. g. p. ● z it would cast the res●lution of th●s ●ou●t a●out the oa●h , upon another qu●stion touc●●●g the l●wfulnesse of episcopac● , which is a lar●er feild . i. g p. 2. a i. g. p. 1. 2. b i sh●ll endeav●u● to shew , that though for argument s●ke , it be grant●● , that episcopacy●e ●e lawfull i g. p 2. c i. g. p. 2. d i. g. p. 2. e 1. s. joh. 3 20. f ier , 35. 6 , 7. g ib. v. 8. h ib. v. 19. i calvin in amos 7. 13. k aug. ep . 180. l nunc malori libertate & fiduciâ veritatem profitemur : ne al●oqui per ●miditatem hâc poenâ mulctemur , ut deo minimè placeamus greg. naz. orat. 35 n. 2. m the protestation . n art 36. o viii elis . 1. p xiii . elis . ●2 . q act. 4. 12. r rom. 10. 17. ſ s. joh. ● . 53. t artic. 26. u rom. 10. 15. x gal 1. 1. y act. 1. 26. z s. mat. 28. 19. a com : prayer book , at the communion . b s ioh. 20. 21. c s. matt. 10. 8. d act 14. 4. 14. e 2 tim 1. 6. f rom. 10 , 15. g heb. 5. 4. h exod. 28. 41. exod. 29. 9. &c. i levit. 8. 12. k psal . 99. 6. l ier. 6. 16. m zanch. n i. d. p 11. o hug. grotius de jure belli . l. 1. c. 4. sect. 5. & 7. p statim posttempora apostolorum , aut etiam eorum tempore , constitutum est , ut in unâ uroe unus inter caeteros presbyteros episcopus vocaretur , qui in suos collegat hateret pr●●minentiam pet. molin de munere past . p. 20 21. q zanch. de verâ reformand● eccles ratione . thes . 5. r ib. thes . 7. sect. pono . ſ jurisdictionem ●otsm , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reddo episconis . melane . ad ioach. carner ●1 ep . 99. t io. u io. ep 104. x ib. y ib. ep . 106. z ib. a ib. b i. d. passim . c i. d. pre●at . sect. the imputation . d ib. e p. melane . apo● . confes . aug cap. de ord eccles . f politiam canonicam non reprehendimus . ●b . c. de ●otest eccles . g ib. de ord . eccl. h ib. de potest . eccles . i veteres ho● saepe habent , non differte aliâre ab episcopo presbyterum , nisi quia ordinandi potestatem non habet . calv. instit . l 4. sect. 15. k epipha . haer . 75. l vbi distingui ordines & gra●us caepti sunt , atque episcop 〈…〉 exit it pr●●ly 〈…〉 , tum ordinatio non potuit esse utriusque commnois . wal. messal p. 299. m s luk 16. 13. n qui apostoli vocabantur duo rum generum fuere , primi & secundi . primi à christo missioné suam acceperunt , immediatè ab ipso missi secundi ab ipsis aposto lis walo messal . p 4● . o ephes 3. 5. apoc. 18. 20 p ● cor 11. 5. &c. ●2 . 11 q phil. 2 25. r ● cor. 8. 23. ſ gal. 1. 1. t walo messal . p. 40. 41. 43. &c. u ib. p. 38. x eph 4. 12. y ib. v. z col. 1. 24. a s mat. 28. 20. b i. d. p. 14. 32. 168. c calv. in ep . ded. ad edvard ▪ somerseti ducem . d 1 tim 3. 15. e 1 tim. o. 13. 14. f calvin arg in 1. & 2. ad tim. g beza in 1 tim. 3. 14. h walo messal . p. 4● . i calvin . in 1 tim. 1. 3. k tit. 1. 5. l ib. m ad philippenses eum misit , ad ecclesi●m eorum confirm and am , & constituendos in eâ presbyteros & episcopos . walo messal . p. 58. n chrysost . in philip. 1. 1. o i. g. p. 2. p i. g. p. 1. q ib : r ie● . 4 2. ſ hoc jus ipsum postulat , quo quisque tenetur . zanch. in 3 praecept . de juramento . thes 3. sect. actionem . t ib , sect. quid fit . u ib. thes 6. sect. quid. sit . x philo iud de special . leg ● 1. y quid i●●â caecitate tenebrosius , ad obtinendam inanissimam gloriam , errorem hominis aucupari , & deum testē in corde contemnere ? quasi verò ullo modo comparan●u● sit error illius , qui te bonum putat eirori tuo qui homini de 〈◊〉 bono placere stu●●s , de 〈…〉 displices deo aug. in gal c. 6. z gravius est peccatum , facere contra publicum s●●enne jusju andum , quàm contra privatum . zanch. in 3 praecept . thes . 4 sect. actionem . a jer. 4. 2. b omnino juramentum quisquis suum . sine ullo prorsus dot● , aut de●raudatione , ●u●● gentium legeque dei , ipsis etiam hostibus , & latronibus fervare teneatur : eosque à nemine hominum ta●i i●r●méto lib rari possit . zanch in 3 , praecept . thes . 6. c gen. 39. 9. d levit. 19. 12. e s. matth. 5. 33. f exod. 20. 7. g mal. 3. 5. h s. isa . 5. 12. i zech. 8. 17. k levit. 19. 12. l hos 4. 2. 3. m zech. 5. 4. n ecclus. 23. 11. o 2 chron , 6. 13. p 2 reg. 25. 6. 7. q zanch. in 3. praecept de juramento thes . 6. sect. prima igitur . r nihil judicandus est dicere , qui dicit aliquae iustae esse mendacia , nisi aliqua iusta esse peccata , ac per hoc aliqua iusta esse , quae iniusta sunt . quo quid ab surdius dici potest ? aug. cont . mend . c. 15. i g. p. 7. t i. g. p. 8. u es 49. 23. x num. 16. 41. y sam. 12. 14. reg. 〈…〉 &c ▪ a concil . chalced . can . 25. b c. 5. c ministris carere non potest ecclesia , qui externas res administrent , ver●um & sacramenta . zanc. in 4. praecept . de minist eccles . 9. 1. sect ontavo . d act. 19. e ● . joh. 3. 9. f s. ioh. 6. 53. g neque vel solis lumen ac calor , velcibus ac potus tam sun ▪ prae send v●tae foven dae ac sustinendae necessari● , quam est conserv●ndae 〈…〉 rris ecclesiae postolicum , ac 〈…〉 storale munus . calvin . instit . l. 4. ▪ 3 , sect. 2. h cypr. ep . 99. n. 31. i ib. k i. g. p. 7. ib. ● m i propose to consideration , whether the in tention of this oath be not only against a ty●●nnous invasion on the rights of the clergie : not against an o●derly alteration of them , if any prove inconvenient , and to protect them against violence , not against ●egall wayes of change . i. g. p. 7. n aug. ep . 225. o aug ep . 224. p c. quacunque 22. quaest . 5. q euseb hist . l 6. c. 31. r iren. l. 4. c. 53. ſ sulpit. sever. hist . l. 2. t hierom. ep . 65. c. 1. u perjurare fidem , mentiri , nobile factum : prodere vel dominos , actio digna viris . rog. hove . in r. steph. p. 485 x i. g. p ▪ 8. 9. y sir ed : coke in litleton ▪ ● . 2. sect. 138. z this is as much , a 〈…〉 rationall for a king to underta●● & th r● . f 〈…〉 in ●●g●● reason the oat● should have no other ●●n●e i g p. 7. a this oath to the clergie , must not be intended in a sense inconsistent with the kings oath to the people , first taken for their protection in their laws , and liberties . i. g. p 7. b s. mat. 22. 21. c rom 13 7. d ib. v. 1. e lex divina sicut deo●●rtur ●●rtur , ita à solo also tolli , aut abroga●i po●est lex autem human● sicut per hominem con●tituitur , ita ab homine tolls , aut abroga●i potest . franc. à v●ctor . relect 3 n 16. f tho. 1. 2● . ● . 96. 4. g tho. ib. h i ▪ b. i gul. ockam de jurisdic . in causis matrimon . k fitzherbert . nat . brev . tit . protection . p. 28. l gal. 1. 10. m rom. 13. 4. n for then the latter oath would be a present breach of the former , and so unlawfull . i. g. p. 7. o ib. p eccles . 8. 4. q ib. v. 3. r lex terrae . p. 14 & 15. ſ eccles . 8. 2. t gen. note in loc . u 1 i●c . 1. x lexterrae , p. 29 y i d. p. 33. z i. g. p. 6. a ib. b deut 25. 2. exod. 23. 2. d num. 32. 23. e iosh . 7. 18. f ib. v. 21. g iosh . 6. 19. h gen. 4. 7. i exod. 23. 2. k levit. 5. 17. l ib. v , 19. m ib. v. 15. 16. n ib. v 15. o rom. 2. 22. p 1 reg 12. 31. q 2 chron. 11. 13. 14. r 1 reg. 13. 33. ſ 1 tim. 3. 2. t tit. 1. 9. u 2 s. pet. 3. 16. x s. mat 15. 14. y bp. la●yme● ser. 5 before k. edw : vi. z sir edw : coke reports , 2d . part . levesque de winchesters case . fol. 44. a i. g. p. 7. b ib. c the kings oath taken at coronation i. g. p 1. d the kings oath to the people , first taken for their protection ▪ &c. i ▪ g. p. 7. e mag. charta ●● these words are added to avoid all scruples that this great parliamentary charter might live , and take effect in all successions of age● for ever . sir ed coke in loc . g sir edw coke proeme to magna charta . h ib. i ib. k sir ed coke in mag. chart c. 1. l mag cha c. 14. m ib. c. 1. n sir ed. coke in mag. chart. c. 1 ▪ sect. et habe . bunt . o sir ed. coke in litleton l. 2 , sect. 201. p ib. in sect. 136 q ib. in sect. 201. r nullu● ali●● praeter regem potest episcopo demandare inquisitionem ●●ciendā . bract. l. ● . 10● . ſ sir ed. coke in mag chart c. 1. sect e● habeat . t sir ed coke instit part l 4 c 1. sect o● what persons . u mag. cha. c 38. x sir ed coke proeme in mag. chart. y he cannot afterwards in●age himsel● to any particular estate to exempt it fr● this power : for by that oath at least cessit ●●re suo i g p ▪ 3 z conce●●imo deo , quod ecclesi● a●glicana libera ●it mag. cha. c. 1. a sir ed. coke proem . in mag. chart. b i. g. p. 7. c 1 s. pet. 2. 13. 14. d lex terrae . p. 8. e ib. 7. f i hope they will not now claim an exemption from secular power . i. g. p. 7. g 2 cor. 13. 10. h es . 49. 23. i meaning , that kings converted to the gospel , shall bestow their power and authoritie , for the preservation of the church gen note in is . 49. 23. k but if the● be under parliamentary power , how can it ●ationally be conceived to be th 〈…〉 meaning of the kings oath to pr●s●rve the privi●edges of the c●er●● against that power to which they are legally subject ? i. g. p. 7. l canons eccles . ●an . 1. m 1 eliz. 1. n ib. o can eccles . can . 2. p 1 eliz 1. q or how were the oath in that sens● consistent with the p●ivil●●●e of the nation ▪ formerly ●●orn to ●y the king. i. g. p. 8. r thou shalt count the priests holy , and reverence them . gen. note in levit. 21. 8. ſ if the oath had such a sense in the times of popery , when the clergy were a distinct corporation , yet when that exemption was abolisht , as a branch of antichristian usurpation , the change of their condition must needs change the intention of the oath . i. g p. 8. z b● . latymers serm. before k. edw. vi. march 8 ▪ 1549. a ecclesia est infra aetatem , & in custodiâ domini regis , qui tenetur jura & haereditates suas manu tenere , & defendere . sir ed : coke in mag , chart. c 1 b ib. c vnlesse they will say , that the crown stands still ingaged to them , to maintain such priviledge● , as by act of parliament were long since abolisht : which is to make his oath to them contariant to that taken before , for the maintenance of the laws . i. g. p. 3. d gen. 41. 4 ▪ e it ▪ s apparent then , to make the intention of the oath to be against legall alteration of their priviledges by parliamēt , makes it unlawfull , and so not obligatory . and if it be not intended against legall alteration , the king may passe a bill for the abolition of episcopacy when his houses of parliament think it convenient , and petition for it , without violation of his oath ▪ i. g. p. 8. g i. g. p. 9. h ib. p. 7. i ib. p. 5. k he that hath power to consent hath power also to dissent . l 1 cor. 7. 37. m lex terrae , p. 14 , 15. n i. g. p. 2. o ib. p ib. q prov. 8. 15. cujus iussu nascuntur homines , huius iussu & reges constituuntur . iren. l. 5. p. 601. r 2 chron. 9 ▪ 8. ſ ib. t i. g. p. 2. u rom. 13. 4. x ib. y 1 s. pet. 2. 13 , 14 z magistratibus ex animo de●erendus est honor , 〈…〉 etiam tyrannis . beza in act. 23. 5 a psal . 51. 4. b i. g. p. 2. c ib. d the king is sworn to maintain the laws of the land in force at his coronation yet no man questions , & the constant practise shews , that it is not unlawfull after to abrogateany upon the motion , or with the consent of his parliament . i. g p. 2 * declarat . of the kingd . of scotland . p. 22. e eccles 8. 4. f ib. g lex terrae , p. 19 h sir ed. coke in litleton , l. 2. sect. 164. i i. g. p. 8. k ib. p. 2. l sir ed : coke in litleton , l. 2. sect. 164. m 1 s pet. 2. 13. n rom. 13. 4. o gen. 41. 40. p ib. v , 43. 44. q ib. v. 40. r gen 45. 9. ſ ib. v ▪ 8. t ib. v ▪ 19 ▪ & 21. u lex terrae , p. 27 x 1 s. pet. 2 ▪ 13 , 14. y i. g. p. 2. z ib. a prov. 24. 24. b 2 cor. 10. 8. c s. matth. 26. ● . d christ is the head of his body , the church . col. 1. 18. 24. e s. joh. 12. 6. f rom. 11. 13. g 1 cor 9. 1. &c. 2 cor. 10 4 &c. 2 cor. 11. 7. 8. h i. g. p. 4. i ib. p. 4. 5. k ib. p. 4. l ib. m i. g. p. 2. n i. g. p. 2. o iust●s est animus qui scientia atque ratione , in vitâ ac moribus ▪ sua cui . que distribuit . aug. de trin ▪ l. 8. c. 6. p rom. 13. 7. q ea , quae contra legem dei fiunt , ju●ta esse non poss●nt . ●ug cont mendac . c. 15. r i. g p. 5. ſ i. g. p. 2. t sir ed. coke in litleton , l. 2. sect. 164. u lex terrae , p. 15 x it is no statute , if the king assent not to it : and he may disassent . lex terrae p. 7. y 1 cor. 12. 13. z ib. v. 14. a ib. v. 19. b ib. v. 21. c ib. v. 22. d ib. v. 25. e 1 cor. 13. 5. f aug. in reg. 3. g the ancient rights , laws , and liberties , are the birthright of the subiects of this land. declarat . parl. july 12. p. 458. h 1 cor. 4 1. i i. g. p 2. k i. g p. 3. l this distinction of the clergie from the laity , that they should be a distinct province of themselves , being a branch of popery , s with it quite extinguisht . i. g. p. 3. m es 49. 23. n psal . 83 5. &c. o isa . 3. 14. p ib. q gen. note in loc . r isa . 54. 15. ſ gen. note in loc . t heb. do . 31. u i. g ▪ p 3. x thou which teachest another , teachest thou not thy self ? thou , that preachest , a man should not steal , doest thou steal ? rom. 2. 21. y tit. 3. 1. z rom. 11. 1. a act. 22. 25. b gal. 1. 1. c 1 cor. 4. 1. and 9. 4. 5. 1● . d act. 22. 26. 29● . rom. 11. 13. act. 25. 10. g s. matt. 22. 42. &c. s. m at . 17 27. s. ioh. 19. 10. 11 k iud. 21. 25. l 8 eliz. 1. m i. g. p. 3. n numb . 3. 12. & 18. 6. o heb. 5. 1. p occumen . in loc . q i. g. p. 3. r ib. p. 8. ſ moses tribum levi , à communione populi segregavit . joseph . antiq. l. 3 c. 13. t deut. 10. 8. num. 16. 9. u num. 1. 47. 49. num ● . 33. &c. x num. 3. 12. y num. 1. 51. z gen. 47. 20 22. a vndoubtedly that privilege was abolisht , that any society should be exempt from secular power : for that were to set up supremacies● g p. 3. b ib. p. 9. c tertul ad scap. c. 2. d bracton . temps h. 3. l. 4. c. 24. sect. 5. sir ed● : coke in litleton la. sect. 140. e 3. ed. 3. 19. f sir ed. coke in litleton , l. 2. sect. 136. g ib. h cod. asric . can . 59. i 1 tim. 5. 1● . k ib. v. 20. tit. 1. 13. l 1 tim. 6. 3 , 4. 5. m beza & piscat . in loc . n 2 tim. 3. 2. &c. o tit. 3. 10 ▪ p piscat . in loc . q sir ed. coke in litletop , l. 2. sect. 136. r ib. ſ ib. sect. 201. t and why may not the great revenues of the bishops b● divided , to maintain a preaching minister● ▪ and their iurisdiction also , for the better over sight and censure of manners ? i. g. p. ● . u cyp ep . 27. n. 1 x quod non peri●●ium metuere debemus , 1 de ●ffenlâ domini , quando aliqui de presbyteris 2 ●ec evangelii , 3 ●ec loci sui memores , 4 sed neque suturum domini judicium , neque nunc sibi praepositum episcopum cogitantes , quod nu●quam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contemptu & contume●ià praepositi totum sibi vendicent ? atque utinam non 5 prostratâ fratrum nostrorum salute sibi omnia vindicarent cyrp ep . 10. y ignat ad philadelph p 91. z gen. 14. 10. a gen. 47 22. b ib. & v. 26. c ezra 7. 24. d 1 mac. 10. 65. e ib. v. 62. f ib v. 63. g ib. v. 89. h ib v. 63. i heb. 7. 1. k ecclus 45. 20. l exod. 28. 2. m ecclus. 45. 7. n ex. 28. 36. 37. o ecclus. ●5 . 12. p philo iud. de vitâ mosis . q ib. r es . 61 6. s● soli episcopi & presbyteri propri● jam vocantur in ecclesiâ sacerdotes . aug. de civit . dei. l. 10. c. 10. t psal . 45. 17. u rom. 3 4. x s. mat. 10 40. s. luk. 10. 16. y gal. 4. 14. z ib. v ▪ 15. a act. 28. 27. 10. b s. ioh. 13. 20. c act. 14. 20. d 1 tim. 5. 17. e primas . in 1 th ● . ● 23 f 2 cor 7. 15. g theod. in loc . h philip. 2. 29. i ruffin hist . l. 9. c. 10. k theod. hist . l 1. c. 11. l euseb . de vi●â constant . mag. l 1. c. 33. m gelas . cyzie . l. 1. c. 37. n ruffin . hist . l 9. c. 10. o euseb de vitâ constant . m. l 4. c. 27. p theodoret. hist . l. 1. c. 2. q euseb . de vitâ constant m. l. 1. c. 35. r ius graeco-rom●tom . 2. lib. leonis & constant tit. 3. n 8. ſ 2 reg. ● . 12. &c. 13. 14. t gen note in 2 reg. 13. 14. u ib. x immunities arising from the error of the times , not the tenure of scripture . i. g. p 4. y one of the privileges of the clergie was for the bishops to sit and vote in the house of peers . yet that is abolish● as incongruous to their calling i. g. p. 4. z lex terrae p. 14 a sir ed. coke in litleton , l 2. sect. 138. b omne factum , si rectè factum non est , peccatum est , nec rectè factum esse ullo modo potest , quod non à rectâ ratione proficiscitur . aug. de util . credendi . c. 12. c gu●d . pancirol . de magistrat ▪ municipal . c. 2. d ib. c. ● . e ●useb . de vitâ constant . m. l. 1. c 33 f psal . 45. 17. g psal . ●9 ● . h exod. 18. 14. 17. &c. i 2. reg. 12. 2. k iustice ienkins inconven . p. 4. l ib. m ib. n ib. p. 5. o exod. 25. 10. p sit ed. coke instit . part 4. c 1. sect. of what persons . q mag , charta . c. 38. r s. mat. 10. 12. ſ rom. 12. 14. t gal. 1. 10. u ib. x rom. 6. 16. y s. mat. 25. 30. z defensionem ecclesiae anglic●●ae , that is gone . just ienkins inconven . p. 5. a sir ed coke instit . part 4. c. 1. sect. the matters . b iustice ienkins inconvenien p. 5. c ib. p. 4. d 1 chron. 13. 1. e ib. v. 7. f 2 sam. 67. vzzah died before the ark , for usurping that , which did ▪ not appertain to his vocation● for this charge was given to the priests , gen. note in 1 chron 13 10. g mai. 2 7. h numb . 4 15. i 1 chron. 15. 13. k ib. l ib. m 1 chron. 15. 2. n ib. v. 13. o ib. ● . 12. p ib. v. 1● . q num. 4. 15. r 1 chron. 15. 26. ſ 1 chron. 17. 1. t sir id coke inssit . part . 4. c. 1. sect. the matters . u ib. x iust . ienkins inconven . p 5 ▪ y iust ienkins inconven . p ● . instit . ●●● . 4 ▪ c 1. sect of what persons ▪ z sir ed. coke ib. a 1. cor. 12. 22. 23 b 1 s. p●● . 2 ▪ 21. c lex terrae p. 14 d sir ed coke instit . part . ● c. 1. sect. of what persons . f beda eccles ▪ hist l. 3. c. 7. g bafil . m. ●p . ●1 . h rog. hoveden . in hen. ● . p ▪ 601. i confer . at hampt . court p. 36. & 82. k 2 reg. 13. 14. l 1 tim. 2 : 1. m occumen . in ioc. n ●4 ed. 1 c. 1. & 14. ed. 3. c. 1. o hos . 5. 0 p gen. note in ioc. q hos . 5. 10. r and then why may not the removall of their ecclesiasticall iurisdiction be consented to , as well , if it prove inconvenient & prejudiciall to the church . i. g. p. 4. ſ the abolition of the one , is no more against the oath then of the other . i. g. p. 4. t i. g. p. 4. u in all which respects the oath was invalid ▪ being vinculum iniquitatis . i. g. p. 4. x ib. p. 1. y ib. p. 3. z ib. p. 4. a ib. b ib. c act. 8. 23. d i. g. p 4. e ib. f s mat 19 ▪ 2● . g i. g. p. 4. h ib. i ib. k ib. l ib. m ib. n ib. o ib. p. 6. p haereticus est , ut mea fe●t opinio , qui alicuius temporalis commodi & maximè gloriae principatusque sui gratiâ , falsas ac novas opiniones vel gignit , vel sequitur . aug deutil ▪ credend . c. 1. q i. g. p. ● . r ib. ſ princeps supra legem divinam non est , positailla quippe ab eo est , qui supra ipsum est : neque supra naturalem , quae aboleri non potest nisi cum naturâ ipsâ . io. be daeus de jure regio c. 2. t lex terrae p. 29. u 8. joh. 15. 20 x i. g. p. 5. * all kings by the royall office , and oath of coronation , are obliged to protect their laws and subjects . declarat of the kingd . of scotland . p. 20 y i. d. p. 6. z calv. lex jutid . in verbo ius . a i. g. p. 2. b ingagements to a societie to maintain their rights , indulged for the personall worth of present incumbents , or to promote the usefulnesse of the office : if in their matters they prove prejudiciall to the office , or the succeeding officers by their ill demeanour forfeit them , their ingagement becomes alterable . i g p. 5. c 1 reg 2. 27. d ib. v. ●5 . e gen. ●8 . 25 26. f lactan. instit . l. 6. c. 9. g vbi iusticia ve ra non est , nec ius potest esse . quod enim iure fit , iustè sit . quod autem fi●imustè , nec ●●re fieri potest . aug. de civit . dei. l. 19. c. 21. r see c. 13. sect 13. ſ aug. de civit. dei. l. 2. c. 21. t aug de civit . dei l 2. c. 21. u ib. x aug. ib. l. 19. c. 21. y i. g. p. 5. z of the later sort , is this ingagement to the english clergy . ib. a ezra 6 8 , 9. b ib. v. 11. 12. c ezra 7. 15 , 16. d ib. v. 24. e ib. v. 26. f ezra 1. 8. g ezra 7. 6. h ib. i i. g. p. 5. k cap. 4. 5. l act. 1. 25. m ib. v. 20. n there 's no injustice done to make a law to overrule or alter this ingagement . i. g. p. 5. ●1 sam. 2. 12. 22. p there 's no question of power in the parliament , to overrule it . i. g. p. 5. q 1 reg. 21. 13. 16 r the ingagement were gone in law , though not in equity . the order would be valid in law , though injurious . i. g. p. 5. ſ ib. t ib. u aug. in psal . 145. 6. x tho. 2. 2● . q. 57. 1. 2m . y i. d. p. 6. z aug. in psal . ●45 . 6. a ib. b the kings oath is against acting or suffering a tyrannous invasion on laws and rights , not against a parliamentary alt●ration . i. g ▪ p. 2 c so if there be no injury , the king and parliament may cancel any obligation . i. g p. 5. d ib. e ib. f where there is forfeiture by miscarriage , or the privilege indulged to a ministery , proves preiudiciall : the abrogation will be just . ib. g 1 cor. 9. 7. h ib. v. 11. & rom. 15. 27. i if we have sowen unto you spirituall things , is it a great thing , if we shall reap ▪ your carnall things ? 1 cor. 9. 11. k act. 20 34. & 1 thes . 2. 9. 2 thes . 3. 8. l 2 cor. 11. 8. m 1 cor. 9. 4. n 2 thes . 3. 9. o 2 cor. 12. 13. p the privilege indulged to a ministery ( which ought to hold nothing but for publick good ) proves predudiciall . i. g. p. 5. q ● . d. p. 114. &c. r mag ▪ char. c. 1. ſ rog hoveden in hen. 2. p. 601. t ib. u prefat . de non temerand . eccles . x i hope , they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honor , as to let the crown run an hazard , rather then lay down their miters , and indanger the whole land to be brought to nothing , rather then themselves to moderation i g. p. 5. a in cod. edgar● apud selden . in notis . ad eadmer . p 159. n. 10. b ersi abbas , vel fratrum aliquis , incitante daemone , reatus quippiam contraxerit ; quia deus , qui hanc privilegii largifluam donationem locumque cum universâ monachorum familiâ , ruraque omnia sa●io subiecta coenobio possidet , nunquam rea●um commisit , nec ullo unquam tempore committet . sit igitur prae●ata libertas aet●rn● , quia deus libertatis possessor aeternus est . ib. c act ▪ 1. 20. y take it at the worst , it is but for the king to get the clergies consent i. g. p. 5. z no injurie done to him , that consents . a jonah 1. 12. b ambros . orat . in auxent . de basil . tradend . ep . l 5. c tradere bafilicam non possum , sed pugnare non debeo . ambros , ep . 33. d ambros . orat . in auxent . de basil . tradend . e act. 5. 1. &c. f ib. v. 4. g s. mat. 22. 21. h s. luk. 23. 33. i i. g. p. 6. k ib. l s. luk. 10. 30. m to abolish prelacy , and seize the revenues of prelates , to private , or civill interest , undoubtedly could neither want stain , nor guilt , such kind of impropriation as happened in the dayes of h. 8. was cried out of , all the christian world over . i. g. p. 6. n ib. o who knows not the great defect amongst us , of congruous maintenance for ▪ parcchiali pastors , by whom the work of the ministery is chiefly to be performed , i. g. p. 6. p c. 4. & 5. q if those large revenues of the prelates were diverted ●o supply with sufficient maintenance all the defective parishes in england , there would ●e no danger of sacrileg● i. g. p. 6. * numb . 16. 38. r levit. 27. 28. ſ gen. note in levit. 27. 2● . t caiet , in levit. 27. 28. u jos . 7. 25. x ib. v. 11. y i. g. p. 6. z euseb . hist . l. 1. c. 35. sozom l 1. c. 8. a euseb . hist . l. 7. c. 24. b cypr ep 56. 36 60. 61. c mat westminst . an dom 187. d possed , de vitâ . august c 1. e aug ep . 225. f aug. ep . 224. g possid . de vitâ august . c. 23. h ib c. 24. i ib. c. 25. concil . antioch . can . 25. k cypr. ep . 38. & concil . chalced. can . 26. * concil . anti. och . can . 25. l concil . ancyr . can . 15. m act. 4. 34. 35. 37. & 5. ● . n act 6. 3. o ib. p 1 tim. 5. 17. q 2 cor. 1● . 14. r 2 tim 2. 2. ſ 1 tim. 1. 3. t 1 tim. 6. 3. 5. u 1 cor. 5. 11. x 2 joh. 10. y possid . de virâ august , c. 25. z i. g. p. 6. a ib. b prefat . de non temerand . eccles . c i. g p. 5. d i. g. p. 6. e ib. f deut. 23. 18. g theod. hist . l. 3. c. 11. h ignat. ad rom. p. 250. hieron . damas . ep . 57. 58. basil . m. ep . 292. cypr. ep . 3 n. 6. & ep . 38. n. 3. i concil . antioch can . 9. 19. christ . justellus in cod . eccles . univer . can . 88. k tit. 1. 5. l that , by , or for which , any thing is made so , is more so . m solemn league and coven . n. 4. n i. g. p. 9. o sol. league & coven . n. 2. p i. d. q tit. 1. 5. r cypr. ep . 37. n. 1. ſ ephes . 2. 20. t cypr. ep . 65. n. 3. u prov. 28. 24. x concil . chalced . can 25. y a work , for which following generations should not need to pity the king , as put upon it by misfortune : but rise up , and call him blessed , whose many other disasters ended in so good , and so usefull a work . i. g. p 6. z 1 sam. 15. 24. a ib. ● . 26. b you see the ingagement put upon the king , is but to his power : as every good king ought inright to protect and defend the bishops & churches under their government . i. g p 8 c isa . 40. 22 d i answer from the expressions in the oath it self , a● they are set down by the same author . i. g. p. 8. e sir ed. coke proem . in mag. chart. f psal . 80. 13. g ib. v. 25. h such power is no further , then he can do it , without sinning against god , and being injurious to the rest of his people . i. g. p. 8. i rom. 13. 1. 4. k when he hath interposed his authority for them , and put forth all the power he hath to preserve them : he hath gone to the extent of his power , and as far as good kings are bound in right . i. g. p. 8. l confer . at hampt . court. p. 36. m s. mat. 27. 4. n if after all this he must let them fall , or support them with the blood of his good subjects . i. g. p. 8. o and those unwilling too , to ingage their liues for the other privileges . i. g. p. 8. p jud. 3. 9. q nehem. 6. 17. 18. 19. r 1 cor. 9. 11. ſ iud. 17. 7. t ib. v. 10. u mag. charta c. 37. x i. g. p. 6. ● y 25. ed. 3. * concil . chalced . can . 24. z statut. de provisor . 25. ed. 3. a stat. of the clergy . 14. ed. 3. 1 b mag. charta . c. 37. c ib. d i. g. p. 8. e that were to be cruel to many thousand , to be indulgent to a few , i. g. p. 8. f i. g. p. 8. g i think , none will affirm it . i. g. p. 9. h mag. charta , c. 37. 38. i sir ed coke in litleton . l. 2. sect. 139. k sir ed coke in mag. chart. c. 1. l statute of armour . 7. ed. 1. & 1. eliz. 3. m such is the case with the king in this particular . i. g. p. 9. n i. g. p. 9. o if the king should be peremptory in deniall , what help would this be to them ? such peremptorinesse in this circumstance might in danger his crown , not save their mitres . i. g. p. 9. p s mat. 10. 28. q hebr. 10. 31. r vsque adeò peccatum voluntarium malum est , ut nullo modo sit peccatum , si non sit voluntarium . aug. de vera relig c. 14. ſ deut. 22 26. t ib. v. 25. t though it be in his power to deny assent to their abolition , in a naturall sense , because voluntas nonpotest cog● ; yet it is not in his power in a morall sense , because he cannot now deny consent without sin . i. g. p. 9. u aug. de fide cont , manish c. 9. x hoc habemus in potestate , quod cum volumus , possumus . aug. cont maximin . l. 3. c. 14. * far are we from taking away his negative voice . exact collect , of remonst , & declarat , p. 727. x i. g. p. 9. y rom. 4. 15. * declarat . of the kingd . of scotland . p. 19. z lexterrae . p. 14. a ib , p. 29. b i hope they will not be so tenacious of their wealth and honour , as to let the crown run an hazard , and indanger the whole land. i. g. p. 5 , c that the revenues be divided to maintain a preaching ministery . i g. p. 4. d num. 16. 2. c num. 16 , 16. 17. 35. f ib. v 2. g ib. v. 3. h ib. v. 7. i ib. v. 9. 10. k ib. v. 40. l ib. v. 42. m ib. v. 41. n ib. v. 49. o numb . 7 8. p ib. v. 10. q psal . 54 7. r ib. v. 8. ſ that was to set up t●o supremacies . i , g. p. 3. t i. g. p. 9. u 3 eliz. 9. &c. x that the supremum jus dominii , even that , which is above all laws , is in the king , which , under favour , i conceive , in our state is a manifest error . i. g. p. 9. y i. g. p. 9. z rex non parē habet in regno suo . bract. temps . el. 3. l. 4. c. 24. sect. 5. a 1. s. pet 2. 13. 14. b tertul. ad scap. c. 2. c tertul. apol. c. 30. d optat. l. 3. e 16. rich. 2. 5. f 24. hen. 8. 12. & 1. eliz. 1. g 1. eliz. 1. h chrysost . theodoret . theophilact . occum . in rom. 13. 1. i act. 25. 10. k ib. v. 11. l act. 26. 32. m hug grot. de jure belli l. 1 c. 3. sect 7. n atnob . in psal . 51. 4. o eccles . 8. 4. p psal 51. 4. q instit . of a christ man fol 86. the supreme and soveraigne prince hath none between him and god , representing the person of god , executing his office , and in this respect bearing his name : to whom onely he is accountable dr. corn burgesse , fire of the sanct. p. 263. r rex solus , omnium subditorū , tam laicorum , quam ecclesiasticorum , in suis ditionibus supremus est dominus commo fact . & postulat ●●g . cogni p 38 ſ arnob. in psal . 51. 4 t 24. hen. 8. 12. & 1 eliz. 1. u sir rob. cotton . p 5. x 1. eliz. 3. y 16. ri● . 2. 5. z 1. eliz. 1. b sir ed coke instit . l 4. c 1. sect. the severall forms c i. g. p. 8. d rot. clausa . an. 59. hen. 3. e sir rob cotton , p. 3 , f sir ed. coke in litleton , l 2 sect. 164. g sir rob. cotton p. 8. h i. g. p. 9. i rot. claus . an. 59. hen. 3. k speed in ric. 2 , c. 13. n. 102. l sir ed. coke in sti●l 4 c. ● . sect how parliaments succeed . m 12. ed. 4. 3. & 2. men. 5. 6. 9 ▪ n 13 eliz. 2 ▪ & 27. eliz 17. o sir fd. coke in litleton , l. 2. sect. 140. p praesumitur rex habere omnia jurain scrinio pectoris sui . ib. q i. g. p. 9. q the houses of parliament without the king cannot enact any laws . declarat ▪ of the kingd . of scotland p 19. r bract. temps . h. 3. l. 4. c. 24. sect. 1. ſ ●lowd ▪ 234. 242. t bract ib. u ib. x lex . terrae : p. 4. y bract. temps . h. 3. l. 4. c. 24. sect. 5. z ib. a 3 ed. 3. 19. b lex terrae p. 7. c nee regna socium ferre nec tedae queunt . d sir ed coke reports , part . 2. magd. college case . e i. g. p. 9. f sir rob. cotton . p 1. g ib. h sir ed coke in litleton , l 2. sect. 164. i sir rob. cotton p. 8. k ib. p. 9. l ib p. 11. m sir ed coke in litleton , l. 2. sect. 164. n sir rob. cotton p , 3. o ib. p the supremum jus dominis , that is over all laws , to make or disanull them at pleasure , is neither in the king , nor in the houses aparti but in both conjoyned . i. g. p. 9. q in his proclamation before the book of common prayer . r illud exploratissimum est , leges patrias aut mutare , aut ad earum obsequium sese non accommoda ▪ re , negotium semper cum periculo fuisse conjuncti●simum . smith , de repub. anglorum l. 1. c. 5. ſ psal . 80. 5. 6. t i. g. p. 9. u ib. x potentia sequi debet ●u●●ti●m , no● praeire augde trin l. ●● . c. 13. y the forms or acts of parliament sometimes beein with concessimus , or statuit rex and of latter times laws and statutes begin , as deinz enacted by the king , &c declarat . of the kingd of scot and , p. 19. * nat brev. tit . pro●ection fol 28 z p●u●imum ●acit ad populum corrigendum multorum in unâ re sententia atque consensus . hieron . in gal. 1. 2. a sir ed : coke in mag chart. c. 1. b sir ed. coke in litleton , l. 2. sect. 139. c notit ▪ imperii orient . c. 159. d lex terrae . p. 5. e this oath to the clergy , cannot ingage him against the legall privileges of the people , or parliament i. g. p. 9. f i. g p. 5. 6. g ib. p. 9. h i. g. p. 9. i rom. 137. k one of which is to be ready , by confirming needfull bills to relieve thē against whatsoever grievance they suffer from any . i. g. p. 10. l 25 ed. 3. 2. m 1. s. ●et . 2. 14. n apud jo. coch in notis ad maccoth c. 1. n. 31. o thus i think the case is sufficiently cleared , that notwithstanding the kings oath to the clergie at his coronation , he may consent to the extirpation of prelaey out of the church of england . i. g. p. 10 p ib. p. 9. a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie from the answers, or exceptions offered against them by the london ministers, in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1654 approx. 549 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 101 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45476 wing h618 estc r10929 13011408 ocm 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45476) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96486) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 741:4) a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie from the answers, or exceptions offered against them by the london ministers, in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici / by h. hammond. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. [8], 191, [1] p. printed by j.g. for richard royston ..., london : 1654. errata: p. 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will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-11 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacie : from the ansvvers , or exceptions offered against them by the london ministers , in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici . by h. hammond , d.d. london , printed by j. g. for richard royston , at the angel in ivy-lane , 1654. to the reader . in erasmus's distribution of his owne writings into tomes , the 8th . we finde thus inscribed by him , octavum occupent apologiae . me miserum . et hae justum volumen efficient . it was his great infelicity , that the apologies and answers to exceptions and calumnies , which he was constreined to write , made up an intire large volume in folio . now though i have that pleasure in the temper of that person , which gives me security , by the romanists proverbe , never to be deemed one of their good catholicks , and so may probably partake of some part of his fate , yet 't were great insolence in me , who have not troubled the world with a tenth proportion to that were with he hath favoured it , to expect the tithe of that consideration , which is required to make one capable of that degree of infelicity , which lay a full load on him ; neverthelesse these few last moneths have given me a tast and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what i am to expect . for besides the reproaches of one learned gentleman ( to which , being barely such , i have no one word to retribute , but that of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which christ directs me to ) i have farther met with some variety ; many exceptions , though litle of contumely from these assemblies ; more , and in a very distant character from a large preface of animadversions on the d●ssertations sent me lately from oxford ; others also there are which i have not yet had leasure to weigh , but soon purpose and hope to do it ; and if either i discerne my selfe , or finde it the opinion of others , that what is already said in the tracts , which they oppose , be not sufficient to prevent , or remove the scruples proposed by them , i shall willingly dedicate some time of vacancy to that imployment . at the present , the exceptions of the london ministers have challenged the precedence , and here are offered to consideration . and because the praeface from oxford falls on the same sort of matter , episcopacy and ignatius's epistles , as they are defended in the dissertations , i purpose , god-willing , that an answer to that shall now follow , assoone as the printer can dispatch it . and that is all that i had to say to the reader by way of praeface . the table . chap. i. concerning the angels of the churches of asia , page 9. section 1. the grounds of affirming them to be bishops . ibid. sect. 2. of timothy , of onesimus , of policarpe , p. 15. sect. 3. of the negative argument from s. john's not using the word bishop . of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the revelation , p. 19 sect. 4. of s. johns writings . againe of diotrephes , p. 25 sect. 5. of s. john's being bishop of asia . of the apostles being bishops , p. 29 sect. 6. of the word angel , and star , pretended to be common to all ministers . of messenger , and embassadour . the singularity of the word angel , p. 35 sect. 7. of their exception to our arguing from symbols : of bishop and elder being the same , p. 38 sect. 8. of the singularity of each angel. the objections from the use of the plurall number , p. 41 sect. 9. of the elders at ephesus act. 20. p. 45 sect. 10. of expressing a number by singulars . a church by a candlestick . of the seven angels rev. 8. p. 47 sect. 11. of the epistles being sent to the whole church , not to the bishop only . of timothy , onesimus and polycarp , being bishops of some of the asian churches , without any charge of apostacy falling on them by this meanes , p. 50 sect. 12. of timothies being an evangelist , that it hinders not his being a bishop . p. 55 sect. 13. of the bishops at ephesus . of the plural number in the epistle to the angel of smyrna , p. 56 sect. 14. of beza's interpretation , of the praesident ▪ p. 57. sect. 15. of dr. reynolds interpretation , of the bishop in cyprian . of ordination by bishops not without presbyters , from the testimones of cyprian , and fermilian , p. 51 sect. 16. of the churches of asia being metropoliticall . of the paucity of believers , p. 54 sect. 16. of modelling churches according to the government of the roman state . of exemplars of metropolitans among the jewes . testimonies of the apostles instituting metropolitans , p. 67 sect. 17. of the objection against metropoles from the seven starres in seven churches , p. 71 sect. 18. of the use of the word bishop for archbishop in tertullian : of angel in christs epistle . p. 64 sect. 19. of division into parishes , and vnion into diocesses . of diocesan bishops in the apostles dayes . elders in every church , act. 14. elders of the church , act. 20. that place vindicated from exception . p. 75 chap. ii. of the equivalence of the words bishop and elder in the new testament . p. 92 sect. 1. foure sorts of equivalence of these words proposed , ibid. sect. 2 of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , p. 95 sect. 3. of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder , p. 100 sect. 4. of reverence to antiquity , and the interpretations of the antients . of praelatists disagreement among themselves ; 102. sect. 5. inconveniencies objected , and answer'd . of more bishops in one city . no presbyters in the apostles dayes . the no divine right of the order of presbyters , p. 105 sect 6. a first confession objected and vindicated . of the ephesine presbyters being all the praelates of asia , elders , aldermanni , p. 108 sect. 7. a second confession of the bishops , phil. 1. 1. being bishops of that whole province , philippi a metropolis , and a colony , p. 110 sect. 8. a third confession , of timothies being an archbishop . of the qualifications , 1 tim. 3. 2 belonging to bishops . of the bishops being worthy of double-honour , though he never preach . of the word , and doctrine . of the presbytery , 1 tim. 4 , of rebuking and receiving accusation against an elder . p. 112 sect. 9. a fourth confession of titus being archbishop of creet , p. 116 sect. 10. a fift charge of contrariety to scripture answered . of visitation of the sick belonging to elders , james 5. p. 118 sect. 11. a last objection from act. 21. 18. and. 14. 3. and 11. 30. answered . elders for rulers or bishops . p. 122 chap. iii. concerning the opinion of antiquity in this question . page 129. sect. 1. the testimonies of clemens romanus , bishops and deacons the onely offices at the first . corinth metropolis of achaia . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies . the apostles care to prevent contentions about episcopacy . hegesippus's testimony of the contentions at corinth . clement a bishop , p. 129. sect. 2. the testimony of policarpe . that he was himselfe a bishop . his mention of ignatius's epistles , fit to give authority to them , being so confirmed as it is by a series of the antients , p. 139 sect. 3. a vindication of ignatius's epistles , vossius's edition of them , and the archbishops of armagh . some testimonies out of them , the cause of his so inculcating obedience to bishops . mr. causabones testimony considered , and the allegations from the archbishop of armagh . three reasons against these epistles answered ( no marriage without the bishop . ) of the reformed churches . of the church of scotland after the first conversion , p. 143 sect. 4. of salmasius's conceit that these epistles were written at the time of episcopacy first entring the church , p. 163 sect. 5. testimonies of iraeneus , the use of presbyteri for bishops , p. 165 sect. 5. testimonies of tertullian . seniores & majores nat● for bishops , so in firmilian . p. 169 sect. 6. s. jerom's testimony of bishops , &c. by apostolicall tradition . consuetudo opposed to dominica dispositio . s. jerom's meaning evidenced by many other testimonies to be , that bishops were instituted by the apostles . so by panorm●tan also . the testimonies of isidore , &c. the councell of aquen , and of leo vindicated . of ischyras's ordination . the testimony of the synod ad zurrium , and of the 4th councell of carthage . p. 171 sect. 7. the testimonies of ambrose and austin . consignare used for consecrating the eucharist , and that belonged to the bishop when present . p. 187 sect. 8. of the ch●repiscopi , p. 189 a vindication of the dissertations concerning episcopacy , from the answers or exceptions offered against them by the london-ministers in their jus divinum ministerii evangelici . the introduction . of the occasion of this worke , the state of the controversie , the heads of the prelatists plea , from scripture and antiquity , with some observations assistant to them . the considerable concernements of the question . being advertised from many hands , that the booke called jus divinum ministerii evangelici , which is lately published by some , who intitle themselves the provinciall assembly of london , hath undertaken to consider and confute many passages of the dissertations , three years since published in latine , in defence of episcopacy , against d. blondell and others , i have thought my selfe obliged to examine whether there be any thing objected by them in relation to those dissertations , which may reasonably move me to retract what was there either with diffidence proposed , or more confidently asserted by me . 2. and having diligently surveyed the whole booke , that i might omit no passage , wherein my interests might be in the least concern'd & being truly able to affirme from that view , that it hath yielded me no one syllable of usefull exhortation , no motive to retract any period , or alter any expression in those dissertations ( but as farre , as i doe perswade my selfe that this provinciall synod containes in it men of judgement and abilities to maintaine the truth and convince gaine-sayers , so farre i am forced to assume , that what i have written is testified to be truth , and by that priviledge competently secured against all opposers ) i might herein reasonably acquiesce , without farther importuning the reader or my selfe with impertinent vindications , onely trusting and adventuring the whole matter to the judgement of each intelligent reader , who is obliged by all rules of justice to compare either by his memory , or by his eye those passages in this booke , and the chapters in the dissertations to which they are confronted . 3. but i am againe told that many , who have read and are moved by the arguments and answers of this booke , and the authority of a provinciall synod , are yet disabled to be so just as to examine them by comparing them with the latine dissertations , and that we are fallen upon those times wherein whatsoever is not answered , is cried up as unanswerable ( an humour , of which , if i might be permitted to receive the fruits . i should have no temptation to complaine , there being so much a greater part of those dissertations , which was never attempted to be answered . ) i continue still under some seeming obligation to give an exact account of the whole matter as it lies in contest betweene this provinciall synod and those dissertations , and i shall hasten to doe it , when i have first by way of ▪ necessary introduction premised these two things . 4. first , the state of the controversy , as it generally lies between us , which is this ; whether the apostles of christ , when they planted churches in each city , left them in the hands of many to be governed by the common councell of those many , erecting an equality or parity of severall rulers in every city , to whom all others were subjected , and they to none : or whether they placed the superiour power and authority in some one , and subjected all others to him . other consequent differences there are arising from hence , ( and those of such weight and concernment to those with whom i now dispute , in case the truth be not on their sides , as will make this returne to their objections , no lesse than a duty of charity , as to brethren , if by the grace of god they shall judge it reasonable to make that use of it ) but this is the one basis of all , whether the apostles planted parity or imparity in the church , many equall governours in one city , or but one in each ; the former is the presbyterians interest to defend , the latter the prelatists ; and so the controversy stands between them to be debated and evinced by such evidences as a matter of fact is capable of , ( the right being by both sides acknowledged to follow that fact ) i. e. by the testimonies of those who are fit to be credited in this matter . secondly , the briefe heads of the plea , by which i have undertaken to maintaine the prelatists assertion , 1. by scripture , 2. by the records of the first times , the writings of those who were neerest the apostles , and either affirme what was done by the apostles , or how it stood practiced in the churches , all the world over , which were planted by them . as for the third way of arguing from the universall consent and practice of all churches for about 1400. yeares together , i. e. from about the yeare 140. till the reformation , this i doe not insist on , as i might with all evidence , because it is knowne and confest by the adversaries , and all that is by them pretended , is , that parity and equality being prescribed and practiced by the apostles soone after their death , and quite contrary to their plat-forme , prelacy was introduced into all churches ; it being their desire and demand now ( a little different from what m. calvin at first proposed to the churches of helvetia ) that all may be reformed and reduced to the state wherein the apostles left it . 6. in the managing the proofes proposed by mee , i have used this method , which seemed to mee most convincing . 1. to insist on some few testimonies under each head , which are sufficient to conclude the matter on the prelatists side ; and then to propose some observations , which may accord all other places both of scripture and antient writers , with those testimonies and that conclusion . 7. the speciall proofes of scripture are taken , first , from the power derived ( as from god the father , to christ , so ) from christ to the apostles ; not as to a common councell of sociall rulers , but as so many severall planters and governours of the church , each having all power committed to him , and depending on no conjunction of any one or more apostles for the exercise of it ; and this is largely and clearly deduced dissert . 3. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. and this power being by them derived to bishops in each city , in the same manner as they used it themselves ( which is also farther evidenced and vindicated , c. 5. &c. ) this was deemed a first competent proofe of this matter , and as a confirmation of it , it was observable , that the first bishops made by them , were in the very scripture called apostles , james the bishop of jerusalem , &c. diss . 4. c. 3. 8. a second principall proofe of scripture is taken from the severall mentions of the so many churches of asia , and the so many angels assigned to them , one to each , as a singular governour or bishop in the revelation . and in discourse of these wee have found great evidence of the fact to authorize us to improve the conclusion a little higher , than was necessary to the defence of the maine cause ; viz. to affirme of these angels , that each of them was an archbishop or metropolitan , and having done so to discerne upon undeniable grounds that there were many other such , mentioned in the scripture ( though not under that title ) as james the brother of the lord , metropolitan of all judea , titus of all crete , with an hundred cities in it , &c. 9. and the wayes of according all other scriptures with these have been briefly these . 1. by observing this difference betwixt cities and metropoles , as the true cause and occasion of the mentions of many bishops in ( not of ) one city , meaning thereby the bishops of all the cities under that metropolis as phil. 1. 1. act. 20. 17. secondly , by examining the nature of all the words , which i conceived to be used in scripture for bishops , as ( beside apostle and angel forementioned ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ruler , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doctor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pastor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , president , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder ( and in the fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefe priest , and sacerdos , priest● ) each denoting dignity and authority , and all cleared to be in their own nature applicable , and by the circumstances of the context to be actually applied to the singular governours in each city ; most of them constantly so , and that one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , if not constantly so , yet very rarely otherwise . and this is done dissert . 4. c. 7. and so to the end of that diss . thirdly , by observing the paucity of believers in many cities in the first plantations , which made it unnecessary that there should by the apostles be ordeined any more than a bishop and deacon ( one or more ) in each city , and that this was accordingly done by them at the first , is approved by the most undeniable antient records . such as those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the profoundest histories , out of which * epiphanius makes this observation ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , where there wanted bishops , and there were found persons worthy of the office , bishops were constituted ; but where there was no multitude , there none were found among them to be constituted presbyters , and they satisfied themselves with a bishop alone in a place ; onely the bishop could not possibly be without a deacon , and accordingly the apostle tooke care that the bishop should have his deacons to minister to him . that which is thus cited by epiphanius out of those antient records , is found clearly affirmed by * clemens romanus , an apostolicall person , and witnesse of the apostles practice ; that they being sent out by christ ; as hee by his father , went out preaching the gospell , and proclaiming it through regions and cities , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they constituted their first fruits into bishops and deacons , of those which should afterward believe . to both which wee shall againe adde what ephiphanius prefaceth in that place ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that when the preaching was new , the apostle st. paul wrote agreeably to the present state of affaires . we have here so cleare an account of the reason of the apostles immediate subjoyning of deacons to bishops , phil. 1. 1. and 1 tim. 3. ( viz. because those were the onely two orders then constituted in every church ) that these two places ( which are made use of by the adversaries against us ) are most punctuall evidences of the truth of ours , and of the unseasonablenesse of their pretentions . 10. as for the testimonies out of the first antiquity ; the ground-worke i have chosen to lay in ignatius his epistles , because the testimonies thence are so many and so evident , and the writer so neere the apostles time ( that holy men being martyr'd in the 10. of trajan , to whose reigne s. john lived ) and most of his epistles written to the very churches of asia planted by st. john , and the bishops of many of them named by him , and of one bishop the presbyters under him , that if that one authors testimonies be attended to , there is an absolute decision of the whole matter on the prelatists side ; to which purpose i have also vindicated these epistles from all that hath been objected to them in these late yeares , and asserted their authority by as antient and authentick evidences , as can be vouched for any antient piece , next the holy scriptures themselves , and contented my selfe with the most pure and uncorrupted copies and editions of it . 11. in accord with these testimonies i have also produced many others out of clemens romanus , hegesippus , polycarpe , papias , polycrates , iustin , jrenaeus , clemens alexandrinus , t●rtullian , and as many of the first times as have said any thing to this matter , and found a full consent in all , and in most irrefragable suffrages , which conclude this whole controversie on the prelatists side . to which i have also added some few observations of unquestionable truth , as 1. that of the continuance of the use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder , to signifie bishop ( in our modern sense ) among some of these most antient church writers ( whereas the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is never used by any , but for a singular governour . ) secondly , that of the distinct congregations of iewish and gentile christians in the same city ( the grounds of which are evident in scripture ) and consequently of the severall governours or bishops over them ( which was usefull for the removing some seeming difficulties in the catalogues of the first bishops of rome , anti●ch , &c. ) and some other the like , not for the serving the necessities of our cause , but as supernumerary , and ex abundanti . and upon these and such like heads of probation we have built our plea , descending also to a particular survey of saint hierom's testimonies , which are by the adversaries principally made use of against us . and if what is thus copiously deduced in the dissertations , together with answers , and refutations of the principall objections of doctor blondel , and walo messalinus , doe really stand in force , and appeare not to be refuted now in whole , or in part , by these men , who have often attempted to refute them , i shall then leave them seriously , and christianly to consider but this one thing , and to returne their anger not to me , but to themselves , what security of grounds they can build upon in their present practices , particularly in their assuming to themselves that power or authority which doth not belong to them ; for 1. if the praefecture in each church were ( as by christ to the apostles , so ) by the apostles given to the singular governour or bishop ( by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constituted over all ) and from that time to this , regularly continued in a succession of bishops in every church ; and secondly , if those which are now called presbyters , were by those , who first instituted them , placed in a second rank as of dignity , so of power , and never had all that power committed to them , which to the bishop was committed , particularly not that of ordeining the meanest deacon , much lesse presbyters with power of ordeining other presbyters ; and thirdly if they , on whose authority they most depend ( s. * hierome the presbyter , &c. ) doe expresly assure them , that the presbyters in their times had not power of ordination , but acknowledge the bishop superior to the presbyter in that ( and it is not imaginable how that power should be conveyed to any presbyter now , which was not vested in any at that time , nor pretended to be so in above a thousand yeares after them . ) and lastly , if no man may take that which is not given him from heaven ( or give that which he hath not ) which the scripture yeilds to , as a rule by which both john baptist , john 3. 27. and christ himselfe , luk , 12. 14. was to be judged , and the apostle , heb. 5. 4. hath applied that generall rule to this particularity , of priesthood in the church , viz. that no man may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 assume an honour to himselfe , but who is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , called by god , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , advanced by god , saith theophylact ) either immediately or mediately , either by the apostles , or by those which received it successively from them ( all others being truly affirmed by the * antients 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to leap into the honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( and to corrupt the rule or law by which they should be guided ) then i say , upon what solid grounds can they satisfie conscience , who without all pretence of necessity ( which by some is here made use of as an excuse ) the regular way being open and plaine before them , have run before they were sent , assumed that power to themselves , which belongs not to them , nor was ever by any , which had it , bestowed upon them ? i doe not foresee any more here necessary to be premised to our future debates , and shall therefore hasten to them , as to an unpleasant progresse , that i would willingly be at the end of , and commit all to the grace and unerring judgement of him , whom we all professe to serve and obey in this , as in all other things . chap. i. concerning the angels of the churches of asia . section i. the grounds of affirming them to be bishops . for the vindicating of the dissertations from all the exceptions which are offered against them in the booke , which i have now before me ; it is no whit necessary that i give the reader any the most cursory view of the whole booke ; i shall therefore fall in , though abruptly , on the sixt chapter of the second part of it . for although in some of the former chapters of that part , some indeavours are used to assert presbytery against episcopacy by arguments so frequently produced by that party , that they were every one foreseen ; and in the dissertations largely evidenced to have no validity in them , yet it falls out somewhat to mine owne and the readers ease , that i am not personally called into the lists , till the beginning of the sixt chapter ; which by the signall of some latine words in the margine out of dissert . 4. c. 4. sect. 4. have markt me out as the person against whom that chapter was intirely designed , and i shall readily answer the call , and not refuse the paines to examine every section of that chapter . 2. the subject of this chapter is the pretended ( as they please to stile it ) episcopacy of the seven asian angels , and thus they begin their assault ; the second scripture ground brought to prove the divine right of praelacy , is from the angels of the seven churches of asia ; these angels , say they ( the assertors of prelacy ) were seven single persons , and ( as one hath lately written ) not onely bishops , but metropolitans and archbishops . this is said with so much confidence that all men are condemned as blind or wilfull that endeavour to oppose it : and it is reckoned as one of the great prodigies of this unhappy age , that men should still continue blind , and not see light enough in this scripture to build the great fabrick of episcopacy by divine right upon . 3. this is , it seemes , the first crime chargeable on mee as author of the dissertations , that i am confident of my assertion , and condemne all others as blind or wilfull that indeavour to oppose it . and although this be no competent way of disproving what is asserted , for it is no universall maxime or datum among the objecters that confident asserting should be lookt on as a character of falsity , yet i , that would much more be ashamed to have beene presumptuous than mistaken , and deeme it not a sinne to have erred modestly , am concerned to avert the envy of this their prooeme , and to give this essay , how farre any the most moderate speeches may be disguised and deformed by a disadvantageous interpretation . 4. these words [ in tantâ luce — ] lie thus in the dissertations ; [ ad tertium accedo — i proceede to the third thing , that which concernes the angels in the apocalypse , that by them are noted so many prefects of the chiefe cities or churches in asia , whom you may call not onely bishops , but primates , enarchs , or metropolitans . each of these things must be briefly taken notice of . first , that each of these were single and properly called bishops . so andreas caesariensis pronounceth of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the seven ephori ( inspectors or bishops , so called from the greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inspectors , directly equivalent to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) parallel to the number of the seven churches are in that place of the ap●calypse called angels . this title of angel is sufficiently knowne from malach. 2. 7. to belong to the chiefe priest of the jewes , for hee is called the angel of the lord of hosts , as the person from whom the law was to be derived to the people . further more these angels in that vision of johns are likened to so many starres , which , seeing christ is said to beare or carry in his right-hand apoc. 1. 16. 20. & 1 , 2. an argument of competent validity may be drawne from thence , that this dignity and power of them in the church is , if not immediately instituted , yet approved and confirmed by christ ; especially when in these so many parts of this epistle , christ himselfe hath written to every of them under this title of honour and dignity . in the presence of so much light that some men should still continue blind is to be numbred among the prodigies of this worst and most unhappy age . for as to that which from the one word [ yo● ] in the plural . c. 4. 24. i finde objected by some against so many single mentions of the angels ( one in every church ) that will immediately vanish , &c. 5. these words thus intirely set downe have a face very distant from that so much confidence and censoriousnesse that i am here charged with by the provinciall synod . for 1. for the conclusion deduced from the mention of these angels , 't is not the divine right of prelacy ( which phrase might yet have beene reconciled with rules of sobriety and modesty , as well as the jus divinum of presbytery ) but christs approbation and confirmation of this dignity and power of bishops , which conclusion hath evident grounds in those texts which mention christ's holding them in his hand , and his addressing an epistle to them , supposing onely , what is undertaken to be evidenced by other mediums , that these angels were single persons in each church . 6. secondly , that which is by me so confidently affirmed , is not , as this learned assembly is pleased to suggest , that these angels were metropolitans or archbisops . that they were such , is afterwards as a distinct matter in the next chapter proposed in a much more moderate style , statim credibile fiet , it will straitwayes become credible , and with no more shew of confidence then the premises which are there at large set down , will authorize . 7. these be two competent essayes to begin with , by which we may proportion our expectations ; but there is yet a third which hath somewhat more of injustice in it , to mention my so much confidence in asserting , but never to take notice of the grounds produced , whereon this confidence ( as farre as it extends ) is built , the want of which is so constantly the one thing , which renders confidence unseasonable or blameable , that it is not in the power of any man to have apprehended grounds as proper to induce a conclusion , and to suspend the beliefe and confidence of the truth of that conclusion , which is so inferred . the injustice , i say , is there not taking notice of the mediums , whereon the confidence is founded , very competent to inferre a conclusion in that stile , wherein it was there inferred , if they had been pleased to advertise their readers of it . 8. the inference lies thus ; the angel of each church of asia was a single person , therefore not a colledge or consistory of presbyters , and the singularity of the person is there supposed to be evidenced sufficiently by that which is so many times repeated in the text , the angel of the church of ephesus , the angel of the church of smyrna , and the like , by the testimony of andreas caesariensis , the principall annotator or interpreter of the revelation , transcribed by aretas in expresse words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the number of the bishops equall to the number of the churches ; and by the answer rendred to that one objection which is brought by the presbyterians against the singularity of the person of each angel. 9. secondly , this singular person was a bishop in that notion of the word which signifies a precedence of power and dignity over all others in that church . this againe was made evident , both by the forementioned singularity of his power and person in each church , and farther by the propriety of the title bestowed on him , an angel , such as among the jewes the chiefe priest was styled ; malac. 2. to which matter i shall now superadde one testimony which photius hath out of diodorus siculus concerning the jewes ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , him they call the high priest , and deeme him to be to them an angel or messenger of the commands of god ▪ ( a commissioner of heaven , impowered from thence for the execution of his office among them . ) 10. this by the way , gives us the reason of the denomination , because as angels doe not onely carry up our prayers to god but also bring downe gods commands to us , so did the high priest under the law. this dialect is also said to be derived from the hebrewes to the aegyptians , who call their chiefe priest angel also . and then how fitly the parallel runs betwixt the high priest among the jewes , and the bishop , in the christian church , taken in the prelatists notion of him ; was a theme which seemed not to need any length of harangue to performe or illustrate it . and yet after a section spent to cleare that one difficulty of the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , in the plurall c. 2. 24. ] there are two sections added more for the farther fortifying of this evidence . 1. from the councell of chalcedon ; act. 2. which * from timothy till the time of their session numbers 27. bishops in one of these sees , that of ephesus , all ordeined there ( and timothy we know being ordeined by the laying on of st. pauls hands 2 tim. 1. 6. will divolve it to that orginall , apostoliacll institution ) and 2. from polycrates , † who was borne soone after st. iohns dayes , and is a witnesse of a competent antiquity , and affirmes himselfe to be the * eight bishop of that see ; from both which testimonies of the catologue , and number of bishops , ascending to st. timothy , as the first of that ranke ( who certainly was constituted there before the epistle of christ to the angel of that church ) the conclusion is obvious and irrefragable , that either timothy or some successor of his was personally the angel to which the epistle was addrest , and i professe not to wish for a greater evidence to justifie a prelatist in his desire to live in obedience to that order so signally confirmed by christ . 11. the like is in the next section produced out of irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. concerning the angel of the church of smyrna . irenaeus lived in the time of polycarp that antient primitive martyr , and being a youth had the honour to see that venerable old man , and of him he affirmes , that he was * not onely a disciple of the apostles , and converst with many that saw christ , but that also hee was sent to asia , and constituted bishop in the church of smyrna ; and if there needed any more light after so cleare and authentick a testimony ( which againe concludes either polycarpe , or some successor of his to be the angel of the church of smyrna to whom christ addresseth his epistle ) there is another added out of tertullian , a writer of great antiquity and reputation for knowledge in the records of the church in these words . * as the church of smyrna relates polycarpe to have beene constituted there by john , as the church of rome affirmes clement to have been ordeined by peter , so in like manner the rest of the churches exhibite the records of those whom they have had their bishops constituted by the apostles and conveyers of the apostolicall seed to them . and more particularly of the churches of asia , the subject of our present discourse . * we have the churches fed by john , and the course of bishops being driven to the originall , acknowledge john ( the apostle ) to be the author of them . here certainly is light enough to make some confidence excusable in a prelatist , and to make his wonder seasonable , that any that have eyes , should in so cleare a sunshine want the use of them , and to thinke it no very auspicious omen that they doe . yet because i had much rather assist , then upbraid other mens infirmities , i have here given them an instance how easie it had been for them to have informed themselves and their respective charges of the grounds of the prelatists confidence , that the epistle of christ to the angels of the seven asian churches was an evidence of his approbation of the order of bishops in our moderne notion of that word for a single overseer in every church . 12. and if there be any obscurity still remaining in the premises , because the councell of chalcedon ( and policrates ) makes timothy , who was ordained by paul the first bishop or angel of the church of ephesus , but tertullian divolves the originall of the course or catalogue to st john , the answer is easy , that there were two sorts of christians in ephesus , and throughout all asia , the first of gentile converts , brought into the faith by st. paul the apostle of the gentiles , and over them it was that timothy was by him placed in ephesu● their bishop ; the second of jewish proselites converted by st. john ( by compact designed to goe to the jewes , as his province gal. 2. 9. and those peculiarly the asian jewes , as appeares every where in * eusebius story , and by the relation of his death in that place , given us by † polycrates , an early bishop there ) and the author of the constiuations out of an antient tradition tells us that another of the same name , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) was by that apostle ordained bishop of the iewish christians there , as timothy by s. paul of the other congregation of gentile christians . an observation which is largely educed and exemplified in the * dissertations , and of which there is no small use for the dilucidating of obscurities in antient story , and the clearing of this controversy betwixt us and the presbyterians ; but i must not here take liberty to inlarge on it unnecessarily , having beene thus farre forced to expatiate somewhat above proportion to the length of their owne period , wherein my confidence and censoriousnesse were shortly accused , how deservedly , i hope hath now been made manifest . section ii. of timothy , of onesimus , of polycarpe . the next period in their charge against mee runs thus . it is farther added , that some of the antient fathers mention the very men that were the angels of those churches . some say timothy was bishop of ephesus , when john wrote his epistle to it ; others say onesimus , others say that policarpe was bishop of smyrna ; and from hence they conclude with a great deale of plansibility , that the angell of the churches were seven individuall bishops . 2. here is as yet no great charge offered , but a confession rather , that i had some temptation for the confidence , of which i was formerly accused , my conclusion being acknowledged by the adversaries to be inferred with a great deale of plausibility . but i have not so much reason to depend on their civilities , as to omit the inserting here , what may be usefull to prevent mistakes , and shall therefore thinke it necessary to set downe intirely , what it is which i have affirmed in this matter . 3. and 1. i have yet no where said that timothy was bishop of ephesus when john writ this epistle to that church ; my words are expresly otherwise , ex quibus patet vel timotheum ipsum vel aliquem ei succedaneum hunc ipsum angelum fuisse , quem c. 2. 1. christus alloquitur . by which it appeares ( having formerly set down my grounds to induce this conclusion , that either timothy himself , or some body that succeeded him , was that very angel to whom christ addrest his speech , c. 2. 1. but that is not to affirme it of timothy , but purposely to absteine from affirming any thing that could be denyed or doubted , and onely to affirme it either to timothy or some successor of his , which evidently and infallibly it must be , if there be truth in the premise from which it was inferred , the words of the councell , and the father , that after timothy , the first , succeeded of continuall series of bishops there . 4. what my opinion is in this matter , i shall now freely tell them , though before i had not occasion to doe it , together professing it to be onely my opinion , and so still affirming nothing in a matter of some uncertainty , or farther than the grounds , on which my opinon is founded , shall appeare able to support it . my opinion briefly is , that timothy was then bishop of ephesus at the time of addressing that epistle to the angel of that church ; and the grounds are these . 1. that st. johns banishment and prophesying are by epiphanius twice expresly affirmed to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the times of claudius caesar ; then secondly , that as it is by chronologers set downe to be in the 13. of claudius , that timothy was left by paul at ephesus , when hee went into macedonia ; 1 tim. 1. 3. act. 20. so it is generally resolved that timothy suffered at ephesus under nerva , and that agreeable enough with his age , who appeares to be young when paul first placed him bishop of ephesus . if these grounds have truth in them , then timothy cannot be doubted to be bishop of ephesus , when st johns vision was received ; and though 't is true , that ireneus seemes to assigne another date of these visions , at least of some of them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , at the end of domitians reigne ( which what it is to be deemed to signifie , is * elsewhere explained ) yet still that is within the compasse of timothies life , if hee suffered not till nerva's reigne . and so much for that of timothies . 5. secondly , that onesimus was bishop of ephesus at the date of that epistle , is no where so much as intimated to be my opinion , much lesse affirmed by me . and therefore i need reply no more to that . yet because ignatius in his epistle to the ephesians mentions onesimus their bishop ( and that testimony is produced by me dissert . 2. c. 25. sect. 9 ) i shall here freely give them my opinion also of that matter . 6. first , that there is little ground of question , but that one of that name , onesimus , was bishop of ephesus in the tenth yeare of trajan , wherein ignatius wrote that epistle . 7. secondly , that by one indication there is some small reason to guess , that this onesimus was then lately come to that dignity ; i meane ignatius his words of gratulation to that church , that god had given them the favour to obtaine or have such a bishop ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 8. thirdly , that according to epiphanius his setting down the time of john's banishment and visions , in the dayes of claudius , there must be above 50 yeares distance between the date of this epistle of christ , and that of ignatius , and consequently that it is not so likely that onesimus , that was their bishop in the later , should be that very angel in the former . 9. fourthly , that as i can have no cause to consent with ado ( in lib. de fest . apost . ad 14. cal. mart. ) that this onesimus in ignatius was hee that is mentioned by st. paul to philemon , so nor to adhere to the roman martyrologie , that he whom paul mentions , was constituted bishop of ephesus after timothy . 10. and therefore fiftly , it must be remembred , that both the greeke menologies , and simeon metaphrastes ( who celebrate his memory on march 13. ) acknowledge not that onesimus to have been at all bishop of ephesus , and that others also of the antients make him to have been bishop of beraea , and martyr'd in domitian's reigne : and dorotheas in synopsi expresly affirmeth that gaius succeeded timothy in ephesus . 11. from all which it followes , that onesimus mentioned by ignatius , was some later bishop of that city , who bare that very ordinary greeke name , and so that his being bishop of ephesus no way belongs to that time of the angel in the revelation , not interferes with their opinion , who thinke timothy to have beene that angel ; the appearing incompetibility whereof was it , i spppose , that brought in here the mention of onesimus . 12. this was here seasonable enough to be confronted to their words in this place , and will be of use to be remembred in the processe of their discourse . 13. thirdly , for polycarp's being bishop of smyrna , as there is left no place for the doubting of that ( if either irenaeus , that lived in his time and saw him , or if tertullian , who lived not long after , and was a curious antiquary , may be believed in their joynt affirmations of a knowne matter of fact ) so it is againe no where affirmed by me , that hee was the very man , to whom that epistle to the angel of smyrna was sent , and if that were their meaning , they have againe misreported my words . 14. all that i had said , i thinke was proved irrefragably ; that in two of those churches mentioned in the apocalyps ; timothy and poylcarpe are by anthentick testimonies affirmed to be constituted bishops , the one by st. paul , the other by st. john , and that is a competent argument added to others , to inferre that the angel of each of those churches was a single person , and so a bishop in the prelatists , not in the presbyterians notion of the word , an assertion which i need not feare will yeild any advantage to the adversaries , and so i as briefly commit it to them . section 3. of the negative argument from st. john's not using the word bishop . of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the revelation . in the next place by way of answer to this plea of the prelatists , we are referred to three writings of their party , smectymnuus , the vindication of smectymnuus , the humble addresses of the divines at the isle of wight , wherein , say they , these things are fully , clearely , and satisfactorily handled . 2. but it being certaine that every one of these three was publisht some yeares before the dissertations , i should thinke it strange that the particulars there insisted on by me , should by divination be thus answered before their conception , being able truly to professe , that though i am not unwilling to make use of any mans aid for defending truth , yet none of those writings , to which any of those three were given in answer , were by me made use of in those compositions . 3. but we are superseded the trouble of examining any of these three , by the leave that is craved to borrow from them what may be usefull for the turne , and then in like manner i shall more willingly receive from these , what shall appeare to answer , or prejudge our plea , than undertake new troubles in farther unnecessary search of it . 4. first , then they desire it may be considered , that s. john , the penman of the revelation doth neither in it , nor in any of his other writings so much as upon the ( by ; i suppose , for the printer failes me ) name bishop . hee names the name presbyter frequently in the revelation , yea , when he would set out the office of those who are neerest the throne of christ in his church , rev. 4. he calls himselfe a presbyter , ep. 2. and whereas in s. john's dayes some new expressions were used in the christian church , which were not in scripture , as the christian sabbath began to be called the lords day , and christ himselfe the word , now both these are found in the writings of st john ; and it is strange to us that the apostle should mention a new phrase , and not mention a new office erected by this time ( as our brethren say ) in the church , especially if wee consider that polycarpe ( as it related ) was made bishop by him ; and no doubt if hee had been made bishop in a prelaticall sense , we should have found the name bishop in some of his writings , who lived so long as to see episcopacy setled in the church , as our adversaries would make us believe . 5. we are now to consider what degree of conviction , or argument , to the prejudice of our pretensions , can be fetcht from this large consideration . and first it is most evident and notorious among all artists , that an argument from authority cannot conclude negatively that there were no bishops in st john's time , because st. john doth not mention bishops . it is the same way of arguing , as if they should conclude that there was no god in the time of writing the canonicall chapters of hester , because god is not found once mentioned in those chapters . and yet of this inartificiall kinde is the whole discourse of this paragraph , the premisses barely negative throughout all the consideration ; and so nothing is conclusible from it to the prejudice of us , or benefit of our adversaries . 6. secondly , all that this consideration pretends to , is terminated in the bare name of bishop , that is it which they pretend is not to be found in st. john. but 1. they knew that the word angel is oft in st john , and by us contested , by the singularity of the person one angel in each church ( and other characters ) to conclude the office of bishop as irrefragably , as if the word bishop were there specified . nay of this wee have a competent experience , that if the word bishop had been found there , it would by presbyterians be as readily expounded to signifie a presbyter , or colledge of such ( for so certainly they have done in other places ) and truly with as much reason and satisfaction to any impartiall judge , as they have affirmed the word angel in each church to denote such . and therefore 7. thirdly , i shall demand , would the apostle st. john's using the name bishop , be at all usefull to the prelatists interests , to conclude that there was such an office in the church in his time , or would it not ? if not , then sure it is not to our prejudice , that hee hath not mentioned that name , and then this whole consideration is perfectly to no purpose . if it would , then sure st. pauls and st. lukes frequent mentions of them ( i may adde st. peter also ) will supply st. john's omissions , and conclude there were bishops in their time , and that was long before st. johns death , if it had been considered . 8. fourthly , when it is said that st. john frequently names the name presbyter in the apocalyps , 't is not imaginable that they should thinke the author of the dissertations could receive any prejudice from thence , when hee hath avowed to believe that those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , mentioned in those so many places of the revelation , were the 24. bishops of judaea sitting in councell at jerusalem their metropolis , encompassing james the bishop there together with the foure living creatures , denoting the foure apostles that were joyned with them in the councell , and the 7. lamps , the emblemes of the 7. deacons attending ; of which matter till they have disproved what is commodiously deduced dissert . 4. c. 20. sect. 10. i shall have no need farther to inlarge , it being perfectly uselesse to our present inquiry , that either the word bishop or elder should be used by s. john , for a single prefect in the christian church , supposing ( as now we do in the objection , and t is but a begging of the question in the respondent to suppose the contrary ) that the word angel is a notation of it . 9. by this it appeares fiftly , how little wee incommodated by the position of these elders in the revelation placed neerest to the throne of christ in his church , for supposing , as i doe , that christ is by way of vision represented there under the person of the bishop of jerusalem sitting in councell , and encompassed ( on each side ) with a semicircle of thrones , on which sat the 24 bishops of judea , i can well allow these 24. ( call them elders , or what you please ) to be neerest to that middle throne , whereon christ is seated . and truely if it should be otherwise interpreted of presbyters in the moderne notion of the word , it would be hard to make the other parts of the vision to beare proportion with that phansy ; for i must suppose , according to st. john's words , that in the vision these thrones were set up in heaven ; and then i shall demand , was that a representation of any councell or judicature on earth ▪ or not ? if it were not , then nothing can be inferred thence in favour of presbyters , more than of bishops , for of both these we speake , as of officers on earth ; but if it were , then applying it to presbyters , it must follow , that in the midst of them there is some other ( invironed on each side by them ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sitting upon that throne of principall dignity , before whom also they on the other thrones must fall downe v. 10 . ( or else the parallel will not hold throughout ) and the least that can be signified hereby , will be superiority of dignity in him that sits on that middle throne above all the 24. elders , which will be deemed to exceede the case of a prolocutor or moderator of an assembly , which is the ut most that the presbyterian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality can admit of , but much more commodiously agrees to the metropolitan of all iudea , sitting in a nationall councell with the bishops about him , for of these we doubt not to affirme that they were as much inferior to him , as this representation doth pretend them to be . 10. as for the sence affixt to it by the assemblers , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are presbyters in the moderne notion , and that he that sits in the midst of them is christ , this is against all analogy , and rules of interpreting , a mining and confounding the originall with the copy , the type with the antitype , interpreting one part of the visi●n , as if it were in heaven ( for it was there where christ did sit as judge ) and the other as if it were on earth , for sure the presbyters in this notion are to be considered as there ; and this is a very sufficient prejudice against their interpretation ( if there were not enough besides ) and such as no way presseth our way of setting it , as hath been already manifested . 11. sixtly , for his calling himselfe a presbyter ep. 2. i answer , that as farre as this allegation hath truth , it hath no force in it at all against our pretentions . he doth indeed call himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the elder , we fitly render it ) noting thereby ( according to analogy with the solemne notion of the word both among sacred and prophane writers , set downe at large dissert . 4. c. 19. ) a person of authority in the church of christ ; an apostle first , and then the supreme governour of the whole iewish church in asia , which is but proportionable to saint pauls beginning his epistles with paul an apostle ( or commissioner ) of iesus christ ( placed in that power in the church by christ himselfe ) and with the same style in the front of saint peters epistles , onely with this characteristick note peculiar to saint iohn in his gospell and epistles , of omitting the expression of his owne name ; and then all that this text is of force to doe , is to prove that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not import a presbyter ( in our moderne use of the word ) governing in common with other presbyters , but rather a singular governor of the church , such as bishops are by us contested to be ; and so the greek scholiasts have expressed it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the word elder he calls himselfe bishop . and this , 't is certaine , is for the interest of the author of the dissertations , and no way to his prejudice , if it had been adverted by them that produce it . 12. seventhly , when 't is said that in saint iohn's dayes some new expressions were used in the christian church , which were not in scripture , as the lords day , and the word , i professe not to comprehend what advantage to their praetensions could be designed or aimed at in this part of the consideration : for 1. how can it truly be said , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord's day , which is in the revelation , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word , which is in saint iohn's gospell , were not in scripture ? i must suppose the meaning is , that they were not in any other writings of scripture , except saint iohn's : but then 2. that doth not infer them to be new expressions in saint iohn's dayes , as these dayes are distinguisht from the dayes of the other apostles , whom iohn survived , but only that they were idiomes or characters of speech that saint iohn delighted to make use of . 13. thus indeed 't is ordinarily observed of his expressing of christ by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word , which yet is taken from the ancients of the jewish church ( the chaldes paraphrase being knowne frequently to use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word of the lord , and plato seems to have been acquainted with the expression , which caused amelius to sweare at the reading the beginning of s. john's gospell , that that barbarian was of their plato's mind , that the word of god was in order of a principle ) and perhaps not peculiarly to him appropriate , for * budaeus a very learned critick in greek affirmes saint luke to have used it in this notion , cap. 1. 2. and if he doth not , yet still 't will be but a peculiar part of john's style , which if he had written his gospell in the same yeare that saint matthew did his , he would doubtlesse have made use of , the phrase being certainly in the world before that time ( and so not new , as they would have it ) and the usage of it in the church being in all reason to be derived from john's use of it ( who was from thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the divine ) not john's use of it from the new admission of it into the christian church . 14. and for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord's day , as it is not certaine that it is the christian sabbath ( i meane the weekly lord's day , ) which is meant by that title once used in the revelation , but as probably the feast of easter , the annual commemoration of christ's rising from the dead ( and accordingly andreas caesariensis sets it indifferently , yet so as it seems rather to incline to the later , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the lord's day bearing the memorial of the resurrection of christ ) so in what notion soever it be taken , it was against saint iohn's use of the word that gave it authority in the following dialect of the church , not the churches usage ( that we any where can discerne ) from whence saint iohn derived it ; and so this will be an instance as ineffectual as the former , to inferre the conclusion to which it is designed : for indeed bating the unskilfulnesse of the argument , ab authoritate negative , already mentioned , what a strange way of concluding would this be ? s. iohn useth the words [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the word ] and [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lord's day ] ( supposing also , that 't is true which is added ) and no other writer of the scripture useth them but in stead of them , [ the sonne of god ] ( messias , christ ) and the [ first day of the week ] therefore if there had been any office of bishops erected in the church in saint iohn's time , it is strange that saint iohn should not mention the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop : 't is at the first hearing cleare enough , that there is no strangenesse in this , both because saint iohn undertooke not to set downe a dictionary of all words or customes which were in his time in the church , and because there is no proportion held betwixt the members of the comparison , as hath been shewed . and it will yet be lesse strange , because 1. it is easily supposeable and not strange , that he should have no occasion at all to mention that office , or that mentioning it , he should doe it in his owne chosen expression , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 angel , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder ( as in other greater matters he is acknowledged and allowed to doe ) by either of those signifying the same thing as expressely as the using of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop would have done : and 2. it is otherwise as manifest by saint paul and saint luke , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop , and the office belonging to it were before the time of saint john's writings used in the church , as it could be , if saint iohn had made expresse mention of it . 15. and lastly , for the highest round in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the special part of the consideration , our affirmation that polycarp was made bishop by saint iohn , that doth not ( any more than all the rest ) inferre it necessary that saint iohn should mention the name bishop : saint iude , i hope , is supposed by the assemblers to have constituted some presbyters in the church , and yet he in his epistle hath made no mention of any such name or office . and so much for that first consideration . section iv. of saint john's writings . againe of diotrephes . a second consideration now followes to be added to this , that there is not any the least intimation in all s. john's writings , of the superiority of one presbyter over another , save onely where he names and chides diotrephes , as one ambitiously affecting such a primacy . 2. a consideration of the same unhappy constitution with the former , 1. a testimonio negativè againe , saint iohn had no occasion to mention it , therefore there was in his time no such thing , and 2. in respect of the matter just the same againe , put only in other words , there 't was , [ no mention of bishop in all saint john's writings , ] here , [ no superiority of one presbyter over another in all saint john's writings . ] and so it can adde no accumulation of weight to the former . 3. but then 2. ( bating againe those two infirmities in discourse ) what if it were granted that at the time of saint john's writing , there were not in the whole church of christ any one presbyter , superior to another presbyter , what hath the author of the dissert : lost , or they gained by this ? he makes no doubt willingly to yeild to any inforcing reason that is or shall be produced to conclude that at that time , there was above de●cons but one degree in the church , and yet to be never the lesse qualified to maintaine his praetensions , nay he is knowne to have expressed it as his opinion probably inferred , and not easily confuted ( and that by which , if it be true , or because there is no evidence to the contrary , all the presbyterian praetensions , founded in the doubtfulnesse of words in scripture , are utterly excluded ) that there were not in the space within compasse of which , all the bookes of the new testament were written , any presbyters in our moderne notion of them , created in the church , though soon after , certainely in ignatius's time , there were ; and then if the consideration now before us were of any force at all , this would be the one direct and proper use of it , to adde more confidence to this opinion , and so to confirme , not to invalidate our praetensions . 4. thirdly for diotrephes and saint iohn's chiding of him for ambitiously affecting a primacy over other presbyters , there will appeare to be more than one misadventure in it . for 1. it is apparent in the text that this di●trephes ( whom * walo messalinus a good friend to the praetensions of the assemblers , describes so , as will conclude him a me●re presbyterian , noluit , saith he , agnoscore superiorem aliqu●m in presbyteros habentem potestatem , he would not acknowledge any superior having power over presbyters ) contended for superiority , not onely over his equals , but over saint iohn himselfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , faith that apostle , he 〈◊〉 not us , yeilds no obedience , gives no heed to our letter of directions ; this certainly belongs not to the superiority or dignity of bishops , which reserves the primacy to the apostles intire , and no way clasheth with it , and onely pretends to that power and office of duty , which for the preserving of unity , and the good of the flock , the apostles thought fit to intrust and commit to them . 5. secondly , diotrophes was not ( as farre as appeares , or we have reason to conjecture ) ordeined to any office of power in the asian church , committed to that apostles care , but of himselfe without any mission , nay expressely against the apostles consent , was willing to assume and exercise this power , and is but an example of corah's sedition and presumptuous humour ( and that is inevitably the case of the presbyterian , unlesse he can shew his commission for the power he pretends to ) all one with that of the gnosticks censured by saint iude under the style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gainesaying of cora●● , and this no way belongs , or is appliable to the practice of the bishop , who by commission from the apostle , not by any ambition or presumption of his owne , regularly ascends to this degree of office and dignity in the church , and useth it as regularly also , in subordination to all his superiors . 6. on this occasion the dissertations have offered a dilemma to these disputants , which i should be willing to heare answered by them , in this forme , either diotrephes exercised in the church the power of the bishop , in the notion of a singular praefect , assuming power over the presbyters , or he did not ; if he did not , then is this consideration presently at an end , diotrephes is falsly accused , and the innocent bishop unjustly wounded through his sides , who it seems was no bishop : but if it be said he did , then i demand , why is not diotrophes checkt by s. john for that presumption of affecting a power over his equals ? and why doth the whole charge lye another way , that he received not s. iohn's letters , nor paid due obedience to them ? or why is that very thing charged so heavily on the bishops in our age , and punisht so severely in them , which the apostle living and seeing , and upon occasion taking notice of diotrephes his insolence , doth not so much as reprehend or accuse in him ? 7. for as to the epithet which he bestowes upon him , that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , one that loved the praeeminence , supposing that were the title of his fault , yet that extends not the apostles speech to censuring or blaming the use of that power , but onely the ambition and affectation of it , which were otherwise lawfull to be enjoy'd ; as when t is noted in the pharisees , that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , love or affect the uppermost seats in the synagogues , which otherwise simply to have sat in , had implyed no crime of theirs , for to this very end , that some body should sit in them , they were certainly erected , and 't is known that there was among them a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 head of the consistory , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 governor of the synagogue , to whom that seat belonged by god's appointment . 8. nay for the very desire , as farre as is exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 tim. 3. 1. desiring and coveting , it is allowed by the apostle to be terminated in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the office of a bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as a good , and consequently a desireable worke , and if diotrephes be supposed guilty of any other , it may safely be yeilded to have been a fault in him , without praejudice to the good office which he so vitiously and criminously affected , according to that of * theodoret , that the apostle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , accuses not the desire simply , but the desire of rule , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and teacheth to desire , not the honour , but the vertue , not to covet the dignity , but to seeke the worke of the dignity , the taske to which it belongs . by all which , and much more added in the * dissertations , it is evident , how little advantage hath accrued to the assemblers from their mention of diotrephes out of saint john , and by consequence from their second consideration . section v. of st. john's being bishop of asia . of the apostles being bishops . now succeeds a third consideration . viz. that the same authors that say that s. john made polycarpe bish . of smyrna , & that s. peter made ignatius bishop of antioch , do also say that st. john himselfe sat many yeares bishop of ephesus , and was the metropolitan of all asia , which ( say they ) is an evident demonstration to us , that these authors did not use the word bishop in a prelaticall sense . for it is certaine that the apostles cannot be properly called bishops ; for though they doe eminently containe the episcopall office , yet they were not formally bishops . for this were to degrade the apostle , and to make their office ordinary and perpetuall , this were to exalt the bishop above his degree , and make him an apostles , and to make the apostle a bishop . it doth not much differ from madnesse , to say that peter or any one of the apostles were properly bishops , as learned whitaker saith , whom wee shall have occasion to cite to this purpose hereafter . 2. whether this consideration be likely to contribute any thing to their advantage , save onely by amusing the reader , and keeping him longer in expectation , that somewhat may possibly be produced to the disparagement of our plea , i desire may distinctly be considered by these degrees . 3. first , i acknowledge that stile [ the same authors — ] to belong truly to antient writers produced by mee in the dissertations , who , as they doe affirme st. john to have constituted policarpe bishop of smyrna , diss . 4. c. 5. sect. 5. and st. peter to have placed ignatius bishop of antioch . diss . 5. c. 1. sect. 18. so they consent also that st. john sat bishop of ephesus and metropolitane of all asia : so * eusebius frequently , that after his returne from his banishment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he administred or governed the churches there , i.e. in asia ; and ( as he cites it lib. 3. cap. 31. out of policrates his epistle ) died there . so the antient writer of the martyrdom of timothy , † in photius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , being recalled by nerva's decree , he sat downe at ephesus , and himselfe personally , with seven bishops his adsessors ( those in all probability the bishops of the seven churches in the revelation ) hee governed the metropolitan city of ephesus that prime metropolis of all asia , to the bishop whereof , saith † chrysostome , was intrusted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the whole nation of asia ; these testimonies may suffice for the substance of the affirmation that st. john governed the church of ephesus , and under it all asia , which is the notion wee now have of a bishop metropolitane and primate . 4. as for the word bishop , how can it be inconvenient to bestow that upon him , when hee discharged the office , nay when christ himselfe that great exemplar and originall of this power , is expresly called the bishop of our soules , as well as the apostle ; when the office from which judas fell , and to which matthias is assumed , is by st. luke out of the septuagint called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishoprick , act. 1. 20. when accordingly from the scripture usage the fathers of the church have continued the style , apostolos i. e. episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit , the lord chose apostles , i. e. bishops and governours of the church , saith * cyprian , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , peter and paul were the first or chiefe in rome , the same persons , apostles and bishops , saith * epiphanius , and apostoli episcopi sunt , firmante illud petro apostol● — the apostles were bishops , as is confirmed by peter in these words . his bishoprick let another take , saith † hilarius sardus , and againe , areall apostles ? ●tis true , saith hee , quia in ecelesiâ unus episcopus , because in each church there is one bishop . and , nemo ignorat episcopos servatorem ecclesi●s instituisse , ipse enim priusquam ascenderet , imponens manum apostolis ordinavit eos episcopos . no man is ignorant that our saviour instituted bishops in the church , for before he ascended to heaven hee laid his hands on the disciples and ordained them bishops ; saith the * writer of the questions on the old and new testament , and , sanctus matth●us episcopatum sortitus est , st. matthew was bishop , saith gildas . and to shut up all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — it is manifest that the apostles were bishops , st john in asia , st. andrew in achaia , st. thomas in india ; saith * gabriel philadelph : and agreeably when st. john of whom we now speake , calls himselfe in the front of two epistles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder , the greek scholiast , resolves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by the word elder he calls himselfe bishop . and so there is no newes in thus affirming . 5. but then secondly , when they take this for an evident demonstration , that these authors did not use the word bishop in a prelaticall sense , this is very farre distant from a demonstration , having not arrived to the lowest degree of probability or credibility . for what is a bishop in the prelaticall sense , but a single person governing in chiefe in a city or wider circuit ? and such certainly was st. peter at rome , s. john at ephesus , &c. as long as they continued to execute that power of the keyes ( the donation of which instituted them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 steward 's in gods house , governours of the church ) in this or that city or region , and ordained other bishops there . thirdly , therefore when 't is added , that it is certaine that the apostles cannot be properly called bishops , i reply that it is most certaine they may , not onely because these so many antient writers , through severall ages have called them so , and may not , with any justice from us , be accused of impropriety , but because the donation of the keyes did as properly make them bishops , as the commission to goe preach to all nations , being added to it , made them apostles . to which purpose let these few things be considered , 1. that it is here by the assemblies acknowledged , that the apostles did eminently conteine the episcopall office , which though it be a little hastily expressed , and should be , i suppose , that the apostolicall office did eminently containe the episcopall , yet there is no doubt , but this is the meaning of it , that the apostles had all the episcopall power in their hands , and over and above , something more , and if they had episcopall power , then sure in respect of that , they may as properly be called bishops , as in respect of their apostolicall commission , which they had also , they may be properly called apostles . thus we know that they that have first the power of deacons bestowed on them , and after of presbyters , are questionlesse deacons still , though they be also presbyters , and they which from the office of presbyters are advanced to bishops , are certainly presbyters still , though they be also bishops , and doe not lose the former power by being advanced to the latter , are not lessened by this increase of their dignity . 7. secondly , that when an apostle is differenced from a bishop , it is either by his extraordinary power granted him for the planting of the church , or by the vniversality of his diocese , the [ all the world ] to which his commission extended , whereas the ordinary bishop's power and diocese are more limited . but then these differences are of no force in this matter , they onely conclude that the apostle is more than a bishop in those two respects , not that in other sufficient respects he is not a bishop . 8. thirdly , when the apostles had each of them ( not onely all together in a consistory ) that unlimited power , in respect of the extent to all the world , given to them by christ , wee know that after his ascent they parted and distributed this province among them , assigned every one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his proper place or lot , to which he should betake himselfe for the planting of the faith of christ ; and then there will be no doubt but that hee , who according to his line ( in st. paul's phrase ) had planted the faith in such a city or province , and sat downe , and confirmed , and farther instituted ( which is the meaning of labouring in the doctrine , as well as in the word ) and govern'd them , and exercised all episcopall acts among them , might in so doing be stiled a bishop in that city or province , and that as truely and as properl● as he that could doe all the latter and not the former ( building on another mans foundation ▪ go●erning and instructing , where another had planted the faith might be said to be . 9. nay fourthly , we know , that although by canons of the church there is provision made , upon prudentiall considerations , that no man shall be made a bishop sine titulo , without a title or particular see , to which hee is assigned , yet before those canons forbad it , such bishops there were , and those never doubted to be properly bishops , though they were not affixt to any diocese ; and then nothing can hinder but that the apostle , who had each the whole world for his title , though hee were never affixed to any particular diocese or province , might be most properly styled a bishop for all that . but this is ex abundanti , more than is needfull to our present praetentions of st. john , who , we know , was after his returne from banishment affixt to asia , and seated at ephesus the chiefe metropolis there , to superintend in the jewish part of the asian church over all the bishops and metropolitans there . 10. to this i might adde fiftly , that the bishops in every city were successors of the apostles , as is largely deduced diss . 3. c. 3. sect. 14. &c. which they could not truly be , if the apostles , whom they succeeded , were not in vested with that power , wherein they succeeded them , i. e. were not first bishops before them . but i shall not inlarge of this , having no need of more evidences in this matter . 11. fourthly therefore , when it is added , that if the apostles be affirmed to be properly bishops , this were to degrade the apostles , and to make their office ordinary and perpetuall . this is but a shortnesse of discourse , of which a very few words will suffice to admonish any , for there is no more strength in that consequence , than there would be in affirming that such an one is a man , therefore he is not a living creature , or that he that saith he is a living creature , degrades him from being a man ; for as to that of [ ordinary and perpetuall ] 't is no way inconvenient , that the apostles , who had somewhat temporary and extraordinary for the first planting of churches ( in respect of which especially they were called apostles ) might also have somewhat , which was of ordinary perpetuall use in the church , wherein others might and should succeed them , and that is it unquestionably which wee meane by the word bishops , when we ascribe it to them or any of them , or to christ himselfe , the source and originall copy of that power in the church . 12. fiftly , when another inconvenience is accumulated on this , ( much to the former purpose , but in more words ) this were to exalt the bishop above his degree , and make him an apostle , end to make the apostle a bishop . 1. it is evident , that if the forementioned exception were true , viz. that it were the degrading the apostle , it could not farther be truly said , that it were the exalting the bishop above his degree , for supposing one to be above the other , the degrading one would make the other e●uall to him without any new act of exalting him ▪ if the apostle have already descended to the bishop , sure the bishop need not , cannot ascend to the apostle ; i cannot goe up staires to him who hath prevented me by his dignation or misfortune , and is already come or fallen downe● to me . secondly therefore this makes not the bishop an apostle , which is a degree higher than he , ( though in respect of the episcopall power common to them with the aposles it is nothing strange in the antient writers for the first bishops of the churches ; james the bishop of jerusalem , thaddaeus , luke , barnabas , marke timothy , titus , clemens , ignatius , to be called apostles , as is evidenced at large in the * dissertations ) but onely supposes the apostle to be a bishop , which he may well be ( as the greater conteineth the lesse ) though the bishop be no apostle , as it is confest that the lesse containes not the greater . 13. and lastly for the citation out of dr. whitaker , i have no directions to the place , which may inable me to examine it ; and i know circumstances of the context , or the designe of the speech may much alter it , from what it signifies to me at my reading it thus cited ; but if it be distinctly thus , and incapable of a more commodious interpretation , i cannot consent to the truth of it , or comprehend upon what grounds of reason he should so severely censure those scriptures and fathers , which have been produced to affirme that the apostles were bishops , and particularly st. john and st. peter . and indeed when it falls out , that each of those two apostles peculiarly calls himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an elder , or as they render it presbyter , i shall demand ; did either of those speake properly or no ? if they did , were either of those little distant from , mad-men ? if so i shall be content to be under any censure in their company . and therefore if they spake not so properly , i shall be content with them to have spoken improperly also : but if apostles may be called presbyters without any of these inconveniences of degradation in them , any ins●lence in the presbyter , or madnesse in the speaker , my onely remaining quaere is , why they might not , without all this adoe , be called bishops also , meaning by bishops , as i now meane ? for i am sure that is the same thing that i understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder in those three places , and they , who differ from me herein , do yet understand it of presbyters ( and so had said in the second consideration expresly , that st. john calls himselfe a presbyter ) and then all the spice of madnesse consists in this , thinking a bishop capable of that exaltation , that a presbyter in perfect sobriety is capable of . and so much for the third consideration . section vi. of the word angel , and starre , pretended to be common to all ministers . of messenger , and embassadour . the singularity of the word angel. the fourth consideration is , that the word angel ( which is the title given to those supposed bishops ) doth not import any peculiar jurisdiction , or praeeminence , but is a common name to all ministers , and so is used in scripture . for all ministers are gods messengers and embassadours sent for the good of the elect , and therefore the name being common to all ministers , why should we thinke that there should be any thing spoken to one minister , that doth not belong to all ? the same may be said of the word starre ( which is also a title given to those supposed metropolitans ) it is evident that all faithfull ministers are called starres in scripture , whose duty is to shine as lights unto the churches in all purity of doctrine , and holinesse of conversation ; there is nothing in these titles that argue these ministers to be bishops in our brethrens sense : insomuch as had they not been called bishops by some authors that succeeded them , ( who spake of former times in the language of their owne times ) this way of arguing would have been counted ridiculous . 2. ●o this consideration i might , if it were needfull , reply , 1. that the word angel is no where used for any other officer or minister in the church , save onely the prophets ( such as haggai . c. 1. 13. and john baptist , mat. 11. 10. ) and the chiefe priest , mal. 2. 7. 3. secondly , that , as to the words messenger , and embassador , there is in ordinary speech some considerable difference betweene them , the latter having in it a connotation of dignity , sustaining the person of the king , from whom he is sent immediately , which is not applicable to the former ; and agreeably when it is used of st. paul and timothy , in whose name that epistle is written [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wee are embassadors , 2 cor. 5. 20. ] there is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for , or , in the name , and authority of christ , and againe wee pray you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we well render , in christs stead , as his proxies , for to embassadors are ; which being there applied to s. paul an apostle , and to timothy , one imployed by him immediatly to preach and plant the faith , and after to governe in the church , may be proportion belong to the bishops their successors peculiarly . 4. thirdly , that as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a messenger , or nuntio , so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , apostle ( according to the origination of it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be sent ) signifies also without any considerable difference , but yet is never thought fit , either in scripture , or in the style of the church to be applied to ordinary ministers , but onely to those sent immediately by christ , as he by his father to plant and rule churches , and to those who first succeeded them , or were imployed by them in that great office . 5. but that which wholly frustrates the designe of the consideration , is this , that the singularity of the person , ( one angel in each of the seven churches ) is all that wee argue from , in this matter ; for as to the power and authority in each church , that is certainly pretended to ( and not declin'd ) by the presbyterian as well as the prelatist , the onely question is , whether it be placed in one over the rest , or in more than one , ruling together in common , and from the style of christs epistle to the angel of the church of ephesus , and the like in each of the seven , wee thinke we conclude regularly , that it was one , it being certaine that the singular number is not the duall or plurall , and that [ angel ] is a person , not an aggregate body or multitude . 7. and to the same purpose againe wee conclude not from the mention of the starres , not from their light or shining , but from their number , but seven in all , no more than there are churches , i. e. one onely in each church ; and we know there is difference betweene a star and an asterisme or constellation , one single light , and a conjunction of many ; and accordingly mr. brightman , that is resolved not to finde this truth in that text , is forced to deale plainely , and to tell us , that the epistles are not each of them sent to any one angel , but to the colledge of pastors , nec uni alicui angelo mittuntur , sed toti , ut ita dicam , collegio pastorum , in apoc. c. 2. 1. which being sufficiently contrary to the evidence of the text , which reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the angel , in the singular , he thinkes fit to adde his reason for it ; non enim unus erat angelus ephesi sed plures , nec inter istos aliquis princeps , for there was not 〈◊〉 angel of ephesus , but many : nor any one among those principall or chiefe , which is the begging of the question , or proveing his assertion onely by asserting it ; whereas beza finding himselfe more prest by the force of the place , is forced to render it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the angel , i. e. to the president , quem nimirum oportuit inprimis de his rebus admoneri , who was in the first place to be admonished of these things . 8. what the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the use of the antient church properly signifies , is showne at large out of justin martyr , dionysius bishop of corinth , marcellus ancyranus and the councell of ephesus , dissert . 4. c. 17. directly the same that we meane now by bishop ; but that i pretend not to thinke beza meant by it ( his prolepses and espoused principles leading him another way ) all that i observe from the citation , is , that by the singularity of [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the angel ] not angels , he was forced to confesse a single person to be understood , which is contrary to mr. brightman , and those that comprehend a colledge of presbyters under the title , which being yeilded , i doubt not but our other evidences already produced ( which must not be at every turne repeated ) from the catalogue of bishops in the church of ephesus , &c. and the judgement of the vniversal church concerning those single persons , will conclude them indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not in beza's notion , but in justin martyrs ( who was much a more competent judge ) i. e. the very bishops which we pretend them to be : and truly i cannot discerne any weake part ( which may hazard being counted ridiculous ) in this way of arguing . section vii . of their exception to our arguing from symbols : of rishop and elder being the same . the last consideration now remains in these words , these titles of stars and angels are mysterious and metaphoricall , it is said rev. 1. 20. the mysterie of the seven stars — and certainly it cannot be safe or solid to build the structure of episcopacie by divine right upon mysterious and metaphoricall denominations , theologia symbolica non est argumentativa , especially if we consider that there are abundance of cleere texts that make bishops and presbyters to be one and the same ; and it cannot be praise-worthy for any men ( though never so learned in the esteem of the world ) to oppose certain allegorical and mysterious titles to so many expresse testimonies of scripture . 2. to this the answer will be satisfactory , though it should be but briefe , that we doe not found our argument in an allegorie . for 1. though the word stars applyed to the governors of churches be onely figuratively so applyed , yet the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( if the authors of this consideration may be believed in that which immediately preceded ) signifies ( not an angel from heaven , or incorporeal substance , but ) a messenger or embassadour , such as , say they , all ministers are , and agreeably in that which is here annexed to prove the allegorical or mystical phrases ( from rev. 1. 20. the mistery of the seven starres ) it is evident , that onely the word [ starres ] is symbolical or mystical , and as evident that the angels are not , for it is in the explicating and not in the forming of the figure , that the angels of the churches are mentioned , as the things which are signified by the mistery of the starres , as the churches themselves by the lamps ; and therefore as it would be absur'd to say that a symbol is explicated by a symbol , one mystery by another , or proportionably that the churches , by which the lamps are exprest , are a mystical allegorical phrase , so it will be as unreasonable to affirme of the angels , that they are a mistery or allegorie , because of the starres it is affirmed that they are such , when indeed the word angel is the interpretation and unfolding of the mysterie , which is as far from being the mistery , as the light is from being darknesse , which it expells out of the horizon , and is purposely sent by god to doe so . 3. but then secondly , 't is yet more manifest , that if the word angel were here used figuratively ( as it is evident it was not , and was so confest , when it appeared usefull to the objectors that it should not ) yet it being the singularity of the person , wherein our argument is founded , our argument is not founded on that which is mystical , for certainely this number is a plaine grammatical notation of a singular person , and that is proofe enough that it was not a collective body , a presbytery or consistory , that is meant by it . and in this all the controversie betwixt us and the adversary consists , whether it was in many or in one in each church , that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was vested , and that is sufficiently decided by that which is cleare and un●igurative in this text , and cannot be imagined otherwise , but by forcing some figure on it , by which one angel may be set for more ministers , which if it be done , would not by their rule be argumentative . 4. thirdly , whereas it is suggested , that this which we conclude from hence , is opposite to many expresse testimonies of scripture , i have no more to say in this place , where this is onely affirmed , but not attempted to be proved , but to professe my perswasion and assurance ( the truth of which must be in the processe of this discourse contested ) that there is no such thing , but on the contrary , that the whole scripture , and practice , and writings of the first ages of the church , and the succeeding through all the world , agree directly with what i conclude from the singularity of the angel ; and when in the following words the testimonies are expressed to be those which make bishops and presbyters to be one and the same , this also will immediately vanish , when it is remembred , what is largely deduced in the dissertations , that the word bishop in the scripture is never used for a presbyter in our moderne notion of the word , but constantly for the one single governor in a church or city , and that if there be any truth in that which is here affirmed , presbyters must be taken in a notion distant from that in which now we use it , and signifie , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath already been said to doe , the singular bishop in each church , and 't is certaine such an identity of the names , will never be deemed contrary to what we have concluded from the angel , but directly confirme it for us . 5. and although here is no occasion in this place to prove and make good this assertion in each part of it , ( the first positivè , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or bishop in scripture alwayes signifies the singular bishop ; the second suppositivè , that if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder , be one and the same in scripture , it must be by interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder , so as to signifie a bishop in all place ▪ ) yet 't is certaine , that this is already done at large in dissert . 4. cap. 6. sect. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and shall here againe be repeated and vindicated , when the proper place requires it , which i foresee it will speedily doe . 6. in the meane , i must take leave to expresse my present sense , and hope that others will not thinke it too hasty , that no one of these five considerations , nor consequently all of them together , have at all praejudged our conclusion ( now in hand ) inferred from that of the epistle of christ to the 7. angels of the 7. churches . section viii . of the singularity of each angel. the objections from the use of the plurall number . these considerations being thus laid as their foundation ( and i suppose being already removed from superseding or hindring our superstructure ) the next part of their method is , having mentioned our objection from the singularity of each angel's person , to whom christ's message or epistle is sent , and the conclusion of an high prelatist from hence , that these angels are not onely bishops but archbishops , to apply solid and every way sufficient answers to this objection . 2. in this proposall of our objection , i shall not need to inquire who this high prelatist is ; the former intimations and directions have perswaded me that i am lookt on as this objector , though it be sufficiently knowne that the most reverend archbishop of armagh , lord primate of ireland , hath many yeares since deduced this conclusion in every part from this text , and might , if they had pleased , have secured me from the opinion either of novelty , or singularity in the assertion . 3. but i shall most willingly assume the burthen , and proceed to the view of the solid and every way sufficient answers , which are said to be given to this objection , which though they be , it seemes to be fetcht out of smectymnuus , &c. yet it happens well , that we shall ( without need of consulting those larger volumes ) find them here with more ease , reduced to two heads , one , that the word angel signifies not a singular person , the second , that if it did , it will not at all advantage the episcopal cause . 4. these two , i confesse , if either of them be solidly proved , will utterly drive us from our hold : the onely question at present is , whether in either part the proofes be solid , and of this we must now inquire , and first of the former of them . 5. this they thus propose , that the word angel is not to be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not individually , but collectively , for all the pastors and ministers of the respective churches . 6. but before their proofes for such an assertion ( that the angel of such a church , which is certainly an individual , as much as the bishop of such a diocese , is not yet to be taken individually ) they first adde their confession that this answer is called a poore shift , a vaine conceipt , &c. but promise such reasons for the justification of it , which cannot be answered . 7. to the view of these unanswerable reasons therefore we shall now hasten ; and the first reason is , because our saviour speakes to the angel often in the plural number , rev. 2. 21. but unto you i say , and the rest of thyatira , and so rev. 2. 10. and 13. by which , say they , it is evident , that by the word angel is not meant one singular person , but the collective body of rulers . 8. to this first reason i shall answer , by separating that one text of thyatira from the other two , and all that are of the same nature with them , and speake first of these two , and remind them 1. that in an epistl● unquestionably addrest to a particular person , others under his care and charge may be , and are occasionally mentioned , so in that to titus , paul●s owne sonne , i. e. under the particular character of the beloved person converted by him ; in the conclusion we finde these words , grace be with you all , i. e. not with him as he must signifie a whole presbyterie , but all the sincere lovers of christ , and saint paul , they that love us in the faith , in the former part of the verse . 9. secondly , that though the one angel of the church be the person to whom each part of the epistle is addrest , yet in it are set downe the sins and fate of the whole church , , i. e. of all the believers in it ; thus when the people of israel or judah were fallen into foule sins and provocations against god , it was ordinary for god to send a prophet to the king of either of them , and admonish him what reformations were to be wrought , and what judgements were a comming in case of neglect . in which kind of messages of the prophet delivered to the king , 't is certaine that the whole people were concerned , and so without question was it here , rev. 2. 10. the devill shall cast some of you , i. e. some members of that church , into prison , &c. and so ver . 13. among you , i. e. among you of that church or city . 10. and indeed if each of those churches had been governed by a consistory of co-equal presbyters , and those ( as is pretended by our adversaries ) signified by the angel , yet there would be as little reason to doubt , but the sins of the people , as well as the clergy were here reprehended by christ , and the judgement threatned to one as well as to the other , and to this can be no reason to inferre the angel to be no singular person , the church ruled by one , making up a multitude , as well as if it were ruled by a presbytery . 11. as for the place , cap. 2. 24. concerning thyatira , that hath a different appearance , for the greek copie ordinarily reading it [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but i say unto you ( in the plural and to the rest which are in thyatira ] the [ you ] in the plural , is by the objectors thought necessarily to belong to the angel of that city , as [ the rest ] to the community of the people . to this place therefore we have formerly answered , that the reading in the antient manuscripts , particularly in that belonging to the kings library at saint james's , leaves out the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and ] and reads thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but to you i say the rest which are in thyatira ] and this takes away all force from the objection , for the former part of the epistle belonging to the angel , who permitted jezabel , and to them that committed fornication with her , the [ but ] in the front separates the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you the rest ] from the angel , and those other formerly spoken to , and therefore the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you , cannot possibly be the angel , wherein all the strength of the objection consists . 12. but this answer , though taken notice of , is disliked : for , say they , he that shall view the antecedent and consequent , and consider that ver . 23. it is said , i will give to every one of you , &c. and then followes , but i say unto you , and then in the conclusion of the verse , i will put upon you no other burthen , will confesse that the old copies are better than that which is said to be tecla's manuscript . 13. and here i shall desire the reader to beare me company in obeying their directions , and observe what the antecedents and consequents can afford to the prejudice of that antient copy . 't is most true , that v. 23. we read , i will give to every one of you , and that then it followes v. 24. but i say unto you , and in the conclusion of the verse , i will put upon you — but i demand , what will they conclude from hence ? that by the word [ you ] in all these places the same persons are to be understood , and that those persons are the interpretation of the angel v. 18 ? these two things they must conclude , or else they will faile in their designe , which is to shew that by the word angel the collective body of rulers is meant . but the first of these is evidently false , whatsoever reading be retained , for besides that the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but ] doth clearly separate the second [ you ] from the first , and makes them distinct persons , the very matter of the speeches will convince it : for in the 23. v. the [ you ] are those that were corrupted by iezabel v. 20. 22. who are now to be exemplarily punisht and destroyed , i will kill her ( i. e. iezebels ) children with death ( as also those that had committed fornication with her v. 22. ) and all the churches shall know that i am the searcher of hearts , and i will give to every of you according to your workes ; but the second [ you ] and so also the third , are the quite contrary to these , as many as have not this doctrine , and who have not knowne these depths of satan , and consequently , who are not to be punished , nor so much as admonished , but onely confirmed in their present practice , to hold fast what they have already . 14. so contrary is it to all appearance of truth , that the antecedent and consequent should favour their pretension . 15. this matter is so evident ( the contrary conditions and fates of the [ you ] in v. 23 and the [ you ] in v. 14. ) that if the ordinary reading were to be retained [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] and that rendred [ to you and the rest in thyat●ra ] so as to difference [ you ] and [ the rest ] another antecedent to the relative [ you ] must necessarily be sought out , and then that can be no other but the churches incidentally mentioned v. 23. who had not been charged for this crime . for as for the angel v. 18. if hee were not so remote ( 6. verses off ) and if the singular number could be the antecedent to the plurall [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you ] ( as it cannot ) yet still he is charged for suffering the woman jezabel , and so is numbred among the gulity persons , that are to repent or be punisht , and not to have no other burthen laid on them , save only to hold fast what they have , as is said of the second [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] v. 24. 16. but the truth is , that of making the churches the relative is so inconvenient ( and yet no other way imaginable to reconcile the ordinary reading ) and the whole sense is so much more cleare and current in the reading of the king's m s. [ but to you the rest in thyatira ( those that had not beene guilty of the misbehaviours censured , and threatned in the former verses ) that i professe i cannot discerne any appearance of reason to quesion the truth of it , much lesse to conceive that the ordinary copies are better , which yet however they read it , must oppose the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] to those before mentioned , and so cannot apply it with any appearance of probability to the angel , or consequently pre-judge ours , or confirme their pretensions . section ix . of the elders at ephesus act. 20. a second reason to prove the angel to be a collective body , is this , because it is certaine that the church of ephesus was a collective body ▪ and that there were many presbyters to whom st. paul , at his finall departure from them , committed the charge of that church . and these presbyters are called bishops , and were all of them stars of the same magnitude , and angels of the same order without a difference or distinction . 2. but this is a way of proving a thing which is denyed , by another which they know is equally denyed by him , against whom they dispute , and therefore that argument can be of no force with us . 3. 't is most true indeed , what they begin with , that the church of ephesus was a collective body , for so 't is certaine every church is , whether governed by one or more rulers ; but the church is not the angel , any more than the candlestickes are the stars , but punctually distinguished from them rev. 1. 20. but this i suppose was a mistake hastily fallen from them , and i shall not pursue it any farther . 4. their argument , i conceive , depends upon the plurality of elders [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which were at ephesus act. 20. when paul takes his leave of them , and calls them bishops . but to this they know i have answered clearly , that as in other places of scripture , so in that , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , being all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishops , denote ( not the many presbyters of the one city of ephesus , but ) the many bishops of that and other cities of asia , which at that time by s. paul's summons sent to ephesus , the chiefe metropolis of asia , were called and met together at miletus . 5. to this purpose * irenaeus is a witnesse beyond exception , who speaking of these elders or bishops , addes , ab epheso & proximis civitatibus convocatos esse , that they were assembled from ephesus and the next cities , in which as the faith was planted , as well as in ephesus ( even in all asia ) so there is no reason to doubt but there were bishops in them , as well as in ephesus ( seven such churches we know are here mentioned in the revelation ) and that paul was as carefull to take his leave of them ( as many as could conveniently come to miletus in his hasty progresse ) as of the bishop of ephesus hee is justly deemed to have been . 6. other arguments and authorities i need not here accumulate for this notion of elders act. 20. because here is no appearance of reason offered to prove their , or impugne our assertion . this perhaps will be afterward attempted , and then i shall , as occasion requires , farther enlarge : in the meane it sufficeth that it yet no way appeares , that ephesus was governed by many presbyters , and not by one bishop , and therefore this second offer of reason is as deficient as the first , to prove the angel of that church to have been a collective body . section x. of expressing a number by singulars . a church by a candlestick . of the seven angels rev. 8. their third reason is , because it is usuall with the holy ghost , not onely in other bookes of scripture , but in this very booke of the revelation , in mysterious and prophetick writings , and visionall representations ( such as this of the starres and golden ●candlestick is ) to expresse a number of things or persons in singulars . and this in visions is the usuall way of representation of things , a thousand persons making up one church is represented by one candlestick , many ministers making up one presbytery by one angel. thus rev. 8. 2. it is said that john saw seven angels which stood before god. by these seven candlesticks ( i suppose it should be seven angels ) dr. reynolds doth not understand seven individuall angels but all the angels ; for there are no seven individuall angels , but all the angels ; for there are no seven individuall angels that stand before god , but all doe , dan 7. there are many more instances brought in the bookes forementioned . 2. to this third reason i have no obligation or notice to give credit , any farther than the evidences perswade , for many of which , though we are referred to smectymnuus , &c. yet having received promise from these , that they would borrow a few things from those others ; i shall with reason hope that what they have upon choise borrowed , leaving , as they say , much more behind , is the most satisfactory and solid of any thing by them produced ; and consequently if there be no force in these instances to oppugne our conclusion , we shall not expect to finde more convincing ones by travailing farther , and gathering up out of those dispersions , what they have refused to take up and offer to us . 3. the thing they would prove is , that 't is usuall with the holy ghost in this ( as in other mysterious prophetick bookes ) to expresse a number of things or persons by singulars . their proofes are but three , and the first is of no force , because the word church denotes a singular thing , as well as candlestick that represents it ; for though a thousand men make up one church , yet one church is but one thing , considered as a church , and proportionably as one candlestick in the singular is set to denote each church , so there are seven candlesticks to represent the seven churches . 4. as for the second , that of the angels , that that signifies many ministers , that cannot be offered as a proofe , being it selfe the matter of the question . and indeed though church be a collective body , and so one church is knowne to consist of many men , yet angel is not of that nature , one angel neither signifies many men , nor many angels . 5. and whereas the parallel is set betwixt the word candlestick , and the word angel , that they ( each ) are singular words , by which multitudes are represented , that is a mistake , for the parallel lyes betwixt church and angel ( and on the other side betwixt candlestick and starre , as appeares rev. 1. 20. ) and both these are individual things , the church an individual church , and there be seven such individual churches , and the angel an individual angel , and there be seven such individual angels , and there can be no more pretense that one angel should signifie many ministers , than that one church should signifie many congregations . 6. lastly , for the third proofe , that of seven angels , rev. 8. 2. if that were granted to doctor reynold's authority , that the [ seven angels ] there signifies all the angels , yet would it not at all contribute to the proofe of the point in hand , which is , that many shall be signified by a singular , for we know that seven are not a singular , but the custome indeed being ordinary to use a certaine definite number , for an uncertaine or indefinite , and the septenary being a perfect number , and so fittest for the turne , 't is more tolerable that the number of seven may represent some greater number , one plural a larger plural , than that a singular one should doe so . 7. and yet secondly , there is no great reason to doubt , but that the seven angels are indeed very seven angels , and no more ; this i collect , 1. from the seven trumpets that were given them , ver . 2. and the specifying them by that character , the seven angels , which had the seven trumpets , ver . 6. secondly , by the severall employments assigned them in the subsequent parts of the vision which brings them upon the scene one after another , the first angel , ver . 7. the second angel , ver . 8. and so to the seventh . thirdly , by the distinction that is evidently made between those seven angels and another angel , ver . 3. and another came and stood at the altar : which makes it certaine that the former seven did not signifie all the angels , unlesse after all , there could yet be one more . fourthly , from the mention of the seven spirits , cap. 1. 4. which are said to be before gods throne , that sure is all one with standing before him here , and it being certaine that angels are spirits , i have no reason to doubt but that these seven angels are those seven spirits , and so still a definite number of seven , and no more . fifthly , from the mention of the seven eyes , zach. 4. 10. which seeme to be interpreted to this sence , rev. 5. 6. seven eyes which are the seven spirits of god sent into all the land. 8. and though in some of these places other men have had other notions , yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 't is more to be appr●ved that we understood angels by that phrase , cap. 1. saith andreas c●sariensis , and of the whole matter , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there are seven which have the greatest power , the first borne princes of the angels , saith clemens alexandrinus . in which words of his , the first borne princes are evidently taken from dan. 10. 13. where the hebrew reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the principal or first rulers or princes , of which michael is the first , and thence called archangel . 9. and so in tobit , cap. 12. 15. we find seven holy angels which present the prayers of the saints , which description of them and their office , to present the prayers of the saints , if it be thought unagreeable to their standing here before god or being before his throne , it will soone be reconciled by that speech of christ , that the angels of the infant tender christians alwayes behold the face of god , and by that meanes are qualified to make their wants knowne unto him , which is all one with presenting of prayers . 10. sixthly , from the mention of the seven lamps , rev. 4. 5. ( styled lamps , in reference to the like number of lamps on the candlestick in the sanctuary ) which burne before the throne , as cap. 1. they are before the throne , for of these it is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are the seven ( by way of eminencie , or the seven principal ) spirits of god. 11. seventhly , from the no appearance of the least reason produced to the contrary ; for as to that which is introduced with a [ for ] and supplyes the place of a reason , it is evidently a bare assertion of the contrary , [ there are no seven individual angels that stand before god ] without any offer of proofe , that testimony out of dan. 7. that all doe , being far from concluding that there are not such seven principal angels which these so many evidences assure us there are . 12. in that of dan. 7. 10. upon that solemne occas●on of god's judgements exprest by a fiery streame , thousand thousands are said to minister to him , and ten thousand times ten thousand to stand before him . but how doth that hinder but at another time , seven principal angels may be employed by him , and in order to that stand before him too , and when we so oft reade of such seven , what question but they were individual angels ? and so much for the third reason . section xi . of the epistles being sent to the whole church , not to the bishop onely . of timothy , onesimus and polycarp , being bishops of some of the asian churches , without any charge of apostacy falling on them by this meanes . there is a fourth behinds still , that though but one angel ●e mentioned in the fore-front ▪ yet it is evident that the epistles themselves ( though we are farre from thinking that in formal denomination , the angels and the candlesticks are the same ) are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in the church , and to the churches themselves , as appeares , r●v . 1. 10. rev. 2. 7. 11. 17. and therefore when it is said in the singular number , i know thy workes , this thou hast , repent and doe thy first workes , &c. all these and the like places are not to be understood as meant of one individual person , but of the whole company of ministers , and also of the whole church , because the punishment threatned is to the whole church , rev. 2. 5. 16. 2. now we have no warrant in the word to thinke that christ would remove his gospell from a church for the sin of one bishop , when all the other ministers and churches are farre from those sins . 2. to this i shall need make no reply , having done it sufficiently already , by concession that the angel being the ruler of a church , the whole epistle belongs to him and the church promiscuously , and agreeably those expressions , which are used in the singular number , doe not all belong to the bishop , but to the church wherein he praesides : but certainly this is farre from inferring that the bishop and church are all one , or that the word angel signifies the collective body of the church , for , besides that the text is expresse in making a signall difference between the starres and the candlesticks , the angels and the churches ( and the assemblers are here forced to confesse that the angels and candlesticks are not the same ) the confounding them will be as disadvantageous to them as to us , and i shall as regularly be able to conclude that the word angel signifies not the presbytery , but the whole diffusive body of the church , as they can pretend to doe upon their owne postulatum , that the angel denotes not the bishop but the whole church , it being as certaine that they make a difference between the church or multitude of believers , and the presbytery that is set over them to rule , as we doe between the same church and the bishop . 3. thus have we viewed all the reasons produced by them to assert or confirme their first answer , and shewed divers wayes how no manner of validity there is in any one or all of them , to evidence it to be a solid and every way sufficient answer . and therefore there was some use of the next part of the method , to call in the authority of other men to countenance this interpretation , master brightman , master perkins , master foxe , ( who citeth primasius haymo , beda , richardus , thomas , &c. ) doctor fulke , master meade , gregory and saint austin ; but although they have thought fit to set downe these names , yet having omitted to adde their testimonies , and indeed having resolved to forbear , because smectymnuus hath done it already , i shall confesse my selfe willing to leave this chase , and in stead of leading the reader so wearisome a walke , to examine the severall comments here named ( and but named ) give him more shortly my conjecture what truth may be in them . 4. master brightman , i know ( and some others 't is possible ) may have interpreted the angel to signifie the whole college of pastors , and truly i should much sooner take up an interpretation upon the bare word of these assemblers , than i would upon no better evidence from m. brightman ; he was one learned man , long knowne to be unkinde to our pralates , and here are many , for ought i know , as learned , though under the same praejudices . 5. some others here cited , i cannot believe are brought to testifie this , but onely that what is said to the angel in each part of the epistle , was said to the whole church , and not onely to the bishop ; and if that be all they say , it is that which we cannot doubt to affirme with them , and have oft confest to understand christ's epistle so , without any incommodity to our praetensions . 6. if i mistake in these conjectures , i desire pardon , and shall hope to give a better account , when i reade the testimonies in the authors from whence they are cited . for in these derivations of testimonies , the assemblers citing them from smectymnuus , smectymnuus from master foxe , master foxe from primasius , &c. there is great possibility of mistake , and therefore i shall follow the example before me , forbeare adding any more of this matter . 7. in the next place they are pleased to take notice as of an objection against their interpretation , that some authors say , timothy was bishop of ephesus when our saviour wrote this epistle , others that onesimus was bishop , others that polycarp was bishop of smyrna at that time , and therefore these angels must needs be taken individually for so many single persons . 8. of this objection , which they have thus formed for us , there is onely thus much of truth , that out of authentique records we bring undeniable evidences for timothies being constituted by st. paul bishop of ephesus , for onesimus being placed in that see at the time of ignatius's writing to the ephesians , that polycarpe was constituted bishop of smyrna by s. john , of all which we have spoken enough already . 9. but of all or any of these being bishops in those cities at the very time of christ's addressing this epistle to the angels of each , this had no where been our affirmation , nor would it have beene usefull to us in any considerable degree , if we had grounds positively to affirme it . all that is needfull to us is this , that by the antient records , which evidence them to have been so early bishops in two of those churches , to which christ's epistle was sent , and bishops in the notion wherein we now use the word , we are secured of the truth of ou● collections , when from the mention of the seven angels of the 7. churches , we assert the ecclesiasticall power in the hands of a single bishop in each church to be owned and confirmed by christ ; and supposing some other persons , and none of these three to have beene those very numericall angels to whom those epistles were written , this conclusion of ours stands yet as firme , as if we could demonstrate it of those very numericall persons , there being no reason to doubt but the same manner of government continued all the scripture times ; and to timothies successour and onesimus's predecessor , being as certainly bishops , as either onesimus or timothy himselfe ; when withall we have already produced mentions from the antients of the catalogues of those bishops which succe dede timothy in that see. 10. having thus set right the objection for them , so as it is owned by us to be an objection against them , it will now soone appeare what force there is in their answers to it , and those are three . 11. first , that they that say that timothy was then bishop , offer no little injury to him , for they thereby charge him to be guilty of apostacy , and of losing his first love , and so out of a blind zeale to episcopacy they make that glorious saint to stand charged as an apostate . the like injury is offered by objections to onesim●s . 12. but first you see whatever our opinion is exprest to be we have not affirmed either of these , as to the person either of timothy or onesimus , but left it uncertaine who the angel of the church of ephesus was , whether either or neither of these , but some successor of the one , and predecessor of the other , and so what charge soever falls on that angel , it falls not necessarily on either of these . 13. secondly it is already agreed betwixt the parties , affirmed by them , and acknowledged by me , that the epistle being addrest to the angel of ephesus , the church or diffusive body , the christians in it , were concerned in the contents of it ; and then whatsoever charge be found in the epistle , of how heavy a nature soever , even of apostacy it selfe , yet there is no necessity the angel or bishop should be personally guilty of it , and so whosoever the bishop was , though timothy himselfe , our zeale to episcopacy hath not beene so blind or transporting , as to put us on any uncharitable censure , to affix any unhandsome character upon so glorious a saint . 14. lastly , to remove this answer yet one degree farther from being satisfactory , it no where appeares that apostacy is in that epistle laid to the charge , whether of the church or angel ; the first part is all in commendati●n of their former zeal , and the later , wherein their charge consists , v. 4. is only this [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] which is not ( as is suggested ) losing their first love , but remitting it ; their love to christ had formerly been strong as death , pure and vehement , such as had cast out all feare of dangers , and evidenced it selfe in couragious confession , but now , though it were not quite lost , yet it was remitted , lessened in the degree , not so intense as formerly , and therefore when they are bid remember from whence they are fallen , that fall doth not necessarily signifie apostacy or renouncing of christianity , for then it had been an impertinent threatning to remove their chandlestick v. 5. ) but a falling from the former degree , a cooling of the intense heat , which had been so laudable in them . and so still there is more invalidity in this first answer . section xii . of timothies being an evangelist , that it hinders not his being a bishop . the second is , that they have already proved that timothy was an evangelist in a proper sense , and therefore cannot be called bishop of ephesus in their sense . 2. to this i reply , 1. that timothies being an evangelist no way prejudgeth his being a bishop in our ●ense , an evangelist is one commissionated by any of the apostles ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to preach the gospell to any city or people ; and a bishop is one commissionated by the like apostle to praeside in , and governe a church already planted . and what hinders but that he that hath beene employed in the former capacity to plant , may elsewhere or in the same place be appointed to governe , and so the evangelist be a bishop ? 3. whatsoever objections can be brought against this , i shall not doubt will be easily answered , but there is no offer of any here , and therefore it will not be pertinent farther to treat it in this place . 4. secondly , it must againe be remembred , that what is here said of timothy is proper to his person , both from onesimus and polycarpe , and all other angels , whether succeeding timothy in ephesus , or praesiding in the other 7. asian churches , and therefore though timothy by being an evangelist were rendred uncapable ( which yet he was not ) of being the bishop of ephesus in our sense , yet those other seven angels at the very time of the writing this epistle of which none have been proved to be evangelists , may still be bishops in our sense . 5. thirdly , i shall demand upon the assemblers principles , who allow a primus presbyter , a prolocutor in their consistory or councell of presbyters , might timothy be that first presbyter in the church of ephesus , or did his being an evangelist hinder him from being so , when he was by st. paul exhorted or appointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to abide in that city ? i cannot imagine they will say he could not , who give both st. peter and st. john leave to call themselves presbyters ; but if he could in their opinion , then why might he not be a bishop in our sense ( notwithstanding that he was an evangelist ) as well as a presbyter in theirs ? i foresee not what answer can be adapted to this dilemma . section xiii . of the bishops at ephesus . of the plurall number in the epistle to the angel of smyrna . there remaines a third branch of the answer , that it will not follow because onesimus was bishop of ephesus in st. john's dayes , that therefore he was the onely person to whom christ wrote his epistle ; for st. paul tells us there were many bishops at ephesus ( besides the supposed onesimus ) and christ may very well write to him , and to all the rest as well as him . the like may be said concerning polycarpe , for our saviour speakes to the angel of the church of smyrna in the plurall number , rev. 2. 10. and therefore hee may truly be said to write to all the other angels that were at smyrna , as well as to one . 2. here is nothing in this branch but what hath beene distinctly forestall'd , and spoken to largely already , it will suffice that we repeat the heads , and leave the reader to view the places , where they are more explicitly handled . and 1. though st. paul should tell us that there were many bishops at ephesus , as there might be from other cities occasionally met there , yet it would not follow that there were more than one bishop of that city , or consequently that christ in a peculiar addresse to the angel of that city could write to more bishops there . 3. but then secondly , the whole truth is this , that s. luke ( and not st paul ) tells , that upon st. pauls summons sent to ephesus , many bishops met him at miletus ; ephesus being the chiefe metropolis was the fittest meanes to convey the summons to the cities neer it , and from them and not onely from them , and not onely from ephesus came the bishops to him , as hath been declared out of irenaeus . 4. thirdly , for our saviour's speaking to the angel of the church of smyrna in the plurall number , that is not punctually true , for though the letter be written and inscribed to the angel , yet , as hath oft been said , the whole church is concerned in the contents of it , and so speaking to the angel in the singular , he may yet speake to the church or any members thereof , in the plurall number . and so much againe to demonstrate the ineffectualnesse of the first head of answers . section xiv . of beza's interpretation , of the praesident . the second followes upon a supposition ( but not grant ) that these angels were personae singulares , and that the word angel is to be taken individually , yet they conceive this will not at all advantage the episcopall cause . for 1. mr. beza ( no great friend to episcopacy ) acknowledgeth that by these words to the angel is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the praesident , as whom it behooved specially to be admonished touching those matters , and by him both the rest of his collegues , and the whole church likewise ; but then he addeth , but that episcopal degree which was afterward by humane invention brought into the church of god , certainly neither can nor ought to be from hence concluded . nay , not so much as the office of a perpetuall president should be of necessity as the thence arising oligarchical tyranny ( whose head is the antichristian beast ) now at length with the most certaine ruine , not of the church onely , but of the word also , maketh manifest ; by which quotation it is evident , that though beza held the angel to be a singular person , yet he held him to be angelus praeses , not angelus princeps ; and that he was praeses pro tempore , just as a moderator in an assembly , or as a speaker in parliament . 2. to this i reply , 1. that mr. beza's interpretation , as it was foreknown and formerly mentioned by us , so was it not in reason to be of any force or authority with us , if it be but upon the score intimated here , that he was not onely no great friend , but a knowne profest enemy of episcopacy , and so was obliged to be , by the course wherein he was engaged at geneva . all that his authority concludes , is , that to avoid a plaine testimony , which is not for his turne , a man may be induced to affirme that confidently , for which he hath no ground of proofe , nay , wherein all wayes of evidence , that th● matter is capable of , are absolutely against him . 3. thus 't is certainly in this matter , for when beza hath here acknowledged that the angel was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 president , who will be the most competent judge or witnesse , to determine what was meant by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praesident ] in the primitive church , what kind of praesidency he had , whether onely of place or order , and that onely for a time , or of superiority of power and office , and that perpetuall ? in all reason this is to be fetcht from those first writers which speake of it , and either use the very word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 president , for such a bishop , as we now assert ( a singular person in every church , having a power for life over all the officers and members of the church , and succeeding some apostle , or apostolicall person in that power ) or else in other words affirme the same thing . 4. of this , store of evidences are * elsewhere produced , in the explication of the severall titles , by which this singular prefect was antiently knowne , whether of apostle , in a secondary use of that word , of angel , of bishop , of elder , of ruler , of pastor , of doctor , of steward , of president , of priest ; against which the bare authority of mr. beza's name , who hath fancied a temporary president or prolecutor , and brought no manner of reason to confirme it , will have very little validity in it . 5. what is proved by the bare testimony of beza , is farther confirmed by a like citation out of the reverend divines at the isle of wight , who by the example of the king sending a message to both houses , and directing it to the speaker of the house of peeres , which inferres not that 〈◊〉 the speaker is alwayes the same person , or the governour , or ruler of the two houses in the least , conclude , that notwithstanding this direction of christ's epistle to the angels , yet they might be neither bishops , nor yet perpetuall moderators . 6. but the authority of those divines , which had this answer from beza , addes nothing of weight , because nothing of proofe to it ; as for their similitude , it concludes nothing but this , that these divines thought fit to make use of this instance of a speaker in parliament , to shew the thing possible to have been , not to prove that so it was , and the matter of our present inquiry , is not , what a kinde of president christ and his apostles might , if they would , have left in each church , but what really they did ; and that must be contested by the best records of those times , not by a similitude of a speaker in our parliaments . and that is all i neede to say to that section . section xv. of dr. reynolds interpretation , of the bishop in cyprian . of ordination by bishops not without presbyters , from the testimonies of cyprian , and fermilian . after the authority of mr. beza , backt with that of the divines at the isle of wight , is added , in the second place , the authority of dr. reynolds , who as he hath a letter in print against the divine right of episcopacy , so he acknowledgeth also in his conference with hart , dial. 3. that this angel was persona singularis : for he saith , 2. the whole place of dr. reynolds is set down at large by the archbishop of armagh in the front of his learned dissertation of the originall of bishops and metropolitanes , and i shall not neede here to recite it , being of some length , and indeed nothing in it defined or exprest of his opinion , that the president , when he was made such , either continued to be equall with the rest of the presbyters , or lasted but for a time , so as the prolocutor of an assembly doth ; i am sure he affirms him to have had the presidentship ( not among , but ) over elders ( which i suppose must imply some power ) and that this was he that in the primitive church the fathers called bishop , and applies to him the mentions of bishops made by st. cyprian ( and cornelius ) of whose notion of bishops , that it 〈◊〉 not to a bare prolocutor of an assembly , nay , that in nothing it differeth from ours , i am sufficiently assured , and so will the reader by what is cited from him dissert . 3. c. 3. § . 13. and because from some other intimations in this book i see there is neede of it , i shall here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of many , mention this one evidence more . 3. in the 60 epistle to rogation a bishop , who had beene wronged and contumeliously used by a deacon of his church , and had written an account of it to cyprian and the * annuall councell of bishops with him , cyprian returnes this answer , that it was his humility to make this complaint to the councell , cum pro episcopatus vigore , & cathedrae authoritate haberes potestatem , quâ possis de illo statim vindicari , when by force of his episcopall power , and by authority of his chaire , hee had power himselfe to inflict punishment on him immediatly , and that punishment afterward specified , ut eum deponas vel abstineas , either to depose him or suspend him . 4. here it was a part of rogatian's episcopall power , without any joyning with him , to judge and censure the inferiour officers of the church , and they were bound honorem sacerdotis agnoscere & episcopo praeposito suo — as it followes in that epistle , to acknowledge the honour of their priest , and with full humility make satisfaction to the bishop which is set over them . all power in the hands of one set over all , call'd promiscuous●ly priest and bishop in cyprian's style . 5. and therefore when in the appendix to this book , these men to prove that ordination by bishops without the assistance of presbyters was alwayes forbidden and opposed , tell us of aureliu's being ordained by cyprian , and his collegues ▪ ep. 33. and then assure us from 8p . 58. that by his collegues he meanes his presbyters ( where yet there is no other proofe of it ▪ but the using of these words in the inscription of the epistle , cyprianus ▪ cum collegis , and ego & collegae , cyprian with his collegues , and i and my collegues ) this is a great , but discernible fallacy put upon the reader , as will soone appeare 1. if we but observe that the 33 epistle , where he tells of aurelius , was written by cyprian to his presbyters , and so they are the persons whom he advertiseth , what he and his collegues had done , and so sure were not those collegues that did it with him . or secondly , if for the understanding cyprian's notion of collegues , ep. 58. we shall but looke forward to the next epistle 59. for that will fully discover it , being this , cyprianus & caeteri collegae qui in concilio affuerunt numero lxvi . where cyprians collegues are evidently the 66. bishops that were in councel with him . 6. the like might be also observed of the testimony out of firmilian , which they there subjoyne , of the seniores and praepositi that have power of ordeining , by whom , say they , the presbyters as well as the bishops are understood ; but againe 't is cleare by the expresse words of the epistle , that by them are meant the bishops in their annual councel , necessari● apud nos fit ut per singulos annos seniores & praepositi in unu● conveniamus — 't is necessary that every yeare we the elders and governors should meet together to dispose and order those things which are committed to our care , adding concerning the church ( in opposition to hereticks ) that all power and grace is placed in it , ubi praesident majores natu , qui & baptizandi & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem , wherein the elders praeside , and have power of baptizing , absolving and ordeining , an evident description of the bishops . but this by the way , as an essay , what their testimonies out of the fathers , scattered sometimes in this book , would be found to be , if this were a place to examine them . 7. lastly dr. reinolds acknowledges another praesident even among bishops , the bishop of the chiefest city in the province , and so a metropolitan . all which are contrary enough to the praetensions of the presbyterians ( what amends he hath made them in his printed letter i know not ▪ ) 8. yet after all this , there lyes no obligation upon us to regulate our doctrine by doctor reinolds's scheme in this matter , being sufficiently instructed by the primitive records and practice , what kind of power and dignity belonged to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or praesident among them , the very same that we now pretend to be the bishops due , and if christ's letter were addrest to the angel , as to such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or praesident , 't is all that we desire , to erect our fabrick of spiscopacy on this one place , if there were not ( as there are ) others able to support the weight of it . 9. and so we see what reasons have been brought to make good their second head of answers , of which we had promise that they were solid and every way sufficient answers , and yet in the issue there is nothing so much as offered toward it , save onely the testimony of master beza , the divines at the isle of wight ( which is by interpretation themselve● ) and doctor reynolds , who yet is not perfectly of their party neither . section xvi . of the churches of asia being metropolitical . of the paueity of believers . having thus done , they say it is objected by some men that the seven cities , in which these seven asian churches had their seat were all of them metropolitical , and so had relation to the rest of the towns and cities of asia , as unto daughters rising under them , and that therefore these churches were metropolitical churches , and their angels metropolitical bishops . 2. how this comes to be styled an objection i cannot well guesse , or what it is , against which it is thought to be objected . the truth of it , as farre as any episcopal person i know , is interessed in it , is this , it is not onely evident of the angels of the seven asian churches , that they were bishops , which is sufficient for us against the assemblers , but there is over and above that , all reason to deem them starres of a first magnitude , i. e. bishops of mother-cities , metropolitanes and that very pertinent to be urged in this matter of the asian angels , not to secure the proofes of episcopacy taken from thence , but to render a reason why in all asia but seven churches and their bishops are named there . to this purpose the discourse is inlarged ( above what it needed to have been ) dissert . 4. 5. to set downe the nature of metropolitanes , the exemplars of them among the jewes , the expresses of the institution in the apostles writings , and the signal evidences of it in the primitive church , and the antient canons in the councel of nice and antioch , and ephesus , all owning them as primitive and apostolical institutions , and all this exemplified in jerusalem , in antioch , in rome , in alexandria , in gortyna of creet , and at length in all the seven churches of asia . 3. what is there thus set down , if it have not perfect truth in it , i shall be very glad to see the weake parts of that discourse discovered , and therefore though i never proposed or meant it as an objection of ours against the presbyterians , having no need of such auxiliaries , and the whole matter being sufficiently proved without , and this onely added ex abundanti , yet i shall most willingly attend their motions , and see what answers they will adapt to this objection , as they call it . 4. and 1. they answer , that it will hardly be proved that these seven . cities were all of them metropolitical cities in s. john's dayes , and the scituation of most them lying neerer together on the sea side makes it very improbable . 5. to this i reply , that for five of them , ephesus , smyrna , sardis , pergamus , and laodicaea , pliny , that lived and wrote in the beginning of vespatian's reigne , is a competent witnesse , that they were cities wherein the roman proconsuls sixt their courts or seats of judicature , and administred justice there to all the cities about them , and that is the interpretation of a chiefe city or metropolis , in the secular account , and agreeably vlpian mentions ephesus as the chief of these metropoles . and for the other two , philadelphia and thyatira , the latter of these by * ptolomee , the former by the councel of constantinople sub menâ is punctually affirmed to be a metropolis . to these are added other evidences and reasons , and the lord arch-bishop of armagh hath written ( besides his original of metropolitanes ) a very learned dissertation of the lydian asia , on purpose to cleare this matter . 6. and when a thing is so largely proved already , and when a satisfactory proofe of it in any one of the seven cities is abundantly sufficient to the asserting of metropolitanes , ( for then the angel of that one was a metropolitan ) 't is then certainly a very incompetent confutation barely to say , that it will hardly be proved , that these seven cities were all of them metropolitical cities in saint john's dayes , for if it be proved , it matters now how hardly , and if any one were so in s. john's dayes , it matters not , if possibly some other were not , that one was a metropolitical angel , which is all we need insist on . 7. and for the argument to make it improbable , drawn from the situation of the cities , that is as infirme ; for this , as all other controversies of matters of fact , must be waged by authorities of those which were likely to know the truth , and to testifie aright , and to those we have all reason to adhere , and not to be moved by arguments that seeme probable to those that live 1600. yeares after , and are not perhaps so perfect masters of the geographie of the place as duly to be able to judge even what is in that respect most probable . 8. nay for the distances of these cities , though i have not now mr. brightman by me , yet my notes out of him tell me , that in his scale of furlongs , pergamus was distant from smyrna 540. furlongs , i. e. about 68. english miles , and ephesus from smyrna 320. i. e. about 40. miles , and thyatira from pergamus 80. english miles , which is a distance very reconcileable with their being metropoles . 9. but they are content to suppose this was true , and then have answers ready another way , 1. that it is no good argument from the greatnesse of the cities to inferre the greatnesse of the churches , for though the cities were great , yet the churches were but small , and the number of believers very few in comparison of the rest of the people . 10. to this i reply , 1. by concession , that in all places and times the greatnesse of the church cannot absolutely be concluded from the greatnesse of the city , because it is possible that a great city may have utterly resisted the faith , and a lesser city received it ; or againe a greater city , that hath received the faith in some of the members , may yet have fewer believers in it , than another city , which is not so great . this therefore is not our way of concluding , from the bare greatnesse of the cities , to infer the great number of believers in them . 11. our way of concluding is this ; paul had spent three yeares , act. 20. 31. in this lydian or proconsular asia , ver . 18. in this time he had pursued his worke very diligently and zealously , not ceasing to warne every one night and day with teares , and herein his harvest was proportionable to his labour ; after two years space and upwards spent at ephesus , it is said , ver . 19. that by the continuance of his preaching and gathering disciples , all they that dwelt in asia , heard the word of the lord both jews and greeks , and though many were hardned and believed not , and spake evil of that way , ver . 9. yet ver . 17. by some extraordinary workes of his , which were made knowne to all the jews and greeks dwelling at ephesus , feare fell on them all , and the name of the lord jesus was magnified , a conversion in a manner general , and therefore it followes , and many that believed — ver . 18. and so mightily grew the word of god and prevailed , ver . 20. whereupon saint paul himselfe speaking of these successes , calls it a great dore and an effectual , 1 cor. 16. 9. which at ephesus , v. 8. was opened unto him . 12. from hence we conclude , and sure safely may , 1. that in asia generally , and especially in ephesus there was a great number of christians , before this time of christs epistle , ( which is not a concluding it barely from the greatnesse of that or any other cities of asia ) secondly from hence , together with ephesus's being in the secular account ( the notitiae imperiales ) a metropolis , where the assizes were kept , we conclude that ephesus was in the christian account also a metropolis , and the chiefe of all asia ; and this i hope is not so improbable infirme a way of concluding , as the other imposed on us seemed to be . 13. thirdly , from hence , and from other exemplifications of it ( as that trallis and magnesia , which appeare to be under the metropolis of ephesus , are by ignatius written to as all episcopal sees , in our present notion of the word bishop ) we conclude that other cities of asia beside these seven , had received the christian faith , and were certainely taken care for by paul , which had planted it among them , and agreeably had rulers setled in them , i. e. bishops subordinate to the metropolitans . and all these inferences i doubt not will appeare regular enough , and i should farther enlarge on them , if there were any thing in the answer , which could render it needful or seasonable . 14. as for the paucity of christians in those times in comparison of the rest of the people , that cannot be pertinently opposed to our pretensions , because still the number of christians in a great city might beare the same proportion to the number of the christians in the smaller cities , that the people in the one did to the people in the other , one thousand bearing the same proportion to one hundred , that an hundred thousand doth to ten thousand . 15. and it being the affirmation of clemens , that the apostles in each city , where they received any proselytes , though never so few , before their parting constituted a bishop ( with his deacon ) who was to be governor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of those that should after believe , it followes unquestionably from thence , that in the cities which had but few christians , bishops might be and were constituted , and those very regularly depending on the greater ( their metropolitical ) cities , from whence the faith was derived to them , ( as from ephesus , where paul chiefly resided , to the cities about it ) and all this without any need of ballancing the parties , or considering what comparison the number of the christians in one , or the other , bore to the number of the unbelievers in either city . and let this serve by way of reply to the first branch of the second answer . section xvi . of modelling churches according to the government of the roman state . of exemplars of metropolitans among the jewes . testimonies of the apostles instituting metropolitans . their second answer is , we doe not believe that ever it can be proved that the apostles did modell the government of the church , according to the government of the roman state . this was the after policy of christian emperours and bishops , but no part of apostolicall policy ; and therefore it doth not follow , that because there were divers cities under the jurisdiction of those 7. cities , that therefore there should be divers churches subordinate to the 7. asian churches . 2. that the apostles , which designed to plant a church in the heathen world , should doe it in that manner as would be most advantagious to their end , will not i hope be accounted strange . this generally was by betaking themselves to the cities , rather than the villages , and first to the greater cities , unto which was the most frequent resort , that by that meanes the faith might be most compendiously and successefully propagated . if a greater city resisted their preaching , or fewer saints were gathered there , i do not then pretend to prove , or to believe that that was constituted a metropolitan church with superiority over others of greater antiquity , or larger growth in the faith whatsoever the dignity of it were in the secular account ; but when a whole nation is converted , and the greatest and most populous cities first , and from thence the sound gone out into all the region , and lesser cities in it , that then the apostles , which certainly constituted bishops in every believing city ( and therefore what is reported to have been done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every church , acts 14. 23. is appointed to be done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every city , tit. 1. 5 ) should set up the principall sees in those most christian cities , which had formerly the priority in the romane state , as it is the wisest method , and fittest for the wisest planters to take , so we have all reason to believe it was done particularly in the lydian or proconsular asia , in which there being many more christian cities , than those seven , to whom christ's epistle is addrest , those are in all reason to be accounted the chiefe of that region , and those which are not named , lesse princi●all than they : which concurring with what we finde recorded in pliny and ptolomy of the account of them in the imperiall noticiae , if it demonstrate not , is yet matter of exceeding great probability , and may perswade with any reasonable man , as long as there is nothing in any degree such , which is offered to be confronted against it . 3. if that which scandalizeth the assemblers ( for we are left to divine what it is ) be the unfitnesse that the apostles should modell the church according to the roman state . i shall first demand how it is possible to imagine a plantation of a church in any , whether jewish or heathen state , without doing somewhat equivalent to this ? for suppose joseph of arimathea to have ( as * gildas saith ) converted the britannick church in tiberius's time , is it to be imagined that he should meddle with the civill power of this nation , as it stood in respect of it's separation from other nations , toto divisa orbe , or with the divisions or distributions of this nation within it selfe , into cities , and provinces , &c. or goe about to innovate any thing in that matter ? is it not certaine that it was no part of the christian faith to be such a judge or divider ; but on the other side that all should remaine as it did ( in that respect ) before the coming of christianity ? and therefore supposing 1. that this nation were governed by a king of its own ; is it not certain that this nationall church should follow the boundaries of the nation , and so be modeld according to the government of the ( formerly heathen ) britannick state ? and supposing againe ( what hath already been proved by the testimony of clemens , and by comparing act. 14. 23. with tit. 1. 5. ) that a bishop were constituted in every church , in each city , will there be any reason of doubting but that those cities being subordinate one to another , according to the customes of the nation , the churches in those cities , and the bishops in those churches shall be so also ? this i hope will not be deemed an impious compliance with heathenisme , or conformity with the world , nay , though the emperour of rome ( by his conquests here ) were the author of these distributions . 4. but then secondly , it is already cleared in the dissertations , that this ecclesiastick division of cities into mothers and daughters , metropoles and inferiour cities , was by the apostle copied out from the jewes , as when god commands by moses , that judges and officers should be ordained in every city , deut. 16. 18. and that in matters of weight and doubt they should resort to jerusalem ; to the judge and sanhedrim there , according to which it appeares that jerusalem was the metropolis of those other cities , and so is evident , act. 9. by the story of saul carrying letters of commission from the sanhedrim there to the consistories in damascus , and by many other evidences . so likewise numb . 3. when three families of the levits , the sonnes of aaron , were separated for the service of the tabernacle , and an head or prince or president of every of these , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 v. 24. 30. 35. eleazar aaron's sonne is constituted over all these , and styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the heads of the levites , this is clearly a patterne of the metropolitanes in the christian church , which may therefore owne it's derivation from thence , and not from the heathen models of government , which yet it was not reasonably to disturbe , being found so concordant to , and commodious for it . 5. and that what was done in this kind , was done by the apostles themselves and apostolicall persons , the first founders of churches , and not onely by the after policy ( as is suggested ) of christian emperours and bishops , might have appeared abundantly by these few testimonies , of they had been worthy to be taken notice of . first , of the councell of nice an. domini 325. not many yeares after the conversion of constantine , the first christian emperour , can. 6. which takes care for the preserving the priviledges of the metropolitanes ( by name that the bishop of alexandria should have power over the churches in aegypt , lybia and pentapolis , that in antioch and the rest of the provinces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the priveleges should be preserved to the churches ) begins with this rule 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let the antient customes continue in force , which certainly referres to that which was long before the christian emperours , and ( without any reason of doubting ) to the first constitutions of those churches by st. marke , and st. peter , and then the canon goes on to exact this by way of conformity with other places , with rome it selfe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for this is the custome of force with the bishop of rome , and upon these grounds the canon requires 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 universally , that if any man be made a bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the judgement of the metropolitan , he ought not to be bishop — 6. so in the 9. canon of the councell of antioch , in the yeare 341. which begins thus , that the bishop , which presides in the metropolis , ought to know the bishops in every province , and to take care of the whole province , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because all that have businesse , resort from all sides to the metropolis ( which is the very thing we now contend , to be the reason of conforming the ecclesiastick to the civill models ) and then proceeds to forbid other bishops acting any thing of such a nature without him , this is backt with these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the antient canon of our fathers , which hath been in force , referring againe to the immemoriall custome of all churches since the first plantation , and not the after-policie of christian emperours and bishops , as is here suggested . 7. lastly , in the last canon of the great councell of ephesus , in the yeare 431. ( which is the defining a speciall matter of metropoliticall right ) where the occasion of the controversie is rehearsed , how the bishop of antioch invaded the priviledges of the cypriots , contrary to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the antient custome , and the decree is made that the bishops of cyprus shall retaine them inviolate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to the canons of the holy fathers , and the antient custome ; the canon extends it selfe to all other dioceses and provinces , that no bishop shall meddle with another province 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which was not upward and from the beginning under his , i. e. his praedecessors power , where it is most evident that the metropolitical power , and primacy ecclesiasticall is derived from the beginning of the plantation of each church , and consequently that this was a part of apostolicall policy , and not onely an after policy of christian emperours , &c. 8. and upon these grounds of probation , i shall be competently secured that this is proved , which they doe not believe ever can be , and have no other argument to prove their negative , but their not believing the affirmative . section xvii . of the objection against metropoles from the seven starres in seven churches . of the same temper is their third answer , that they are fully assured that it can never be made out , that any of these asian angels were archbishops or bishops over other bishops , or bishops over divers settled churches . the seven starres are said in scripture to be fixed in their seven candle-stickes or churches , not one starre over divers candle-stickes or churches . 2. what they are already fully assured of , that it can never be made out , i shall have little confidence to perswade them was formerly done to their hands ; otherwise i should hope that by what had long since been said , and hath now been more largely deduced in reply to their last answer , they might find cause to alter their judgements , and retract their so definitive sentence of full assurance . 3. as for the onely appearance of reason , which is here superadded , viz. that the seven stars are found fixed in seven , not one over divers churches , this i conceive not to be of any force . for it being by us granted and presumed that each of the seven asian angels was bishop of his particular church , one of ephesus , another of smyrna , &c. it is perfectly reconcileable herewith , that in case these seven were not the onely cities and churches in asia ( as it is certaine they were not , all asia , consisting of many more cities , being before this converted to the faith ) all the other might have dependance on these seven . 4. for this we know , that two bishops in england , that were each of them , first in one city , for example in canterbury or yorke , had yet each of them a superiority or metropoliticall power over divers other cities , and when any record styles one of them bishop of canterbury , as the scripture doth angel of ephesus , we should sure acknowledge it a very infirme inference from the words of that record , to conclude that being bishop of canterbury he could not be metropolitan of london , rochester , &c. 5. and this is the very parallel to the present instance , and if it were not invalid enough , by being a bare negative argument [ they are not said in scripture to be one starre over divers churches ] ( all things that are , are not said in scripture , those angels have not therefore no names , because they are not there recorded ) this parallel instance , which supposes the contrary to their pretensions , would be sufficient to invalidate it . section xviii . of the use of the word bishop for archbishop in tertullian : of angel in christs epistle . a fourth answer , or rather confutation , is added , that if this opinion were true , then tertullian did not doe well in saying that st. john made polycarpe bishop of smyrna , but he should rather have said that he made him archbishop . and our saviour christ had not given to these seven angels their due titles , for he must have written to the angel of the church of ephesus , together with all those churches in the cities subordinate to ephesus . and so likewise of the other six . 2. to this i reply , that the affirming the seven angels to have been metropolitanes , no way obligeth us to find fault either with tertullians or our saviour's style . not with tertullian's , for 1. an arch-bishop is a bishop , though dignified above some others of that order . secondly , supposing smyrna to be a metropolis ( as no doubt , if it were , tertullian knew and supposed it to be ) then his styling polycarp bishop of smyrna , is aequivalent to his calling him a metropolita● or archbishop , as acknowledging canterbury to be a metropolitical see in england , the affirming william laud to be constituted bishop of canterbury , is all one , as to affirme him archbishop . 3. thus when * chrysostome saith of titus , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an intire island and the judgement of so many . bishops was committed to him , what is this but to affirme titus arch-bishop of crete ? and yet * eusebius , who believed this , and adverted to it , as much as chrysostome , uses this phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was bishop of the churches of creet , calling him bishop distinctly , though by the mention of the churches in the plural , 't is evident he meant the same that we doe by arch-bishop . 4. so againe * eusebius of irenaeus , that he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was bishop of the provinces of france , which must needs signifie archbishop of lyons , for so he was . and 't is certaine that other of the antients use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arch-bishop , of those which were no otherwise qualified for that title , as when saint cyprian the bishop of carthage , under which the whole province of africk is comprehended , is by the * councel of constantinople called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arch-bishop of the region of africk . 5. the same answer will competently suffice , for the reconciling christ's style and ours , for supposing ephesus to have been a metropolis , the writing to the angel of that church , implyes writing to those other churches in the cities subordinate to ephesus , and need not be more fully exprest , as when the apostle wrote to the church of corinth , and not onely so , but to all the saints ( and so all the churches ) in all achaia . 2 cor. 1. 1. 't is certaine that the former epistle was written to those very same churches ( viz. all under the metropolis of corinth ) and yet it is inscribed to the church of god which is at corinth , 1 cor. 1. 1. without mentioning of achaia , save onely in a general indefinite phrase , with all that in every place call on the name of jesus . 6. secondly , the word in christ's epistle being not bishop but angel , is not at all lyable to this exception , for why may not an arch-bishop be as fitly called an angel , as a bishop would be ? nay if it be remembred what was formerly cited out of clemens alexandrinus , strom. 6. that there are seven angels which have the greatest power , by him styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the first-borne rulers of the angels ; parallel to the phrase in dan. 7. 10. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head , lords or chiefe princes , or , as we ordinarily stile them , the archangels , of which number michael is there named to be one , there will then be more than a tolerable propriety of speech in christ's style , a most exact critical notation of their being arch-bishops , and withall a farther account of tertullian's calling polycarp a bishop of smyrna , though he were arch-bishop , just as the archangels in daniel are more than once called angels in the revelation . 7. for a close of this mater they are pleased to adde their character , not over-benigne of those by whom this device , as they style it , was found out for the honour of archpiscopacy , [ that they did aspire unto that dignity . ] 8. if hereby be meant the lord primate of ireland in his discourse of the original of bishops , this character can have no propriety in it , he having quietly enjoyed that dignity many yeares before the writing hereof . if it be designed for a reproach to me , i shall elude the blow by not thinking it such . for as at a time when episcopacy it selfe was by the parliament abolisht , ( and that act of severity actually put in execution ) it had been a great folly in any to hope that he should ever attaine to that office of dignity in the church , ( and what ever other follies i have been guilty of , truly that was none of them ) so i thinke there could not a point of time more commodiously have been chosen in the space of above 1600 year●s , wherein a man might have better secured a discourse for bishops and metropolitanes , from the censure of aspiring to either of those dignities , that was that , wherein that book was published . 9. to this if i adde by way of retortion , that it is evident that they which write this jus divinum ministerii evangeliei , doe aspire every one of them to their part of a ruling presbytery , which their brethren that have not those ambitions are farre from thinking to have any divine stamp upon it , i shall have given an account of the unskilfulnesse of their reproaches , as well as of the invalidity of their answers . 10. as for the feare which their discourse on this matter suggests to their more moderate brethren , that if a jus divinum be stampt on archbishops and primates , and patriarchs , they may be forced by the same proportion to put a divine stamp upon the pope himselfe , i perswade my selfe that i have given the ingenious reader a satisfactory account of the inconsequence hereof , in a discourse of schisme , to which i shall refer him , if he need , or desire farther trouble or direction in this businesse . section xix . of division into parishes , and vnion into diocesses . of diocesan bishops in the apostles dayes . elders in every church , act. 14. elders of the church , act. 20. that place vindicated from exception . after all this , they adde a fourth ( whether answer or suppletory consideration ) for the conclusion of this discourse concerning the asian angels , and i shall follow them to that more cheerfully , because it lookes like a conclusion . 2. it is this , that it can never be provid that these asian angels were bishops in a praelaticall sense , much lesse arch-bishops and metropolitanes . for it is believed upon all parts , that believers in great cities , were not divided into set and fixt congregations and parishes , till long after the apostles dayes , and that parishes were not united into dioceses till 260. years after christ . and therefore sure we are that there could not be diocesane churches and diocesane bishops formerly so called in the apostles dayes ; these angels were congregationall , not diocesan . in the beginning of christianity the number of believers , even in the greatest cities were so few , that they might well meet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same place . and these were called the chu●ch of the city , and therefore to ordaine elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in scripture . 3. to the praeface of this conclusion , that it cannot be proved ] it is againe very sufficient to answer , that when a proposition hath already been proved so farre , that no answer hath been rendred , which at all satisfies , or invalidates the force of the proofes , it is very unlike artists to say , that it cannot be proved . nay , although some inconvenience were producible , which would presse our assertion yet the old rule would require it's place , incommodum non solvit argumentum , the mention of an inconvenience insuing , doth not take off the force of an argument . 4. but we need not that warinesse here ; the reason which is here annext to prove that it cannot be proved , is of no force against us , for 1. as congregations and parishes are synonimous in their style , so i yeild that believers in great cities were not at first divided into parishes , while the number of the christians in a city was so small , that they might well assemble in the same place , and so needed no partitions or divisions . 5. but what disadvantage is this to us , who affirme that one bishop , not a college of presbyters , presided in this one congregation , and that the believers in the region and villages about , did belong to the care of that single-bishop of the city-church ? may not these be ruled by a bishop as well before , as after the division into parishes ? or is this division more necessary to the government by one bishop in each city , than to the government of more presbyters in every city ? in all reason the division of this one into severall parishes should make presbyters more necessary after than before such division , that each parish might have one presbyter , to officiate among them in things of daily use ; and upon that account i suppose it was , that when the number of believers was so farre increased , that all the christians of a city could not meet commodiously in one place , and when the regions and villages so abounded with proselytes that in respect of them also it was necessary , then the bishop of each city thought fit to const tute presbyters , in our moderne notion of them , many in every city , and many in every region , one in every village , though as yet the word parish , in our moderne sense , was not come into the world. 6. and so this is farre from being argumentative against us , it is rather usefull to confirme what is asserted by us , that it is against the whole scheme which the scriptures or first writers give us of churches , to imagine that in every city there was by the apostles a college of presbyters constituted , when as they agree to assure us a bishop and his deacon were sufficient at the first ( so thin ) plantations . 7. so againe when they take it for granted that parishes were not united into dioceses till 260. yeares after christ ; i shall aske 1. whether they were sooner divided into classes , &c. and if not , what they have gained to their jus divinum by this observation ? 8. but then secondly , 't is cleare that there might be dioceses before this division into parishes , in our moderne notion ; for what is a dioces● but a church in a city with the suburbs and territorie or region belonging to it ? and this certainly might be , and ●emaine under the government of a single bishop , as well before , as after any more minute distributions into such , as we now call parishes . 9. for it is one thing for the church of this city to be divided from the church of every other city , another thing for the same church to be divided into many assembles ; the first is it which is required for the setting up of government ; and of any such church so bounded there may be a bishop , and that whole church shall be his diocese , and so he a diocesa● bishop , though as yet this church be not subdivided into more severall assemblies . 10. and therefore when they adde , that there could not be diocesan churches and bishops formerly so called in the apostles dayes , unlesse they have some little aequivocation in the word diocesan , it is most certaine they have no reason on which to found their confidence , for that there was a church in each city , and it's territory ( howsoever governed by one or more ) is most certaine , and equally affirmed by them and us , and equally their interest and ours , that it be affirmed . as for the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that hath oft varied , and hath sometimes been of a larger , sometimes of a narrower signification , and so hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the originall of our parish also , but i hope our contentions must not be alwayes about words , when the matter is sufficiently agreed on among us , and the words sufficiently explained to expresse that matter . 11. and therefore when they adde these angels were congregationall , not diocesan , the reply is obvious , they were every of them angels of a church in a city , having authority over the region adjacent , and pertaining to that city , and so as church and congregation are all one ( as in ordinary use in all languages they are ) they were congregationall and diocesan also . 12. what followes of the paucity of believers in the greatest cities , and their meeting in one place , as also of a church and city being all one , is willingly granted by us , and hath not the least appearance of being usefull to their pretentions , or hurtfull to ours , and therefore i have no temptation to make any the lest reply to it . 13. that which next followes , though it concerne us not to examine it , our interest being equally secured , be it true or false , yet i cannot but take some notice of it in passing , because it is a little extraordinary . 14. afterwards , say they , we conceive that believers became so numerous in these great cities , as that they could not conveniently meet in one place ; thus it was in the church of jerusalem , act. 2. 41. and 4. 4. and 5. 14. and thus possibly it might be in most of these asian churches in st. john's time . 15. here certainly the word [ afterwards ] is relative , and referrs to the antecedent in the former paragraph , and that is , [ in the beginning of christianity ] hereupon i demand , what time is that which they call [ the beginning of christianity ? ] is it that wherein christ continued on the earth ? if so , they will easily believe us , that we doe not think , that diocesan bishops were placed in the church , within that period if it be the time immediately following the resurrection of christ , when the apostles began to preach and propagate the faith , then how come they to divide that time , which is spoken of act. 2. 41. from that time of the beginning of christianity , by this word [ afterward ] for t is certain what is there storied of the 3000. converts , is the effect of the first sermon preached by any of the apostles immediately upon the descent of the holy ghost upon them , and the gift of tongues , the wonderment whereof brought those so many auditors together . 16. so secondly when they say of this point of time , act. 2. 41. the believers were so numerous that they could not conveniently me●t in one place , this is contrary to the evidence of the text , which saith expresly v 44. that all the believers were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the last paragraph , they interpreted , meeting in ●ne and the same place . the like might be said of the other places . act : 4. ●4 . and 5 14. for certainly , as yet though the number of believers increased , yet they were not distributed into severall congregations . but this by the way , being assured that this disquisition is perfectly extrinsecall to the matter in debate betweene us , because as at jerusalem the antients are cleare in affirming , that soone after christ's ascension , * peter and james and john chose james the just , the brother of the lord , and constituted him bishop or jerusalem , which is all that we need pretend to from the story of that church , so it matters not much at what point of time that was done , whether at the very beginning or afterwards , much lesse how soone it was that that church was distributed into severall divided assemblies , the creation of the bishop not at all depending on that , as hath formerly been shewed . 17. hence will it appeare to how very little purpose are those cautions added , and observations made in the remaining part of this sixt chapter . 18. thus , say they , possibly it might be ( i.e. the believers be so numerous in great cities , that they could not conveniently meet in one place ) in most of these asian churches in st. john's time . but yet notwithstanding all this , there are three things diligently to be observed ; first , that these meeting places were frequented promiscuously and indistinctly , and that believers were not divided into set and fixed churches or congregations in the apostles dayes . 19. but first i demand , is there any truth in this observation ? was not the church of jerusalem in the apostles dayes a set and fixed church , so as to be perfectly severed from the church of alexandria and ephesus ? was not james the brother of the lord bishop of the one , and not of the other ? 20. secondly , why was this for the presbyterians interest to be so diligently observed ? if one of these churches were not thus divided and severed from others , how could it be governed by a presbytery , as they pretend it was ? must it not be a determinate fixed body that is governed by any , whether bishop or presbyters ? i professe not to be able to discerne by my most diligent observation , why this was so necessary to be so diligently observed . 21. secondly , ( say they , it must be as diligently observed ) that notwithstanding these different meeting places , yet the believers of one city made but one church in the apostles dayes , as is evident in the church of jerusalem , which is called a church not churches , act. 8. 1. & 15. 6. & 22. 16. and so likewise it is called the church of ephesus , and the church of thyatira , &c. not churches , &c. 22. this observation i acknowledge to have perfect truth in it , and not to be confutable in any part ( save onely that the two latter texts are certainly misquoted , and not rectified in the errata ) and therefore instead of rejecting , i shall imbrace it , and from thence conclude , that there is no manner of incongruity in assigning of one bishop to one church , and so one bishop in the church of jerusalem , because it is a church not churches , being forced to acknowledge that where there were more churches there were more bishops , and so likewise one angel of ephesus , and of thyatira , &c. this i suppose was not the thing they meant to inferre from hence , nor indeed doe i conceive it necessarily inferred from ( onely very agreeable to ) the onenesse of each church , without other arguments to joyne with it . but i am still to seek , and emand what advantage accrues to their cause , or disadvantage to ours by this observation ? 23. but then thirdly they adde , that this church in the city was governed in the apostles dayes by the common councell of presbyters or bishops . 24. this indeed were worth their diligent observing , if it could be descried , and would abundantly recompence them for the no-profit their two former observations brought them in , if it could be obtained by all their diligence . but this being the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the onely thing in question betwixt us , whether the church in each city was in the apostles dayes governed by the common councell of presbyters or bishops , or by one single bishop , called sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder ( as that signifies simply a governour , not with restriction , a member of a college of governours ) this i say being the onely question in debate betweene us , it must not be any farther yeilded to them , than their proofes and evidences will enforce it ; and these of what virtue they are , must now appeare by the view of them . and the first they produce is this . 25. the apostles went about ordeining presbyters in every church , act. 14. 23. 26. but surely this is an infirme argument . every church signifies without question more churches than one , viz. derbe , lystra , iconium , antioch , v. 20. 21. and if in each of those one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be supposed to be ordeined , that certainly will satisfie the importunity of that text , and the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders in the plurall , viz. foure elders in those so many churches . and if because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the singular number , they therefore thinke that those plurall elders must be ordeined in each of those churches . this is too grosse a mistake for scholers to be guilty of , it being certaine that that is not the importance of the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , any more than of the english [ church by church ] or [ in every church ] i.e. more elders in more churches , one in every one . 27. their next proofe is from act. 20. 17. paul called for the elders of the church of ephesus ( one of these seven churches ) and calls them bishops , and commits the whole government of the church to them ; the like may be said of the other six churches . 28. what may be said of ephesus , i grant may be said of the other six churches , but the text no where affirmes it of ephesus , and so the analogy will no way prove it of the rest . all that the text saith , is this , and from miletus he sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church . this is not to say the elders ( as that signifies presbyters in our moderne notion ) of the one city , and so church of ephesus , but the elders , i.e. bishops either of the asian church of that whole region , or at least of the ephesine province , the neighbouring ▪ bishops of the churches or cities that were under that metropolis of ephesus , who by st. paul's sending his summons to ephesus , the chiefe city of the one , and chiefe metropolis of the other ( which consequently had daily meanes of communicating intelligence to those other cities ) might thus most commodiously be advertised of st. paul's comming , and provide to meet him at miletus . 29. that this is no strain'd interpretation or answer , is elsewhere evidenced , and may summarily appeare by these two testimonies , one of irenaeus here formerly mentioned , l. 3. c. 14. ab epheso & reliquis proximis civitatibus convocatos esse , that they were called from ephesus and the rest of the neerest cities adjoyning to it , this is an expresse evidence , which being allowed puts the whole matter out of question . and although in a matter of fact , a testimony of so credible a person that lived so neere the times , being an auditour of polycarpe the first bishop of smyrna , and is not contradicted by any contemporary , is of a competent authority , and need not any other topickes to assist it , yet for the removing all possible prejudices from it , and rendring it yet more indubitable , i shall a little farther enlarge for the confirming of it . 30. and 1. the apostle at his meeting with them , v. 18. begins in this style , yee know from the first day that i came into asia , after what manner i have been with you at all seasons ; an addresse to them , either as to the elders of asia indefinitely , as many as could conveniently come to miletus at that time , or at least as to more than to the elder ( or elders , if that could be truly pretended ) of one city of asia , peculiarly , or exclusively to all others . 31. so againe v. 25. and now behold i know that yee all , among whom i have gone preaching the kingdome of god , shall see my face no more ; this evidently addresses the speech not onely to the inhabitants of one city , but to all those ( as many as were then present ) among whom hee had gone preaching the faith of christ , and that we know was done by him to the other cities , and not onely to that of ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in passage ( though not so solemnly as at ephesus ) going through all the region and preaching the gospell to all , saith oecumenius on 2 joh. and so t is expresly said act. 19. 21. that after the two yeares and three moneths spent at ephesus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he staid and spent some time in asia , and accordingly v. 26. demetrius truely saith , that not onely at ephesus but almost throughout all asia , paul had perswaded and turned away the people . 32. secondly , then the faith being before this time successefully propagated through all asia , and not onely in this one city of ephesus , there were without question churches accordingly gathered and compacted in many other cities , as well as in ephesus , before this time of paul's parting never to see them againe . and not onely in the other metropolis , ( six more of which are owned by the objectors , smyrna and the rest rev. 1. ) but also in the lesser cities , which were not metropoliticall , and yet more especially in those cities which were neerest ephesus , and which as belonging to that metropolis , had frequent resort thither to the assises which were there kept act. 19. 38. and so must be supposed to have received speciall influences from the apostle's residing there for the space of two yeares and three moneths , act. 19. 8. 10. 33. to which purpose it must againe be remembred , that as tim●thy is by eusebius styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , bishop of the province that belongs to ephesus , l. 3. c. 4. which is all one as to make that a metropolis over other cities , and accordingly in the order of metropoliticall sees at the end of codinus , the bishop of ephesus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , primate of all asia , so ignatius in tra●an's time is by joynt consent of the antients affirmed to have written epistles to two churches , magnesia and trallis , which are known to be cities under this metropolis of ephesus , and to have named the bishops of each , damas of the one , and ●olybius of the other . 34. and as there is no question among any but that ignatius wrote such epistles to those churches ( salmasius cites that to the * trallians expresly as the epistle of ignatius , which certainly he would never have done , if he had doubted whether ever ignatius wrote to them ; and indeed all that is questioned by him and d. blondell is but this , whether the epistles now extant under his name be genuine or no , not whether ignatius , as all writers accord , wrote seven epistles , of which these which we now speake of , are two ) so there is no ground of imagining that they were of a later plantation , than that which is here recorded to be wrought by st. paul , act. 19. all asia having then heard the faith , v. 10. and received it in a remarkable manner v. 20. and a great dore , saith st. paul being opened to him at ephesus peculiarly , which must needs have influence on the cities next adjoyning to it in a speciall manner . 35. to this i shall adde thirdly , that as * aristides saith of ephesus , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the common magazine or store-house of asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , their refuge for all wants , so it must needs be the fittest way of conveying intelligence speedily to all the cities of asia , especially the proximae civitates , as irenaeus said , the cities next adjoyning , and so most commodious to assemble those other bishops to paul at miletus and not only him , or those that are supposed to have resided at ephesus . 36. and accordingly we finde in eusebius , that the epistle of antonius ●ius concerning the christians , which was to be communicated to all asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was proclaimed or divulged at ephesus , in the common meeting of asia , as the readiest way to make it universally knowne . 37. all which being premised , and withall that there is no reason to imagine , that st. paul at the time of his fimall parting , ( taking his solemne last leave ) of them v. 38. should not so much consider , as to call for , or desire to see any of the rest of his sonnes , the governours of the inferiour churches , to whom he had committed that numerous flock ( which was now so universally in such danger of wolves ) save onely those of the one church , of that one city of ephesus ( supposing there had been more than one there . ) this will be a very competent confirmation of irenaeus his testimony , that indeed thus it was , as he hath delivered , that the bishops of the cities neerest adjoyning to ephesus ( as many as by summons from thence could speedily be called together , in all reason the bishops of the cities which were under that metropolis ) were sent to meet the apostle at miletus , and accordingly met him there . 38. the second testimony is that maxime of the greeke scholiast on 1 pet. 1. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the booke of the acts calls the bishops elders , which being avow'd by me in the dissertations , and cleared through all the places in the acts , they ought , by all lawes of disputing , either to have endeavoured the refuting of what is there said , or the proving that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders must needs there signifie presbyters in the moderne notion , which having not here attempted to doe , there is no kinde of force in what is here dictated , nothing said but what had beene long since largely and clearely answered ▪ 39. yet because in the next chapter , where this place of the acts is viewed againe , one argument i see produced in favour of their pretensions , which they found in an observation of mine , i shall thinke my selfe concern'd to give an account of it . 40. it is this , pag. 85. if the apostle by the elders of the church had meant the bishops of the church of all asia , he would have said , not the elders of the church , but of the churches . it is an observation made use of by one of those that makes use of this answer we are now confuting , that when the scripture speakes of churches in cities it alwayes useth the singular number , as the church of jerusalem , the church of corinth , &c. but when it speakes of provinces where there are many cities , then it uses the plurall number , as the churches of judaea , and the churches of asia , rev. 1. 11. according to this observation , if the apostle had meant of the bishops of all asia , he would have said the elders of the churches , whereas he calls them elders of the church , v. 17. and so must meane the elders of the church of ephesus , and so meere presbyters , not bishops . 41. but herein is a manifest mistake ; for the observation is not made as is here suggested , of churches in cities and provinces , that the former of them are constantly to be understood where there is mention of a church in the singular number ( without any name of particular city added to it ) and that when a province is mention'd , 't is alwayes done by churches in the plurall number ; this is the sense on which their argument is founded . but if the reader consult the dissertations p. 190. he shall finde there is no such thing , 't is onely this , that in the new testament there is mention made of churches in the plurall number , the churches of judaea , of samaria , of galilee , of syria , of cilicia , of galatia , of asia , of macedonia , whereas in other places there was as frequent mention of a church in the singular , the church in jerusalem , in antioch , in cenchrea , in corinth , of the thessalonians , of ephesus , of smyrna , of pergamus , of thyatira , of sardis , of laodicaeā . 42. the cause of that difference is there said to be this , that judaea , &c , was the name of a province , in which there being many cities , there were consequently many churches and bishops in them , whereas one city with the territory adjoyning to it being ruled by one single bishop , was to be called a singular church , and therefore that which is said to be done in every church , acts 14. 13. is said to be done in every city . tit. 1. 5. the sum of which observation is onely this , that one city , with the territory adjoyning to it never makes above one church in the scripture style , whereas a province or country , or nation consists of many cities , and so of many episcopall sees or churches . 43. this was all that was said in that place , or that was usefull to be said in order to the end ( to shew the originall of metropolitanes ) there . and what a wresting of a plaine obvious observation is it , to conclude it from hence to be my assertion , that when ( that must be , whensoever , or else the conclusion cannot be deducible from it ) the scripture speakes of a province , it is in the plurall number ? it doth sometimes do so , and that was all that was usefull to me . if it had done so but once , though twenty times it had done the contrary , it had been sufficient ( for some reasonable account there must be for the doing it once , and what could that be , but the number of the cities and so of churches in each province or nation ) much more when there were so many examples of it . 44. but this is not to affirme that it alwayes doth so , especially when being left at large without any restraint , not the church of ephesus , or the like , but indofini●ely the church , it is very capable of another interpretation . for sure when i wrote that , i had not forgotten my creede , or in it the name church in the singular number , which by the adjunct of catholike must needs be more than the church of one city . and having read mat. 16. where the whole church of christ is called my church in the singular , a like phrase to that of the church of god , which the bishops here are commanded to feed , and in the one epistle to the ephesia●s having six examples of the word church in the singular , each signifying evidently the universall church , i might very well be allowed to discerne the word church in the singular , without any addition of ephesus or the like , which restraines it in all the examples there produced , to be appliable to a farre larger body , than the church of one city , and consequently be quit from all obligation of making the elders of the church , act. 20. 17. the elders of the one city of ephesus . 45. there is little doubt i suppose but the church of the whole world , consisting of many churches , as the parts thereof , may be , and is in scripture called the church in the singular , and so certainly may the church of a nation or a province , especially if it be united together under one primate or metropolitane , as it is certaine the churches and cities neer ephesus , nay over all asia were , according to the plaine words of st. chrysostome , who when * others affirme of timothy that he was by paul ordained bishop of the metropolis of ephe●us , expresseth the same thing thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is manifest that timothy had a church committed to him , or indeed an intire nation , that of asia . the like is ordinarily observable of crete , a whole island with an hundred cities in it ( in each of which titus was appointed to ordeine a bishop or elder ) which yet is styled in the subscription of the epistle to titus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of crete , and the subscription never questioned upon that score by any , that it spake improperly herein . 46. and consequently there can be no harshnesse in this interpretation , paul sent to ephesus and call'd the elders of the church to come to him to miletus , and in his oration addrest to them called them bishop of the flock and of the church of god , meaning them singular praefects of severall cities of the church of asia , especially of those which were neerest ephesus , the chiefe metropolis of the whole nation . 47. and so much in answer to that objection , in defence of their argument from the elders of ephesus , as they call them . 48. another proofe of the same is there added pag. 85. thus , the syriack translation reads it , he sent to ephesus , and called the elders of the church of ephesus , so hierome , presbyteros ecclesiae ephesinae , so concilium aquisgranense . 49. what authority st hierome's testimony is to carry with us in this matter , hath been elsewhere largely shewed , and we may hereafter have farther occasion to declare it , and our reasons of it . at the present it is willingly confest that st. hierome on tit. 1. doth indeavour to prove that in scripture , bishop and presbyter is the same , and from him isidore hispalensis de officiis eccl. l. 2. hath the same , and both have according to that prolepsis changed the words of the text in the acts , and instead of what there we reade , sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church , they read , sent to ephesus and called the elders of the same church , expressing themselves to meane of the church of ephesus . and the councell of aken ( aquisgranense ) having transcribed nine chapters from isidore verbatim , consequently doe the like . so that the authority of isidore and that councell being as great as st. hierome can make it , from whom evidently it proceeds , may yet be allowed to yeild to the farre greater authority of polycarp's auditor irenaeus , who hath sufficiently cleared it to the contrary . 50. as for the syriack tanslation , it is not here recited exactly accordingly to the truth , for in that , thus the words lie : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and from miletus he sent and called for the elders of the church of ephesus , where is but one mention of ephesus , not two , as is here suggested from the translation , that it reades , he sent to ephesus and called the elders of the church of ephesus . the short of it is , ephesus being but once named in that verse , the greeke placeth it in the begining 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from miletus he sent to ephesus , and this being the originall must certainly over-rule all translations , and accordingly all translations but one to read it , onely the syriack hath mis-placed the word ephesus , put it in the later part of the period , quite against all syntaxis , and for doing so , are here cited , and their testimony made use of to assist presbytery , when the manifest truth in the originall , and by all other translations acknowledged , would not allow them any the least advantage . 51. after they had produced these two arguments , to prove that the church in the city was governed in the apostles days by a common-councell of presbyters , the reader would hardly expect that which now next followes in these words . from all this we gather , that the asian angels were not di●cesan bishops , but congregationall presbyters , seated each of them in one church , not any of them in more than one . 52. this conclusion , as the words lie , consists of two parts , 1. that each of these asian angels , under the title of congregationall presbyters , was seated in one church ▪ this , if it were meant , as the words sound , were the granting to us all that we contend , and would hardly be reconciled with the third observation , that the church in the city was governed by the common councell of presbyters ; for sure each of those presbyters is not a common councell ; but i rather believe they have not so soone disclaimed their praemisses , and therefore that it is more reasonable to interpret their words by their principles , than their meaning by their words , and so that by congregationall presbyters they meant so many colleges of such presbyters , seated each of them , i. e. each of those colleges in one church ; and if that be their conclusion , i must acknowledge it to accord perfectly with their praemisses , which being already answered , there remaines no force in the conclusion . 53. and for the second part , that not any of them was seated in more than one , understanding it againe as the words sound , it is no way contrary to our pretensions , for we doe not thinke that the angel of ephesus was seated in smyrna , or in any church but that of ephesios , and the territory thereof ; and although as that was a metropolis , other cities were under it , and so other bishops subordinate to the bishop of ephesus , yet was not any other city the seat of that metropolitane , but onely ephesus , whereof he takes his denomination , as although rochester be under the metropolis of canterbury , yet the archbishop of canterbury is not seated at rochester , but some other bishop affixt to that city and diocese . as for any other meaning of it , proportionable to that which we were faine to affixe to the former , i confesse my selfe ignorant what it can tend to , for it is as if they should say , not any councell of presbyters was seated in more churches than one . which is as if they should say , no one body is in severall places . and i know no prelatist that either directly or by consequence hath affirmed it is . 54. what remaines in the last paragraph of this chapter , is onely to state the question betwixt us , which is all the while no more but this , whether tertullian and irenaeus that call polycarpe and onesymus bishop of smyrna and ephesus , meane bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a peculiar sense , or in a generall phrase , as all presbyters are called bishops . and this i acknowledge to be the onely question between us , and if bishops doe signifie bishops , i cannot doubt but the cause is by them adjudged on our side ; and why it should not , they have , to conclude , onely this offer of argument , that bishops and presbyters had all one name in the apostles dayes , and long after in irenaeus's time . 55. i am truly weary of the length of this chapter , and cannot but by consent have some compassion on the reader , and therefore i shall bring the matter to this short issue . this reason of theirs is no reason , unlesse the word bishop , both in the apostles dayes and long after irenaeus's time , signified a presbyter in our moderne notion ; for if both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop and elder signified bishop in our notion , this againe gives the cause to us from them . and upon these termes i am content to leave it , if ever they finde in irenaeus that episcopus signifies a presbyter in our moderne notion , i will confesse them conquerours , but this they have not offered here to doe , and i have some moderate assurance they never will. and so much for that chapter . chap. ii. of the equivalence of the words bishop and elder in the new testament . section i. foure sorts of equivalence of these words proposed . the next place where i find my selfe call'd forth , is about the midst of their seventh chapter , toward the bottom of pag. 92. onely for the conclusion of this discourse , &c. for although in the former part of that chapter they undertake to vindicate their chiefe proofes of scripture , act. 20. 17 , 28. phil. 1. 1. 1 tim. 3. 1 pet. 5. and to make replies to the answers given to them , and although it is most certaine that in the dissertations every of those places are answered , and shew'd to be fully reconcileable with our praetensions for praelacy , yet they have not pleased to take any notice of what is there said , which if they had done , i might , without insolence , undertake to shew , that it had prevented all appearance of force in any of their replies ; and therefore being by this meanes perfectly freed from all obligation to view any paragraph of that former part of the chapter , and having already said somewhat to the chiefe of their places , act. 20. and fore-seeing a fit opportunity for the rest , i shall for mine own , and the readers ease , punctually expect and obey the summons , appeare when i am call'd before them , but no sooner , avert their charge , and not multiply debates above what is necessary . thus then they begin , that there is a doctor , a high praelatist , &c. that in a late booke of his hath undertaken to make out these two great paradoxes , 1. that wheresoever the word bishop is used in the new testament , it is to be taken in a praelaticall sense . 2. that wheresoever the word presbyter is used in the new testament , it is to be understood , not of a mere presbyter , but of a bishop properly so called . and whereas we say that the scripture-bishop is nothing else but a presbyter , and that there was no bishops distinct from presbyters in the apostles dayes , this author on the contrary saith , that the scripture-presbyter is a true bishop , and that there were no single and meere presbyters in the apostles dayes . for our parts we do not thinke it necessary to take a particular survey of all that is said in justification of these paradoxes , onely we desire it may be considered . there is so much of the sense of some passages in the dissertations set downe in these words , that i am forced to believe , that i am the author here charged for these two paradoxes . that they are so styled by those who are contrary minded , and who have assumed a power , which , if either of these propositions be true , they must be obliged to part with , i cannot thinke strange ; and if i should style their assertions as perfectly paradox ( i.e. as contrary to all the antients sense or doctrine in this matter ) when they say that the scripture-bishop is nothing else but a presbyter , &c. this were certainly an introduction fit to be confronted to theirs , as being equally argumentative . but because this verball eloquence hath little of efficacy in it , and will never be a meanes of evincing the truth of our pretensions , by affirming the contrary to be errours or paradoxes , and because what is affixt to me , is not intirely my sense , though it recite it in some part , and approach neere to it , i shall here begin with a briefe relation of what is affirmed by the dissertations in this matter , and then inquire what is here produced to invalidate it . dissert . 4. c. 6. the method leading to the consideration of the word [ bishop ] and [ elder ] in the scripture , the first thing taken notice of was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equivalence of these words in the opinion of many . to which purpose theodoret , chrysostome , oecumenius , and st hierome are cited , as favourers of this opinion , but this with some difference of the one from the other . and for the distinct stating of the question , foure senses were set downe , wherein it was possible that this equivalence of the words might be understood . 1. that both bishop and elder should signifie one and the same , viz. a bishop in our moderne notion . 2. that both should signifie the same thing , viz. a presbyter . 3. that both of them should signifie promiscuously , sometimes a bishop , sometimes a presbyter , i. e. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should sometime signifie a bishop , sometime a presbyter , and in like manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie sometime a bishop , sometime a presbyter . 4. that the word bishop should alwayes signifie a singular bishop , and the word elder sometimes a bishop , and sometimes a presbyter . of these foure senses of the equivalence of these words , it was sure no error to conclude , that they were not all of them true , each being exclusive of the other three ; and although some of the antients might be brought in favour to one , more than to the other , yet this was eminently observable , that those that favoured that species , which is most for the presbyterians interest to be accepted , doe yet assert the cause of the prelatists as confidently as any . so theodoret , who seemes most to assert the second species , doth yet propugne the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the superiour dignity of bishops above presbyters , and affirmes * those who were in his time called bishops ( the singular praefects of cities ) to have been styled apostles in the scripture-times , and that epaphroditus was called so by st. paul , as being bishop of the philippians , and so saith he , titus was apostle of the cretanes , and timothy of the asiaticks . so when chrysostome , and theophylact , and oecumenius approve of the third species , and affirmes bishops to be called presbyters ( and deacons also ) and on the contrary presbyters to be called bishops , yet of each of them it is notorious , that they asserted the superiority of bishops over presbyters , not onely in their owne , but in the apostles time . and to that purpose the concession and testimony of peter moulin was produced , that the most famous bishops of the antient church , chrysostome , &c. did not thinke it any diminution to their dignity that the words bishop and elder were at first conceived to be used in the same sense , which observation being premised , and thereby the prelatists pretensions competently secured , which soever of those senses should be accepted , so long as they that were authors of the assertions be permitted to give their owne interpretation of them ; it was then , i thought , perfectly seasonable and safe to discusse the question freely , and to set downe what to me appeared most probable , without prejudice to any other dissenter , and upon those termes , and not otherwise , these two propositions were offered to farther consideration of learned men . 1. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in scripture constantly signifie a singular bishop . 2. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either constantly signifies a bishop also , or else commonly a bishop , and sometime , but rarely , a presbyter . these are somewhat different from the two paradoxes affixt to me , and in these termes i shall now resume them againe , and cleare them to be no paradoxes . and begin first with the former of them , concerning the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishop . and this is already done , 1. by considering the originall notation , and use in the old testament , of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then by going over every place in the new testament , where the word bishop is used . section ii. of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 naturally signifying an overseer , and used by aristides for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the governour , the same that justinian calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the ruler of provinces and metropoles , and by cicero ad articum rendred speculator & custos , one that lookes to , and guards a province ( and so fitly styled angel , who 's generally deemed to have those two offices , and is in the scripture called an eye , and vulgarly a guardian ) doth in the greeke of the old testament sometime render the hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is common to god , lord , angel , and generally denotes dominion ; sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a praefect or commissary , intrusted with the administration of some affaire , whether in army , as a commander , numb . 31. 14. in mechanicall working , as a master-workeman , 2 chron. 34. 12. 17. in a city , a ruler or prince , nehem. 11. 9. peculiarly the chiefe of the priests v. 10 in the ministery of the temple as eleazar ( the ruler of the levites ) num. 4. 16. and lastly in the house of the lord , the ruler set over that , 2 kin. 11. 18. and the result of all this is , that it generally signifies an office of charge and dignity and power and superiority over others , all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which are all used to render the same word that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth , and so is most fitly qualified to signifie the like , viz. a praefecture in the christian church under the new testament . accordingly there we finde it applied , 1. to christ himselfe , the bishop of our soules , who though he ministred to his disciples , yet owned the title of lord and master , as that which from them belonged to him , joh. 13. 13. secondly , to the apostles act. 1. 20. and for all other places where it is used , it is evidently capable of a sense very agreeable to these premisses , being never once used in the new testament , but where it will be very commodious to render it bishop in our moderne notion of the word for a singular prefect in each church , not a collegue in a presbytery . this is at large shew'd by a survey of every of those places ; first , that of act. 20. 28. where the apostle takes leave , and exhorts the bishops set over the flock by the holy ghost : they are there bid to feed the church of god , i.e. the christians of the severall cities of asia , or neer about ephesus , as was in the last chapter evidenced out of irenaeus , auditor to polycarpe made bishop of smyrna by st. john , and therefore may well be resolved to be the singular bishops of those cities , and not onely of the one city of ephesus , as was largely shewed in the last chapter . the second place is that of phil. 1. 1. where after the mention of all the saints in christ jesus which are at philippi , is added , with the bishops and deacons ; where although some of the greeke commentators , which at the same time assert episcopacy , do for that very reason , because there could not be many bishops in one city , understand that place of presbyters in our moderne notion , and adde that the words * bishop and presbyter , yea and deacon too , were not as yet distinct , but promiscuously used , the one for the other ; here the word bishops for presbyters , as elsewhere the presbytery is used for bishops , 1 tim. 4. 4. adding this reason * , because presbyters ordeined not a bishop ; and although many expedients were ready at hand to keepe the text from being usefull to the presbyterians , in case it were granted that by bishops the presbyters were meant , as that epaphroditus their present bishop ( as is acknowledged by theodoret , chrysostome and theophylact , who are most favourable to that interpretation ) was with st. paul at the writing that epistle , c. 4. 18. yet i have the authority of epiphanius to affirme , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there signifies peculiarly bishops , and i doubt not but it may doe so , referring it to all the bishops of the severall cities belonging to that metropolis . for such was philippi , both as the first-fruits of all macedonia , first converted to the faith , 2 act. 16. 9. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a prime city of that province of macedon , v. 12. of it selfe , before it's conversion , and so saith * photius distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accordingly polycarps epistle to them is inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the whole province that belongs to philippi ; in which there being diverse cities , and bishops in them , the epistle to st. paul is to be conceived written to them all , ( as the epistle to the corinthians appeares to have been written to the saints of all achaia ) and being inscribed to philippi , was to be communicated to those others , as the epistle to the colossians was to be communicated to the laodicaeans , col. 4. 16. and that which the laodicaeans had received ( whether , as tertullian seemes to believe , that to the ephesians , or any other ) in like manner to be communicated to the colossians , and the epistle of the church of jerusalem to the church of antioch did belong and was communicated to all the churches of syria and cilicia . act. 16. 4. and then all that the immediate subjoyning of the deacons in that place , will conclude , is onely this ( which is farre from yeilding the presbyterians any profit ) that as * epiphanius saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the churches being but newly planted , there were not presbyters as yet constituted among them , onely a bishop with one deacon or more in each city , in like manner as it was at jerusalem act. 6. where after james's assumption to the bishoprick , which the ecclesiasticall writers tell us of , the seven deacons are soone instituted , no presbyters being created in the middle , betwixt the bishop and them , that either scripture or antient record informe us of . and † clemens , st. pauls fellow labourer , mentions it as the generall practice , that the apostles preaching through regions and cities constituted their first fruits into bishops and deacons of those which should come in to the faith . thus farre is this from being a forced interpretation being perfectly regular , and conformable to what we read of those times , out of the best and antientest records of them ; and if in any circumstance we should be lyable to mistake , yet for the maine , the reader will hardly thinke it possible , when he remembers this very church of the philippians to be one of those expressely named by tertullian , among whom in his time , apostolorum cathedrae suis adhuc locis praesidebantur , the chaires of the apostles were yet extant praesiding in their due places , which concludes some bishop or singular praefect to have succeeded the apostles in this church ( as in those other , thessalonica , &c. ) and by theodoret , whose authority is most used against us in this matter , to prove that the bishops were presbyters here , epaphroditus is expresly affirmed to be that bishop . the next place is that of 1 tim. 3. 1 , 2. if any man desire the office of a bishop he coveteth a good worke : a bishop therefore must be blamelesse — where there is no reason of doubting , but the bishop is the singular praefect or governour of the church ; for the onely appearance of the contrary being againe ( as in that to the philippians ) the immediate subjoyning of deacons and their qualifications , v. 8. that presently vanisheth , if againe we remember the observation of epiphanius , which he had out of the most antient records , and was found exactly conformable to the expresse words of clemens romanus , the contemporary of the apostles , that at the beginning of the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , before the government was compleate in all the offices , the apostles and apostolicall persons placed in the church by them , such as timothy to whom here he gives the directions , created no more but a bishop and deacon ( one or more ) in each church , the present state of things neither requiring nor being well capable of any more , in respect of the paucity of the christians to be governed or instructed , and of those which were fit to be made presbyters . and although theodoret againe ( with some few others ) interpret the place of presbyters , yet 't is as evident , he doth it not to the disadvantage of bishops , adding in the same place , that the bishops especially should observe these lawes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as those which had atteined to a greater honour . meanewhile s. chrysostome interprets it distinctly of * bishops , as i have done , and in that notion of bishops which severs them from presbyters , such as governe in each city , and addeth the qualifications to be such , as being spoken of bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe agree to presbyters also . and accordingly theophylact interprets it of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the president and ruler , without any mention of presbyters . there remaines but one place , and that of the very same nature with this last , and must certainly be regulated by it , tit. 1. 7. for a bishop must be blamelesse , as the steward of god ( answerable to that notion of the word bishop in the old testament for the ruler set over the house of the lord , 2 kin. 11. 18. i. e. the steward , to whom the keyes of the house were committed , isa . 22. 22. ) that this is the singular bishop in every city , signified before v. 5. by the elders , which titus was left in crete to constitute , is the joynt affirmation of st. chrysostome , theophylact and oecumenius on those words of v. 5. elders in every city , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. by elders he there meanes bishops , as in the epistle to timothy , appointing them to be constituted in every ●ity , for he would not have the whole island administred by one , but that every ●ity should have it's proper pastor ( or bishop ) that so the labour might be the lighter , and the care more exact . in crete there were certainly many cities , eusebius mentions an hundred , of all which , * saith he , titus was made bishop by st. paul , that under him , saith † theodoret , he might ordeine bishops : to which * chrysostome and theophylact adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he might have power to judge or censure those bishops , as a metropolitan and prima●e over them . there is now no other place wherein the word bishop is used , and by this briefe view of these , i hope the first proposition is competently rescued from meriting the censure of paradox , whether that signifie novell or strange ; this being so conformable both to the nature and use of the word , to the tradition of the antient church , and the importance of each scripture , where it is used , that bishop should signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the singular pastor or governour in each city or church . section iii. of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder . now to the second proposition , which pretended not to so much positivenesse , but is set down in a greater latitude of defining , that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either constantly signifies a bishop also , or else commonly a bishop , though sometimes , but most rarely a presbyter . of this i shall now need to praemise but these few things . first , that the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 commonly rendred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder in the old testament , doth denote most properly , and signifie most constantly ( as in all languages the word is found vulgarly to doe ) a ruler or governour . this is so largely deduced and demonstrated in the annotation on act. 11. 30. that i shall not indeavour farther to manifest it . secondly , that as in some places of the new testament the word is necessarily to be understood of bishops , so in every other place it is very fitly capable of that interpretation ; this is againe so particularly evidenced to the latine reader , diss . 4. c. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. and to the english reader annot. on act. 11. b. and 14. a. that i cannot deeme it reasonable to tire my selfe farther with transcribing it . thirdly , that if any one or more places shall be thought by any man to belong to presbyters in our moderne sense , as that of jam 5. 14. or the like , i shall onely desire , that he will bring any convincing proofe or authentick testimony , that in that or those places it so signifies , and i shall most willingly grant it to him , and be so farre from thinking it , in the least degree , disadvantagious to our pretensions , that i shall not doubt to evidence it a demonstrative argument to confirm them , but shall not need to insist on that , till such proofe be offered . fourthly , that by this it is already most evident , that my assertion was not truely cited p. 92. in these words , that wheresoever the word presbyter is used in the new testament , it is to be understood not of a meere presbyter , but of a bishop properly so called ; certainly neither my words nor sense extended to the wheresoever — and , it is to be — being onely in a disjunctive forme , either constantly so , or sometimes but rarely otherwise . fifthly , that if i were not misreported , and the paradox were as high and as positive , as it is represented , yet i conceive not the reason why they that have with great confidence affirmed that both bishops and elders do alway signifie in scripture their presbyters and no more , ( for if either of those words do but once signifie a bishop , their jus divinum , and whole cause falls to the ground irrecoverably ) should be so much at leisure from excusing themselves , to accuse that for a paradox in others , which is not imaginable to be more an extreme on one side , then theirs is on the other ▪ lastly , that if they doe not thinke it necessary to take a particular survey of all that is said in justification of these ( which they thus please to style ) paradoxes , which is in effect , as if they should professe to deny and declaime against the conclusion , without attempting to satisfie any reason , by which it is inferr'd ; it might be as just in me to tender them answers of the same making , and so to supersede any farther dispute in this matter . but i shall not imitate their method , but rather prepare to attend them in it , and having thus farre served them , by undertaking the taske which was due to them , in giving the reader a briefe view of the grounds of my assertions , which were too long for them to take notice of , i shall now trace their steps , and follow them which way soever they lead . section iv. of reverence to antiquity , and the interpretations of the antients . of praelatists disagreement among themselves . first then , say they , we desire it may be considered , that these assertions are contrary to antiquity , which yet notwithstanding our brethren doe so highly magnifie and boast of it in this controversy , and for receding from which , as they say we do , they doe most deeply charge us . that these assertions , as farre as they are owned by me , and are assertions , are so distant from being contrary to antiquity , that they are founded in the records of the most antient reverend authority , hath appeared most plainly by what hath now been said , and had before been laid , as the ground of the interpretations , in the fourth dissert . if they , which gathered the conclusion from thence , would have vouchsafed to take notice of the praemisses . the utmost that can be with truth pretended , is , that some of the texts , which we have insisted on here , and so likewise some of those where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders are mentioned , are not by all the antients interpreted just in that manner , as i thinke they may safely and most probably be interpreted , and so as they will best accord with the opinions which those very antients appeared to have concerning the originall of episcopacy . in this i hope i have not offended against the antient church , or if i had , as i should have expected other accusers , than those i have , so should i waite for no other judge but my selfe , and immediately submit to any penance for it . but they which truely reverence antiquity , discerne also wherein this reverence is terminated , not in adhering to every interpretation of each text of scripture given by any antient commentator or interpreter , for truely that is absolutely impossible , severall of them being known in interpreting of texts very frequently to differ one from the other ; this can be no newes to any man , who hath but lightly viewed them , or but occasionally consulted tirinus , or such like later commentators , who have collected the interpretations of the antients , and marshalled their names , and told us how many have been for one , how many for another sense of such a text. and in affaires of this nature , wherein they have neither taught doctrines , nor testified traditions , but onely exprest their single opinions , or conjectures of an apostles meaning in words capable of more senses than one , i know no praelatist that ever denyed later writers liberty to recede from one , and adhere to some other of the antients , or if more convincing reasons appeared for any fresh interpretation , never given before , the like liberty hath been allowed ; and indeed if it were not so , our studying of the originalls , inquiry into the nature of words and phrases , observation of customes among the antients , and all wherein learned men differ from unlearned , consideration of the context and argument , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of each difficult place , and all the other skills and advantages of a good interpreter would all be unusefull first , and then dangerous , would tempt one oit to recede from some former writers , to forsake the roade and method ( so ordinary ) of transcribing other mens labours , and by inciting him to say any thing which had not oft been said before , ( which if it have , why doth he againe trouble himself and others to repeat it ) would infallibly involve him under the burthen and guilt that is here laid on me , of being contrary to antiquity . but i am unwilling to discourage them from any sort or degree of reverence to antiquity , and on condition they will be fairely tried by it in any notion by which they can imagine to define that reverence , or the word antiquity , i will forgoe all my novell interpretations , and say no one word which the antients have not distinctly said before me , and refer the whole fate of the cause to this judicature . their second consideration is , that they are contrary to all that have ever written in defence of episcopacy , from whence they conclude that till their brethren ( i. e. we praelatists ) agree among themselves , they need not spend time to answer the private opinions of one doctor . to this i answer , that it hath alwayes been deemed lawfull to any man , which hath undertaken the defence of a christian cause , asserted constantly by the church , to choose his arguments ( as combatants do their weapons ) such as he thinkes are fittest for his managery , and will most probably ( in his opinion ) convince the gainsayers ; no obligation lying upon him by the lawes of these agones , to use those arguments ( and no other , nor otherwise improved ) which all other writers of that side have done before him ; for if this were the manner of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the legail combate , to what end should any second writing on the same subject ever appeare to the world ? that which had been formerly said , needed not to be transcribed and said againe , but either the booke might be re-printed or translated into a language more intelligible ( as i have here been fame oft to doe ) and though i might truly say , that for those more minute considerations or conjectures , wherein this doctor differs from some others , who have written before him ( as to the manner of interpreting some few texts ) he hath the suffrages of many the learnedst men of this church at this day ( and as farre as he knowes , of all that imbrace the same cause with him ) yet i doe not thinke it necessary to prove my agreement with others of my brethren by this onely medium ; it being certaine that they who believe the same conclusion upon severall mediums or wayes of inferring it , are in that , and may be in all other conclusions at perfect accord and unity among themselves . all that i can conclude from this and the former consideration ( the double charge laid on me of contrariety to antiquity , and other asserters of episcopacy ) is onely this , that the authors of them are ill pleased , that i use any other arguments , or answers but what they were willing to assigne me : otherwise if there had been lesse , not more truth , or evidence in my way of defending the cause , they would have had the greater advantage against me , and i doubt not , have been , in the space of three yeares , at leisure to have observed it . section v. inconveniencies objected , and answer'd . of more bishops in one city , no presbyters in the apostles dayes . the no divine right of the order of presbyters . but they are , in the third place , pleased to object some inconveniences which the defending of these paradoxes must necessarily bring upon me ; and to these i shall more diligently attend . first , say they , he that will defend these paradoxes must of necessity be forced to grant that there were more bishops than one in a city in the apostles dayes , which is to betray the cause of episcopacy , and to bring downe a bishop to the ranke of a presbyter . to this i reply by absolute denying of this consequence ( for supposing the scripture-bishop to be alwayes a bishop , and so the scripture elder also , how can it follow from thence that there are more such bishops in any one city ? ) t is most evident that this is no way inferr'd upon either , or both of my assertions , nor is here one word added to prove it is , to which i might accommodate any answer . t is on the contrary most manifest , that whensoever i find mention of bishops or elders in the plurall , as act. 20. phil. 1. &c. i interpret them of the bishops of asia , and the bishops of macedonia , bishops of judaea , &c. ( and render my reasons of doing so ) and consequently affirme them to be the bishops of divers ( sure that is not of one ) cities . the second inconvenience is , that i must be forced to grant that there were no bishops over presbyters in the apostles days , for if there were no presbyters , there could be no bishops over presbyters . here is an evident mistake , for i no where say , that there were no presbyters in the apostles dayes , but onely that in the apostles writings the word [ bishops ] alwayes signifies bishops , and the word [ elders ] either never , or but rarely , presbyters ; now besides that it is possible for those to be in the time of the apostles writing , which yet for want of occasion are not mentioned in those writings ( and i that love not negative arguments à testimonio , should never have thought fit to conclude there were no presbyters within the time wherein the severall bookes of scripture were written , upon that one argument , because i could not find them mentioned there ) besides this , i say , t is certaine that the apostles times are somewhat a larger period than the time of the apostles writings , and therefore that what is spoken onely of the later , was not meant to be extended to the former . for 1. the apostles continued alive some time after writing their epistles , and secondly , some of the apostles survived others ; john , of whom christs will was intimated , that he should tarry , and not die till after the comming of christ , and that kingdom of his , commenced in the destruction of the jews , did accordingly live till trajanes time , and by that time i thinke it probable that the number of believers daily increasing , there were , as the wants of the church required , presbyters ordained in many churches : and accordingly in the dissert . p. 229. when i speak of this matter , i expresly except s. john , and p. 211. i make use of a testimony of clemens alexandrinus , on purpose to conclude that this apostle ordein'd presbyters in asia , after his returne from the island , to which he was banished , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and to the same matter i * elsewhere apply that of ephiphanius , out of the profoundest , i.e. antientest records , that as moses and aaron tooke to them first the princes of the people , and at length the sanhedrim of the seventy elders , so the apostles first constituted bishops , and in processe of time presbyters also , when occasion required , as the bishops assistants , and councell , and that upon account of this analogy with the sanhedrim , they were styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders and ignatius making mention of presbyters , as of a middle degree in the church betwixt bishops and deacons in his , i. e. in trajan's time , and that in his epistles to severall of those asian churches , smyrna , ephesus , magnesia , philadelphia , trallis , i thinke the argument of great validity to conclude , that in that province that apostle had in his life time instituted this middle order . and therefore i that had so carefully prevented , was not to be charged with this crime of affirming there were no presbyters , or bishops over presbyters ( which certainly there were , if there were presbyters under them ) in the apostles dayes . and third inconvenience they adde , that by consequence i must affirme that ordo presbyteratus is not jure divino . but that is no more consequent to my assertion , than it was my assertion , that there were no presbyters in the apostles dayes , and therefore i that am guiltlesse of the assertion , cannot be charged with the consequents of it ; john i know was an apostle , and john , i believe , ordained presbyters , and thence i doubt not to conclude the apostolicall institution , i.e. in effect , the divine right of the order of presbyters , though not of the government of the church by presbytery ; and so i am still cleare from the guilt of that crime which the worst of papists would abhominate , which they are resolved i must have layen under , if i had questioned the divine right of presbyters , though they can more than question the divine right of bishops , and never have remorse or compunction , or dread any charge or ●entence for it . sect. vi. a first confession objected and vindicated . of the ephesine presbyters being all the praelates of asia , elders , aldermanni . after these inconveniences briefly touched ( and almost as briefly by me averted ) they proceede to take notice in the fourth place , of some confessions of mine , which the justification of my opinion have forced from me . by this method thinking ( as at length they say ) to render episcopacy , that is thus maintained , or else my way of maintaining it , odious and contemptible to all sober , and godly , and moderate christians , i.e. to all those , who for the attaining of those titles , good opinion , and good words from them , shall be invited to contemne , or hate those , whom they are yet pleased to call their brethren . and this i confesse is the most compendious way of confuting that which would not otherwise be confuted . what those confessions of mine are , which are like to render my assertions so odious , i must next take a view , and consider with what justice this is said by them . the first is , that the ephesine . presbyters , whom paul sent for to miletus , were all the praelates of asia . to say that the ephesine presbyters , in their sense of the phrase , are praelates of asia , were , i confesse , a ridiculous , and so , if they please , a contemptible confession , but i have yet been under no such torture from their arguments , as should constrain such confession from mee . what i say is sufficiently known to be my free opinion , ( and no forced confession , such as the necessity of a desperate enterprise might extort from me ) that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders of the church , who by summons sent to ephesus , the chiefe metropolis of all asia ( and by that convenient way communicated to other cities ) were assembled to paul at miletus , act. 20. 17. were , as irenaeus assures mee , the bishops of the other cities in those parts , and not only of the one city of ephesus . what harshnesse there can be in this assertion , to be rejected as odious at the first hearing , i confesse i divine not , that those cities had bishops , as well as ephesus , cannot be strange , or that paul desired to speake with them before his finall parting . and that the bishops may be called elders , will be as little strange , if it be but remembred , what is at large shewed in the dissertations , that the word elder had in the old testament denoted dignity and praefecture in single persons , as when abraham's oeconomus , who was set over his servants , is styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder of his house , and ruler of all that was his ( by elder and ruler signifying the same thing ) and so the elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the moabites , num. 22. 7. are the princes of moab , v. 8. and the elders of israel are the heads , or praefects of the principall families of israel , exod 6. 14. the rulers of the people c. 16. 22. the elders of the tribes , deut. 31. 28. and all this , and much more , before they were called into a councell , or senate , to assist moses , as appeares num 11. 16. and proportionable to this hath been the use of the word among all nations , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elder alwayes hath the rule , and all obey him , saith * diodorus siculus , and so seniors ] in all languages is a title of honour and dignity . and peculiarly among us , as when aethelstane the halfe king ( as he was called ) of the east angles , was saluted by the title of * aldermannus , i.e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder of all england , and so aethelwod and aelwin , so in king aelfred's lawes c. 34. there is mention regis aldermanni and presbyteri regis ; and accordingly mat. 20. 25. those words of the princes of the nations exercising dominion over them , are by the saxons interpreted ealdo●men wealdaqthat ; hisa ðeodo , elders have dominion over their nations , and luke 9. 22. the elders and chief of the priosts are by them rendred ealdrum and ealdormaannum . all taking the word elder for a title of dignity and praefecture ( and from that notion of it the pre●bytorians are not observed to decline . ) and then finally that the addition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the church , though in the singular , cannot make it unfit for these elders to denote the bish●ps of asia , or neere ephesus under that metroplis , hath been already accounted for at large . and so still i hope they , and all godly and moderate brethren need neither hate , nor contemne episcopacy , nor the defenders of it , upon pretense of this ( so farre from incommodious or inconvenient ) confession . section vii . a second confession of the bishops , phil. 1. 1. being bishops of that whole province , philippi a metropolis , and a colony . like unto this first , is the second which they take notice of , that the bishops of philippi , whom s. paul salutes ch. 1. were not the bishops of that city onely , but of the whole province , whereas theophylact saith that philippi was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a little city subject to the metropolis of thessalonica . that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops , phil. 1. 1. denotes the bishops of the cities of macedonia , which were under this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , chiefe city , or metropolis , as s. luke calls it , acts 16. 12. is already evidenced to be no strange or violent ( i hope as little odious ) confession . i neede not farther repeat , or inlarge on that , but beare in good part , whatsoever fate is decreed by them to attend that confession . as for the objection which is here subjoyned , and to which they were directed by dissert . 4. c. 10. sect. 12. they might , if they had been so pleased , have taken the antidote with the poyson , observed , and tendred to the reader the answer , which in the five following sections is solemnely rendred to it , and confuted that answer , if they had discernd any infirme part in it . first then , the answer is , that that description of philippi in the argument prefixt to theophylact's notes on that epistle , was taken out of an antient geographer , and belonged to that city , as it was built by philip , having been formerly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : not to the later times , under the romane empire , and that it is no new , or strange thing , that under the romans those cities should become metropoles , which formerly had not been such , to which agrees that of the councell of chalcedon , can. 12. which mentions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cities honoured by the imperiall letters with the name and dignity of metropoles . and indeed the saying of * strabo is of evident truth , ordinarily experimented , that provinces were often confounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by cause of the romans distributing them not according to the distributions of regions or nations ( such as the geographers antiently had made use of ) but after another manner , according to the cities , in which they kept their courts or assises , as before was said of the cities of asia . accordingly when s. paul first comes to philippi , st. luke mentions it under the title of the prime city of the province of macedonia , and is not that more to be heeded , speaking so expresly of that city at that time , then that geographers description , which no way discovers to what time it belongs , and cannot belong to this time of the planting the faith at philippi , if s. luke may be believed ? secondly , the same st. luke saith of it at that time , that it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a colony of , i.e. a city replenished by the inhabitation of the romanes ; and of those colonies in chiefe cities , there is no question but they were especially chosen to be places of their assises , whither the neighbouring cities resorted for justice , and so were metropoles in the civill accounts . thirdly , of this city of philippi 't is as evident , that it was the first converted of all macedonia , and that from thence he went after to thessalonica ; and so the right of primogeniture , which ordinarily gave claime to the metropoliticall dignity in the ecclesiasticall account ( as in the case of antioch and jerusalem appeares ) belonging to philippi , over and above the forementioned praecedence thereof in civill account , there is no reason to doubt , but this was a metropoliticall church , an elder sister to thessalonica , and each a mother to the churches of lesser cities of macedonia that belonged to them . according to which it is , that polycarpe in his epistle , mentions st. pauls epistles in the plurall , written to these philippians , which learned men interpret of the epistles to the thessalonians , and it cannot commodiously be understood any other way . sect. viii . a third confession , of timothies being an archbishop . of the qualifications , 1 tim. 3 2. belonging to bishops . of the bishops being worthy of double honour , though he never preach . of the word , and doctrine . of the presbytery , 1 tim. 4. of rebuking and receiving accusation against an elder . the third confession is , that timothy was archbishop of ephesus , that when paul sets downe the qualifications of bishops , though he mention none but such as are common to a presbyter with a bishop , yet he is to be understood to speake of bishops in a praelaticall sense , and not at all of presbyters ; and when he saith the elders that rule well are worthy of double honour — , this is , saith this author , the bishops that rule well — thereby holding out this great errour , that a bishop that ruleth well is worthy of double honour , though he never preacheth ; and when st. paul bids timothy not neglect the gift that was given him by the laying on the hands of the presbytery , that is , saith he , of episcopacy ; and when the apostle chargeth him not to rebuke an elder , — and not to receive an accusation against an elder , — this is to be understood of bishops , saith he , and not of meere presbyters . to this accumulative crime affirmed to be confest by me in so many particulars , i answer by avowing my confession thus farre , 1. that i take timothy to have been bishop of ephesus , and conclude it from 1 tim. 1. 3. then that ephesus was a prime metropolis of asia , from the testimonies of pliny and vlpian , and generally the church-writers : and from those two put together , i hope i may gaine liberty to confesse , that timothy was archbishop of ephesus . secondly , that paul 1 tim. 3. 1 , 2. speaking of episcopacy , as of a good worke or office , and the qualifications required in the person to be promoted to it speakes of a bishop in the praelaticall sense ; so i am sure chrysostome doth understand him , and the testimony was lately cited out of him , and theodoret that understands it otherwise , yet applies it first to bishops , and saith on that occasion , that their degree in the church is superior to that of presbyters . and if no higher qualifications be required of a bishop , than are fit to be required of a presbyter ( which yet i no where say , and the argument taken from the no-other qualifications here specified , than onely for the bishop and the deacon , are of no force to induce it , both because it is a negative argument , and there is another reason for the omitting presbyters , because in this infancie of the church there was not any such need of them , the bishop with his deacon , one or more , were sufficient in every city , and besides the qualifications assigned the deacon , may be common to him with the presbyter , as well as those assign'd the bishop ) yet that is no prejudice to the superiority of the office , or to my interpreting that text of the bishop ; for sure i may as conveniently say , that the bishop is named without the presbyter , at a time when there were bishops , but as yet no presbyters in the church , and that when there were presbyters instituted , their qualifications were to be regulated by the rules given of bishops , as it can be imagined to be fitly said by them , that the place is meant of presbyters ( when the apostle names bishops expresly , and when by many other evidences we know , that then there were bishops , but by no footsteps can discerne that then there were presbyters ) upon no other reason , but that the qualifications are common to presbyters . thirdly , for the mention of the elders that rule well , 1 tim. 5. 17. i doubt not but it may very commedicuoly be interpreted of the bishops through all his province , for as there the style is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , praeside or rule , so 't is certaine , that in the use of the church this was the title of the bishops , as hath formerly been shewed out of justin martyr and others , and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 double honor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the priviledge of primogeniture , being assigned as his portion , is an evidence thereof . and the inconvenience that is here urged against that interpretation , is perfectly of no force . for 1. if from hence it might be concluded that a bishop is worthy of double honour , though he never preacheth , then from their interpreting it of the presbyter , it will as much follow to be their o●inion , that the presbyter is worthy of double honour though he never preach . but then secondly the truth is , that neither of these conclusions follow either the one or the other interpration , for the first phrase of labouring in the word , and the other of labouring in the doctrine ( which by these are confounded , and so exprest undistinctly by preaching ) denote two severall things ; the former the planting of the faith where it is not yet received , which is constantly exprest by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , preaching the gospell , and the word ; the latter signifies taking paines in a church already gathered , for the confirming and farther instructing of believers . and then as he that doth one of these , may yet possibly not doe both , occasion not requiring , and so not be so eminently worthy of the double honour , as he that actually doth both ; so certainly , he that rules well in any church , and beside the care belonging to rule , undergoes that other double hard travell ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies ) of preaching the faith to infidels , and confirming , and instructing believers , doth very highly deserve the double honour and alimonie ; and this as it is the exact meaning of that text , so it utterly supersedes all force of this objection or exception against our understanding it of the presidents or bishops in the praelaticall sense . fourthly , for the word presbytery , 1 tim. 4. 14. by which they say , i understand episcopacy , i answer , that i interpret it of some combination either of apostles or apostolical persons and bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in theodoret's phrase , such as were vouchsafed the apostolicall grace , i. e. of paul assuredly , 1 tim. 2. 6. and perhaps of barnabas , perhaps of some other apostolical person with him , in like manner as both peter and john style themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , and * ignatius styles the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the presbytery or eldership of the church , and as of ignatius himselfe s. chrysostome affirmes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the hands of more apostles than one were laid on him , in his ordination to the bishoprick of antioch . to which matter the scholion of chrysostome is expresse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he speakes not here of presbyters but bishops , adding the reason , because presbyters did not ordaine bishops , and so theophylact and oecumenius . lastly for the other two places of not-rebuking and receiving an accusation against an elder , though in those places it were clearely for my interest to interpret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a presbyter in our moderne sense , for then as * epiphanius saith , there is an evidence of proofe that the bishop hath power over the presbyter ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) timothy over the elder , saith he , but never the elder over timothy : yet i confesse my selfe inclined by other considerations to foregoe that advantageous sense of the place . because timothy being placed in the prime metropolis had power over the bishops of lesser cities , and that , as hath oft been shewed , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power of ●udging as well as of ordeining bishops , which is * elsewhere evidenced to be the opinion of s. chrysostome , in order to the understanding of this place . and so still the crime is not very great or reproachfull , which i am said to have confest , it amounts no higher than the former confession had done , that timothy was archbishop of ephesus ; and yet this you see without any necessity to extort it from thee , save that of speaking freely what i conceived most probable ; for otherwise nothing could be more for the advantage of the maine cause i defen● , than that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders should signifie presbyters in these two places . sect. ix . a fourth confession of titus being archbishop of creet . their fourth charge is , that i am forced to confesse that titus was archbishop of creet , and that he received no commission from s. paul to ordaine single elders , but onely for ordeining bishops in every city . it seems , say they , this author slights the postscript , where titus is called the first bishop of creet , and slights all those antient fathers that are cited by his owne party , to prove that he was bishop of creet : but he must be an arch-bishop , and so must timothy also , or else these assertions of his will fall to the ground . now that they were neither bishops nor arch-bishops hath beene sufficiently proved ( as we conceive ) in the former discourse . that titus was arch-bishop of creet , i confesse again that i cannot but believe , till i am shewed how the contrary were possible , i. e. how he that was fastned in ( and , as * eusebius saith , had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the episcopacy of ) a whole island , which had an hundred cities in it , and was there placed , that he might ordeine bishops under him in each of those cities , tit. 1. 5. 7. and , as the antients adde , exercise jurisdiction over them , should be other than an arch-bishop . that this was his condition , hath been shewed already , and for the inconveniences that it is prest with , they will prove very supportable . for i shall not at all be obliged thereby to slight either postscript or fathers , but give the disputers example to pay them all reverence , being very well able to discerne the bishop through the archbishop , & having never imagined that the styling michael an archangel was denying him to be an angel . he certainly was an angel , and that of an higher degree , or else could never have been justly called an archangell ; and 't is just so with titus , if i had not thought him a bishop , i could never have affirmed him an archbishop , and they that in common speech give him the title of bishop , doe no way intimate their thoughts to be contrary to mine , for every archbishop is certainly a bishop , though every bishop be not an archbishop . and therefore if all the danger of my assertions falling to the ground be consequent to this of titus or timothies proving to be no archbishop , i shall deeme them competently safe , for each of them were unavoidably such , timothy archbishop of ephesus , the prime metropolis of all asia , and titus of the whole island of creet , and accordingly to those two , peculiarly as such , directions are given for the ordeining bishops and deacons in every city . and the proofes which were offered to the contrary , have i suppose already been answered , and being not here thought fit to be recited , the replyes shall not be so impertinent , as to appeare without their antagonists . onely because it is here inserted as part of my inconvenient confession , that titus received no commission from saint paul to ordaine single elders ( which i believe i no where say , any otherwise than that the commission , cap. 1. 5. was to create bishops in every city ) i shal freely tell them my opinion of that , viz. that a greater power may very fitly be said to comprehend under it the lesser of the same kinde , and consequently that both timothy and he which had commissions to ordaine bishops in every city , had also by the same commission power to ordaine single presbyters , where those were usefull to be ordained , as is evident by the qualification of deacons and widows after-mentioned in one certainly , and , as i conceive , in both epistles , for that supposeth their commission to extend to the ordeining of those , who yet had not been named in them , if we may guesse by that of titus , cap. 1. 5. and so much also of that part of my confession , which is as free and unforced , as the former had been , and i believe as fafe to the affirmer . sect. x. a fift charge of contrariety to scripture answered . of visitation of the sick , belonging to elders , james 5. but the fift and last charge is more severe than any of the former , that these paradoxes , as they stile them , are contrary to the very letter of the scripture , as we have made it evident in our arguments against the jus divinum of episcopacy , and would farther manifest it , if we thought it necessary . this i confesse of contrariety to the very letter of the scripture ( rightly understood ) i , lookt upon as so high a charge , that i verily expected somewhat extraordinary to binde it on me , and i suddenly resolved ( as i read the first words of that section ) to examine those scriptures that should now be produced , ponderingly and exactly , and either confesse my owne conviction , or give competent reasons why i was not convinced by them . but i soon found my expectations frustrated , for as here is no one such scripture mentioned , so for their arguments against the jus divinum of episcopacy , i know not where to seek them , and never heard ( and verily believe there is no such thing ) that they had formerly written any such book against bishops , wherein the dissertations or any assertions of mine therein , were so much as arraign'd by them , much lesse evidenced to be contrary to the very letter of scripture : if i had , i assure them i should then have been as ready to have made my reply , as now i have been to attend them thus farre . and for their evidencing this in any tract publisht by them before the dissertations were written , by which notwithstanding the dissertations were to be concluded , i have no reason to thinke that to be their meaning , because these assertions of mine are by them affirmed to be paradoxes , contrary to all that have ever written in defence of episcopacy , and therefore could not , unlesse it were by divination , be taken notice of , and prevented by them . after they had exprest their opinion that it was not necessary for them farther to manifest the contrariety of my paradoxes to the very letter of the scripture , they yet farther proceed in these words , for when the apostle saith , james 5. 14. is any man sick among you ? let him call for the elders of the church — who is there that can be perswaded to believe that all these elders were b●shops ( in the sense that bishops are taken in in our dayes ) is this the p●oper worke of bishops to visit the sick ? and besides , if the apostle by elders had meant bishops in that sense , he would have said , let him call for the elders of the churches , not of the church , unlesse our brethren will say that there were divers bishops in every church in the apostles dayes , in which there were many sick persons . what the [ for ] in the front here signifies , i shall not goe about to conjecture , the antecedents would incline me to believe that it pretends to introduce a reason , which might make it evident that my assertions are contrary to the very letter of scripture : but that sure it doth not any way attempt or appeare to doe , unlesse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders of the church be supposed here to signifie presbyters in our moderne notion of the word : but then that is so farre from being granted , that it is knowne to be the onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the matter of question betwixt us all this while , and so was to be proved not supposed or presumed in this matter . but bating them this begging of the question , i shall proceed to satisfie their wonderment , that i should goe about to perswade any , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , in this place of saint james , were bishops in that sense that we now understand and use the word . and 1. i shall not doubt to avow , that for all that space , that in any church there were no other officers ordained , but onely the bishop and deacon , it must of necessity be resolved the proper worke of bishops to visit the sicke . that there was at the first , when the faith was but thin planted , such a time hath already been evidenced out of clemens romanus , and the profoundest antequities that epiphanius could meet with , and that then this office must either be neglected , or performed by either bishop or deacon , will not need any farther proofe . as for the the deacons in their institution , we finde not that to be any part of their office , and indeed the suitablenesse of absolution to that state of dangerous sicknesse , and the mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his having committed sins , and the command of giving it ( in case he be qualified for it ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , absolvetur ei , absolution shall be given him , doth render the deacon incompetent for that worke , and so , where there are no presbyters , must needs divolve it on the bishop . and this account hath more than probability , no lesse than perfect evidence in it , if we onely suppose what hath been so oft cleared from the antients to be matter of fact , that where the number of believers was small , and none qualified for the office of presbyters , there the apostles constituted no more but a bishop and a deacon in each city . for whilst this was the state of that city , i shall suppose a man sick , and by the force of s. james's exhortation , desirous of absolution , &c. who is there supposeable in that city to give it him but the bishop ? and whom else can he call to him for this purpose ? and then who can doubt but this is the worke , in it selfe very agreeable , and in this supposed case peculiar and proper to the bishop ? so that unlesse this supposition be false , nay impossible to be true , i may safely say , this was or might be the bishops worke , to visit the sick , &c. and indeed , if it were not , how could it be by the bishop , when other parts of his office became his fuller employment , committed to the presbyter ? for 1. he could not commit this to others , if he first had it not in himselfe ; and secondly , this was the onely reason of ordaining inferiour officers in the church , that part of the bishop's taske might be performed by them ( as when the whole burthen , which was too heavy for moses , was distributed among other men ) which in this particular could not be , if before this assignation of assistents , it were not originally the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worke or proper taske of the bishop . to this may be farther added the reall dignity , because necessary charity of this performance of visiting the sick , &c. and this arising both from the intimation of gods owne finger , pointing out this a most agreeable season for all spirituall admonition and comfort , a molle tempus fandi , wherein a word seasonably spoken , may most probably find the due reception , and wherein the prayers and blessing of the most apostolical person , or the most highly and justly dignified in the church , & in the favour of god , may come in most opportunely , & in this respect we see in that place , that the prayers of the great prophet elias are made use of by s. james , to exemplifie the practice , which in this particular he recommended to the church . and i must needs tell the objectors , that as meane an opinion as they seem to have of this work of visiting the sick , i cannot but affirme on the contrary , that if it were duely and advantagiously managed , it were extreamely usefull and beneficiall to the good of soules , and as proper for a bishop personally to performe , when his other publick necessarie taskes ( wherein many more are concern'd , and wherein he hath no proxies to supply his place ) permit , as any one part of his divine office , differing from the rest only in this , ( and in that respect yeilding the precedence to them ) that other parts of his office are , or may be at the same time extensive to many , whilst each act of this is terminated in some one , whose soul yet ought to be more pretious in his eyes , than all other acquisitions in the world . accordingly it is in the * dissertations evidenced out of polycarp's epistle ( who was somewhat after the time of james the author of this epistle ) that part of the bishop's office it was then esteemed to be , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to visit all the sick , in like manner as in justin martyr he is made the curator of all that are in want , the grand distributer of all the liberalities of the church . as for the onely objection that is here tendered against this interpretation of the place , from the singalar [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the church ] not of the churches , the answer is obvious , that this epistle of james being written to all the jewes in dispersion , jam. 1. 1. these could not make up any one particular church of any single denomination , but yet all conjoyne very fitly in that one vniversal style of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church . in this respect we know 't is called the catholick epistle of james , because written to the whole church of the jewes , all the believers of that nation , wheresoever disperst out of their countrey . now these inhabiting in divers cities , it is as certaine there were divers bishops in this circuit , and so the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the elders of the church , are most commodiously set to expresse these severall bishops , belonging to this complexe body , the church of the dispersion . not that there were more of these in one city , for that consideration would never have caused the plural expression , because were there never so many , the sick person needed not have called more at once ( and upon that score 〈◊〉 shall demand of them that argue from the number , was every sick man in their opinion , to call for the whole presbytery ? ) ●or againe because there were not as many churches as elders , but onely because these many particular churches , of which there was an equal number of elders , were very fitly comprehended under the one general 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church in the singular number . sect. xi . a last objection from act. 21. 18. and 14. 3. and 11. 30. answered . elders for rulers or bishops . there yet remaines one sort of objections more against these paradoxes , in these words . besides , when it to said , act 21. 18. paul went in with us unto james , and all the elders were present , it is supposed by our episcopall men , that james was at this time bishop of jerusalem . now we demand , who were these elders ? were these also bishops of jerusalem ? will this answer consist with our brethrens judgement ? so likewise when it is said , act. 15 4. and when they were com● to jerusalem , they were received of the church , and of the apostles and elders , we demand , what is meant by the church ? is it not meant the church of jerusalem , to which place they are said to come ? and if so , then we ask● farther , what is mean● by the elders ? must it not be answered , that by elders are meant the elders of jerusalem ? and then let any man 〈◊〉 us , how these elders can be said to be bishops in a prelatical sense , especially according to the sense of our brethren , who make james to be at this time the onely bishop of jerusalem . adde farther , it is said , act. 14. 3. wh●n paul and barnabas had ordained them elders in every church , act. 11. 30. they sent reliefe to the elders , &c. can any imagine that this reliefe was sent onely to bishops , and that paul and barnabas ordeined no presbyters in any church , but only bishops ? is not this to offer manifest violence to the scriptures ? and instead of upholding of episcopacie , is not this sufficient to render it odious and contemptible to all sober , and godly , and moderate christians ? but we forbeare . it seems we have still remaining another heape of inconvenient confessions that we labour under ; and upon them , more socratico , they make their demands ; and although i might justly wonder why they which have reade the dissertations , and know what answer i give to every of their demands , should be at the trouble to aske them againe , yet because i am resolved not to be weary of attending them , i shall answer them as punctually as they could wish , and patiently support all the odium that will result from thence , among all sober , and godly , and moderate christians . here onely i desire two things may be remembred , which have already been evidenced , 1. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elder● in the style of the old testament , in the continued use of all languages , being an expression of power and dignity , is in the new testament upon all reasonable accounts as properly applicable to the rulers and governours ecclesiastical , as the word apostles , or bishops , or presidents , or rulers , or any the like would be thought to be , and withall very fit to expresse single rulers in each particular church ( in case any such may otherwise appeare to be mentioned in scripture ) there being no propriety in the word , or peculiarity in the usage of it , to incline it to joynt power of collegues ruling in common . accordingly evidences have been produced in the dissertations to shew the continuance of this usage among authors after the scripture-time , that it long remained in the language of the antients , policarpe , papias , irenaeus , clemens alexandrinus , and tertullian , many of which are knowne and by the adversaries acknowledged to assert episcopacy in our moderne sense , and yet use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , to denote sometimes the apostles , sometimes the singular bishops in each church . and therefore the affirming this one thing , so attested and confirmed , viz. that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may very conveniently be interpreted bishops , as oft as the circumstances of the text will beare it , will not , i hope , still be so unfo●tu●ate as to fall under the censure of paradoxe and odious , being indeed a plaine obvious observation , which hath nothing of difficulty or harshnesse in it . having praemised this , i shall onely adde , that the apostles being by all praelatists ( i hope convincingly ) affirmed and proved to have ordeined bishops in every city of converts and proselites to the faith , and there being many such cities in judaea , besides jerusalem , and consequently many bishops in those cities , one in each , it can be no new thing to conclude , that when we read of bishops in the plural within that pale of iudaea , these are the bishops of iudaea , and so in like manner when we finde the bishop of ierusalem mentioned separately , and then those others with him , ( exprest by any title which signifies bishops , be it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it matters not ) and with all , these never exprest to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders of the church of ierusalem , but either elders simply , or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in or at ierusalem , denoting onely the place , where , at that time , they were present , it will be as little harsh to inferre , that at such time there were assembled or met together at ierusalem , iames the bishop of that metropolis , and the other bishops of the whole region , the bishops of iudaea with him . from hence there will now be no difficulty to make a briefe answer to each of their demands , 1. that act. 21. 18. the elders which were present with iames the bishop of ierusalem , were the bishops of iudaea which were then , upon the emergent affaires of the church , present at ierusalem , whether all of them assembled in councel , to receive an account of saint pauls transactions and successes among the gentiles v. 19. or many of them on any other ecclisiasticall concernment . but that which puts it out of question , that it was all of them in councell , is , what followes v. 25. where they referre to the decrees which had been conciliarly delivered v. 15. by them , who are now there present , we have written and concluded . and what paradox can there be in this , that all the bishops of judaea should be in councell at hierusalem , and st peter and st. iohn with them , and that st. paul should come and give an account of his travailes and actions in their presence . the same answer certainly belongs to the place next mentioned c. 15. 4. where after mention of their reception by the church followes [ and of the apostles and elders ] by the church is meant the believers that were at jerusalem , whether inhabiting there continually , or now occasionally present there . by the apostles , james the brother of the lord , the then bish●p of the metro●olis , together with peter and john the known apostles of christ , this james by them set over that church , saith * clemens and † hegesippus , and by s. paul himself reckoned among the apostles , gal. 1. 19. and so in the title of his epistle , and named before peter and john the two prime apostles , as being in this his see , gal. 2. 9. and exprest to pronounce the decree in the councell , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i judge , act. 15. 19. and this confirm'd by the testimonies of those antients that the presbyterians make the most frequent use of , theodoret and * st. hierome ; the former expresly affirming of those times , that they which were after styled bishops , were then called apostles , and the latter styling this james particularly , apostolum decimum tertium , the thirteenth apostle . and then what can be more agreeable to the context ( to make the councell complete , a councell for the churches of syria , &c , to appeale to ) then to render the elders the bishops of all judaea , which were certainly fitter for the turne to joyne in the councell , and give law to other cities , then the bare presbyters of the one city of jerusalem could have been esteemed , if any such there had been in the church so early . for though of the apostles , who had an universall jurisdiction , and of the bishop of jerusalem ( as that was the prime metropolis not only of judaea , but syria also ) with the bishops of the whole province in councell with him , some reasonable account may be given , why they should be consulted by the church , of antioch , and give binding decrees in that matter , to all that were subject to that metropolis , yet supposing the church of jerusalem to be governed by presbyters , and that ( as these say ) the elders mentioned in the councell were none but the presbyters of that particular church , there could no reasonable account be given , why they should joyn with the apostles in this worke , wherein not jerusalem , of which alone they were presbyters , but antioch and other cities of syria and cilicia were immediately concerned , and concluded by the sentence of james , that must be , ( according to their opinion ) of one of the presbyters of jerusalem . in the next place what is said of act. 14. 23. and act. 11. 30. is somewhat unhappily put together , and yet not rectified in the errata . for 1. the ordeining elders in every church to which act. 11. 30. is affixt , is not mentioned there , but act. 14. 23. and the sending reliefe , which in the syntaxes must be affixt to act. 14. 23. is not to be met with there , but ●●ct . 11. 30. but this were imputable to some haste either of scribe or compositor , were there not a second incongruity interweaved in it , viz. that when paul and barnabas had ordeined them elders , &c. ( which was not done till act. 14. 23. ) they sent reliefe to the elders , ( which was done act. 11. 30. ) which is an evident 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which i cannot discerne how it was usefull for them to be guilty of . as for their quaeres raised on these two texts , the answers are obvious , and here to be translated out of the dissertations as formerly , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders act 11. 30. are the bishops of the severall cities of judaea , not the pre●byters of that one city jerusalem . for 1 the famine that occasioned this charity of the antiochians , was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not upon jerusalem alone , but all the world , i.e. in the scripture-stile , lu. 21. 26. rom. 10. 18. over the whole land of judea , according to the manner of the septuagint , who oft render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the earth or the land , when it signifies the land of judaea , by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world , as isa . 10. 23. and 13. 5. 9. and 24. 1. and accordingly josephus saith of this time of claudius's reigne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there was a great famine over judaea . secondly , the charity is distinctly said to be designed by the donors , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to the brethren that dwelt in judaea , in no wise confined to jerusalem , nor consequently can the elders to whom it was sent , and in whose hands it was put , be any others than the elders , i.e. say we , bishops of all judaea . thirdly , it is very agreeable to the office of bishops , as we find the practice in the primitive church , to be the receivers and stewards and dispensers of the wealth of any sect , which was brought in to the church , whether by the offertory of the faithfull in the sacrament , or by the liberality of other churches , inlarged to those that were in want . it being justin martyr's affirmation of the first times , that all the offerings were brought to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or president , and that he was thereby made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the curator of all that were in want . and when what is sent to the bishop is supposed to be sent to him , as the oeconomus or steward of the church , not for the inriching himself , but to provide for those that wanted , i cannot imagine why this may not be as conveniently supposed , as that it should be sent to the pre●byters onely . so in like manner the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 act. 14. 23. are bishops againe , and such and only such ( as farre as we have any footsteps of it ) were at that time ordained in the churches , one in every city where the gospell was received with one or more deacons to attend him . and to this as the words so often mentioned out of clemens romanus are most evident , that the apostles of christ preaching through cities and regions , constituted their first fruits 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for bishops and deacons , so the context in this place of the acts is very agreeable : for here when paul and barnabas had preacht and converted a competent number at derbe , v. 12. and returned to the cities of lystra , iconium and antioch v. 22. co●firming the soules of the brethren i.e. the faithfull , there it followes , before their parting , that they ordained elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in every church , that sure is in every of the churches here named , not many in each , but elders in all , one bishop in every church , which again is no news for me or any praelatist to affirm , when in the epistle to titus , st. paul's direction is conformable to his practice , appointing him to ordaine elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , city by city , or in every city , c. 1. 5. and presently calling the elder so to be ordained bishop , as in the epistle to timothy he is also called . thus much paines i shall not grudge to have taken , if it be but to rescue a small booke , very innocently meant , from the charge of two su●h paradoxes , as they are called by those , who have not thought fit to believe them , and are as unwiling that others should , and therefore conclude their discourse against them with tragicall expressions of offering manifest violence to the scriptures , of being sufficient , instead of upholding episcopacy , to render it odious and contemptible , &c. and when they have said so much with so little weight of reason to justifie it , they will then part with all meeknesse and perfect temper [ but we forbeare ] i.e. abstaine to adde more , when they had said as much ill as could be . i am sorry there was still any more bitternesse within , to be supprest , when there was so much vented . however it is , we are now at end of a second post , and to have time to breath a while after some lassitude . chap. iii. concerning the opinion of antiquity in this question . sect. 1. the testimonies of clemens romanus , bishops and deacons the onely offices at the first . corinth metropolis of achaia . what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifie . the apostles care to prevent contentions about episcopacy . hegesippus's testimony of the contentions at corinth . clement a bishop . some things there are yet behind in their appendix , wherein i discerne my selfe to be concern'd , in some directly and immediately , in others by remoter obligation , as when some of those testimonies of antiquity , which are in the dissertations manifested to be perfectly reconcileable with our pretensions , and some of them evident confirmations of them , are yet by these writers crudely taken up , and made use of , as testimonies on their side , without ever taking notice of that which is said in the dissertations to cleare the contrary . of the former sort , wherein i am more immediately pointed at , there are foure things . first , concerning one testimony of st. hierome . secondly , concerning ignatius his epistles in generall , and the appeales that i make to h●s authori●● , which they will not allow to have force with them . thirdly , concerning one testimony cited by them out of st. ambrose on ephes . 4. and answered by me ▪ but that answer disliked and rejected by them . fourthly ▪ concerning the chorepiscopi . of the second sort , are the testimonies out of clemens romanus , polycarpe , irenaeus , and tertullian , especially the two former of them . i shall therefore briefly survey every one of these , and i suppose i have pitcht on the most convenient method ( and that which will give the reader the clearest view both of the judgement of antiquity concerning episcopacy in generall ( to which their appendix professeth wholly to be designed ) and more particularly of the truth of those two propositions which have been accused as paradoxes in me , but will now appeare not to be such ) by taking these testimonies , as they lie in the order of time , wherein the authors lived , and then that of st. hierome , which happens to be first mentioned by them , p. 102. will fall to be one of the last to which we shall make reply . first then for clemens , they thus begin , sure we are that clemens , who lived in the first century , in his famous epistle to the corinthians ( an undoubted piece of antiquity ) makes but two orders of ministery , bishops and deacons . and having set downe the place which testifies this , * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and rendered it thus , christ iesus sent his apostles through countries and cities , in which they preached and constituted the first fruits ( approving them by the spirit ) for bishops and deacons to those who should afterwards believe . from hence they observe , p. 105. that bishops and deacons were the onely orders of minist●ry in the first primitive church . and that the apostles appointed but two officers ( that is bishops and deacons ) to bring men to believe , because when he had reckon'd up three orders appointed by god amongst , the jewes , high-priest , priests , and levites : coming to recite orders appointed by the apostles under the gospell , ●e doth mention onely bishops and deacons . and here one would think were little for the presbyterians advantage , even no more than one of my paradoxes would have afforded them , which , from this very testimony and some other , concluded that which was then so strange for them to heare ( yet now can be confest by them ) that the apostles at their first plantations contented themselves with bishops and deacons , one of each , or perhaps more of the latter in every city . but when these men thus grant the conclusion from this place , which i inferr'd , i have yet no reason to boast of their liberality , because i suppose it their meaning , that by bishops clemen●● meant pre●byters , though this they do not so much as say in twice repeating of their conclusion . and yet certainly it needed more than saying , proving by some evidence or argument , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops in that place signifies any thing else but bishops . all that they offer toward a reason for this , must be contained in these words of theirs that follow in the former place . the occasion of that epistle seemes to be a new sedition raised by the corinthians against their presbyters , p. 57. 58. clemens to remove their present sedition tells them how god hath alwayes appointed severall orders in his church , which must not be confounded ; in the jewish church he appointed high-priest , priests and levites , and then tells them for the time of the gospell that christ jesus sent his apostles as before , citing the words of clement already set down . but certainly this doth not prove bishops in that epistle to be no more than presbyters , but may as fitly be argumentative for me , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders in that epistle signifie bishops . the onely imaginable medium of proofe , which can be usefull for their turne , i shall suppose to be this , that corinth was but one city , and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders at , and of corinth , must needs be presb●ters , because according to our opinion there were not more bishops in one city . but to this i answer , 1. that what clemens saith in the testimony now produced , he speakes not of corinth peculiarly , but of the cities , and regions in generall , which the apostles converted , and of them in the plurall number , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , through regions and cities , and then in those many cities , there may well be many bishops , and yet certainly no more than one in one city . secondly , that this epistle of clemens to the corinthians was not to the christians of that one city , but to the whole province of achaia , of which corinth was the metropolis , and wherein the proconsull of achaia resided , and kept his courts , act. 18. 12. 15. so the title of the epistle inclines , being inscribed to the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which denotes the whole province , then called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as when in polycarps epistle , the church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] is not onely that of the city philippi , but of the province belonging to it , and in the other part of the title of this epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of god dwelling about rome , ] in the church of rome , and all that belonged to that metropolis , called by ignatius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place of the region of the romans , i. e. the city , and the whole region about it ; * and so when eusebius mentions dionysius the famous bishop of corinth , he calls him bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of the province of , or about corinth . and that this is the truth of it , and no conjecture of mine may appeare by one character in the epistle ; he tells them that they had formerly received epistles from st. paul. this directs to resolve that these to whom this epistle was addrest , were the same to whom st. paul's were formerly sent , and it is evident that those were the saints or christians in all achaia , 2 cor. 1. 1. and the same is doubtlesse implied by the phrase in every place , 1 cor. 1. 2. not in every place simply of the world ( for it was no catholick epistle , but a particular admonition for particular faults , incest , &c. ) but in that whole porvince or region of achaia . so that which apollos is said to have done among them ( apollos hath watered ) 1 cor. 3. 6. appeares by the story act. 18. 27. to have belonged to all achaia . and so what the apostle writes to them of sending their offertory to judaea , 1 cor. 6. 1. 2 cor. 8. and 9. doth appeare by rom. 15. 26. to appertaine to all achaia , macedonia , saith he , and achaia have pleased to make a contribution , and 2 cor. 9. 2. i know your forwardnesse , that achaia hath been ready above a yeare agoe . where the [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you ] and [ achaia ] must needs be of the same latitude , and so againe it is c. 11. 9. compared with v. 18. and so those of st. paul , and consequently this of clement was not to the city of corinth alone , but to all the churches of achaia , and if among them there were more bishops than one , there will certainly be no newes in that , and if those bishops ( according both to the nature of the word , and the use of it in those dayes before and after clement ) were styled sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also , then all is very agreeable to all that we contend for , that there was one bishop , not a college of presbyters in clements dayes in every city . and this is directly the importance of clements words , as they lie in the epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , christ was sent out from god , and the apostles from christ ( as my father sent me , so send i you ] and then to shew that the bishops were in the same manner sent , i. e. commissionated by them , he addes , that they , i. e. the apostles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 went out preaching , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. therefore preaching through regions and cities , they constituted their first fruits — for bishops and deacons , cities and regions in the plurall , and bishops and deacons proportionable thereto . and when he addes that they were thus made of their first fruits , i. e. of those that were first converted by them , and to this end , that they might be officers of those which should after believe ( supposing that there were not many now that did so ) this is directly a description of those times , of which epiphanius speakes , saying , that when the gospell began to be preacht , there was yet no neede of presbyters , but bishops and deacons served the turne . and accordingly deacons in those dayes were immediately made bishops , as is sufficiently knowne of clement the writer of this epistle , who was st. peters deacon and bishop after him , as is cleared in dissert 5. c. 1. sect. 11. and so much for that first testimony . one thing onely more from hence they are desirous to conclude , that in the first and purest times the custome was to choose bishops in villages , as well as in great cities , grounded upon this , that here the apostles are said to have appointed bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but there is no ground of this conclusion in this testimony , for 1. here is no mention of villages , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not greek for them , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 't is the former , not the latter which here we finde . it is evident what is meant by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when it is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cities , viz. provinces , which have each of them many cities in them , and when it is joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 villages , it sitly denotes regions , in which there are many villages . so saith * strabo of asia , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the romans made that region a province , and so in the ecclesiastical writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a province made up of many cities , each of which had a bishop over them , as when in the * councel in trullo . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , cyprian is said to be archbishop of the region of the africanes , region there signifying the whole province under that metropolitane , and so * cyprian himselfe makes it his observation , jampridem per omnes provincias & singulas urbes instituti sunt episcopi . antiently through all the provinces and each of the cities , bishops were instituted . where the bishops in the several provinces , as those differ from the bishops in each city , are undoubtedly archbishops . and if that place so very agreeable to this of clemens may be allowed , to give us the meaning of it , we see what it will be , and how distant from these mens conclusion that the apostles instituted bishops in every city , and in each region or province , and in the metropolis or chiefe city of it , a metropolitane or archbishop . but then 2. if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should signifie , as they would have it , a company of villages or little townes lying neer together , so as to be here used in opposition to the cities , yet could it not be from hence concluded , that the apostles constituted bishops in those villages . the words are , they preached through regions and cities , and constituted their first fruits ( earlyest converts ) into bishops and deacons , which will be perfectly true , though all the bishops and deacons constituted by them , had their fixt seats of residence in the cities ; for that they constituted bishops in the regions , is not here affirmed . much more might be said in this matter , to shew that the utmost concessions that the adversaries could demand from hence , would no way hinder or disadvantage our pretensions , but onely give the chorepiscopi a greater antiquitie in the church , than either they or we have reason to thinke they had , of which whole matter the reader may see a full discourse , dissert . 3. c. 8. sect. 25. &c. and of it somewhat we shall anon have occasion to repete from thence . the second testimony of clemens is set down by them in these words , that the apostles knowing by jesus christ , that there would a contention arise , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the name of bishop , & being indued with perfect foreknowledg they appointed the aforesaid ( that is , the aforesaid orders of bishops and deacons ) &c. here they require two things to be noted 1. that by name is not meant the bare name of bishop , but the honour and dignity , as it is taken , phil. 2. 9. ephes . 1. 21. heb. 1. 4. rev. 11. so that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the controversie among the corinthians was not about the name , but dignity of episcopacy ; for it was about the deposition of their godly presbyters , pag. 57. 58. 2. that the onely remedy appointed by the apostles for the cure of all contentions arising about episcopacy , is , by committing the care of the church to bishops and deacons : afterwards the church found out another way , by setting up one bishop over another ; but clemens tells us , that the apostles indued with perfect foreknowledge of things ordained only bishops and deacons for a remedy of schismes . to this they adde ( to supersede farther citations our of this epistle ) it would be too long to recite all that is said in this epistle for the justification of our proposition , let the reader peruse pag. 57. 62. 69. 72. and take notice that those which are called bishops in one place are called presbyters in another , and that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 throughout the whole epistle . what this whole epistle will yeild toward the proof of their proposition , which is , [ that after christs ascension the church of god for a certaine space of time , was governed by a common councel of presbyters without bishops ] i thinke it reasonable for any that hath not read it , to conjecture by these two testimonies , which these , who assert the proposition , and here undertake to prove it , have thought fit to cull out of it , having withall nothing more to collect for their turne from the rest of the epistle , particularly from the comparing those foure pages , 57. 62. 72. but only this , that they which are called bishops in one place , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders in another . now this last they know is the very thing that i contend ( as from the scripture , so ) from this and other antient writings , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , [ bishop and elder ] are words of the same importance , all the question is , whether at the first both imported bishops or both presbyters in our moderne notion . that there is no one circumstance so much as offered by them to consideration , which may incline it their way , is evident by their owne words , neither of their two notes pretending to it , only their conclusion affirming , that they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , words of the same importance . the whole matter therefore will still divolve to this one quaere , whether , when clement saith of the apostles that they constituted none but bishops and deacons , by bishops a college of presbyters in every city be to be understood , or rather one bishop , with his deacon or deacons in every city . for the clearing of this one difficulty ( for this being evinced , all that their two notes affirme , is directly on our side against them ) i shall here intirely set downe the whole place last produced , of which they have left out one halfe . it is thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . our apostles knew by our lord jesus christ ( that must be by revelation from him ) that there would contention arise upon the name or dignity of episcopacie ( i. e. about the authority of bishops in the church , some opposing it , and casting them out of their offices , as here in the church of the corinthians , and through all achaia was actually come to passe at this time , and occasioned this epistle to them ) for which cause therefore the apostles having received perfect foreknwoledge ( that there would be such contentions on this occasion ) did ( for the preventing of them ) constitute the forementioned ( bishops and deacons of those which should come in to the faith in their new plantations ) and after them ( so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies in barnabas's epistle , sect. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people that should be after , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 13. 42. that which should follow the next after ) gave a series or catalogue , or manner of succession ( i. e. set downe a note of them which in each church should succeed the present incumbent ) that when they dyed , other approved men might succeede to their office or ministery . what can be more manifest , than that the dignity , which the apostles conferred on the bishops in each city and province , which in the former testimony hath been cleared to belong to single bishops , not to any college of presbyters , was by them foreseen , that it would be matter of contention , occasion of sedition in the church : for the prevention of which , they used the probablest meanes imaginable , named successors to the present bishops in every church , who should supply the vacant places , as soon as they fell , and so prevent suing and contending for them , and were by the speciall spirit of god directed , who those successors should be ; so that the opposing their succession , or casting them out afterwards , must be a great sin , even of resisting the spirit of god , who had designed them to this inheritance . which , next to christ's bearing them in his right hand , rev. 1. 20. is the greatest character of dignity , and evidence of christ's approving of the order , and care of continuing it , as the originall of union ( not division ) in the church . there is not by these men one word of objection offered against this conclusion , thus formerly deduced in the dissertations , and therefore i need adde no more for the vindicating this testimony , yet will it not be amisse here to interpose the words of hegesippus , one that was present at the time of that sedition , and gives an account of it in * eusebius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the church of the corinthians continued in the right , untill primus was bishop of corinth . which is a testimonie as antient as that of clement , and tells us what bishops they were which clement speakes of , such as primus was at corinth , i. e. one singular governour in a city . the same will be yet more manifest , if we consider what by all authors is affirmed of clemens himselfe , the writer , at the time of writing this epistle , that having been saint paul's peter's deacon ( ignat. in ep. ad trall . ) he was no bishop of rome , by the joynt suffrage of irenaeus and all the antients , even of saint jerome himselfe in his catalogue , and by him styled an apostolical person on isa . 52. a companion of the apostles ( in interp. com. orig. in rom. ) and by clemens alexandrinus , strom. lib. 4. an apostle in the sense that theodoret saith , those whom in his time they called bishops , had been at first called apostles . accordingly of him , saith irenaeus in his catalogue of the successive governors of the church , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the third place from the apostles clemens came to the bishoprick , which how it is easily to be accorded with those who truly make him peters immediate successor , see dissert . 5. c. 1. sect. 6. &c. other testimonies there are producible from this epistle of clement , which are all to the same purpose with the former ; as when he findes an image of the ecclesiasticall state under bishops and deacons , in the prophecie of isaiah , cap. 60. 17. where in the greek translation , then in use , he had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i will constitute their bishops in righteousnesse , and their deacons in faithfulnesse , speaking of the judges and their ministers and officers in every city . and so againe when he exhorts them to give due honour to the elders among them , talkes of their sedition against their elders , and casting them out of their episcopacy , in one place ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and removing them from that honoured office ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in another , and the like ; all of the same importance , and to be interpreted by the former . sect. ii. the testimony of polycarpe . that he was himselfe a bishop . his mention of ignatius's epistles , fit to give authority to them , being so confirmed as it is by a series of the antients . in the next place followes their testimonie out of polycarpe , introduced in this manner , the like record we have of polycarpe that famous disciple of john the apostle , who lived also within the first century , and wrote an epistle to the philippians , in which he makes also but two orders of ministery , bishops and deacons , and perswades the philippians to be subject to their presbyters and deacons , as to god and christ . to this testimony from polycarp there is no reason i should deny any part of my assent , being so perfectly such , as the cause which i defend requires ; if there be with him but two orders of ministery , bishops and deacons , and he perswades the philippians ( i.e. that whole province , the same to which saint paul had written , consisting of many churches , all under that metropolis of philippi ) to be subject to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders and deacons , and sets the former of them , in the comparison , to answer god the father the supream monarch of heaven ; and the latter to be the parallel to christ who came out from heaven upon his fathers messages , then what reason have i to doubt , but that these elders and deacons are the very same which saint paul had called bishops and deacons , phil. 1. 1. which that it belonged to the severall bishops of that province of macedonia , hath before been sufficiently vindicated . and therefore without farther debating this testimony , i shall adde some few things concerning this polycarp , which will helpe conveniently to cleere the whole matter . first , that as it is most true , that is here said of him , that he was a famous disciple of iohn the apostle , so this is added to his titles by the authonti●k epistle of the church of smyrna , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this was the most wonderfull person in our times , being an apostolicall and prophetical doctor , and that he was a most glorious martyr , is the designed matter of that whole epistle . secondly , that this famous , most admirable apostolical doctor and martyr , was the bishop of smyrna , and so constituted by the apostles , as will appeare by three testimonies , each of them irrefragable . 1. by the epistle of that church of smyrna , written on purpose concerning his martyrdome , a reverend piece of antiquity , fit to compare with any that remaines in the church . and there we finde in the close of his titles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was bishop of the catholike church , which is in smyrna , i. e. both of iewish and gentile christians there . so polycrates ( the eight bishop of ephesus , borne within a while after saint iohn's death ) in his epistle to victor , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , polycarp the bishop of smyrna and martyr . so irenaeus , lib. 3. cap. 3. speaking of him , saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he was constituted by the apostles bishop of the church of smyrna in asia . and then what possibility can there be , that he being thus a bishop , nay metropolitane himselfe , ( as hath formerly been shewed ) writing to another metropolis , and commanding to obey the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and deacons , should meane any thing else but bishops by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thirdly , that this polycarp , as in this epistle he acknowledgeth to have received an epistle from ignatius ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , you wrote to me , and to ignatius also ) so he tells them that he had sent them a collection of the same ignatius's epistles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the epistles of ignatius sent to us by him , and as many others as we had by us , we have sent to you , as you required , which are subjoyned to this epistle , by which you may receive great benefit . by this passage it is cleare , that as ignatius wrote one epistle to polycarpe , another to the church of smyrna , whereof polycarpe was bishop , both contein'd under the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sent to us , ( as it is explain'd by eusebius in these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ignatius wrote to the church of smyrna , and severally to polycarpe the ruler thereof ) so he wrote divers others also , which at that time , before ignatius's death were by the philippians desired from polycarpe , and by polycarpe transmitted to them , and so cannot with any sense be affirmed to be forged , and affixt to his name after his death . how these epistles were from polycarpe brought down to the hands of irenaeus , who lived in polycarp's time , and saw him an old man , and so testifies in his epistle to florinus ; and cites a notable passage out of ignatius , which we now have in his epistle to the romans : how , soone after irenaeus , * origen cites them again , calling him martyr and bishop of antioch , the second after peter , and setting down the very words which we now have in the epistle to the ephesians ; how , after origen , † eusebius sets down the whole story of writing them , together with a distinct catalogue of seven , to ephesus , to magnesia , to the trallians , to the romans , to the philadelphians , to the smyranaeans , and to polycarpe : and in like manner athanasius , citing from ignatius words which we now finde in his epistle to the ephesians , and theodoret in many passages out of that to the ephesians , to the trallians , to the smyrnaeans ; and at last st. hierome ( on whose authority the presbyterians so much depend ) according exactly with eusebius , to give these seven ep●stles of ignatius a full authority with all ; all this i say hath been at large deduced and evidenced in the dissertations ; and this , one would thinke , might have been sufficient to have given ignatius some place among their testimonies for the opinion of antiquity in this matter , especially when that very epistle of polycarpe , which for the bare name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders used by him , they cite , and give him his just honour , doth give testimony to the epistles of ignatius , as cleare , and as universally , and fully confirmed by others , as any , by which that epistle of ●olycarpe or clemens , or any other antient writing stands in the church . but all this , it seemes , is of no weight with them , and therefore after the two testimonies of clemens , and one of polycarpe , backt with the like number of three more , a saying of bishop bilson ( very unlikely to be to the praejudice of bishop● , if it were here seasonable to examine it ) and the like of gratian , and the third of the lord digby , they are then at leisure to remember what out of ignatius is objected against them ; had he by any possible colour of any passage in him , been capable of doing them any service , he might then , as his epistles were written before polycarps , have also been called out and cited before him ; but all those epistles being so diametrally contrary to their pretensions , as every man knowes they are , he is now to be lookt on and answered , as temptations are wont to be , to be mentioned only , that he may be rejected by them . section iii. a vindication of ignatius's epistles , vossius's edition of them , and the archbishops of armagh . some testimonies out of them . the cause of his so inculcating obedience to bishops . mr. causabones testimony considered , and the allegations from the archbishop of armagh . three reasons against these epistles answered . ( no marriage without the bishop . ) of the reformed churches . of the church of scotland after the first conversion . thus therefore they proceede , p. 107. against all that hath been said in this proposition , it is objected , that the blessed st. ignatius , who lived in the first century , hath in his epistles clearely and fully asserted episcopall government , as it is distinct from presbyteriall , and that therefore there was no space of time , wherein the church of christ was governed by the common councell of presbyters without bishops properly so called . i doe not conceive that they have said any thing of any availe , for the proving their proposition , and presume that neither from clement nor polycarpe it hath appeared that they have gained any thing ; and therefore against all that they have said there is no need that i should make any objection . but in a farre larger style i think it were no insolence to say , that against all that was ever imagined by any to be producible out of antiquity in behalfe of presbytery , the bare testimonies of this one apostolicall martyr , ignatius , will be abundantly sufficient , being put in the other scale , to weigh them all downe and decide the controversie on the prelatists side . it were here unreasonable at large to recite all these testimonies , being already set downe particularly dissert . 2. c. 25. and the notoriety of the fact being such that a speciall objection against the epistles is , that he every where asserts episcopacy . and therefore the onely way that could be invented for the supporting the presbyterians interest against such direct testimonies , so ( every where ) inculcated , and so impossible to be reconciled with their assertions , is this which they give us , p. 108. in these words . in answer to this we must intreat the reader to take notice that in the primitive times there were abundance of spacious and supposititious workes put forth under the names of the apostles and blessed martyrs , which were none of theirs , &c. the like fraud hath been used in ignatius's workes , &c. here first 't is a little strange that the spurious and supposititious workes of the apostles and martyrs should be said to be put forth in the primitive times , unlesse that phrase primitive , be taken in a very great latitude , i had thought that it had been in after times , when errors were gotten in , and sought patronage and covert from the primitive fathers , that these spurious brats were borne , and affixt to great names ; and by this meanes indeed they are generally descryed , by their impudent mentioning of some matters of fact , which fell out in those latter times , and so discovered the imposture . but this mistake importeth not much to our present controversy ; if what is here confidently affirmed , [ the like fraud was used in ignatius's workes ] can be any way proved to have truth in it , either in respect of the primitive or after-times , i shall not quarrell upon such niceties . i shall therefore examine their proofes which follow . and first , say they , it is certaine the epistle of the blessed virgin mary to ignatius , and of ignatius to the blessed virgin , and two other epistles of ignatius to john the apostle are spurious and counterfeit . to this i most willingly yeild , that the epistles under ignatius's name to the blessed virgin and st. john may very probably be deemed none of his , and so they are generally rejected by those who mainteine ours , as well as their interests . i shall onely adde that there is no one word in them concerning bishops , nor were they ever produced by any prelatist in defence of them . next then , say they , as for his other twelve epistles , five of them are by invincible arguments , as we conceive , proved by vedelius to be written by a pseudo-ignatius . eusebius and hierome make mention but of seven . here also will easily be granted by us whatsoever is demanded ; for though vedelius a divine of geneva since the casting out of their bishop and setting up of the new government , might well be lookt on as a partiall arguer or judge concerning ignatius's writings , yet it being true , and by me formerly acknowleged that eusebius and st. hierome mention but seven epistles of his , i shall also be ready to yeild to the utmost that vedelius contended , that there be no more then seven genuine epistles of ignatius , not that every of the other five can be proved to be suppositious , but because the antient testifications of the church doe not make it so evident , that those other five are all his , as of the other seven they doe . according to this concession it is , that in the dissertations all the testimonies which are produced in defence of episcopacy , are taken out of those seven epistles which st. hierome , the presbyter , and onely trusted friend of the presbyterians , doth acknowledge to be his . but of these seven also they have somewhat to say , in these words : and for those seven , though with scultetus , vedelius and rivetus we doe not renounce them as none of his , yet sure we are , they are so much adulterated and corrupted , that no man can ground any solid assertion about episcopacy from ignatius's workes . i hope i shall not now be lookt on , as an intemperate asserter of episcopacy , if in this third step also i goe so farre with the presbyterians as to yeld that i shall rest contented even , with those parcells of those seven epistles , which these most rigid censors , even vedelius himselfe , which published him at geneva , is content to acknowledge for his . if this be allowed me i shall need demand no more ; the matter is evident , any man may consult vedelius's edition , and finde testimonies as cleare for our turne , as could be wisht , in those parts of those epistles which he allowes of . but for the purging of ignatius , as of all other antients , i suppose the method , which vedelius used , proceeding for the most part , by his owne conjecture and phansie , is not likely to be the best ; the one course which any judicious man would require or depend on , hath been used in this matter , since vedelius had done his best ; i meane the most antient copies in europe have been consulted , and god's providence hath been eminently discernable in the result of that inquiry . isaac vossius , a knowne learned man of that part of the reforme● church , which is governed by presbyters , hath met with an antient manuscript in the medicaean library , which hath none of the suspected epistles , and is perfectly free from those passages , which were formerly among sober men made matter of suspicion against the epistles ; and as in them we finde those very passages intire , which the antients have cited out of them , so from them againe all the testimonies are fetcht , which we desire to make use of in this matter . so that if ever ignatius wrote those epistles which from polycarpe downward the antients generally agree that he wrote , i have no reason to feare or doubt but his authority , and the testimonies i have brought from him , will be of full value and force in this matter . when this copy out of the medicaean library was first transcribed by vossius , the greatest enemies of episcopacy were much taken with it ; d. blondel confesses that he presently got a transcript of it , compared it with the testimonies , which the fathers ( polycarpe , irenaeus , origen , eusebius , athanasius , ierome , chrysostome , &c. ) had cited out of ignatius , and finding them all to agree with this copy , confesseth of himselfe that he was glad for this age of ours , that we had now gotten that very copy that 1300. yeares ago , eusebius had used , and expected great light from thence . but at length this proved not for his turne , the author spake so much of bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in season and out of season , that he set himselfe to form arguments against it , which are answer'd at large in the dissertations . but beside this greeke copy of vossius's edition , it fell out very opportunely , that the most reverend archbishop of armagh about the same time met with some antient latine copies in england , which he thought fit to publish , although the translation were rude and barbarous , and that latine edition of his was found every where agreeable to that greeke of vossius , freed , as that , from all interpolations , and by this concurrence of these providences , there is all reason to think that we have at last the epistles of ignatius , as purely set out as either that of clemens , or polycarpe , or any other antient writing . and in this purity it is that we now appeale to it , and have the three orders in the church , bishops , presbyters and deacons , and the obedience and respects due to them , as evidently and irrefragably asserted in very many places , as any truth of scripture can be expected to be . after all this , most distinctly deduced in the dissertations , they yet proceed , we will not , say they , for our parts trouble the reader with a large discourse about this subject . if he please he may read what the archbishop of armagh , what rivet , vedelius , and cooke in his censura patrum , and what salmasius and d. blondel say about it , who all of them bring divers arguments to evince the invalidity of these epistles . there is a — doctor that hath undertaken to answer the objections of the two last , but this doctor should doe well to answer also what the archbishop of armagh , hath written about these epistles , who proves at large that six of them are nothae , the other six mixtae , and none of them to be accounted omni ex parte sincerae & genuinae , who also tells us out of casaubone , that among all the ecclesiasticall monuments there are none in which the papists put more confidence , than in ignatius's epistles . this being the summe of their charge on me in this place , that having answer'd all the arguments of blondell and salmasius ( i hope satisfactorily , or else they were very unkinde not to expresse their dislikes of some one answer ) i have not yet answer'd the arguments of the archbishop of armagh against these epistles , i shall hope , that when either i have done that , or given competent reason , why i need not do it , i shall not need to travaile any farther in this argument ; yet to omit no paines which they can but thinke of prescribing me , i shall take the whole matter of this their last section before me , and consider every part of it . and 1. for rivet , vedelius and cooke in censura patrum 't is evident , that their exceptions and censures belong to the former printed copies of ignatius , that especially which had beene set out by mastraeus a papist , against whom vedelius his edition and exercitations were chiefly designed . but then vedelius having called this volume to a very strict examination , 't is evident that that copy , which he had thus purged , cannot be still lyable to his and the like exceptions , which before were made against the former copies . as for salmasius and blondell , their exceptions have , as is here confest , been already examined , and i need say no more of them till those answers be some way attempted to be invalidated , which here they are not , but instead of it , i am called to answer the archbishop of armagh his arguments . lastly , therefore for the archbishop of armagh ; it is first somewhat unexpected , that what he had said , as the ground and occasion of making a new edition , setting out this very antient copy , and by it purging ignatius , who had before been so corrupted in his opinion , should now be proposed to me to be answered , who use that very copy , which that archbishop set out , and acknowledge it was formerly as corruptly set forth , as he conceived it to be . is it not visible that the archbishop's whole designe in two impressions of those epistles , was to set them out free from all corruptions and mixtures , and interpolations , which they had before been under : and that all his discourses in his prolegomena , were to prove the former editions to have been corrupt , and so that the●e was great need of seeking out better copies , and that he verily thought he had now found such ? and then what can be required of me to answer in his writings , who am directly of his opinion in all the substantiall parts of the whole matter ? as for lesser doubts , as whether that one to polycarpe be among the genuine or no , though with eusebius and st. hierome i believe it is , and have given the reasons of my opinion , yet i need not controvert this with any , because the other six will still serve my turne abundantly , and the testimonies out of the most purged geneva , or amstelodam-editions of those six , will sufficiently vindicate episcopacy in our present notion of it to be then received , and of the apostles erecting in the church . a few of these testimonies i shall here set downe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the reader may know the unquestionable opinion of ignatius , and how farre i am from necessity of using any corrupted copy of those epistles . first , then in his epistle to the smyrnaans , we have the three orders set down distinctly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and againe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the like in 3. places to the ephesians , in 3. to the magnesians , in 4. to the philadelphians , in 4. to the trallians . so secondly we have their particular bishops mentioned , as such , polycarpe of smyrna , in the epistle to the magnesians , onesimus of ephesus in his congratulation to the ephesians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they had such a bishop , adding ▪ burrhus his deacon : damas of the magnesians , together with the names of two of their presbyters , bassus and apollonius , and sotion the deacon , all in the epistle to the magnesians . polybius of the trallians , in the epistle to them . thirdly we have his affirmation concerning bishops through the whole world , that they are constituted as , or by the minde of christ , i. e. sent by him , as he by his father , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . jesus christ is the mind or by , or according to the mind of the father ( sent and commissionated by him to reveale his will to us ) and so the bishops constituted through the world are the minde , or by the minde of christ . fourthly , he tells us that all in the ●hurch , particularly presbyters , must yeild obedience to the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all follow the bishop , in the epistle to the smyrnaeans , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that being subject to the bishop yee may be sanctified in all things , in ep. ad . eph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , yee ought to pay all reverence to the bishop , adding , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as he had observed their pious presbyters to doe , though their bishop were yong in ep. ad magnes : and againe , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be subject to the bishop , so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 give heed to the bishop , in ep. ad philad . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be subject , and it is necessary to be subject to the bishop , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . farewell yee that obey the bishop , in ep. ad trall . fifthly , he oft addes , that nothing ought to be done in the church without licence of the bishop , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let none without the bishop doe any of the things that belong to the church , instancing in baptisme and the other sacrament , in ep. ad smyr . and so in the epistles to the philadel●hians and trallians . sixthly , that a convenient reverence and respect is also due to the presbyters , and to the deacons , as is every where taken notice of by him , almost in every epistle . and all this and much more we have in the copies , which are now come , most uncorrupt , unto us , and there is no imaginable way to avoid the force of these testimonies , and the authority of that holy martyr for episcopacie , but the una litura , expunging or casting away the whole volume of epistles . for the truth is , his whole designe , before his departure from the world , being this one of divine charity , to fortifie the severall stocks , to which he wrote , against the poyson of hereticks , the gnosticks , so early creeping in , and despising the governors of the church , ( as they had done the apostles themselves ) and the doctrine of the apostles being by him knowne to be deposited with the bishops in each church , and having particular assurance of the sanctity , and foun● faith of the present governors of these churches , to which he writes , he thinkes fit to make use of this one most compendious course , most immediately tending to his end , to keep them all in obedience to their bishops and officers under them , and to make the contrary ( as it was indeed ) the sure marke of haereticks , whom they were to avoid . and so this is it which hath so fill'd all the epistles ( except that one to the romanes ) with continuall discourse of the bishops , &c. and it is evident that in that present conjuncture of affaires , nothing could with more reason and ●tnesse have been insisted on . meane while that i may returne to the place from which i have a while diverted , it is so certaine and evident of the learned archbishop of armagh , that he never disputed against the validity and authority of these epistles thus purged , that it cannot be unknowne to them that thus dispute , what arguments he hath urged for the authority of them , and in like manner what and how satisfactory answers he hath given to the speciall exceptions of others , which very thing occasioned a particular letter of reply to him from d. blondell , which by that archbishops favour i received , and made my rejoinder to it in the * dissertations . this i hope may be sufficient to have said in this matter , instead of undertaking so unreasonable a taske of answering any thing asserted by that archbishop . as for that which followes out of him and m. casaubone of baronius and the papists making such use , and placing such confidence in these epistles above all other ecclesiasticall monuments , it is speedily answered also out of what is already said , that they were the former corrupt editions , which were abroad in baronius's time , with all those supposititious additions & interpolations , which the papists are either by mr. casaubone , or that archbishop said to have made use of ; there being no one word or period in this volume , to which my appeale is made , which yeildeth any advantage to the papists in any point , nor is it , nor can it be pretended by any that it doth , unlesse by those in whose opinion the mainteining of bishops is reputed for such . and therefore that very learned man , m. casaubone , is so far from rejecting all these epistles , that he distinctly promiseth nonnullaru●n ex illis antiquitatem se novis rationibus tuiturum , that he will , if god permit , defend the antiquity of some of them , by reasons which others had not taken notice of : exerc. 16. cont. baron . sect. 10. and this promise of his is cited by the archbishop , dissert . de epist ign. pag. 136. so farre is it from all appearance of truth , which is cited as the opinion of these two learned men . after all this ▪ three reasons they will briefly off●r , why they cannot build their judg●ment concerning the doctrine of the primitive church , about episcopacy upon ignatius's epistles . 1. because there are divers things quoted out of his epistles by athanasius , gelasiu● , and theodoret , which are either not to be found in these epistles or to be found altered and changed , and not acco●ding as they are quoted ▪ this is r●vets argument , and pursued at large by the archbishop , to whom we referre the reader . being among their other readers referr'd to the archbishop of armagh for the validity and pursuit of this first reason , i shall to him very securely make my appeale , what force there is in it , against the volume of epistles now twice in severall formes published by him . and in the ●rolegomena to the former of them , pag. 15 , 16 &c. this is most evident that the passages cited by athanasius , gelasius , and theodoret , which were not indeed to be found in the former printed greek copies , are exactly discerned and evidenced by him to be in the old latine interpreter , which he therefore thought fit to publish both out of caius college and bishop montacutes library . the same hath he farther shewn , cap 4. pag. 19. &c. out of the same and other of the antients , eusebius , hierome , &c. and set downe the places in columnes , by way of parallel , to demonstrate the agreement of this copy with the genuine ignatius . and is it not a little strange , that i should be now referred to that archbishop for the pursuit of this argument , which he hath so distinctly proved to be of no force against the copy which now i use , but to concurre in demonstrating the purity of it ? their second reason they draw from his over-much extolling himselfe in his epistle to the trallians , where he saith that he had attained to such a measure of knowledge , that he understood heavenly things , the orders of angels , the differences of archangels , and of the heavenly host , the differences between powers and dominations , the distances of thrones and powers , the magnificencies or magnitudes of aeones or principalities , the sublimity of the spirit , the excellencies of cherubims and seraphims , the kingdome of the lord , and the incomparable divinity of the lord god almighty . all these things i know , and yet am not perfect , &c. now who is there that can believe that such arrogant boasting can proceed from such an holy man , and humble saint , as ignatius was ? and who would believe that the writer of this appendix , which had cited the archbishop of armagh in his prologomena to his first edition of ignatius , and so could not but be able to have consulted that edition , should thus thinke to defame , and blast the whole volume of epistles , for one such periods sake , which is not to be discerned in this , or that archbishops latter , or in vossius's edition of them , to which onely he must know we make our appeale for episcopacy ? in these copies the words are quite distant from what is here cited , and in effect , directly contrary to them , evidences of the greatest humility , now when he was so neer the honor of martyrdome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for i am not , because ( or in that ) i am in bonds able also to understand heavenly things , the positions of angells , their assemblies of principalities ( or of the rulers of them ) both things visible and invisible . besides this , i am yet also a disciple , &c. what arrogance , i pray , or boasting is there in this ? and yet he addes no more in that place but onely , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for many things are wanting to us that we may not be left behinde by god , thinking himselfe utterly unworthy of the honour ( and fearing he may yet misse of it ) to suffer martyrdome for him . and so much for the second reason . the third ( which , say they , is most for our purpose ) is from his over eager and over-anxious defence of the episcopal hierarchy , which he doth with such strange and hyperbolical expressions ( as if all christianity were lost , if prelacie were not upheld ) and with such multiplyed repetitions , ad naus●am usque , that we may confidently say as one doth , certo certius est has epistolas vel supp●sitias esse , vell ●oede corruptas , and that they doe neither agree with those times wherein he wrote , nor with such an holy and humble martyr as he was . we will instance in some few of them . what reasons and designe ignatius had to exhort the christians , to whom he writes to o●edience to their governors , in the church , hath already been said at large , this being the onely expedient , that , at that time , could be thought on , to keep out most dangerous heresies out of the church . and therefore what that holy mart●r did in that kind , when he was carryed from his owne church , never to returne to it againe , cannot be lookt on , as the seeking any great things for himselfe , and so contrary to either his piety or humility , but as a desire full of both those , that the church of god might enjoy truth and peace , after the beasts had devoured him . as for the strange and hyperbolicall expressions , mentioned in the objection , and exemplified in the two following pages , the reader must againe be told , that what they had done most unreasonably before , is here practised againe at large , severall places brought out of the former corrupt editions of ignatius , of which no one word is to be found in the new editions out of the most antient copies greek and latine , from which alone it is evident that we produce all our testimonies for episcopacy , and so have produced very few of those , which they are thus pleased to finde fault with . the places which they urge , are eight , i shall not need to set them down , but give the leader a much shorter , and yet as satisfactory an account of them . two are cited from the epistle to the trallians , and neither of them are in any part to be found in our editions . two are cited from the epistle to the magnesians , and the first is not at all in our editions , nor the second any farther than thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as christ being one with his father did nothing without him , either by himselfe or by his apostles , so neither do ye act any thing without the bishop and the presbyters , nor endeavour that any thing should appeare reasonable to you which is private , or of your owne devising a speech in every sillable of it , very well becomming that holy martyr , written by him at a time , when the truth being by the apostles deposited with the bishops , all private devises of their owne were most justly to be suspected . the fift is in the epistle to polycarpe , and is in our copies thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it becomes the men that marry , and the women that are married , to consummate their union with the consent of the bishop . and i wonder what age of the church there hath been from that time to this , which hath not been of the same opinion . for what is by bishops committed to presbyters , that is not done 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , without the mind of the bishop ( as elsewhere in those epistles appeares of baptisme and the lords supper , neither of which , saith he , are to be meddled with without the consent of the bishop , and many testimonies out of antiquity are * elsewhere produced in perfect conformity therewith . ) and consequently , if in the christian church , marriage hath alwayes been consummated by the priest or presbyter , then cannot this speech of ignatius have any blame in it . and that thus it hath been through all ages , there is little matter of question ( and no word here produced by the objectors to the contrary ) * tertullian will be a good competent tostimonie for the next centurie , speaking of the felicity of the christian marriage , quod ecclesia conciliat , & confirmat oblatio , & obsignat benedictio , angeli renuntiant , &c. which the church makes , the sacrament of the lords supper confirmes , the benediction of the priest seales , and the angels pronounce valid . and in * another place , penes nos occultae co●junctiones , i. e. non prius apud ecclesiam professa , juxta moechiam & fornicationem judicari periclitantur , marriages that are not done publickly before the church , are in danger with us , to goe for adultery and fornication . the same is every where to be found in the decretal epistles of euaristus , about ignatius's time ( which makes it a tradition from the apostles and their successors ) of soter not above 50. yeares after , of callistus neer fifty yeares after him , of silvester an 100 yeares after him , of siricius 70. yeares after silvester , of hormisdas 130. yeares after siricius : and though some of these be by d. blondel thought to be of later dates than the titles of them would pretend , yet the authority of most of them is unquestioned , as to this matter . and the antient piece lately publisht by sirmund concerning the heresie of the predestinati , written , saith he , 1200. yeares since , speakes of it , as a knowne custome and canon of the church , over all the world , for , saith that antient author , if marriage be unlawfull , emendate ergo ecclesia regul●m , damnate qui in toto orbe sunt , sacerdotes , nuptiarum initia benedicentes , consecrantes , & in dei mysteriis sociantes , amend then the rule the of church , and condemne the priests which are in all the world , who blesse the beginnings of marriage , consecrate , and joyne the parties together with the holy sacrament . and the fourth councel of carthage , before the yeare 400. hath these words , sponsus & sponsa cum benedicendi sunt à sacerdote — when the bridegroom and the bride are to be blest by the priest , can. 13. and for latter ages the matter is out of question . and so it will be much more reasonable , from this passage in ignatius , being found so perfectly concordant with other passages of the times so neer him , to resolve the rule of the church concerning sacerdotal benediction in marriage to be received from the apostles and their successors , than from finding this speech in one of ignatius's epistles , to cast away the whole volume . as for that which is added at the end of this testimony from the epistle to polycarpe , my soule for theirs , that obey the bishop , presbyters and deacons , there can be no fault in that , supposing as hath been said , that the bishops at that time , & the presbyters & deacons living regularly and in union with them , had the true safe way among them , wherein any man might walke confidently , all danger being from the heresies that crept in , and brake men off from that unity of the faith . the sixth place from the epistle to the philadelphians , of the princes and emperors obeying the bishop , is certainly inserted by forgery in the former , for not one word of it , or like it , is to be found in our editions . so likewise for both parts of the seventh place out of the epist●e to the smyrnaeans , they are not to be found in our editions . the last onely is to be met with there , but that in a much more moderate straine , than the former , in words and sense very agreeable to wholsome doctrine , and the exigencies of those times , wherein there was no visible way to keep out the tares of false teachers , but by requiring all to be kept to the managery of the true husbandman . and accordingly i have cited this very speech out of ignatius for the asserting of prelacie ( and if there were no such , the epistles might passe well enough with these , as with all other men , they would have needed no vindication , having no adversary ) the words are these , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — all of you follow the bishop as christ jesus did his father ( i. e. as elsewhere appears by the like expression , with [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] added to it , be at perfect unity of doctrine , &c. with the bishop , as christ was with god the father ) and the presbytery as the apostles , and reverence the deacons as those that are appointed by god , ( viz. mediately by the apostles . where it may be observable , that the obiectors which find such fault with this speech of ignatius in their quarrelling with it , leave out this latter part of presbytery and deacons ; they cannot finde in their hearts to quarrell , or accuse him for bidding them follow the presbytery as the apostle , the onely crime was to bid them follow the bishop ( not , as christ in the dative , i. e. as they follow christ , but ) as christ followes his father , the onely p●acular offence , to recommend unity with , and obedience to the bishop . but that by the way . it followes in the place , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , let no man without the bishop doe ought which belongs to the church , let that be accounted a firme eucharist , which is done by the bishop , or him whom the bishop shall permit . where the bishop appeares there let the multitude be , as where christ is , there is the catholick church , it is not lawfull without the bishop ( i. e. as before , without commission from him ) either to baptize or administer the eucharist , but what he approves of ( thus in these publick ministrations ) that is well pleasing to god , that it may be sa●e and firme whatsoever is done ; it doth well that men know god and the bishop . ( as their ruler under god , with whom his truth is by the apostles deposited ) he that honours the bishop , is honoured by god , he that doth any thing clancularly without him , serves the devill ( performes a very acceptable service to him ; for so in a very eminent manner the hereticks of that age , the gnosticks did , which secretly infused their devilish leaven , and deadly poyson into mens hearts , by which they took them quite from christ , but could not have done so successefully , if this holy martyr's counsell here had been taken . ) what inconvenience can be imagined consequent to our affirming that ignatius was the author of these words , i confesse not to comprehend ; of this there is no question , but that it is the ordinary language of the antient church , and accounted necessary in an eminent degree , to preserve unity and truth in the church , and to hold up the authority of governours among all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters and deacons must doe nothing without the minde of the bishop , can. apost . 40. and the reason is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for he is intrusted with the people of the lord , so in the 56. canon of laodicaea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the presbyters must do nothing without the minde of the bishop , and so in the councell of arles , can. 19. the presbyters must doe nothing in any diocesse sine episcopi sententia , without the bishops minde , and sine authoritate literarum ejus , without authority of his letter● . all that is here offer'd by them to make the like words in ignatius a competent charge , upon which to throw away the whole volume of epistles , is onely this , if this be true doctrine , what shall become of all the reformed churches , especially the church of scotland , which ( as john major saith lib. 2. histor . de gestis scotorum , c 2. ) was after it's first conversion to the christian faith above 230 yeares without episcopall government . to this double question i might well be allowed to render no answer , it being certainly very extrinsecall to the question in hand , ( which is onely this , whether ignatius wrote or wrote not those epistles ) to examine what shall become of the reformed churches , &c. it were much more reasonable for mee to demand of the objectors , who suppose their presbyteriall platforme , as that is opposed to episcopall , to be setled in the church by divine right , if this doctrine be true , what did become of all those primitive churches all the world over , which they confesse departed from this modell , and set up the contrary , and so of all the succeeding ages of the church for so many 100 yeares , till the reformation , and since that also , of all the other churches , which doe not thus farre imitate mr. calvin , casting out the government by bishops ? is it not as reasonable that they should be required to give a faire and justifiable account of their dealing with ( and judging , post factum , of ) all these , as i should be obliged to reconcile ignatius his speech concerning his present age , with the conveniencies of the reformed churches , which he could neither see , nor be deemed to speak of , nor consequently to passe judgement on them by divination . what they were guilty of which secretly infused their poyson into men and women in his age , and would not let the bishop the governour of the church , be the judge of their doctrines and ●ractices , he here tells us , viz. that they performed service to the devill , in stealing mens hearts from christ ; but what crime it was in those of corinth , and through all achaia , to turne their bishops out of their places , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to cast them out of their episcopacy their office and ministration , this he tells them not in that place , clemens romanus had done it competently in his epistle . as for the particular case of those reformed churches , which have done more then so , not onely cast out their present governours , but over and above utterly cast off the government it selfe , there had been i confesse , a great deale said , both in this and other places of ignatius , and many other antient writers , who yet never foretold these dayes , abundantly sufficient to have restreined them from so disorderly proceedings , if they would have pleased to have hearkned to such moderate counsells . but having not done so , ignatius hath gone no farther , he is only a witnesse against them , he undertooke not the office of a ●udge so farre beyond his province , hath pronounced no sentence upon them . and to proceed one degree farther , to the successors of those in the reformed churches ( as many as are justly blameable for treading in their leaders steps ) though i may truely say , they have as little taken that hol● martyrs advise , and more than so , that they have retaind a considerable corruption in their churches , and that they should doe well , if now they know how , to restore themselves to that medell , which they find every where exemplified in ignatius , yet till they shall have done so , i know that they are exactly capable of being concer●d in any part of these words , last cited from ignatius . for they that have no bishop at all , cannot be required to doe nothing without consulting with the bishop ; they are justly to be blamed , as farre as they are guilty , that they have no bishop ; but then that is their crime ( and they are to reforme it as soone as they please ) but that being supposed , this of not consulting the bishop , while they have none , is no new crime , nor liable of it selfe to the censure of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here , which was affixt to those that had bishops , and would not have their doctrines examined by that standard , of which they were the depositaries . and this is as much as is needfull to be said in this place for that first inconvenience affixt to ignatius's words . as for the other , the church of scotland in it's first conversion , the matter againe is so remote from the taske we have now in hand , for the vindicating the authority of ignatius's volumne of epistles , and withall so uncertainly set downe by authors , that it would be unseasonable to engage farre in so darke a part of history so impertinently . in briefe therefore , though i have not john major by me to consult , yet i conceive i shall not guesse amisse at the grounds , and consequently at the truth and weight of his assertion . joannes jordanus was of opinion that * paschasius a sicilian prima christianae pietatis rudimenta mandante p. victore in scotia nuntiavit , first preacht the christian faith in scotland by the command of pope victor . and this was about the year 203. and † bede saith that in the eight yeare of theodosius junior , that is about the yeare 431 , palladius ad scotos in christum credentes a pontifice romanae ecclesiae coelestino primus mittitur episcopus , palladius was by celestine bishop of rome sent first bishop to the scots that believed . and the distance betwixt these two termes being 228. yeares , this i conceive the ground work of john major's affirmation here cited , of the 230. yeares , wherein that church after it●s first conversion remained without episcopall government . but first it is to be noted here , that the saying of jordanus of paschasius in victor's dayes , is no more than this , that he preached the gospell there , prima rudimenta nuntiavit , declared the first rudiments there , and , as it followes in demster , tyrocinia fidei fecit , laid the grounds of christianity among them ; and that might be done , and soone moulder away againe , and never come to so much maturity , as either to have bishops or presbyters constituted among them . and secondly , though bede say that palladius was sent to them episcopus primus , their first bishop , yet neither he , nor any other affirmes that they were formerly ruled by a presbytery , or so much as that they had any presbyter among them . nay thirdly , demster reports it from jordanus but slightly , joh. jordanus putavit , it was the conceit or opinion of that author . and that which * bozius tells us will take off much from the creditablenesse of that opinion , traditur in scotiâ , quae tunc erat hibernia , christi cultum disseminatum eodem tempore quo in britanniâ , sub annum christi 203. victore sedente . they say that the faith of christ was disseminated in scotland , which was then ireland , at the same time that it was in britanny , about the yeare 203. in the time of victors papacy . by this it appeares that the conceit of jordanus belonged to ireland , not to scotland , ireland being antiently called scotia ( as in † bede we finde , scotorum qui hiberniam insulam britanniae proximam incolunt , the scots which inhabit ireland , and * gentes scotorum quae australibus hiberniae partibus morabantur , the scots which inhabited the southerne parts of ireland ) and that which is now scotland , was then styled nova scotia , to distinguish it from the other . and it is worth remembring that marianus the scotch antiquary had no knowledge of this conversion of scotland under victor , nor is there any shew of it in bede , who tells us of the latter . nay it is yet more evident * by prosper , that 't was a conversion from barbarous to christian , which is spokon of in coelestines time , and that the faith was planted , and the bishop constituted there together , venerabilis memoriae pontifex ab hoc codem morbo britannias liberavit , & ordinato scotis episcopo , dum romanam insulam studet servare , catholicam fecit etiam barbaram christianam , pop● coelestine freed britaine from pelagianisme , and ordained a bishop for the scots , and so while he indeavoured to keepe a romane island within the bounds of the catholick faith , he also made a barbarous island christian . which as it differs somewhat from bedes expression of palladius's being sent ad credentes , to believers , so it gives us occasion to propose that which may reconcile these seeming differences , viz. 1. that christanity was planted in scotland before caelestine's time , derived to them most probably from their neighbours the britaines here , with whom they are * known to have agreed in the keeping of easter , contrary to the custome of the romane church , and so cannot be deemed to have received the first rudiments of their conversion from rome : then secondly , that this plantation was very imperfect , differing little from barbarisme , and so reputed by prosper , till the comming of bishop palladius among them . thirdly , that even after that , they retain'd the usage of easter , contrary to the romane custome , which still referres to some rude conversion of theirs before palladius . by all this it is cleared to us , what is to be thought of major's affirmation , which hath now very little appearance of truth in it , and if it had , would be little for the presbyterian interest to insist on it , when after all that time of the supposed government of that church by presbyters , it was found directly barbarous , and to be planted with christianity anew , at palladius'● coming . some uncertainty we see there is of the time and meanes of planting christianity in scotland , but as to this matter of the 230. yeares under presbytery , there can be no ground to affirme it ; for if the conversion of it be dated from victor's time , as that opinion would have it , yet even by that account 't was after the space , wherein the presbyterians themselves acknowledge episcopacy to have prevailed over all the world ; and then , upon that account , it must be granted , that whensoever their first conversion was , 't was certainly derived to them by those who had episcopall government among them , and then they having sent them presbyters to instruct and officiate ( as presbyters not as bishops ) among them , those presbyters must be supposed to have continued under those bishops by whom they were sent , whether from rome , or neerer home from the british , so farre at least , as that when they failed , their number was supplied from the same fountaine from which they first sprang , ( in the same manner as our own experience tells us of virginia , which since the first plantation continued to receive presbyters from hence ) and so continued to be , untill they had bishops ordained and planted among them . and so much for that second supposed inconvenience also . sect. iv. of salmasius's conceit that these epistles were written at the time of episcopacy first entring the church . that which followes of the justice of the reverend presbyterian divines censure of these epistles , & of salmasius's his beliefe , that they were written by a pseudo-ignatius , will not require any answer from me , who cannot be moved by the conclusion made by those divines , any farther than the premisses here produced and answered , have appeared to have force in them , and who have more largely examined salmasius his exceptions heretofore , and was even now by them acknowledged so to have done , and nothing yet replied to my answers , and therefore must not for ever turne the same stone , begin the same task againe . but for the conceit which is here cited from salmasius , which i confesse i considered not so much before , as to make any reply to it , viz. that these epistles were written when episcopacy , properly so called , came into the ●hurch , and that proved from hence , because in all his epistles he speakes highly in honour of presbytery as well as of episcopacy , that so the people , that had been accustomed to the presbyterian government , might the more willingly and easily receive this now government by episcopacy , and not be offended at the novelty of it . it is evident how easily this may be retorted , and the argument as firmely formed to conclude , that presbyters were then newly come into the church , and therefore to make the people inclinable to give them a willing reception , without being offended at the novelty of them , he still speakes highly in honour of episcopacy . such arguments as these you will guesse from hence , how incompetent they are to conclude matters of fact , done so many hundred yeares agoe , ( such is the question , whether ignatius wrote these epistles or no ) it is much more probable that they wanted arguments of any reall validity , who are faine to fly to such succors as these . yet one farther misadventure there is , in forming or making use of this conceit , for what is said in those epistles concerning the honour due to presbyters or the presbytery , is farre from looking favourably on the presbyterian government , for certainly as long as there is a bishop , properly so called , set over the presbyters , as they know there is in all those epistles , and as long as the presbyters are to do nothing without commission from him ( as they knew also ( and even now quarrell'd at it ) that by him they are required to doe ) there is little show of the presbyterian modell discernible , no whit more , than there was in england long before they covenanted to cast the bishops out of the church , it being certaine that no community or equality of presbyters taken into councell with the bishop , doth constitute the government presbyterian , as long as there be any bishops to have power over presbyters ; else had the convocation of deanes , archdoacons and clerks , fourteen yeares agoe , been the platform of presbyterian government in england . this is , i conceive , a full answer to every the most minute part or appearance of argument here produced against these epistles , and is all that was proper here to be said concerning ignatius , whose epistles as long as they have any authority with us , let it be in the most reformed , purified edition , that ever was , or can be hoped for , there is evidence enough for the apostolicall institution of bishops in the moderne notion of the word , and if after all this they must have no authority , for no other crime , but because they are such punctuall asserters of this doctrine ; 't is to little purpose farther to examine or inquire , what antiquity hath affirmed or practised in this matter . sect. v. testimonies of irenaeus , the use of presbyteri for bishops . yet because their method leads us forward to consider some other of the antient writers , and i have promised so farre to comply with them , i shall now in the next place attend them to the view of two of those , irenaeus and tertullian , p. 114. 115. where having acknowledged of them that they say that apostles made bishops in churches , polycarpe in smyrna , clemens at rome , &c. all that they require of us to prove , is , that by the word bishop is meant a bishop as distinct from presbyters , and the reason why they thinke this needs proving , is , because both those authors use the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , presbyteri , seniores , for the same thing , the one calling anicetus , pius , hyginus , telesphorus , xystus , presbyters of the church of rome in his epistle to victor ; the other calling the presidents of the churches seniores in his apologie , and some other places are produced to the same purpose . to this therefore i shall now briefly give answer , i. e , by concession that the same persons , who by these two authors are called bishops , are promiscuously called presbyteri and seniores also ; and therefore secondly , that this question being thus farre ( as to the names ) equally balanced betweene us , they saying that bishops ] signifies presbyters in the moderne notion , we that presbyters ] signifies bishops in the moderne notion , some other indications , beside this of the names , must be made use of on either side , toward the decision of it . of this sort there is no one offered to us by them , and so as they have nothing to incline the balance their way , so we have nothing to make answer to in that particular . i shall therefore ( as the onely thing left for me to doe ) render some few reasons , why the words bishop and elders in these authors must needs signifie bishops in our moderne sense . and the first proofe , as farre as concernes ironaeus , is , because irenaeus , who useth these words promiscuously , was himselfe a bishop in our moderne notion , and yet is by others in his own dayes call'd elder of the church of lyons , at that very time , when he is acknowledged to be bishop of it , in our moderne sense of the word ; this i thus manifest in each part . and first , that irenaeus was bishop of lyons , in such a sense , as we now use bishop , appeares by what * eusebius saith of him , importing that he was primate of all france , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith he ▪ he was bishop of the provinces through france : now this , we know , cannot be affirm'd of a moderne presbyter , who pretends not to any such wide and singular jurisdiction ; and this needs no farther proofe , it being by d. blondell in his apologie for st. hierome confest , that 140. yeares after christ , i.e. nigh 40. yeares before this time , the government of the church was in the hands of bishops over all the world , one in every church set over all the rest of the church . for the second part then , that at that time , when he is thus an acknowleged bishop and archbishop , he is yet called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elder of the church , i appeale to the testimony of the gallicane church , at that time , as it lies recorded in † eusebius , where in an embassy performed by him in the name of the martyrs of lyons to elentherius the bishop of rome , we have these words concerning him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we have intreated our brother and partaker irenaeus to beare these letters to you , o father eleutherius , and we beseech you to prize him at one very zealous of christ's covenant ; if we thought that justice would purchase a place to any , we had commended him in a principall manner , as elder of the church , for so he is . here nine yeares after he had been bishop and archbishop of lyons , about the yeare of christ 177. he is styled by those letters , elder of the church ; by which it appeares that in his time elder was the title of bishop , in our moderne sense , and consequently so it may fitly signifie in his own writings , and so must needs do there , when 't is applied to those , who were acknowleged bishops at that time , when by the presbyterians acknowledgement episcopacy was come in , in that notion , wherein we now understand it . a second proofe of this , is , that what in one place out of papias he saith of all the seniores or elders , which in asia converst with st. john , that clemens alexandrinus , who lived in the same time , affirmes of the bishops or elders of asia ; meaning by both of them the bishops in our notion of the word . clemens alexandrinus wrote his stromata about the yeare 192. which is five yeares before irenaeus martyrdome , in the 5. of severus . now of this clemens , it is certaine , 1. that he acknowleged the three orders in the church , which he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the three degrees or promotions in the church , of bishops , presbyters , deacons , and consequently must by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand bishops in our moderne sense . secondly , that when he makes the relation of john's meeting with the bishops of asia ( which is the same matter which irenaeus produceth out of papias ) he calls them in the same period both elders and bishops indifferently , for speaking of st. john he hath this passage , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — comming to a city not farre off — and looking on the bishop , which was constituted over all , seeing a young man , he said , this person i commit to thee — and the elder took him home , brought him up baptized , and at last gave him confirmation . here it is evident this elder of asia , one of those which , in irenaeus , conversed with saint john , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a bishop constituted over all in that city ; and agreeably when saint john comes back that way againe , he calls to him by that title , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , o bishop , render us the depositum , which both i and christ delivered to thee in the presence of the church , over which thou art set . where againe he that is called elder both by him and irenaeus , is also by him called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bishop set over the church . and so that is a second evidence of it . thirdly , in his epistle to victor bishop of rome , he speakes of his predecessors thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the elders which were set over the church which thou rulest , anicetus , pius , hyginus , and telesphorus , and lib. 3. cap. 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — the blessed apostles having founded and built the church of rome , put the episcopal office into the hands of linus , anacletus succeeded him , clemens anacletus , evarestus clemens , alexander evarestus , then xystus the sixt from the apostles , after him telesphorus , then hyginus , then pius , after him anicetus , after anicetus , soter ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , now in the twelfth place eleutherus possesses the bishoprick from the apostles . here 1. it is evident that every one first named as elders , are yet single persons , one succeding another , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set over , or ruling the church of rome : secondly , that for twelve successions together they are by irenaeus lookt upon all , as of the same ranke , succeeding one another , and the first as well as the last , called bishop , which must conclude it to be understood by him in such a notion , as is equally competible to all , and so must be in our moderne notion , if the great asserters of the presbyterian cause say true , that about the yeare 140. i. e. certainly before elutherius was bishop of rome , there were bishops over presbyters all the world over . lastly , * irenaeus , speaking of some unworthy voluptuous elders , expresseth their faults in such a manner , as cannot fitly belong to any but bishops , principalis concessionis tumore elati sunt , they are puft up with the ●ride of the principall place , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the principall chair , which as bishops belonged to them . ●or though it is as possible that presbyters should be guilty of the pride , the tumour and elation , as that bishops should be guilty of the same , yet the occasion of it there mentioned , the principalis consessio , the chiefe place of dignity , is peculiar to the one , and not reconcileable with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or equality of the other . these evidences have readily offered themselves to shew what irenaeus meanes by presbyteri , when he useth that and bishops promiscuously , viz. by both , bishops in our moderne notion , and he that shall reade over that author diligently , and compare his dialect with polycarpe and papias , with whom he accords , the former using 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for bishops ( as hath largely been insisted on ) and the latter for apostles and bishops , single governors of each church , ( * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . andrew , peter , aristion , john , marke , all elders ) will doubtlesse finde many more proofes that thus he used the word , and ( i shall adventure to undertake ) meet with no one indication to the contrary . sect. v. testimonies of tertullian . seniores , & majores natu for bishops , so in firmilian . as for tertullian i shall need say no more , but that it is the confession of the great patron of presbyterians , that he doth aperte tueri communiusu receptam ordinis in episcopos , presbyteros & diaconos , distinctionem . openly defend the received common distinction of the ecclesiastick order into bishops , presbyters and deacons , and he that can yet doubt of it , let him examine his citations , de praescript . cap. 41. de baptisme cap 17. de monogam . cap. 11. de fuga c. 11. and that de baptismo as high & cleare , as that which was most quarrell'd with in ignatius . dandi baptismum jus habit summus sacerdos , qui est episcopus , dein presbyteri & diaconi , non tamen sine episcopi authoritate , propter honorem ecclesiae , quo salvo salva pax est . the bishop hath the right of giving baptisme , after him the presbyters and deacons , yet not without the authority of the bishop , for the honour of the church , which being preserved , peace is preserved . so that of him it is as cleare , as of irenaeus or clemens , that he must understand bishop in our moderne notion : and yet even by him , these of this uppermost degree are called seniores , and majores natu , elders , praesident probati quique seniores , the elders praeside , apol. c. 39. and of the bishops of rome , the series of whom he had brought downe to anicetus , lib. 3. contr . marcion . cap. 9. he expresses them by majores natu , successors of the apostles , in his book , written in verse , against marcion . and there will be lesse wonder in this , when it is remembred that after this in saint cyprian's times ( who hath been sufficiently evidenced to speake of bishops in our moderne notion of them ) firmilian bishop of caesarea in cappadocia , in vulgar style calls them seniores , and praepositi , elders , and provosts , in his epistle to cyprian , and againe praesident majores natu , &c. the elders praeside , evidently meaning the bishops by those titles . and so much be spoken in returne to what they have objected from these two antients , irenaeus and tertullian , supposing that i have competently performed the taske by them imposed on the praelatists , shewed that the bishops spoken of by them , were bishops over presbyters , and by them understood to be so ▪ sect. vi. saint jerom's testimony of bishops , &c. by apostolicall tradition . consuetudo opposed to dominica dispositio . saint jerom's meaning evidenced by many other testimonies to be , that bishops were instituted by the apostles . so by panormitan also . the testimonies of isidore , &c. the councel of aquen , and of leo vindicated . of ischyras's ordination . the testimony of the synod ad zurrium , and of the 4th councel of carthage . in the next place i am to proceed to that of saint hierome in his 85. epistle ad euagrium , the unanswerablenesse of which i am affirmed to make matter of triumph over d. blondel and walo massalinus , seeming to say , that it never can be answered , whereas say they , if i had been pleased to cast an eye upon the vindication — written by smectymnuus , i should have found this answer — what this answer is , we shall see anon , in the meane it will be necessary to give a briefe account , what it was , which is called a triumphing over these two learned men . and first it is sufficiently knowne , what advantages the defenders of presbyter● conceive themselves to have from that one antient writer , the presbyter saint hierome : from him they have the interpretation of those scriptures , which they thinke to be for their use , as that the word bishop and presbyter are all one in several texts of scripture , and both signifie presbyters , and that the apostles at first designed , ut communi presbyterorū concilio ecclesiae gubernarentur , that the churches should be governed by the common councel of presbyters , and that it so continued till upon the dissentions , which by this meanes arose in the church , it was judged more prudent and usefull to the preserving of unity , ut unus superponeretur reliquis , that one should be set over the rest , and all the care of the church belong to him , and this , saith hierome , in toto orbe decretum , decreed and executed over the whole world . by whom this was conceived , by him to be thus decreed , he gives us not to understand in that place , nor in what point of time he thought it was done , but leaves us to collect both from some few circumstances ; as 1. that it was after schismes entred into the church , and one said i am paul , i of apollos , &c. and if it were immediately after that , then the presbyterians will gaine but little by this patron : for his whole meaning will be , that the apostles first put the government of each church into the hands of many , but soon saw the inconvenience of doing so , and the schisme and ruptures consequent to it , and changed it themselves , and setled one singular bishop in the whole power of government in every church , to which very fitly coheres what clement had said , that lest new contentions should arise about this singular dignity and authority who should succeed to it , they made a roll or catalogue of those , which in vacancies should succeed in each church . that this was not , in hierome's opinion , done thus early in the apostles time , the presbyterians think they may conclude from what he saith on tit. 1. episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores , let bishops know that their greatnesse and superiority over presbyters is held rather by custome , than by christs having disposed it so . but it is very possible that this may not prove the conclusion , which is thought to be inferred by it , for here consuetudo , custome , as opposed to christs disposition , may well signifie the practice of the church in the later part of the apostles times , and ever since to s. hierome's days , and that may well be severed from all command , or institution of christs , & so jerom's opinion may well be this , that christ did not ordain this superiority of one above another , but left all in common in the apostles hands , who within awhile , to avoid schism , put the power in each church in the hands of some one singular person . and that this was hierome's meaning , i thought my selfe , in charity to him , obliged to thinke , both because in this sense his words would better agree with the universal affirmation of all orthodoxe christians , that before him ( and after him too , unlesse those few that took it on his credit ) speake of this matter , and also , because if this be not his sense , he must needs be found to contradict himselfe , having elsewhere affirmed that the three degrees of bishops , presbyters and deacons in the church were of apostolicall tradition , i. e. by the apostles themselves delivered to the church . and now before i proceed , i desire the ingenuous reader , who is contrary minded , to consider , what he can object to this conclusion of mine thus inferr'd concerning s. hierome's opinion , and consequently what probability there is , that the presbyterians cause should be superstructed on any testimony of s. hierome , supposing what i am next to demonstrate , that the three orders are by him acknowledged to be delivered from the apostles . and this is evident in his epistle to euagrius , where having againe delivered the substance of what hath been now cited from his notes on tit. 1. he yet concludes , et ut sciamus-traditiones apostolicas sumptas de veteritestamento , quod aaron & filii ejus atque levitae in templ● fuerunt , hoc sibi episcopi & presbyteri & diaconi in ecclesiâ vendicent . that we may know that the apostles traditions are taken out of the old testament , we have this instance , that what aaron and his sonnes and the levites were in the temple , the same the bishops and presbyters and deacons challenge to themselves in the church . where these three degrees ( and so the superiority of bishops over presbyters ) are by him affirmed to be traditions of the apostles . on occasion therefore of inquiring into hierome's meaning ( and because this place so readily offered it selfe to expedite it ) it was sure very reasonable to examine , and observe , what they which made most advantage of hierome's authority , should be found to say to this testimony of his , for the apostolical tradition of three orders . and among these , three principall persons offered themselves to our consideration , d. blondell , walo messalinus , or salmasius , and lud. capellus , every of them having newly written on this subject , and collected especially what jerome had said of it . of these three the last was soone discerned to have dealt most prudently , setting downe the other testimonies out of him , but wholly omitting this ; the other two having not been so wary , made use of another dexterity , set downe the words , but deferr'd their observations on them , till some fitter season ; d. blondell put it off to his sixt section , whereas upon examination he hath but three in his whole booke , and so is certainly never likely to speake of it , nor can be justly believed to have , in earnest designed any such thing : the other saith , he expects more and better notes on it from salmasius ( i.e. from himselfe ) in another booke , viz. de ecclesiastico ordine , and after a great volume come out of that subject 8. or 9. yeares after , he yet never takes this place , or his own promise into consideration . this was all that my search produced , and the taking notice of these plaine matters of fact , the behaviours of these men in that , which so much concern'd the whole cause to be taken notice of , and laid to heart , is all that was done by me , and which is styled by these a triumphing over those learned men. and i hope there was little of hard measure , and as little of insolence in this . now because what these learned men thus averted the doing , is yet here said to be done by smectymnuus , and that if i had cast an eye on the vindication — i should there have found that place of hierome's answered , i am now in the last place to obey their directions , and consider the answer , which from smectymnuus they have set down for me . and it is twofold , the first is a civill denyall that there is any truth in the words , for , say they , it is hard to conceive how this imparity can be properly called an apostolicall tradition , when jerome , having mentioned john the last of the apostles , saith it was postea , that one was set over the rest . but is this the way of answering the place , or salving the difficulty ? hierome saith , bishops , presbyters and deacons in the church ( that sure is this imparity ) are an apostolicall tradition ; and they answer , it is hard to conceive how it can be properly so called . what is this but to make hierom's words ( as soone as ever he saith any thing which accords not with their interest ) as unreconcileable with truth , as with his own former words , which they had cited from him ? and then how much kinder to hierome was i than they , who thought it necessary to affix a commodious meaning to his former words , and interpret confuetudo ] the custome of the church begun in the apostles dayes , that so in thus saying , he might be reconcileable with himself , when he called episcopacy a tradition apostolicall ? as for the reason , which makes this so hard for them to conceive from hierome's words , i believe it hath no force in it ; for though after the mention of s. john's words in his second and third epistle , he saith that [ postea , afterwards ] this imparity was introduced , yet this proves not his opnion to be , that it was not apostolicall tradition ; it might be done after the writing of those epistles , and yet in st. john's time , i. e. before his death . and though i believe st. hierome was mistaken , in thinking there were no bishops till then ( it would have had more truth in it , if he had said there were no presbyters till then ) yet for all that , i cannot doubt but this was his opnion , because as he no where saith any thing which is contrary to this , so here be saith expresly that it was apostolicall tradition , which in his opinion it could not be , if it were not in the church , in his opinion , before st. john's death . and so there is but little appearance of validity in their first answer . and for their second , that is somewhat like the former , viz. that with hierome apostolicall tradition and ecclesiasticall custome are the same . if this be true , then certainly i did not amisse in thinking that when hierome used consuetudo custome in opposition to dominica dispositio , christ's appointment or institution , i ought to interpret custome in that place , by apostolicall tradition in the other . for how ecclesiasticall custome with him , and apostolicall tradition should be the same , and yet ecclesiasticall custome may not be interpreted by apostolicall tradition , especially when the same man affirmes them both of the same thing , i confesse i cannot apprehend . but then secondly , because i must suppose , that by making them the same , they must meane to bring downe apostolicall tradition to signifie ecclesiasticall custome , not to advance custome to signify apostolicall tradition ( in the same manner as when they make bishop and elder the ●ame , they bring down bishop to signifie presbyter , but will not allow elder to signifie bishop ) that also will be worth examining a while . and 1. can there be any reason to imagine , that hierome or any man should set down that for an instance of apostolicall tradition , which the same person doth not believe to be delivered by the apostles , but to be of a latter date ? that which is delivered by the apostles , and received , and practiced by the church , may fitly be called a custome of the church , without adding or specifying , that we meane the apostolicall church , because the apostles , while they lived , were a part of the church , and the following age was a part of the church also . but can it be truly said , that that was delivered by the apostles , which was onely accustomed in the subsequent church , and not so much as introduced under the apostles ? this certainly is another strange way of interpreting words or phrases quite contrary to all lexicons , or to the use of such words or phrases , which unlesse they be changed , it is as much as to say , he that said tradition apostolicall , did not meane tradition apostolicall ; and this sure will bring little credit to st. hierome , on whose authority they so much depend in this matter . as for their proofe of what they say , viz. because the observation of lent , which he saith , ad marcellum , is apostolica traditio , is contra luciferianos , said by him to be ecclesiae consuetudo , ] that sure is not of force to conclude what they would have it , for it may be ( or by him be deemed to be ) both , an apostolicall tradition and a custome of the hurch too , it being very ordinary and reasonable , that what the apostles delivered , the church should also accustome , and practice . but could both these be said by him of that which he thought were but one of these ? that is againe to make him testifie against his conscience , to say lent was an apostolicall tradition , and to believe it was not an apostolicall tradition . here i shall not need debate whether the observation of lent were apostolical , or no ; all that is necessary to insist on , is , whether saint hierome , that said it was such , believed it to be such , and if he be mistaken in his beliefe , then he may be as well mistaken in the meaning of those passages , which he interprets so , as is usefull to , and in favour of the presbyterians , as that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elders , act. 20. were the presbyters of the church of ephesus ; that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bishops , phil. 1. are presbyters of that one church or city , and the like . for either of those is but his beliefe or perswasion too , and the more fallible they finde him in other things , the lesse weight they ought to lay on his opinion in this , and the lesse blame on us , for departing from his opinion . but having said this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for the repelling all force of their objection , i shall now adde some other testimonies out of saint hierome , and after them , one argument , ad homines undeniable , to demonstrate , that it was indeed and without question s. hierome's opinion , that bishops in our moderne notion were instituted by the apostles themselves . 1. in his 54. epistle he sets downe this difference among others , between the catholikes and the montanist hereticks , apud nos apostolorum locum tenent episcopi , apud eos episcopus tertius est , among the catholikes the bishops ( such as were in s. hierome's time , i. e. certainly such as in ours not mere presbyters ) hold the place of the apostles ( i. e. the uppermost place in the church of christ , and succeed the apostles in it ) and among those hereticks the bishop is the third , which it seems was one character of their being hereticks , and so a deviation from an apostolical truth . ) 2. in this booke , de script . eccl●s● he saith of james the brother of the lord ▪ jacobus ab apostolis statim post ascensionem domini hierosylimorum episcopus ordinatus , suscepit ecclesiam hierosolyma . timotheus à paulo ephesiorum episcopus ordinatus , titus cretae , polycarpus à johanne smyrnae episcopus ordinatus , james presently after christs ascension , was ordained bishop of hierusalem , and undertook ( i. e. ruled , as to receive the congregation , psal . 75. is to rule it ) the church of hierusalem , timothy was ordained bishop of the ephesians by paul ▪ titus of crete , polycarpe was by john ordained bishop of smyrna . where , as it is evident , and by the presbyterians acknowledged , that timothy and titus were singular rulers ( which therefore they are wont to excuse by saying they are extraordinary officers or evangelists ) and yet by him said to be bishops of ephesus and crete , and so constituted by the apostles , so it is consequent that james and polycarpe were by him deemed singular rulers also ( and not collegues in a presbytery ) and those so constituted by the apostles also , and accordingly of this james he saith , ad gal. 2. jacobus primus ei ecclesiae praefuit — eciscopus hierosolymorum primus fuit , james was the first that was set over that church — was the first bishop of hierusalem . and in consequence thereto in his comments on isae . lib. 5. cap. 17. he calls this james decimum tertium apostolum the thirteenth apostle 3. in like manner * epist . ad euagrium , speaking of marke ( who dying in the 8th . of nero ▪ what was done by him , must be resolved to have been in the apostles times , and agreeable to then practice ] he saith , alexand●iae à ma●co evang●●●stâ ad heraclam & dionysium episcopos presbyteri semper unum ex se electum in excelsiori super presbyteros gradu● collocatum , episcopum nominabant , quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faceret . at alexandria from the time of marke the evangelist , to the time of heraclas and dionysius bishops , the presbyters alwayes named one chosen from among themselves , and placed in an higher degree above presbyters , their bishop , as if an army should choose their generall . that what is said of the presbyters choosing their bishop , belongs not to presbyters imposing hands on him , is * elsewhere largely evidenced . and so , by the way , appeareth the falsenesse of the citation out of jerome , appen . p. 142. that in alexandria for a long time the presbyters ordained ( it should have been said elected ) their bishop . that which i here inferre from the testimony is manifest , viz. that in saint markes time , and from the first planting of the church at alexandria , one bishop or singular ruler was constituted among them , as that signifies an higher degree than that of presbyters . 4. more places there are in him , which evidence his opinion , that bishops , as they differ from presbyters , are successors of the apostles : in his comment on psal . 45. nunc quia apostoli à mundo recesserunt , habes pro his episcopos filios , sunt & hi patres tui , quia ab ipsis regeris . now ( in● . hierome's time ) because the apostles are parted from the world , you have in their steads bishops their sonnes ; they also are thy fathers , because thou art governed by them . where the bishops that then ruled ( those are confest to be single persons , not presbyteries ) are the successors of the apostles in his opinion . and ep. 1. ad heliodorum , of not undertaking the office of bishop . non est facile stare loco pauli , tenere gradum petri ; 't is not easie to stand in pauls place , to hold the degree of peter . where episcopacy is the place and degree of those apostles . and so ep. 13. ad paulinum , episcopi & presbyteri habeant in exemplum apostolos & apostolicos vires , quorum honorem possidentes habere nitantur & meritum , bishops and presbyters must have for their examples the apostles and apostolical men , whose honour they possesse , and therefore ought to endeavour to imitate their merit . 5. i shall adde a cumulus of other passages much to the same purpose with the former , and fit to be taken in conjunction with them , to give us the full understanding of s. hierome's opinion in this matter . ad nepotian . ep. 2. esto subjectus pontificituo , & quasi anima parentem suscipe , quod aaro● & filios ejus , hoc episcopum & presbyteros esse noverimus . be subject to the bishop , and receive him as the parent of thy soule , what aaron and his sonnes were , that we must know the bishop and presbyters to be . and on tit. 1. speaking of s. paul's directions for the making a bishop , apostolus , saith he , ecclesiae principem formans , the apostle forming the prince or ruler of the church , and so againe in the same words on psal . 45. deciphering a single ruler by that bishop , which the apostle there meant to forme . so on that 45. psal . constituit christus in omnibus finibus mundi principes ecclesiae episcopos , christ in all parts of the world constituted princes of the church , the bishops , just the same as hath beene cited from ignatius , that all the world over , the bishops were ordained by the apostles according to the minde of christ . in his dial. adv . luciferian . ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendit , cui si non exors quaedam & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiis efficientur schismata quot sacerdotes ; and , si quaeris quare in ecclesiâ baptizatus , nisi per manus episcopi non accipiat spiritum sanctum — disce hanc observationem ex ●a authoritate descendere , quod spiritus sanctus ad apostolos descendit . the safety of the church depends on the dignity of the chiefe priest ( or bishop ) to whom ▪ if a peculiar power be not given above all that others have there will be as many schisms as priests in the churches — if you demand why he that hath been baptized in the church , may not receive the holy ghost but by the hands of the bishop , learne that this observance d●scends from that authority in that the holy sp●it descended on th● apostles 〈◊〉 testimo●y , as it shewes the necessity of a singular bishop to avoid schisms in the church , and so must affixe the institution of them on the apostles , who made provision against that danger ( and that i suppose is his meaning in * that place which the presbyterians make most use of ) so it directly derives the authority , by which bishops stand in the church , distinct from presbyters , and above them from the descent of the holy ghost on the apostles . lastly , adv . jovinian . 〈◊〉 . episcop● & presbyter & diaconus non sunt meritorum nomina sed offi●ior●m nec dicitur , si quis episcopatum desilerat — the bishop and presbyt●r and deacon , are names of offices , neither is it said ▪ if any man d●si●e a bishoprick — applying those texts of saint paul , concerning the qualifications of bishops to the bishop , as in his time he stood , distinct from presbyters . all this i supose may suffice to give authority to my collection and conclusion from plaine words of saint hierome , that his meaning was as plaine and undubitable , that episcopacy was delivered downe and instituted in the church by the apostles themselves . and i cannot conceive what can be invented to avoid the evidence of these testimonies ; yet because i promised it , i shall now adde that one argument ( ex abundanti , and much more than is necessary ) to the same purpose , ( viz. to prove that this was hierome's meaning , which i pretend it to be . ) and that such , as by these objectors cannot with justice be denyed , to have a full irrefragable force in it , having themselves made use of it against us , which they ought not to have done , if by themselves it shall now be denyed when it is produced by us . in the close of their appendix , they have set downe several propositions declaring the judgement and practice of the antient church about ordination of ministers , and their first proposition , being this , that in the first and purest times — there was ordination of presbyters without bishops over presbyters , their proofe is this . for these bishops came in postea and p●ul●tim , afterward , and by little and little as jerome saith . and panormitan , lib. 1. decretal . de consuetud . cap. 4. saith olim presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesian● & 〈◊〉 sacerdotes , & pariter conferebant omnia sacramenta . of old the elders ruled the church in common , and ordained priests , and joyntly conferred all the sacraments . these two testimonies of hierome and panormitan , being brought to prove the same proposition concerning ordination by presbyters , and the time of bishops coming in to the church , it must sure be reasonable to resolve that what panormitan hath defined in this matter , that was saint hieromes sense also ; now what that is , will be discerned by setting downe panormitane's words at large , as they lye in the place cited by them . the businesse he hath there in hand is to prove that custome is not of force so farre , as to prescribe that an ordinary clerk as presbyter sh●uld performe an episcopal act , ea quae sum ordinis episcopalis non possunt acquiri per ordinem inferiorem ex consuitudine quantamcunque ve●ustissimâ . those things that are of episcopal order cannot be any custome ▪ how antient soever , be acquired by any inferiour order : the reason is , quia consuetudo non facit quem capacem , because custome doth make no man capable — then he makes this observation , that ritus apostol orum circa sacramenta habent impedire characterus impressionem ; the rites , or practice , or institutions of the apostles about the sacraments , have power to h●nd ●the impression of the character , nam immediate post mortem christi●om●es presbyteri in communi regebant ecclesiam , non fuerant inter ipsos epi●scopi , sed idem presbyter quod epi●copus , & pariter conferebant omnia sacramenta , sed postinodum ad schismata sed●nda fecerunt seu ordinaverunt apostoli , ut crearentur episcop● & certa sacramenta iis reservarunt , illa interdicendo simplicibus presbyteris — for immediately after the death of christ , all th● elders in common ruled the church , and so there were no bishops among them , but a presbyter was the same that a bishop , and they joyntly conferred all the sacraments . but after a while for the appeasing of schismes the apostles caused or ordained that bishops should be created , and reserved to them some sacraments ( or holy rites ) forbidding single presbyters to meddle with them : and he concludes , et vides hic quod talis ordinatio habet impedire etiam impressionem characteris , quia si presbyteri illa de facto conferunt , nihil conferunt , and here you see , that such an ordination is able to hinder the impression of the character , because if presbyters doe de facto confer them , they confer nothing . where , as panormitan cited by them to prove ordination without bishops ( and specious words pickt out of him to that purpose ) doth yet distinctly affirme that presbyters , which confer orders without a bishop conferre nothing , all their ordinations are meere nullities ( and what could have been said more severely against their practice , and their designe in citing him , than this ? ) so he plainly interprets st. jeromes assertion of the occasion and time of bishops being set over the presbyters , that it was done by the appointment of the apostles themselves , and so that consuetudo , custome in jerome , opposed to christ's disposall , is no more than [ postmodum ordinaverunt apostoli , after a while the apostles ordeined ] opposed to [ immediatè post mortem christi , immediately after the death of christ . ] and then by the way , as the reader may hence discerne what force there is , in this testimony of panormitan to support their first proposition concerning the ordination of presbyters without bishops over presbyters ( for which besides st. jeromes postea and paulatim , and part of this testimony of panormitan , they produce no other ) and as by what was formerly said of the testimonies of cyprian and firmilian , their chiefe supports for their * second proposition , have already been utterly demolished , so also the testimonies of isidore hispalensis and the councell of aquen produced for the proofe of their † third proposition , concerning the presbyters having an intrinsick power to ordaine ministers , will immediately vanish in like manner . for as it is evident that that place in that councell of aquen is for nine chapters together transcribed out of isidore , and consequently the testimonies out of him and that councell are but one and the same thing , twice repeated , to increase the number , so 't is as evident that what is by them said , is taken from st. hierome , and can no farther be extended either in respect of the authority or the matter of the testimony , than in st. hierome it hath appeared to extend . and therefore as the * words cited by these men out of them are no more than these , that solum propter authoritatem clericorum ordinatio & consecratio reservata est summo sacerdoti , that presbyters have many things common with bishops , onely in respect of authority ( or for the preserving it intire , and the unity of each church ; which depended on that , in st. hierom's opinion ) the ordination and consecration of clerks ( i. e. of all presbyters and deacons ) was reserved to the chiefe priest , i. e. the bishop ; which how farre it is from concluding what it was brought to prove , the intrinsick power of presbyters to ordaine ministers , i leave to any reader to passe judgement . and yet truly this doth it as well as their one other antient testimonie , that of leo , set out in their front , out of his 88. epistle ▪ concerning the consecration of presbyters and deacons , and some other things , quae omnia solis deberi pontificibus authoritate canonum praecipitur , all which that they should be due to the bishops and to none else , it is commanded by the authority of the ●anons . who would ever have thought fit from such words as these , which affirme this privilege to be reserved peculiarly to the bishops , and that the authority of the canons so requires , to conclude that the presbyters had this intrinsick power ; as if all that the canons deny presbyters , were infallibly their due to enjoy , and the argument demonstrative , that it was their originall and intrinsick due , because the canons deny it . what they adde of ischyras prop. 6. that being deposed from being a presbyter , because made by colluthus who was but a presbyter himselfe , and not a bishop , this was done , not because the act of colluthus was against the canon of scripture , but onely because it was against the canons of some councels . ] is somewhat of the same nature with the former , and will be best judged of by the relation of the fact , which in the story of those times is thus made by socrates , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he adventured on a thing worthy of many deaths , for being never admitted to the priesthood , and assuming to himselfe the name of an elder , he dared to doe the things belonging to a priest . a censure which certeinly sets the fault somewhat higher than the transgressing of the canons of some councels . two testimonies more i shall touch on , before i returne to the pursuit of my proposed method , and then i shall render the reason of this excursion . for the confirmation of their second proposition concerning ordination , one testimony they produce from the synod ad quercum ann. 403. where it was brought as an accusation against chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he made ordinations without the company and sentence of the clergy . another from the councell of carthage can. 20. vt episcopus sine concilio clericorum s●orum non ordinet , that a bishop ordeine not clerkes without the councell of his owne clerkes , and can. 2. cum ordinatur presbyter episcopo eum benedicente , & manum super caput ejus tenente , etiam omnes presbyteri qui prasentes sunt manus suas juxta manum episcopi super caput illius teneant . when a presbyter is ordrined , as the bishop blesseth him and layes his hand on his head , let all the presbyters also that are present lay their hands on his head by the hand of the bishop . and the conclusion deduced from these testimones ( and the forementioned of cyprian and fermilian ) is this , that ordination by bishops without the assistance of his presbyters was alwayes forbidden and opposed . how truly this is inferred from the praem●sses will soone be judged by a view of the testimonies . for the first , this is the truth of the story , theophilus a guilty person , and as such , cited to answer , what was objected against him , making use of the envy , under which chrysostome then laboured , shifted the scene , and becamse his judge , nay , as photius tells us , he and the rest of that conventicle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that were chrysostome ' s greatest enemies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , were at once judges , and accusers , and witnesses of all that was charged against him . and therefore we already see , what heed is to be given to the accusati●n of those fathers ad quercum , and how valid an argument can be deduced from it ; and we shall the better guesse at it , if we consider also , what other particulars were , in the same manner that this was , charged against him , set downe by photius in his bibliotheca . the 23. charge was , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — that the bath was heated for him alone , and that after he had bathed , serapion shuts the passage into the bath , that no body else might bath : the 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , — that he ate alone , living like one of the cyclopes , and betwixt these two new found crimes , comes in this , in the midst , being the 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that he ordained many that had no testimonialls ; which being set down by photius , as the summe of that charge , referres us indeed to the ground , on which their charge was built , of his ordaining without a councell , and against the minde of his clergy , ( those testimonialls , and so the approbation of the person by the clergy being generally a good preparation to the receiving orders ) but doth not at all prove that a bishop might not ordaine without assistance of his presbyters , or that it was alwayes forbidden , any more than it proves that eating or bathing alone was alwayes forbidden also . as for that of the 4. councell of carthage can. 20. they have set downe but halfe the canon ; the whole runnes thus , vt episcopus sine concilio clericorum non ordinet● , ita ut civium conniventiam & testimonium quaerat , that the bishop ordain not without his councell of clergy , so that he seeke the liking and testimoniall of the inhabitants . which againe onely serves to shew , the use of the assistent presbyters , to helpe the bishop to a due knowledge of the person to be ordained ( and this they know we praelatists assent to and approve of ) but is no argument of the unlawfulnesse of sole ordination , or of any power that the presbyters have in the conferring of orders . so likewise that from can. 2. is onely a testimony for the fitnesse and usefulnesse of that custome ( still retein'd and used in our church in all ordinations of presbyters and deacons ) that the presbyters there present should lay on their hands by the hand of the bishop , and so joyne in the prayer or benediction , but no proofe that a presbyter might not be ordeined by a bishop without the presence of such presbyters . i have for a while gone aside from the consideration of s. hierome's testimony ( the designed matter of this section ) and allowed my selfe scope to take in all the testimonies of antiquity , which are made use of by these assemblers , for the justifying their ordination of ministers ; and i have done it on purpose ( though a little contrary to my designed method and brevity ) because after the publishing of the dissertations against blondel . i remember i was once told , that though it was not necessary , yet i might do well to add some appendix , by way of answer to that one head of discourse concerning presbyteriall ordination , and the instances which were objected by him . for which reason i have now , as neer as i can , taken in all , in this place , which are in their appendix produced on that head , and doe not elsewhere in this briefe reply , fall in my way to be answered by me . for some others , mentioned by d. blondel , i refer the reader to the learned paines of the bishop of d●rry , in his vindication of the church of england from the aspersion of schisme , p. 270. &c. and so being at last returned into my rode againe , this may , i hope , suffice to have said in the justification of what was done in the dissertations concerning st. hierome , both to cleare his sense , and for the setting the ballance aright betwixt his authority on the one side , and the authority of ignatius on the other , betwixt some doubtfull sayings of the former , which seemed to prejudice the doctrine of the apostles instituting imparity , which yet elsewhere he affirmes to be apostolicall tradition , and the many cleare and uncontradicted , constant sayings of the latter , which are acknowleged to assert it . which one thing , if it be not in the dissertations so done , as may satisfie any impartiall judge , that ignatius , in full concord with all , is to be heeded on our side , more than st. hierome , in some few of his many testimones , can be justly produced against us , i shall then confesse my selfe guilty of over-much confidence ; but if therein i have not erred , it is most evident that i need not undertake any farther travaile in this whole matter . sect. vii . the testimonies of ambrose and austin . consignare used for consecrating the eucharist , and that belonged to the bishop when present . there now followes in the next place the passage cited by them p. 133. out of ambrose on eph. 4. where to prove that even during the prevalency of episcopacy 't was not held unlawfull for a presbyter to ordeine without a bishop , they urge out of st. ambrose these words , apud aegyptum presbyteri consignant , si praesens non sit episcopus , in aegypt the presbyters consigne , if the bishop be not present . and the like out of austine ( or whosoever was the author ) in quaest . ex utroque testam . qu. 101. in alexandria & per totam aegyptum , si desit episcopus , consecrat presbyter , in alexandria and through all aegypt , if the bishop be wanting , the presbyter consecrates . and having done so , they adde , which words cannot be understood ( as a — defender of prelacy would have them ) of the consecration of the eucharist ; for this might be done by the presbyter praesente episcopo , the bishop being present , but it must be understood either of confirmation , or ( which is more likely ) of ordination , because ambrose in that place is speaking of ordination . to this i shall briefly reply , 1. that it is sure enough , & granted by the most eminent presbyterians , that these two books , whence these testimonies are cited , were not written either by ambrose or austine , but by some other ( hilarius sardus , saith blondel ) and unjustly inserted among their works , and then the authority of such supposititious pieces will not be great to over-rule any practice otherwise acknowledged in the church of god. secondly , that the mistakes of blondel and salmasius , concerning the meaning of the former of these places , were so evidently discovered by the second of them ( the consignant in the one , interpreted by consecrat in the other ) that i conceived it sufficient , but to name them , for can there be any thing more unquestionable than this , that consecrare in antient writers signifies the consecration of the eucharist ? and then if consignare be a more obscure phrase is there any doubt , but it must be interpreted by that which is so much more vulgar and plaine ? and all the circumstances besides being exactly the same in both places , what doubt can there be , but in both , the words are to be understood of the eucharist ? yet because some advantage was by this their misunderstanding sought to the presbyterians cause , they now resolve ; and insist , that it must not be rectified , though they know not which to apply it to , confirmation or ordination , and pretend not to produce any testimony , where consecrare is ever used for the latter , or consignare for either of them . and indeed * blondel and † salmasius were yet more uncertaine , for they thought it might also belong to the benediction of penitents , and that as probable as either of the two former ; and when the truth is rejected , thus it is wont to be . as for the onely reason which inclines them to confine it to ordination ; because ambrose in that place is speaking of ordination , if the place be review'd , it will not be found to have truth in it ; he speakes immediately before of the severall ministeriall acts , preaching and baptizing , adding indeed that scripta apostoli non per omnia conveniunt ordinationi , quae nunc in ecclesia est , the writings of the apostle doe not in all things agree to the order , which is now in the church . there is mention of ordinatio indeed , but that signifies not ordination , as we now use it for ordaining of ministers , but manifestly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rule , or order used in the church , in severall respects , saith he , different from what it was in the writings of the apostle . and for their objection against my interpretation , that it cannot be understood of consecrating the eucharist , [ because this the presbyter might doe when the bishop was present ] if they would have taken notice of the many evidences brought by me in that place out of the antients , the canons of the apostles , ignatius ad magnes . the 56 canon of the councell of laodicaea , and tertullian , that the presbyter might not administer either sacrament without the bishop's appointment , and distinctly of this sacrament : non de aliorum quam de praesidentium manu eucharistiam sumimus , we receive it not from the hands of any but the praesidents , i. e. ( in his style ) the bishops , tertull : de cor. mil. they could never have thought this a reasonable objection , it being evidently the sense of the antient canons , ( to which the description of the practice in justin martyr doth perfectly agree , apol. 2. ) that onely the bishop had power to consecrate the eucharist , and in his absence onely , the presbyter , to whom he gave that power . had they been pleased to have taken notice of these canons and antient records , punctually set downe by mee in that place , it must certainly have prevented this their exception , and utterly robbed them of those two testimonies to that proposition . and as to that of the alexandrian bishops out of hierome , that is also largely answered by me , dissert . 3 c. 10. but that againe they were resolved not to take notice of . sect. viii . of the chorepiscopi . there still remaines one mention of me , upon occasion of the chorepiscopi or regionary bishops , append. p. 138. of that subject they are somewhat large , and so d. blondel had been before them , and in answering him , all their pretensions from thence , and that whole argument ( by them pursued . p. 135. 136 , 137. 138. ) is punctually answered , before it was produced , dissert . 3. c. 8. and yet they go on roundly , as if there were no such thing , onely in the close they adde , there is another whom we forbeare to name , that saith that the chorepiscopi were bishops . but hee addes , though they were bishops , yet they were made but by one bishop , and bishops meerly titular and sine cathedrâ , which is all one as if he should say , they were not properly bishops . that which is said of the chorepiscopi in the dissertations is too long to be here so impertinently repeted , if the reader please to consult the place , i have no feare that he will returne unsatisfied in any thing that is by these men objected against praelacy from that head . a dilemma is there used , which , whether they were bishops or no , will certainly secure us . as to their present argument against me , i answer , that what i say of those chorepiscopi , is , not that they were bishops meerly titular , but that they were proxies or vicarii of the bishop of the city , acting by commission from him in the region or countrey , and were under the bishop of the city and ordained by him , and so were true bishops , but not of the cities , had ordination as other bishops had , though three bishops were not by the canon required to the ordaining of such , but onely that one bishop of the city , whose proxy or vicarius the chorepiscopus was : bishops in cases of necessity , ordeined sine titulo , without a title or city to which they were affixt , and for some time allowed to ordeine presbyters and deacons in the countrey , and to doe some other things in the bishop's stead . all which is so largely set downe in the dissertations , and vindicated so absolutely from serving the presbyterians interest , that i must not for ever doe the same thing againe , transcribe what is there said abundantly , and nothing here objected against it , but that what i affirme of them , makes them to be not poperly bishops . where if by properly bishiops they meane bishops of cities , they say very true , for i affirme them to be , as their title assures me they were , regionary bishops , vicarii and proxies to the city bishop . but that they were mere presbyters , and no more , and by their being presbyters had the power to ordeine other presbyters ( which alone is the presbyterians taske to make good , if they will have it usefull to the proofe of their conclusion , their * 4. proposition , that presbyters , during the prevalency of episcopacy , had not onely an inherent power of ordination , but in some cases did actually ordeine ) this they doe not undertake to make good against the discourse in the dissertations ; and therefore i have no excuse to make any larger reply to them . the conclusion . i have now gone through every part of my designed method , and not omitted one intimation of theirs , wherein i could thinke my selfe concerned ; and that it may appeare that i should not have chosen this , as a season , to begin any debate concerning a subject so forgotten in men's minds as episcopacy is , i shall thus conclude the readers trouble , without examining what else they say on this subject ; having , i hope , competently secured my selfe from the opinion of having formerly attempted to seduce any , so little either to his or my owne advantage . the end . the printer to the reader . the absence of the author , and his inconvenient distance from london , hath occasioned some lesser escapes in the impression of this vindication , & ● . the printer thinks it the best instance of pardon if his e●capes be 〈◊〉 laid upon the author , and he hopes they are no greater than an o●dinary understanding may amend , thus . page 5. l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 6. l. 5. r. which when we . l. 6. r. place , l. 7. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 9. r. affaires , we have then so . l. 19. r. holy man. p. 7. l. 20. r. of david . l. 24. r. their answer . p. 8. marg . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 6. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 10. l. 21. r. exarchs . p. 12. l. 1. r. their not . p. 13. l. 4 r to confirme . l. penult . r. some praedecessor . p. 16. l. 14. r. of timothy . l. 18. r. a continuall . p. 18. l. 4. r. d●rotheus . p. 21. l. 24. r. we are . p. 22. l. 22. r. mixing . l. 33. r. praetensions . p. 23. l. 35. r. chaldee . p. 24. l. 24. r. was again . p. 25. l. 27. r. and in them of diotrephes . p. 31. l 31. r. assemblers . p. 36. l. 18. r. for so . p. 43. l. 11. r. so this . p. 49. l. 19. r. understand p 53. l. 25. r. and so p. 63. l. 21. r. most of them lying neer . p. 66. l. 2. del . all , p. 67. l. r. r. sect xvii . p. 69. l. 33. r. the sixt canon , which . p. 72. l. 7. r. fixt in . p. 73. l. 22. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l 29. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 74. l. 14. r. head-lords . p. 76. l. 3. r. formally . p. 78. l. 1. r. formally . p. 79. marg . l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 83 l. 33. r. metropoles . p. 85. l. 5. r. antoninus pius . l. 24. r. sent for to p. 89. l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 32. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 34. r. so read p. 94. mar . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 25. r. affirme . p. 97. marg . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 99. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 25. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 100. l. 20. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 30. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 107. l. 25. r. a third . p. 111. l. 6 r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 12. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 127. l. 16. r. any sort . p. 128. l. penul . r. and so . p. 132. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 22. r. province . p. 136. l. 22. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 139. l. ult . r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 140. l. 1. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 34. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 142. l. 22. r. of spurious . p. 249. marg . l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 13. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 155. l. 23. r. ecclesiae . l. 29 r. of the. p. 160. l. 1. r. know not that . p. 162 l. 2. r servare catholicā . p : 165. l. 25. r. answer 1. by p. 166. l. 17. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 167. l. 3. r : that place would purchase justice . p 169. l. 22. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 23. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p 171 l. 8. r : synod . ad quercum . p 174. l. 8. r : yeares since , p. 183. l. 14. r : so how far this is . p. 184. l. 15. r : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 16. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45476-e2920 * l. 1 l. 3. * ep ad cor. * exceptâ ordinatione , hier. ep . 85. ad evagr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysost . hom. in 1 tom. in ep. ad heb. p 913. * theophylact ibid. in 〈◊〉 lu●e adhuc ca●c●ire aliquos inter 〈◊〉 in●uspicatissimi saeculi prodigi● numerandum est ▪ * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . † de m●●tyr . timoth. * ep ad . victor . ap ●u●eb . eccl hist . l. 5. c. 25. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * sicut smyrnaeortem ecclesi● poly●●rpum à johanne collocatum refert , sicut romano●um clementem à petro ordi●atum edit , perinde utique & ●aeterae exhibent , quc● ab apostolis in episcopatū constitutos , apostolici i● semins traduces habent . de praescrip c : 32. * habemus johannis alumuas ec●lesias — oedo episcoporum ad originem rec●●sus in johanu●m fltabi● authorem . adv. ma●c . l. 4. c. 5. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 3. 23. † ibid. c. 31. * dissert 4. c. l , & 7. &c. nun. 1. he● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * annot. p. 906. * in pandect . pag. 31. * 〈◊〉 pag. 24. * in 1 tim. 3. 1 * disser● 1. cap. 13. * l. 3. c. 23. † biblioth : num. 25● . † hom. 15. in 1 tim. 5. 19. * ep. 65. * l. 1. con● . carpocr . † in eph. 4. & 1 cor. 12. 29. * quaest . 97. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * diss . 4. c. 3. * l. 3. c. 14. strom ▪ 6 ▪ * dissert . 4. ego & collegae mei qui praesen ●es ad●rant . * append. p. 219 lib. 5. ● . 29. 30. * greg. l. 5 c. 2. * de excid . & conqu . brit. * in tit. 1. hom. 1. * lib. 3. cap 4. * lib 5. cap. 23. * in trallo . can . 2. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . euseb . eccl. hist . l. 2 c. 1. ex. clem. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * ana●letum & cle●●entem petri m●●istics facit ignatius in epistola ad trollenses . wal. me p. 222. * or. ad asiat . civ . de concord . eccl. hist l. 4. c. 23. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . anon. ap . phot. num . 254. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. theo. in 1 tim. 3. 1. in phil. 1. and act. 20. and 1 pet. 5. 1. epist . 1. ad epise . winton * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , theophyl . in phil. 1. 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * epist . 247. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 1. contr. aër . † clem. rom. ep. ad corinth . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * l. 3. c. 4. † arg. ep. ad tit. in tit . 1 hom 1. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , arg. ep. * d'ssert 4. c. 4. sect. 4 , 5. * l. 2. * vid. autho● lit . rames . sect. 4. and 33. and s. h●n . spelma●s glessary . p. 28. 29. * geogr. l. 13. * ep. ed philad . * cont. ha. l. 3. t. 1. * dissert . 4. ● . 19. sect. 11 , 12. * lib. 3. c. 4. * dissert . 4. 21 , 22. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 6. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * commen . in isa . p. 104. clem , ad corin. p. 54 , * l. 4. c. 23. * geo. lib. 13. * can. 2. * ep. 52. pag. 57. * l. 4. c. 2● . * in luc. hom. 6. † l. 3. c. 35. 36. catal. script . & ad h●lvid c. 9. dissert . 2. c. 24. * perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in both places . * diss . 2. c. 9. sect 6 &c. ceci censur● . * see n●m . 55. ad uxor . l. 2. c. ult . de pudic. c. 4. * demster . appar ad hist . scot. l. 1. c. 6. † eccle. hist. l. 1. c. 13. * lib. 8. de signis eccl. c. 1. † li. 2. c. 4. * l. 3. c. c. † see baron . annal. tom. 5. anno. 429. sect. 2. * adv. coll●s . in fine . * see bede l. 2. c. 4. scotos nihil discripar● à britonibus in eorum conversatione didicimus , and c. 19. & l. 3. c. 3. hoc enim ordine septentrionalis scotorum provincia & ●●nis n●tio pictorū pascha dominicum ●●lebrabat . 69 ▪ * l. 5. c. 23. † l. 5. c. 4. strom. 6. * l. 4. c. 44. * euseb . l. 3. c. 39. d blondel apol. pag. 38. * pag. 85. * dissert . 3. cap 10. * in t●to o● be 〈…〉 ut unus de pre●byteris 〈…〉 ad quem omnis ecclisiae cura 〈◊〉 , ut schisatum semi●● toilcrentur , and paulatim ut diss●● sionum semina t●llercutur , ad unum omnis ●oll●itudo d●ela● a est . com ad tit. * append. p 129 † append. p. 131. append p. 13● . p. 143. l. ● . c. 10. * apol. p. 57. † appar . ad . lib. de prim. * append p. 133 a vindication of the answer to the humble remonstrance from the unjust imputation of frivolousnesse and falshood wherein, the cause of liturgy and episcopacy is further debated. by the same smectymnuus. smectymnuus. 1654 approx. 417 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 116 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a52063 wing m799 estc r217369 99829040 99829040 33475 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a52063) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33475) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1973:01) a vindication of the answer to the humble remonstrance from the unjust imputation of frivolousnesse and falshood wherein, the cause of liturgy and episcopacy is further debated. by the same smectymnuus. smectymnuus. marshall, stephen, 1594?-1655. aut calamy, edmund, 1600-1666. aut young, thomas, 1587-1655. aut newcomen, matthew, 1610?-1669. aut spurstowe, william, 1605?-1666. aut [14], 168, 173-219, [3] p. printed for john rothwell at the fountaine and beare in cheapside, london : [1654] smectymnuus: a word composed of the initials of the authors, viz. stephen marshall, edmund calamy, thomas young, matthew newcomen, and william spurstowe. date of publication from wing. the words "liturgy and episcopacy" are enclosed in brackets in the title. text is continuous despite pagination. with a final errata leaf. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng episcopacy -early works to 1800. 2003-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 tonya howe sampled and proofread 2004-05 tonya howe text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the answer to the humble remonstrance from the unjust imputation of frivolousnesse and falshood . wherein , the cause of liturgy and episcopacy is further debated . by the same smectymnuus . london , printed for iohn rothwell at the fountaine and beare in cheapside . to the most honorable lords and the knights , citizens , and bvrgesses of the honorable hovse of commons . it was the expectation that the whole kingdome had of your high worth , and faithfull resolutions , to reforme what was amisse both in church and state , which gave us the confidence to present unto you our former treatise . and now your reall performance , and noble actions tending to the publicke peace and good , have added much more chearefulnesse in our second addresse towards you ; the rather , for that the cause in question betweene us and the remonstrant , about episcopacy and liturgie , is a great part of that worke to which god hath directed your present consultations . seeing therefore it belongs to you next under god and his majestie , to dispose and order these things : wee leave our endeavours at your feete , beseeching you to consider , not onely how we have vindicated our selves from the accusations of our adversarie , but more especially what may bee gathered out of it for the advancement of the reformation now happily begunne among us . the lord of life and glory bee a sunne and shield unto you . to the reader . good reader , the booke which we here undertake to answer , is so full fraught with bitter invectives , false aspertions , hyperbolicall confidence , selfe contradictions , and such like extravagancies , as that we have thought fit to lay them all before thee in one full view by way of preface , rather then to interrupt our following discourse by observing them as they lie scattered in the booke it selfe . suffer us therefore to give thee notice of these few particulars . first , wee are deepely charged and accused not onely to the ordinarie reader but even to the kings majestie himself , of misallegations , misinterpretations , mistranslations , and false quotations , and that in such an high nature as that the authour calles god to witnesse , before whom he is shortly to give an account that hee never saw any author that would dare to professe christian sincerity so fowle to overlash . and this is not once or twice but often repeated with great asseveration & exclamations . which when we first reade ( being conscious of our innocency and fidelity ) we could not but stand amazed and wonder to see our selves so unexpectedly and wee hope undeservedly transformed into men ( or rather monsters of men ) so transcedently perfidious , and so supersuperlatively unfaithfull and wicked . and indeede , if to be accused to a fault bee a sufficient argument to make us guilty , wee must needes bee for ever branded with such an high measure of ignominy , as that it is not a whole sea of water that will serve to wash off the filth of such accusations . but wee doubt not but that the ingenuous peruser of this booke will finde that as it was the glory of one of the cato's that hee was thirty times accused and yet never sound guiltie : so it will be our honour and credit when hee shall see that all this clamour and noyse is but a bearing of false witnesse against his brethren . si accusasse sat est quis erit innocens . it was the the wicked counsell of matchiavell calumniare fortiter & aliquid adhoerebit . this counsell the papists have made use of in answering of protestant writers , and the bishops themselves in their answers to some of the unconforming ministers bookes . and we have good reason to thinke that the authour of this defence hath trod in the same steps . for after all his generall exclamations and accusations , there are but foure places in which hee undertakes to prove us false . the first is for halfe citing of hieroms testimonie . the second is for abusing nazianzene . the third is for misinterpreting origen about lay elders . the fourth is for foysting in cyprian . true it is , hee tells us of want of fidelity in citing the counsell of antioch and ancyra , of misalledging of whitakers , of misenglishing tertullian , and of guilty translating of iustin martyr . but hee doth not so much as endeavour to make good what he tells us , and therefore we cannot but beleeve that hee used more machiavelisme then honestly in such aspersions . as for authors which hee himselfe hath both misalledged and misinterpreted , wee doe not onely say it , but the reader shall finde it demonstratively proved in the ensuring treatise . secondly , if to be railed upon , reviled , slighted , and scorned bee sufficient to bring men into discredit , then certainely , we must be esteemed as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the dung , of scouring , and filth of the world . for never man since mountagues appeale , wrote with more scorne and contempt . wee are ca●led vaine , frivolous , cavillers , insolent , spightfull , riotous , proud , false , unjust , triflers , factious , brotherly slanderers , sullen and crabbed peices , lyars , egregious and palpable calumniators , wilfully shutting our eyes against the truth such as the readers may be ashamed off , witlesse , malicious , uncharitable , envious , frivolous wasters of unseasonable words , swelling up a windy bulke with groundlesse exceptions against our eyes and conscience , tedious and loose disputers , patronizers of branded heretiques , impotent , weake , and absurd men , grossely ignorant , such as fowly over-reach , men of weake judgement , and strong malice ; commonly spightfull , and seldome witty , violent and subtile machinators against , and disturbers of gods ordinances , some whole sections meere declamations , worthy of nothing but of contempt and silence , ill bred sons of the church , spitting in the face of our mother , fomentors of unjust dislikes against lawfull goverment , making wickedly false suggestions , wanting witt and grace to understand the true meaning of the jus divinum of episcopacy , worthy to be punished for their presumption , & disobedience , men that make no conscience by what meanes wee uphold a side and winne a proselyte . these are the flowers with which his defence is garnished , and the titles with which he honours those whom hee calles his brethren . wee will make no other apologie for our selves , but what austin did in the same kind , who when hee was told that his railing adversarie was to hard for him , hee said it was and easie thing that way to conquer austin , but the reader should perceive it was clamore not veritate , by loud crying not by truth : and what hierom saith against helvidius , arbitror te veritate convictum a maledicta converti . it is a signe of a man not able to stand before the truth , when hee betakes himselfe to reproachfull language . thirdly , if multitude of daring protestations and bold asseverations be sufficient proofes of arguments propounded , and if confident slightings , and scornefull denyalls bee sufficient answers to us , and our arguments , never any man hath better defended episcopacie or more strongly confuted those that oppose it . in his very first page hee begges the question , and affirmes his cause to bee gods cause , gods truth , and if his opposers were as many legions as men , hee would meet them undismayed , and say with holy david ; though an host should encampe against mee , my heart should not feare , but with just confidence i gladly fly to the barre of this high and honorable court , ( and yet by his leave hee thought it his best wisdome to fly from this barre , and to dedicate his book to the kings majestie alone , and not to the two houses : ) and in another place hee saith , the apostles practise is so irrefragable for them , that if wee doe but adde the unquestionable practise of their immediate successors : hee knowes not what more light can bee desired for the manifestation of the truth of his opinion . in his epistle to the king hee saith , that if hee doth not make it appeare that wee have abused our reader with false shewes of misalleadged antiquities , and meerely colourable pretences of proofes , let the blemish of his reputation leade way to the sharpest censure upon his person . ( iust like the authour of episcopacie by divine right , who is so confident against lay elders ; that hee offers to forfeit his life to justice , and his reputation to shame , if any man living can shew that ever there was a ruling elder in the world till farel and viret first created them : ( and yet hee could not but know that arch-bishop whitgift ( as well seene in antiquitie as himselfe ) confesseth that there were ruling elders in the primitive church . thus also doth bishop king ; saravia himselfe thinkes the governement of ruling elders to be good and profitable . ) in his answer to our arguments , sometimes hee tells us that wee prove nothing but our bold ignorance and absurd inconsequences : otherwhile hee saith , poore arguments scarce worthy of a passe . these are trifling cavills not worth the answer . verball exceptions which will sinke like light froath . meere declamations worthie of no answer but contempt and scorne . forbeare reader , if you can to smile at this curious subtilty : what cabalisme have wee here ? our quaeries are made up of nothing but spight and slander . his ordinarie answer toour testimonies out of antiquity is : this authour is misalledged . that father abused . this councell shuffled up with little fidelitie . away with your unproving illustrations and unregardable testimonies . and this is all the answer hee gives . throughout the whole booke he endeavours to render us to the reader as destitute of all learning , as if our reading had never gone beyond a polyanthea . hee calles us boldly ignorant . and that wee would make the reader beleeve that wee had seene a father . and that we would seeme to have seene the canon law. and that it is enough wee can shew a little reading to no purpose . but in all these and many more such like sarcasmes and vaine rhetorications hee doth but act the part of his hierarchicall predecessors whose chiefe answers have beene scoffes and scornes ; and therefore what learned rivetus saith of bishop mountague may with as much truth bee averred of this namelesse author . montacutius vir certedoctus , sed admodum praefidens , & tumidus aliorum contemptor , & suggillator . and in another place . non potest vir ille sine convitijs quemquam a quo dissentit vel in levissimis nominare . but what strength and weight there is in such kinde of arguments and answers , let the wise reader judge . and yet not withstanding all this confidence & thrasonicall boasting we desire thee to observe : fourthly , that if the whole booke were divided into foure parts , there is one quarter of which he makes no mention , but passeth it over either with scorne or silence . and where our arguments are strongest there hee slides away without answering , which cannot but make the judicious reader beleeve that hee thought the yron to hot for him , and therefore would not touch it least it should burne his owne fingers ; as himselfe saith pag. 21. and even in those things wherein hee undertakes to answere us we cannot but give notice that wee have confitentem reum , and in effect the cause granted in those things which are most materiall . for when wee prove from scripture the identity of bishops and presbyters both in name and office , he tells us with a little varying of our words ; wee idly loose our labour . it neede bee no scruple to us : it is in expresse termes granted , when we prove that there are not three degrees of ministery in the scripture ( to wit , bishops , presbyters , and deacous ) hee answers , it is granted ; you speake of the apostles writings , but i of their successors . hee granteth also that the primitive bishops were elected by the clergie , and people . that bishops ought not to have sole power in ordination , and iurisdiction . that they ought not to delegate their power to others . that the ordinary managing of secular imployments is improper for them . and hee doth almost grant that there were lay-elders in antiquity . for whereas the author of episcopacy by divine right affirmeth , that the name of elders of the church in all antiquity comprehendeth none but preachers , and that therefore they onely may bee called seniores ecclesiae , though some others may have the title of seniores populi , because of their civill authority . this author acknowledgeth that besides pastors , and besides the magistrates and elders of the city there are to bee found in antiquity seniores ecclesiastici . indeede hee saith , that these were but as our churchwardens , or vestry men . but how true this is , the reader shall see in due place : lastly , hee grants that all that wee say in the postscripts about the popish prelates is true , celari non potuit negari non debuit . and for what we say of the protestant bishops he denies not the truth of it only he chides for taxing all for the fault of some . and in these things wherein hee doth diametrically oppose us , hee doth frequently contradict himselfe and his best friends . in his epistle dedicatory hee professeth that he taxeth not our ability , yet in the same epistle hee calles us impotent assailants , and afterwards . men of weake judgements and strong malice . and men that would seeme to have seene a father . and that all that we say is nothing but bold ignorance . pag. 94. he saith , that to acknowledge an ordinary evangelist is a phancy and a dreame . and yet elsewhere he makes every preacher of the gospell to be an evangelist . in his remonstrant and in his defence he saith , that bishops had beene every where throughout all the regions of the christian world . and that all churches throughout the whole christian world have uniformely and constantly maintained episcopacy . and yet elsewhere he denies that ever hee said , that bishops were every where , and confesseth that there are lesse noble churches that doe not conferre to episcopall governement . pag. 161. hee tells us , that for 1600 yeares the name of bishops hath bin appropriated ( in a plain contradistinction ) to the governors of the church : but in other places he often grants that the name was confounded , and ascribed to presbyters are well as bishops . in his 36. pag. he saith , that in his remonstrance hee made no mention of diocesan bishops , whereas all know that he undertooke the defence of such bishops which were petitioned against in parliament , whom none will deny to bee diocesan bishops . in his 5. pag. ( speaking of the changing of civill governement mentioned in the remonstrance ) he professeth that he did not aime at our civill governement . let but the reader survey the words of the remonstance pag. 8. and it will appeare plainely ac si solaribus radijs descriptum esset . that the comparison was purposely made betwixt the attempts of them that would have altered our civill governement , and those that indeavored the alteration of our church governement . and whereas he bids as pag. 135. to take our soleordination and sole jurisdiction to sole our next paire of shoes withall , yet notwitstanding hee makes it his great worke to answer all our arguments against the sole power of bishops , and when all is done , allowes the presbyter onely an assistance , but no power in ordination nor jurisdiction . lastly , in the stating of the question he distinguisheth betweene divine and apostolicall authority , and denyeth that bishops are of divine authority as ordained immediately by christ. and yet he saith , that christ himselfe hath laid the ground of this imparitie in his first agents . and that by the evidence of timothy and titus , and the asian angels ( to whom christ himselfe wrote ) he hath made good that just claime of the sacred hierarchy . this is the summe of that ( good reader ) that we thought fit to praemonish thee of . wee now dismisse thee to the booke it selfe , and commend thee and it , to the blessing of god. a vindication of the answer to the humble remonstrance . sect . i. if wee thought our silence would onely prejudice our selves , wee could contentedly sit downe and forbeare replyes , not doubting , but intelligent men , comparing cause with cause , and reason with reason , would easily see with whom the truth rests : but wee fearing that many who have not either ability or leisure to search into the grounds of things themselves , would fearce thinke it possible , that so much confidence as the remonstrant shewes , should be severed from a good cause , or so much contempt should bee powred upon us that are not the bad defenders of a cause much worse . wee must discharge our duty in cleering the cause and truth of god , and that will cleer us from all the foule aspersions which the remonstrant hath been nothing sparing to cast upon us . whose defence in every leafe terms us either ignorant , lyers , witlesse , falsifiers , malicious , spightfull , slanderous , violent , and subtill machinators against the church , and disturbers of her peace , &c. and this not onely in a cursory way , but in such a devout and religious form , as we make question whether ever any man before him did so solemnly traduce , speaking it in the presence of god , that he never saw any writer professing christian sincerity so fouly to overlash . to the presence of god before whom his protestation is made , our accesse is equall , and at that tribunall wee doubt not , through the grace of christ , but to approve both our selves & our cause . and had we the same accesse unto our sovereigne , wee should lesse regard those bitter invective accusations , wherewith hee hath so profusely charged us in his sacred eares . but our meanesse forbids us to make immediate addresses to the throne , which he hath made his refuge : yet may it please that royall majesty , whom god hath anointed over us , to vouchsafe an eye unto these papers , wee have that trust in the justice of our sovereigne , the goodnesse of our cause , the integrity of our consciences in all our quotations , as we doubt not but his majesty will cleerly see , that our persons , cause , and carriage , have been misrepresented to him . the cause our remonstrant saith is gods ; it is true of the cause agitated , though not of the cause by him defended : and we desire ( what ever he hath done ) to manage it in gods way ; to love in the truth , and speak the truth in love . the charity of our remonstrant wee will not question , though in the first congresse hee doth as good as call us devils : because so often in his book he cals us brethren . but that which hee calls truth , and the truth of god , we must crave leave to doe more , then bring in question , notwithstanding the impregnable confidence of this irrefragable doctor . our histories record of harold , cupbearer to edward the confessor , that wayting on the cup , he stumbled with one foot , and almost fell , but that hee recovered himself with the other ; at which his father smiling said , now one brother helps another . the remonstrant calls us brethren , and supposeth hee sees us stumbling in the very entrance of our answer , and what help doth our brother lend us ? onely entertains us sannis & cathinnis , and tels us , it is an ill signe to stumble at the threshold . yet not alwayes an ill signe sir , wee accept this stumbling for such an omen , as caesar had at his landing in affrick , and our william the conquerour at his first landing in england , which they tooke for the first signe of their victory and possession . an what 's this stumble ? the answer mentions the areopagi instead of the areopagites , grande nefas ! of such an impiety as this , did duraeus once accuse our learned whitakers , from whom wee will in part borrow our answer : it is well the good of the church depends not upon a piece of latine . but can our remonstrant perswade himselfe , that his answerers should have so much clarklike ignorance , as never to have heard of areopagita ? if he can , yet we are sure he can never perswade his ingenious readers , but some one at least of that legion , which hee fancies conjured up against his remonstrance , might have heard of dionysius areopagita , that by a man that had not studied to cast contempt upon us , it might have beene thought rather a stumble in the transcribers or printers , then the authours . but what if there be no stumble here ? what if the fault be in the remonstrants eyes , and not in the answerers words ? what if hee stumble and not they ? and what if it be but a straw he stumbles at ? for though areopagus be the name of the place , and areopagitae the name of the persons ; yet it is no such impropriety in speech , to signifie the persons by the place : had wee said the admired sonnes of iustice , the two houses of parliament , had this been such a soloecisme ? and will this remonstrant deny us that liberty , for which we have natures patent , and the example of the best authors in other tongues , to smooth , or square , to lengthen , or cut off exoticke words , according as will best suit with our own dialect ? if we were called to give an account of this syllabicall errour before a deske of grammarians , wee could with ease produce presidents enough in approved authors : but we will onely give an instance in the word it self from ioan. sarisburi . lib. 5. de nugis curialibus , cap. 9. eum [ senatum ] vero athenienses areopagum dicebant eo quod in illis totius populi virtus consisteret . we hope our remonstrant hath now recovered his stumble , and next we find him leaping , being as good at leaping over blocks , as hee is at stumbling at straws : it is his practice through his whole booke , what ever objection made by us , he finds too heavy to remove , he over-leaps it . this course hee begins here , for wee having charged him with some words sounding to contempt in his preface , he falls a quarrellling with our logick , for calling that a preface , which hee intended as one of the main pieces of the substance of his book . which certainly , if captatio benevolentiae be the work of a preface , he that reads the remonstrance to the ninth page , will find that the preceding pages have been but by way of insinuation ; and there he comes to the proposition and narration of his cause . but if our logick was bad , hee knew his ethicks were worse : and therefore these misdemeanours which we justly charged upon him , and he knew not how to excuse or answer , his politicks taught him to leap over . counting all to the fourth page , as light froth that will sink alone ; which seems to us a strange piece of physik ; and if we would cry quit with the remonstrant , & make our reader as merry with him , as he would make his readers with us , wee could tell him a tale in the margent * . but some thing it seems is of a little more solid substance , it is as scum that will not so easily sink alone ; wherein you appe●l to indifferent eyes to judge whether we do not endevour to cast unjust envy upon you against the cleer evidence of any knowing mans conscience . content . onely put the case right : you tell your judges that you had said , that if antiquity may be the rule , the civill policie ( as in generall notion ) hath sometimes varied , the sacred never ; the civill came from arburary impos●rs , the sacred from men inspired : now these gracious interpreters would draw your words to the present and particular government of our own monarchie , as if you implied that variable and arbitrary ; and are not ashamed to mention that deadly name of treason . our charge upon this is , that in the judgement of this remonstrant , if any had dared to attempt the alteration of monarchicall government , they had been lesse culpable then in petitioning the alteration of episcopall , and conclude , that if he had found such a passage in any of those whom he cals lewd libellers , all had rung with treason , treason . now let the indifferent reader , let the most honourable parliament , let the sacred majesty of our king judge whether we doe the man wrong . first , this we know , that one of the most confident advocates of episcopacie hath said it , that where a nationall church is setled in the orderly regiment of certain grave overseers , to seek to abandon this forme , and to bring in a forreigne discipline , is as unreasonable as to cast off the yoke of just an● hereditary monarchy , and to affect many headed soveraignty : which wee thinke is an assertion insolent enough , that sets the mitre as high as the crowne : god blesse our sacred monarchie from such friends . but this remonstrant rises higher , and sets the mitre above the crown . telling us , that civill government comes from arbitrarie imposers , this from men inspired , and is in that respect by the remonstrant challenged to be of divine right . if civill government here include monarchie , as by the remonstrants owne explication it doth , certainly this is to advance episcopacie above monarchie , and to make it more sinfull and dangerous to alter episcopacy , which , according to the remonstrant , challenges god for the founder , then monarchie , which saith this remonstrant according to originall authority had its foundation in the ●●ee arbitrement of men . yet did we never say that this was treason ; knowing such crimes to be above our cognizance ; wee mentioned indeed the name of treason , but as from your mouth , not our own . we said , if you had found any such in any , &c. the world would have rung with the loud cryes of treason , treason : it was our conjecture which you have now made good in this defence , for you that are so full of charity to impute it to us , as if that wee had vilified the judgement of king iames , as you do pag. 23. whom we mentioned not , but as a most famous , and ever admired prince , had any ●ord faln from us ( which through the grace of god we hope never shall ) tending to the disparagement either of the royall person or power , what work would you have made with that ? be sparing , sir , of charging your poore neighbours so impetuously with malice and uncharitablenesse , till yee have taught your selfe to be more charitable , and lesse mali●ious . to what wee alleaged in the instance of william rufus king , and pope pius , to shew that episcopall government , which he calls sacred , naturally tends not onely not to depend upon , but to subdue the civill authority to it selfe ; his answer is , first , that william rufus was a prince noted for grosly irreligious . that those were tyrannicall popish bishops . that the pope was antichrist . that he answered so because hee was unwilling they should shew as good cards for their standing as hee pretended for his own . and lastly , all this makes nothing against our bishops , who professe , notwithstanding the divine right of their calling , to hold their places , and the exercise of their jurisdiction wholly from the king. so then here is no falsification : all that was produced is granted true , onely exception taken against the persons produced . king william hee was irreligious . daniel observes that former times being unhappy in their compilers of history ( the scepter which rules over the fames of princes ) who for the most part were monks , had all their princes personated either religious or irreligious as they humoured or offended the bishops rochet , and the monks belly . no wonder then if so small a friend to bishops be condemned as irreligious . but then those bishops were popish , tyrannous bishops . but it was not their popery , but their episcopall dignity that made them tyrannize ; and it was their tyranny and not their popery that made them odious to their king , who was popish as well as they . and it hath beene ever usuall to both former and latter bishops to tyrannize over such as feare them , and to flatter such as they feare . the pope hee is antichrist ; wee are glad to heare you call him so ; some thought a yeere agoe you would scarce have given him such a nickname , unlesse you meant to have falne out with the rest of your brethren : and what if the pope be antichrist ? may wee not bring the testimony of antichrist against antichristian bishops ? as paul brought the witnesse of a cretian poet , against cretian liers . may not we alleage beelzebub against beliall without honouring him ? but the pope so answered because he was unwilling they should shew as good cards for their standing as he pretends for his own ; grant it so , what will follow upon that but this ? that bishops clayming the same grounds for their standing that the pope doth , aspire to be as independant from princes as the pope is , and that they have no more divine right , then the pope : but what 's this to our bishops who professe , notwithstanding their divine right , to hold their places , and exercise of iurisdiction wholly from the king ? surely ours have begun to affect the same exemption from secular power , to make large and haughty strides towards an independant hierarchie . so that it is no envious upbraid to parallell ours with the former bishops . for it hath well appeared that the hierarchicall episcopacie is full of such high and large principles of pride , ambition , tyranny , as can be circumscribed in no moderate bounds : but is always swelling to the affectation of an absolute ecclesiasticall monarchie . and it is worth the enquiring , whether the three last books of hookers ecclesiasticall politie be not suppressed by him that hath them , because they give the prince too much power in ecclesiasticall matters , and are not for the divine right of bishops . but we shall be chid anon , and accused of spight for this , as wee are for the observation formerly made upon his comparison between the attempts of alteration in our neighbour church by the episcopall faction , and that which is now justly desired by the humble petitioners to this honourable house . this saith the remonstrant , is a foule slander to charge the name of episcopacie with a faction for a fact imputed to some few . were they but a few that did attempt and prosecute that alteration ? the more is our misery , that a few bishops can put both kingdomes into so dangerous a combustion , what stirre would they all make if they should unite their powers ? and were they but a few that were the factors for that attempt ? how then was it that one of the episcopall tribe in publike court called the scotch designe bellum episcopale ? and where were the rest of the peaceable orthodox bishops the while ? that might in love to peace & truth have opposed those bold attempts , & not have suffered a few , upon whom you now leave the guilt of faction , to expose the deare and precious name of episcopacie to that obloquie . let the remonstrant never cry fie upon his brethren , that dare challenge episcopacie of faction : but fie upon his fathers the bishops , that have subjected it to that challenge : had bishops done so in cyprians time , we doubt not but the●e would have bin fonnd presbyters who would have said as much , and need never have feared gaoles nor pillories , nor high commissions , the holy discipline wherewith the fathers of the sacred hierarchie have of late yeers visited such offences . sect . ii. wee are in this and the following sections not to contend for words , but things , things precious to the remonstrant , liturgie , and episcopacie , for which he fights , tanquam pro aris & focis . the subject of this section is the liturgie , where first he fals upon us for the alterations , and additions , mentioned by us , which hee calls such an envious and groundlesse suggestion as must needs cover our faces with a blush . truly , sir , if we were able to produce no fuller evidence of this then you have done of your iewish liturgie ever since mosestime , we should blush indeed ; but if wee can bring forth instances of such alterations as shall prove this present liturgie to be none of that , which hath beene confirmed by parliamentary acts ; keep your blushes to make liveries for yourself and friends . the liturgie confirmed by our parliamentary acts is the same which was made and confirmed in the fifth and sixth of edward the sixth , with one alteration , and additions of certaine lessons to be used upon every sunday ; and the forme of the letany altered and amended , and two sentences onely added in the delivery of the sacrament : and none other or otherwise . but this booke is so altered from that , that in it is left out , first a clause in the letany , from the tyranny of the bishop of rome , and all his detestable enormities , good lord deliver us , &c. 32. chapters of the old testament , a prayer against death , a rubrick , or declaration of the manner of the presence of christs body and bloud in the sacrament . besides some other things of lesse moment . secondly , added 26 apocryphall chapters , more to be read 47 proper lessons , the prayers for bishops and curats , many collects after the communion , a rubrick in the examination of private baptisme . in the calendar fish dayes are now called fasting days . a catalogue of holidays . thirdly , many things changed ; in the title of confirmation , the words for imposition of hands are added . in the epistle for palm-sunday , in the name of jesus , turned into , at the name of jesus , besides such smaller alterations , which himselfe acknowledges . these are sufficient to evince that the liturgie now in use is not that liturgie that was established by act of parliament , and therefore that act binds not to the use of this liturgie , as we conceive . now if to these we should adde the late alterations in the use of the liturgie , bringing in loud musique , uncouth and unedifying anthems , a pompous , superstitious altar-service , wee thinke any indifferent eye will say this is not the liturgie established by parliament : wee hope that these alterations are so visible , as any , that will not fully shut their eys , will say it is with this misaltered liturgie as with the disguised dames mentioned of old by doctor hall. and we hope , nay we know wee have some bishops of our minde in this , as well as you have some of yours ; & how ever you slight the words of one of them , not inferiour to any of them that wee know , with an effut●it labiis : yet it is a subtile shift you have to pervert the bishops words . for whereas hee said that the service of the church of england was now so drest , that if the pope should come and see it , he would claim it as his own , but that it is in english , the remonstrant would seeme to understand by this onely such an inoffensivenesse , in the devotion of it , as the pope himself could find no fault in it : whereas the bishop meant such a symmetry and correspondency of our present devotion and service with the popish , as was in his esteem just matter of humiliation to al the bishops in the kingdom , in a day of solemn & national fasting . instead of bringing out those great applauses , that forreigne divines and churches have given to our liturgie , hee falls ( though more gently then hee is wont ) upon master calvin for his tolerabiles ineptiae , as if that hee did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it seemes the remonstrant did not either consider the occasion of that censure , or else his not omniscient eyes never saw the epistle that the learned calvin wrote to the dispersed at frankfort , which would tell him that the occasion of this censure was the troubles raised up among the english exiles then at frankford , about the booke of liturgie ( which was then as since a spring of unhappy contentions in the church ) hereupon he writes a letter to them , wherein hee useth that phrase of tolerable fooleries : and in a christian way perswades both disagreeing sides to accord : which he puts not upon them by way of authority , but christian advise : nay , he says more , that these fooleries were tolerable then , yet he doubted not if religion flourished in england , many of these would be removed , and other things amended : and though they might begin with such weak rudiments , yet it was behovefull for the grave and pious ministers of christ to rise to a higher pitch , &c. so that here master calvin did not unwarrantably intrude in alienam rempublicam : nor did any other then would become any of our grave and learned divines , in the case of the wafers , or lords day markets of his charge , if called unto that service , as master calvin was to this . the remonstrant leads us from the english liturgie , to a discourse of liturgies in generall : which wee call unparalleld , because no man that ever wee have seene drew the line of liturgie so high as hee hath done , even as high as moses time ; to which his answer is , perhaps there are some things our not omniscient eyes have not seene , and perhaps this may be one of them : and perhaps there are some things which hee hath confidently avouched that his lincean eys have not seen , and perhaps this is one of them ; or else we should see it too . but that needs not saith the remonstrant for wee almost yield the question before wee argue it : the happier man hee to obain that by concession that hee never could by argumentation : but how doe wee yield the question ? in granting an order of divine administrations observed in church assemblies , but denying an imposition of set forms . we find in antiquity , that when the church met together upon the lords day , first the scriptures were read of the old and new testament , after the reading followed an exhortation to the practice and imitation of what was read , then they all rose and joyned in prayer : prayer being ended , they went to the sacrament , in the beginning whereof the president of the assembly powred out prayers and thanksgiving according to his ability , and the people said amen ; then followed the distribution of the sacrament : after that the collection of almes , &c. this was iustine martyrs liturgie . will you now see tertullians ? first , the congregation meets , and doe as it were besiege god with their prayers , wherein they pray for the emperors , for their servāts , officers , & c ? then they went to repeating the scriptures according to the time and occasion , then they edified themselves in faith and hope by holy exhortations . there they had also the exercise of discipline , there they had their love-feasts which began and ended with prayers , and were celebrated with singing of psalmes . this was tertullians liturgie . from these two writers of the purest times , it is evident that it was the custome or order of the church in their assemblies to pray , read , and expound the scriptures , administer the sacraments ; but that there were set formes of prayer prescribed and imposed upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that they were tyed to read such and such scriptures , that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had words of exhortation put into his mouth , that hee must use without adding , or altering , or diminishing , all which are in a stinted liturgy , this doth not appear , but rather the contrary , tertullian saith , coimus ad sacrarum literarum commemorationem si quid praesentium temporum qualitas aut praemonere cogit aut recognoscere . and now we hope our remonstrant wil see how we will avoid our own contradiction . to say there was an order of administrations although there were no set and prescribed formes is no contradiction : you see it in the churches practice . to say there was an order of prophecying given to the church of corinth by the apostle paul , and yet no stinted forms of prophecying imposed upon them , wee hope the remonstrant himselfe will say is not contradictory . but these quotations are blasted already ; it is but a silly ostentation of antiquity , that these men bring against the liturgie ; so is all wee bring if the remonstrant may be judge : but wee appeale to the learned reader . and what can our remonstrant accuse us of : first in our quotation of tertullian , wee mis-english it , sine monitore quia depectore , without any prompter , but their own heart . is this a mistranslation ? what then will you say to that approved glossator zephirus ? who thus expounds this place ; our prayers are not dictated to us as are the prayers of the heathens , by their priests , but proceed from the bottome of our hearts , &c. is not this to pray without any other prompter but their own hearts ? nor doth heraldus contradict this sence . if zephirus his glosse like not you , your english likes us , as well as our owne , and proves what wee desire . sine monitore : not being urged by any superiour injunction , though wee thinke monitor may as well be translated prompter as injunction ; but if no injunction , how could it be a liturgy , a commanded , imposed forme ? and if neither of these , neither zephirus nor your own please you , then take nicholas rigaltius . the heathens had a monitor that led them along in their prayers , out of a writing , that they might misse nor mistake no words , &c. yet what is this to a prescribed forme ? yes , if they prayed sine monitore , it overthrows a prescribed forme , read it as you will ; if you read it without a prompter it overthrowes a forme , if it be as you read it without any superiour injunction , it overthrows a prescribed forme . but why may not we saith the remonstrant , as well argue , that because our ministers doe ordinarily in their pulpits pray for the king in their own expressions , therefore there is no forme of liturgie enjoyned ? quite from the purpose ; we shew you in tertullian , where there were prayers that were not stinted and prescribed forms , shew us if you can in tertullian , any such there were . our other testimony out of terullian and austine , is full to the purpose we intended ; wee brought them to prove that it was free for christians to pray as their occasions did require , without being limited to prescribed formes : and though we will not say peremptorily there were no publique liturgies in augustines time , yet we dare say the place hee brings proves it not , in which there is not one word of prescribed or publike forms . the next place he quarrels with , is iustin martyr , the fault there is in the translation , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is guiltily translated the instructer of the people , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , falsly turned according to his ability . we must quit our selves of both these crimes : first , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we render not the word but the person , the instructor of the people , because the same father but a few lines before told us , that was his proper work , and why should the remonstrant cal this a guilty translation ? did he think we were affraid to use the word president or bishop , for fear of advantaging the adverse cause ? no such matter , take it , translate it you , bishop if you please , make this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the apocalyps , what will you gain by it ? but this , that such a president or bishop there was in every congregation , whether in the city or country . but besides the supposed guilt , we are charged with false translation for turning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to his ability , if this be a false translation , let the crime lie upon langius , and not contradicted by sylburgius in his notes , who before us translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quantum pro virili potest , which wee know not how to conster better then according to his ability . and this remonstrant grants they did pray according to their ability , and so ( saith he ) do ours , and yet we have a publike liturgie , and so had they . it followeth not , that they had because we have ; we would fain see better proofe of it . the remonstrant thinks it is proof enough to picke a quarrell with what wee have spoken , and therefore scorns to trouble himself any further then to tell the reader it is magisterially said by these men that set and imposed formes were not introduced till the arrian and pelagian heresies did invade the church , and as clerkly they confute themselves by their own testimony . so then , if wee cite testimony , it is not magisterially spoken , and how is it clerkly confuted ? besides what wee have done our selves , he vouchsafes us the honour to bestow a marginall confutation upon us out of conc. laod. cap. 19. we will doe the canon and the cause right , and give you the full view of it . oportere seorsum primum post episcoporum homilias catechumenorum orationem peragi , & postquam exierunt catechumeni eorum qui poenitentiam agunt fieri orationem , & cum i● sub manum accesserint & recesserint fidelium , preces sic ter fieri . vnam quidem scilicet primam silentio , secundam autem & tertiam per pronuntiationem impleri ; deinde sic pacem dari , & sic sanctam oblationem perfici & solis licere sacratis ad altare accedere & communicare . we desire the reader to remember that the question is not about a set order or rubrick , ( as the remonstrant calls it ) of administrations , but about set and imposed forms of prayer . now what doth this canon require ? that after sermon , prayer should be made first for the catechumeni , secondly , for the penitents , thirdly , for the faithfull . but doth it binde to set forms of prayer in all these ? that the reader sees it doth not , for some of the prayers required in that canon are mentall prayers , therefore not stinted , nor prescribed praiers , as appears by that clause in the canon , which the remonstrant ( shuffling up with much lesse fidelity then we have done the milevitan councell ) leaves out in his quotation but clerklike wee confute our selves . first , in going about to prove that set and imposed formes were not introduced till the arrian and pelagian heresie did invade the church , by the testimony of a councell that was before arrianisme . hee that is so quicke to take others in their self cōfutations , doth as clerklike confute himselfe , in granting that the laodicean councell was between the neocesarian , and the nicene , and yet so long before arrtanisme , as it seemes ridiculous to referre from the one to the other : now the neocesarian councell was as binius from baronius computes in the yeer 314 , and the nicene was 325 , or according to eusebius , 320. and was the arrian heresie just born at the period of the nicene councell ? if not , why may not the arrian heresie invade the church before the time of the laodicean councell , especially considering that the heresie of arrius did trouble the church sometime before it borrowed arrius his name ; and under his name , some yeers doubtles , before the nicen councell . yet our meaning was not , to affix the introducing of set formes into the church upon that councell ; the remonstrant if that he had pleased might have conceived , that speaking of the bringing in such formes , wee shew how it was done by degrees . and first as a step , the laodicean councell did forbid mens varying their prayers as they listed , and did enjoyn all men to use the same prayers : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this remonstrant saith , we said , was a forme of mans owne prescribing . no , we said of a mans own composing ; and how wil the remonstrant disprove it from the words of the canon ? to prove our assertion we brought the words of the councel of carthage , which our remonstrant derides as a grosse absurdity to explicate the councel of laodicea , by that of carthage , which is yet no more then z●naras did before us . but as the remonstrant relates it , the fathers of carthage will afford us little help . you shall heare themselves speak reader , and then judge . vt nemo in precibus , velpatrem pro filio , vel filium propatre nominet , & cum ●ltari assistitur semper ad patrem dirigatur oratio , & quicunque sibi preces aliunde describit non iis utatur nisi prius eas cum fratribus instructoribus contulerit . where it appears first , that this canon was made for poore ignorant priests that knew not the difference between the father and the sonne . secondly , that when this canon was made , there was no set forme in use in the church , for it cannot come under the possibility of imagination , that a man having a set form lying before him , should so grosly mistake as to name the father for the son , or the son for the father . thirdly , that the limiting or circumscribing the liberty in prayer was such as did not tie him to a set liturgie , but hee might use the help of any other prayer , so he did conferre with the more learned of his brethren . the milevitan councell went something further , wherein hee challenges our fidelitie in shufling up the councell ; our fidelity in citing of this councell is nothing inferiour to his in this , and far above his in the former . let the reader consider how much difference there is between what we speak , and what the remonstrant reports from this councell , and judge of the fidelity of both . if wee have for brevity sake given too short a representation of the canon , it will appeare upon are view , to redound onely to our own prejudice . the canon is this , placuit etiam illud ut preces vel orationes , &c. quae prob●tae fuerint in concilio sive praefationes &c. ab omnibus celebrētur . nec altae omnino dicantur in ecclesia nisi quae à prudentioribus tractatae , vel à synodo comprobatae fuerint ne forte , aliquid contra fidem , velper ignorantiam , vel per minus stu●ium ●it compositum . where wee observe that this is the first mention of prayers to bee approved or ratified in a synod and the restraining to the use of them . secondly , that the restriction was not such but there was a toleration of such prayers as were tractatae à prudentioribus used by the wise and prudent men in the church as well as of those prayers that were approved by the synod . thirdly , that the occasion of this restriction was the prevention of errour in the church , ne aliquid contrae fidem , &c. so that here the remonstrant may see how that we have made it good , that liberty in prayer was not taken away , and set formes imposed , till the arian and pelagian heresie invaded the church : his owne quotations would have told him this . next to these testimonies , as a strong inducement to us to think that there were no liturgies of the first and most venerable antiquity producible , wee added this consideration , that the great admirers of , and searchers after ancient liturgies either iewish or christian could never yet shew any to the world. and now we verely thought that if the sun did this day behold them , the remonstrant whose eys are acquainted with those secrets and rarities that wee cannot bee blest with the sight of , would have brought them to publique view for the defence of his owne cause , but wee feare if there ever were any such , the world hath wholy lost them : he cannot serve you with a whole liturgie , such fragments as hee found served in , wee shall anon tast off . his miserable mistake in saying that part of the lords prayers was taken out of the iewish formes , we pardon because hee doth halfe acknowledge it . so do wee , his prudent passing by in silence what wee objected against his confident assertion of peter and iohns praying by a forme , and that which wee brought of the publican and pharise to make good what we objected , because we know he cannot answere it . three things hee speaks of , the lords prayer , the iewish liturgies , and christian liturgies , for the lords prayer hee saith nothing can bee more plain then that our saviour prescribed to his disciples , besides the rules , a direct forme of prayer , we grant indeed nothing can be more plaine then that both our blessed saviour and iohn taught their new converts to pray , yet the remonstrant will have a hard task to prove from scripture that either iohn or our saviour gave to their disciples publique liturgies or that the disciples were tied to the use of this forme . but though his proofe fall short in the lords prayer , yet it is sure he saith , that christ was pleased to make use in the celebration of his last and heavenly banquet , both of the fashions and words , which were usually in the iewish feasts , as cassander hath shewed in his liturgica . yet cassander who is his sure proof saith but this , observasse videtur seemes to have observed . secondly , the evidence of all this comes from no better authour then maymonides who wrote not till above a 1000 yeers after christ. thirdly , though it were granted that our saviour did pro arbitrio or ex occasione , use the fashion or words usually in the jewish feast , it doth not at all follow that he did assume these words and fashions out of iewish liturgies ; an arbitrary custome is one thing a prescribed liturgie is an other . yet to prove such a liturgie , that he might ( as far as he can ) stand to his assertion , he brings something out of capellus , the samaritan chronicle , and buxtorfius his synagoga iudaica . we begin with what he brings out of a samaritan chronicle , sometimes in the hands of the famously learned ioseph scaliger , out of which hee tels us of an imbezel'd book , wherein were contained the songs & prayers used before the sacrifices : which although we might let passe without danger to our cause , and answer , that they were onely divine hymnes wherein there was alwayes some thing of prayer ; because the remonstrant himselfe in his second mentioning of them names onely songs : and were there any thing for set prayers , it is like hee would have put down some thing of them in the authors own words , as well as hee hath burthened his margent with some thing which is nothing to the purpose . but we shall make bold ( under correction ) to examine the authority of his samaritan chronicle . ioseph scaliger had certainly but two samaritan chronicles ( had he had any other he would certainly have mentioned it when hee undertooke to speake of all accounts & chronicles ) whereof that shorter is printed in his emendat . temporum , lib. 7. which is so fond and absurd a thing , that hee calls it ineptissimum : and there gives this censure of the samaritans in point of antiquity : gens est totius vetustatis , etiam quae ad ipsos pertinet , ignarissima : they are a people most ignorant of all antiquity , even of that which doth most concerne themselves . and more he would have said against it , if he had lived to know how much it varied from the samaritans owne pentateuch , as it is since discovered by that learned antiquarie master selden in his preface ad marmora arundeliana . this wee know is not the chronicle the remonstrant means : there is another which scaliger had , of which himself thus : habemus eorum magnum chronicon ex hebraica lingua in arabicam conversum , sed charactere samaritano descriptum : is liber incipit ab excessu mosis , desinit infra tempora imperatoris adriani , &c. wee have also their great chronicle translated out of the hebrew into the arabick tong●e , but written in a samaritan character : which book begins from moses departure , and ends beneath the times of adrian the emperour , &c. of which book scaliger his own censure is , that though it hath many things worthy of knowledge , yet they are crusted ●ver with samaritan devices , and judge how much credit wee are to give to this book for antiquity , as farre as moses , which makes no mention of their own originall any other ways , then that they came out of egypt by moses : doth not so much as speak of any of the ancient kings of samaria , nor the defection of the ten tribes under rehoboam , and doth onely touch the names of samson , samuel , david , &c. as scaliger speaks in the beginning of his notes ; and so will let your samaritan chron●cle passe , and give you leave to make the best of it . but to this testimony , what ever it be , wee oppose the testimony of a learned iew , who is rather to be heard , then a samaritan . the famous rabbi moses maymonides , who pleaseth to read part of his first , second , and eleventh chapters , in his mishneh of the law , halachah tephillah , shall evidently finde , that from moses his time to ezra ( above a 1000 yeeres ) there were no stinted forms of prayers heard of in the iewish church , but every man prayed according to his ability . secondly , that in ezra his time eighteene short forms of prayers were composed for the scattered iews , which had lost the use of the holy language ; because they thought it best to continue their prayers and worship of god in that sacred tongue . thirdly , but not a word of any set forms which the priests or levits were to use , but only to helpe the ignorant iews , to expresse themselves in prayer to god in the holy language ; at the time or houres of prayer , which the men of the great synagogue had appointed : peter and iohn went up together to the temple at the houre of prayer , being the ninth houre . though we alleage not this of maymonides , as a testimony to command beliefe , yet wee conceive it farre more to be regarded then any samaritan chronicle . secondly , hee hath some scraps of iewish liturgies out of capellus , concerning which a short answer may serve ; first there is not one of the iewish liturgies now extant , which was made before the iews ceased to be the church of god : for besides the eighteene short formes before mentioned , there were no other made till rabbi gamaliel his time , who according to the judgment of learned criticks is that gamaliel mentioned in the acts , ( from whom paul got such bitter principles against christian religion . ) but whensoever they began , capellus would laugh , should he heare what a strange conceit this remonstrant had gotten from him , that the iewish liturgies were as ancient as the time of moses , merely , because he parallels some iewish phrases which hee found in them with certaine phrases in the gospell , which the iews retained by tradition from their fathers , and put into their liturgies . but buxtorfius would fal out with him , that he should so much abuse him , as to say he had affirmed that maymonides took his creed out of the liturgie ; for the man is not guilty of any such grosse mistake : he saith indeed , that the articles of the iewish creed are printed in the liturgies , but withall hee tels the remonstrant , that maymonides was the first composer of them , whence therefore the iews put them into their liturgie . thus wee leave his iewish liturgie , which the reader will easily see to be more iewish , then hee could justly suppose our instance of william rufus was , and that it affords him as little furtherance . for christian liturgies , which the remonstrant had affirmed to have been the best improvement of the peace and happinesse of the evangelicall church ever since the apostles times , we challenged the remonstrant , setting aside those that are confessedly spurious , to produce any liturgie that was the issue of the first 300 yeers ; in answer to which , he brings us forth the liturgies which we have under the names of iames , basil , and chrysostome : to which our reply may be the briefer , because hee himselfe dares not vouch them for the genuine writings of those holy men . onely , saith hee , we have them under their names : secondly , he confesseth there are some intersertions spurious in them . thirdly , all that he affirmes is , that the substance of them cannot be taxed for any other then holy and ancient : what censure the learned criticks , both protestants and papists have p●st upon these liturgies , we hope the remonstrant knows ; we will onely mind him of what the le●rned rivetus speaks of the liturgies of iames , peter , matthew , mark , has omnes profectas esse ab inimico homine q●i bonae semenii domini , nocte super seminavit z●z●nia solidis rationibus probavit nobilisque & illustris philip morneus lib. 1. de missae & partihus ejus . which because the remonstrant so often finds fault with our misenglishing , wee leave to him to see if hee can construe these zizania to be any other then these liturgies , and this inimicus homo to be any other then the devill . nor will his implication of the ancient ▪ councell of ancyra helpe him , which forbade those priests that had not sacrificed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , will the restrant say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was to serve in the holy liturgies , that is , reading set litnrgies , he may as wel say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the reading of set homilies . balsamon , zonaras , dionysius , isidore , and gentian harvet doe all translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliquod munus sacerdotale subire . and that the remonstrant may not delude himself nor others with the ambiguitie of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if every mētion of these did by implication prove such a liturgie , as for which he contends . let him know that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is variously used in antiquity sometimes for all the ministeriall offices , so zonaras in concil . antioch . can. 4. and so concil . 4. ancyra . can. 1. quoted by himselfe , if hee would either have observed , or acknowledged it : sometimes only for prayer , so balsamon in can. 12. concil . sardic . 6. sometimes singing of our psalmes is tearmed by chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the same father expounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts 13. by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hom. 27. in act. so that for the proof of such liturgies as are the subject of this question , it is not enough to shew us the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in antiquity , let him shew the thing before he so dictator-like condemne those for giddy heads that will not take his word for proofs , and believe it was the undeniable practice of antiquity to use liturgies and formes of prayer , because he saith so . his supercillious censure upon our passage about conceived prayer , is not worth the taking notice of , he saith , we are sullen and crabbed pieces , tecchy and quarrelsome men , and why ? because we said his large prayses of conceived prayer , were but a vantage ground to advance publike forms the higher , how truly judg ; what cause we had so to think wee declared from the cruell and ungodly practices of the late times which he will scarce take notice of . our arguing about the originall and confirmation of our church liturgie , he calls wrangling . for the originall , the remonstrant said it was taken out of the ancient models , not roman but christian : here wee tooke notice of the opposition betweene roman and christian , because by the remonstrant made termini sese mu●u● removentes : which we perceive now hee is not willing should passe for his meaning , hee will not have it meant of an opposition , but of a different modification . though his instances brought to exemplifie it are not all ad oppositum . we will not make digressive excursions into new controversies , though wee are not affraid of burning our fingers with his hot iron . only wee tell him , that the suffrages of unquestionable divines are not so unanimous , but that from some of them wee could fetch sparks to fling in the face of him that desired their suffrages , without burning our-own fingers . compare what the booke called the old religion speaks of the church of rome , p. 6. where a speech imputed to luther is justified as a charitahle and not too indulgent a profession , viz. that under the papacie is all good , true christianitie , the very kernel of christianity , &c. compare this with what the bishop of salisbury saith in his begged suffrage , who thus speaks , that the church of rome is no more a true church than an arrant whore is a true wife to her husband . to disprove what he affirmed , that the liturgy was taken out of models not roman but christian , we produced king edwards proclamation , to which he answers nothing , onely ownes that , and scornes us : thinking to wipe off all exceptions with the glorious names of martyrs and confessors that composed it . for whom ( though wee dare not glory in man ) yet wee blesse god as well as he . but with all if we should say there were some holy martyrs and confessors of the same reformed religion that were opposers of it , and suffered in opposition even to a persecution , the lives of some of them being pursued from city to city , ( which he knows is most true , and so may any that will read the booke called the troubles of frankfort ) would this be a sufficient argument in his judgment for the remo●all of it ? but this is not the strength by which our liturgie stands , it stands confirmed by parliamentary acts , and king iames his proclamation ; to which wee answered , that neither the king nor the parliament intended such a rigorous pressing of the liturgie as we have felt . secondly , that neither our own laws nor the proclamation of that ever admired prince are as unalterable as the lawes of the medes and persians ; this he cals a bold flout , of purpose to render us odious to our dread sovereigne , and the honorable house ; as likewise in the next page seems to impute that language to us , which is his own : our loyall hearts startle to think of a repetition of the words , they are in pag. 23. of the defence , and are concerning king iames , whom in the clause wee had last in hand , wee mentioned with the deserved memory of a famous and ever admired prince . we confesse in some passages of that booke , wee tooke liberty to use some cheerfull expressions , provoked thereto by the strange confidence , and little strength of our remonstrant , remembring that of tertullian , it wel agrees with truth to laugh , because it is of a pleasant disposition , and to sport with her competitors , because it is secure , and feares not the wals of her bulwarks . but what ever we have done in other places , here ( wee attest the great searcher of hearts ) it never came into our thoughts to use a light expression , much lesse to flout in so bold a manner as hee accuseth us . nor doe wee thinke it possible that any charitable reader could suppose wee aimed at any other then what we expresse more plainly pag. 20. of our answer , of the power of princes and parliaments in changing their laws . his next business is with our queres , the first whereof was this , whether it be not fit to consider of the alteration of the liturgie , which we hoped had beene presented in such modest termes ( speaking of an alteration , not an utter abrogation , of consideration of an alteration not prescribing the alteration , onely of a fitnes of such an alteration , not of the necessity of such an alteration as should never have occasioned such a sarcasticall declaration , as he their makes . the thing propounded is so equall that the remonstrant who makes conscience to agree with us in as little as hee may : here is forced to confesse much against his will ( for which we may thank the honorable parliament ) there is some need of alteration , but this cōfession is joined with such a height of sco●n●t seems to threaten those who ever they are that should dare attempt it , & exprest in such away of diminution , as gives just cause to suspect , it is a meer designe to gain upon the parliament , and by a pretended shadow of an alteration to prevent a reall and totall reformation ; he tels us of wiser heads then our own , that will consider of the alteration : if here hee mean the parliament , hee meanes the same to whom wee have presented these considerations , concerning whom wee doubt not , but they will make another manner of an alteration then the remonstrant speaks of , consisting onely of a bare change of a few expressions , and that in the manner of them onely . but if these wise heads hee here speaks of , are such as his own , that it may be are complotting some kind of a castigation of the liturgie , then wee feare that although the times will not serve to make such an alteration , as that of the english liturgie sent into scotland : yet the alteration is like to be no better than in queene elizabeths time , when the parliament having given order for the alteration and correction of the letany , all the alteration that was made in it , was onely the taking out of that one suffrage , from the pope of rome , and all his detestable enormities , good lord deliver us . the remonstraut tels us of a martyr ( whom he cals silly and ignorant , wee dare not ) doctor taylor that magnified the liturgy to bishop gardiner , as compleat ; but where this story is you tell us not ; wee could answer story with story , which would please you much lesse then this doth us : we could tell you of a martyr that said it was the mark of the beast to receive from the bishop a licence to preach ; wee could tell you of that doctor tailor , who when hee was degraded , having his corner cap , and the rest of his priestly robes put on , when they were taken off again , said hee , now i am rid of my fools coat . that our proposition of entring into consideration about altering the liturgie , might not seeme unreasonable , wee set downe our reasons enforcing such alteration ; all which the remonstrant brings under the severity of his censure . first , ( wee say ) it symbolizeth so much with the popish masse , as that the pope would have approved it : which hee denyes not , if he had , we could have proved it from a man above suspition in this cause , doctor morton . onely hee saith , if the devill confesse christ to be the son of god , shal i disclaim the truth , because it passed through a damned mouth ? but you know sir , that christ would not receive such a confession from the devils mouth , nor paul neither , act. 16. and loth wee would be to go to the devill to learne a confession . it is true , gold in the impurest chanell is not to be contemned , but what need we goe to the chanell for gold , when wee can have it in the purest stream ? or what need we goe to the roman portu●se for a prayer , when wee can have one more free from jealousies in another place ? will a wiseman goe to the stews to seek an honest woman to make his wife ? our second reason why wee propounded this quaere was , because this was composed into this forme on purpose to bring the papist to our churches , which wee finde to bee with so little successe , &c. in answer to which the remonstrant first commends the project as charitable and gracious . the nature of the project wee never intended to dispute , onely wee produced this to shew that there was not the same reason for the retaining of this forme , that there was for the first introducing of it , because experience tels us it hath not prevailed to that end to which it was at first designed . yes it did , saith the remonstrant ; for sir edward coke tels us , till the eleventh yeere of queene elizabeth all came to church , those times knew no recusant . pardon us sir , if we tell you that it was not the converting power of the liturgie , but the constraining power of the law that brought them thither ; which afterwards not being pressed with that life and vigour that it had bin , gave incouragemēt to the popish fact ō , to take heart : adde also , that at the same time the pope negotiated to have her liturgie to be allowed by his authority , so as the queene would acknowledge his supremacie , which when it grew hopelesse , then the jesuitish casuists begun to draw on the papists to a recusancie . but might the complying of our papists be attributed soly to the inoffensivenesse of our liturgie ; yet what credit is this to our church to have such a forme of publike worship , as papists may without offence joyne with us in , and yet their popish principles live in their hearts still ? how shall that reclayme an erring soule , that brings their bodies to church , & leaves their hearts stil in error ? and wheras the remonstrant would impute the not winning of papists rather to the want or weaknesse in preaching ; be it so , in the mean time , let the bishops see how they will cleere their souls of this sinne , who having the sole power of admitting ministers into the church , have admitted so many weak ones , and have rejected so many faithfull , able preachers , for not conforming to their beggerly rudiments . and when we said that this our liturgie hath lost us many rather then wonne any , wee meant not onely of such as are lost to the popish part . but let the remonstrant take it so , it is neither paradox nor slander . for let an acute jesuite have but this argument to weild against a protestant not well grounded in our religion ( as too many such there are in england ) it is evident that the church of rome is the ancient and true church , and not yours , for you see your service is wholly taken out of ours , how would a weake christian expedite himselfe here ? to the third reason , this quaere was grounded upon the many stumbling blocks the liturgie lays before the feet of many . he tels us that these stumbling blocks are remov●d by many . we confesse , indeed , endeavours used by many , whether effected or no that we question ; wee know it is no easie thing , when a scruple hath once taken possession of the conscience to cast it out again . among the many , the remonstrant is pleased to refer us to master fisher ( for himself will not vouchsafe to foule his fingers with the removing of one of those blocks we mentioned ) whose book , among all that have travelled in that way , we think that any int●lligent reader will judge most unable to give solid satisfaction to a scrupling conscience . tell us wee beseech you , is it enough for a conscience that scruples the surplice , to say , that it is as lawfull for you to enjoyn the surplice , and punish the omitting of it , as it was for solomon to enjoin shimei , not to goe out of jerusalem , and to punish him for the breach of that injunction ? or , that the surplice is a significative of divine alacritie and integritie , and the expectation of glory ? is it possible that a man that reads this should stūble at the surplice after ? the cross is not onely lawfull in the use of it , but the removall of it would be scandalous and perillous to the state ; baptisme is necessary to salvation ; children dying unbaptized are in a forlorne condition , therefore midwives may baptize , &c. let the reader judge whether this be to remove stumbling blocks from before the feet of men , or to lay more . but if this remonstrant think master fisher so able and happy a remover of those occasions of offence , wee wonder how his quick sight could see cause of any alteration , so much as in the manner of the expression , knowing master fisher undertakes the defence not onely of the substance , but of the very circumstances and syllables in the whole book . but his last put off is this , that if there be ought in it that may danger scandall , it is under carefull hands to remove it . the lord be praysed it is so : it is under carefull hands and hearts , more mercifull then this remonstrant is , to remit troubled consciences to no better cure then master fishers book , who we hope will do by those as the helvetians did by some things that were stumbled at among them ; though they were none but anabaptists that stumbled at them , yet the state did by authority remove them , and zwinglius their professed adversary gives them thanks for occasioning the removall . to the fourth , which was that it is idolized and accounted as the onely worship of god in england , &c. at amsterdame , saith hee ; but hee knew wee spoke of such as adore it as an idoll , not such as abhorre it as an idoll , though it pleaseth him to put it off with a scoffe , retorting upon us , others say , rather too many doe injuriously make an idoll of preaching , shall wee therefore consider of abandoning it ? we hope , sir , you are not serious , if you be , & that not a little your self is guilty of idolizing the liturgy . dare you in cool bloodequalize this very individuall liturgy with gods ordinance of preaching , and say there is as little sinne or danger in considering of the utter abandoning of preaching , as there is in the abandoning of this present established liturgie ? cave dixeris . the fift argument was from the great distaste it meets with in many . this hee imputes to nothing but their ill teaching , and betakes himselfe to his old shifts of diversion , and saith , by the same reason , multitudes of people distasting the truth of wholsome doctrine , shall we to humour them abandon both ? it is a griefe to see this distast grow to such a height as tends to a separation ; and it is as strange to us that this remonstrant should have a heart so void of pity as that the yielding to the altering or removing of a thing indifferent ( which stands as a wall of separation betwixt us and our brethren ) should be presented to publike view under no better notion then the humouring of a company of ill taught men , or as the remonstrant elsewhere calls them brainsick men , or as another booke , men that have need of dark roomes and ellebore . for that ill teaching to which hee imputes this generall distast , if there be any such , wee for our parts are innocent ; our care for our part hath beene to informe our people , that such stumbling blocks as these are not sufficient causes of separation . but wee thinke , nay , we know , that some few prelats by their over-rigorous pressing of the service-book and ceremonies , have made more separatists , than all the preachers disaffected to the ceremonies in england . our last reason was from the difference betweene this and all other churches . to which he answers , that difference in liturgies will breed no dis-union between churches . secondly , if it be requisite to seeke conformity , our is the more ancient liturgie , and our the more noble church : therefore fit for them to conforme to us rather then we to them . it is true , every difference in liturgies doth not necessitate a dis-union of churches : but here the difference is too large to be covered with a few fig-leaves . it is too well known , our ceremonies and other things in our liturgies will not downe with other reformed churches : to the second , it is not the precedencie in times that gains the glory , but the exactnesse of the work . our first reformation was onely in doctrine , theirs in doctrine and discipline too . for the third , that ours is the more noble church . we desire not to ecclipse the glory of this church , but rather to intreat the lord to increase it a thousand fold , how great soever it be , and to ennoble it in this particular , in removing what ever is a stumbling block out of the way of his people . but why saith the remonstrant should we rather conforme to the liturgies of the reformed churches , then those of all other christians , grecians , armenians , copths , &c. should we set down what wee have read in the liturgies of those churches , wee believe the remonstrant would blush for intimating , there is as much reason to conform to their liturgies as those of the reformed churches . our second quaere is not so weak as this remonstrant supposeth ; it is this , whether the first reformers of religion did ever intend the use of a liturgie , further then to be a help in the want , and to the weaknes of the ministers ? in way of answer he asketh , whether we can think that our reformers had any other intentions then all other the founders of liturgies . no , indeed , wee thinke no other , and howsoever the remonstrant according to his confidence tels us that the least part of their eare was the helpe of the ministers weaknesse , yet their words tell us it was the main drift of those that first brought prescribed forms of prayer into the church ( and therefore wee conceived it might possibly be the intention of our reformers also ) witnesse the 23 canon of the fourth councell of carthage , ut nemo patrem nominet profilio , &c. so the composers of the liturgie for the french church in in frankfort , he formulae serviunt tantum rudioribus , nullius liberiati praescribitur . these formes serve onely for the ignorant , not prescribing to any mans liberty . and were it so that the mayn drift of the composers of liturgies were to helpe the d●votion of the people , yet ( what a help to devotion many find it , though we dispute not ) it will be hard f●r this remonstrant to perswade many thousands who desire with devout hearts to worship god , that the being constantly bound to the same formes , though in themselves neither for matter nor composure subject to just exception , will prove such a great help to their devotion . but this wee are sure , that if the knowing before hand the matter and the words wherewith it should be clothed make people the more intent upon devotion , if this be an infallible argument , it pleads against the use of present conception , either in praying or preaching , or any other administration either publike or private : and how contradictory this is to what the remonstrant hath professed of his reverent and pious esteem of conceived prayer , let himselfe see . it is neither boldly nor untruly said , that all other reformed churches , though they use liturgies , do not bind ministers to the use of them : if we may trust the canons and the rubricks of those churches we may both boldly and truly say it . in the canons of the dutch churches , agreed upon in their synod , we find a canon enjoyning some days in every week to be set apart for preaching and praying , and the very next canon saith , the minister shall conceive prayers either by the dictate of the spirit , or by a set forme . so in the first rubricke of the liturgie of geneva , the minister is to exhort the people to pray , quibus ei visum fuerit verbis , in what words he shall think fit ; and though that liturgie containe formes of prayer for publike use , yet we doe not finde in all that liturgie where they are tyed to the use of those forms , and no other ; we finde , where they are left free , as in one place , in dominico die mane haec ut plurimum adhibetur formula , upon the lords day in the morning , for the most part this prayer is used ; for the most part , then not alwayes . so in another , after the lords super , this thanksgiving or some other like it is used ; then they are not absolutely tied to the use of that : and by this wee have learned how to construe what he hath quoted out of master calvine . and indeed any man that reads that epistle may easily construe what was master calvines judgement about liturgies , not that men should be so tied to words and forms , as to have no liberty to recede from them . for in the same epistle hee doth advise to have a summary collection of doctrine which all should follow , and to the observing of which all , both bishops and ministers should be bound by oath ; yet we hope the remonstrant will not say that calvine did advise that bishops and ministers should be bound by oath not to vary from that forme of doctrine ? calvine advises a set form of catechisme , will the remonstrant say that calvine meant the ministers should never vary from the syllables of that forme , provided they did dictate pro captu populi , in quibus situs sit verus christianismus ? the very words by himself quoted shew what calvins end was in advising a set liturgie , viz. to helpe the simplicity and unskilfulnesse of some , to prevent the innovation of others , & that the consort of all churches among themselves might more certainly appeare , all which ends may be obtained without limiting all ministers to the words and syllables of a set forme , provided they pray to that effect . which is all that is required in the liturgies of other churches . wee could name you many other liturgies , wherein there are not further bounds laid upon the minister then thus , hae sunt formulae , quas tamen sequitur minister pro suo arbitrio , these are forms which the minister follows according to his liking . and again , spiritus sanctus non est alligandus formulis , the holy ghost is not to be tyed to forms . minister concludit orationem , quam pro suo arbitrio dicit . haec esto formula nisi quid ille suâ sponie possit melius . the minister concludes the prayer , which hee sayes according to his own discretion : let this be that forme , except of his own accord hee can doe better . in another , minister ad precandum hisce aut similibus verbis invitat ad hunc modum orat , in these or the like words . and by this , ( we hope ) the remonstrant seeth that what wee have said , was more truly then boldly spoken . as for the lutheran churches , though we blesse god for that truth , that is among them , for that glorious instrument of their reformation , yet we think the remonstrant will not say , that the lutheran churches came out so perfectly in the first edition , but that desiderantur nonnulla ; nor can he be ignorant , that in the ordinary phrase of writing , they are called the protestant churches , the other the reformed churches : and what if the reformed churches be as the remonstrant calls them , out of his respect hee beares them , but a poore handfull ? yet is this handfull in respect of purity , of truth , and worship among them , to be preferred before all the christian world besides . the rubrick in the liturgie of edward the sixth , saith he , is misconstrued , because it intends onely the peoples ease and more willing addiction to hearing . two of the very ends for which wee desire a liberty ; which if some ordinaries ( upon his certain knowledge ) have often yielded , many now upon our certaine knowledge have denied it , and ordered sermons should rather be constantly cut short then any part of the liturgie omitted , why should it be a fault in us to desire that as a favour from this honourable house , which the remonstrant grants an ordinary may without offence yield at his own discretion ? 3 the homilies we say are left free , reason therefore the liturgie should : which argument he confesseth might hold force , did they utterly abridge all ministers of the publike use of any conceived prayers . we know some men have endevoured sacrilegiously , to rob all ministers of the exercise of the gift of prayer , on what occasion soever : and our argument is as strong against limiting in prayer , as it is against limiting in preaching , either in whole or in part , and he saith nothing against it , onely determines tanquam è cathedrâ , that it is no lesse sacrilege to rob the people of a set form , by the liberty of a free expr●ssion , then it is to rob them of the ministers gift of preaching or praying . but the remonstrant must prove that set forms and liturgies stinted and enjoyned , are not onely lawfull , but ordinances of god , and not only warranted but commanded , as well as preaching or praying , before he doe so peremptorily conclude the taking of set formes away by the liberty of a free expression to be sacrilege ; and his bold closure of this answer , how true it is let him look in what we have said before of the liturgies of other churches . 4 his fourth answer , that it is a false ground , that the imposing of the book tyes godly men from exercising their gift in prayer , would have been condemned for heresie in some consistories in england , within these few yeeres , by such as did , from the imposition of the one , forbid the other . whether the liberty of prayer be infringed wholly , by a set liturgie , wee dispute not . but it is beyond dispute , that the not binding to a liturgie would endanger the liberty of prayer lesse . 5 our fift reason was , because many deny their presence at our church-meeting , in regard of those imposed prayers , and we finde no better way to recover them from that distance in which they stand , then by leaving the liturgie free . the remonstrant saith , there is no reason of such alienation from our assemblies upon such grounds . the reasonablenesse or unreasonablenesse of this we determine not ; in the mean time wee are sure thus it is . for our parts we professe , that wee are not against a free use of a liturgie , nor doe we count a liturgie a sufficient ground of separation from the church , we say with augustine , non putamus scindendas esse ecclesias , propter ea quae nos ex se , neque digniores , neque indigniores , coram deo facere possunt . yet wee feare it is not the remonstrants dilemma that will reduce such as upon this ground are upon point of forsaking our church assemblies . the liturgie ( saith hee ) is either good or evill , if evill it is not lawfull to be used , if good it is not unlawfull to be imposed . the persons of whom wee speake , and with whom in this argument he hath to deal will deny both , and tell him the liturgie is neither good , nor yet may lawfully be imposed if it were good , it may be the remonstram might have work enough to perswade some men of either : and whether it be easier to satisfie the consciences of many thousands in england , that are troubled about this , by argument and disputing , or by loosing the bond of imposition , and taking away the cause of dispute and trouble , or to behold the confusion that will follow , if the lord do not in mercy direct to some means of prevention , is not hard to determine . the remonstran● inclines to the third , and making it but a small matter , turns it off with o miserable misled people , whom nothing will reclaim but a perfect confusion ! a perfect deformity , a more profitable nonsence ! and so confident he is that this will be the issue , that though this confusion appeare in no other churches who perhaps ( hee grants contradicting himselfe ) begun without a liturgie ; yet with us it could be no lesse then what hee hath prophesied : yea , so resolute he is not to yield to a liberty in what is established , that whereas wee said that liberty in liturgies could breed no more confusion then liberty in the homilies , we evidently see by his answer , that had the reading of homilies beene as strictly enjoyned as the book of common-prayer , the ablest minister in england , were the law in the remonstrants hands , must be held as strictly to them , as to this . yea , lastly , whereas wee had said , that if enjoyned at all , it might be as a punishment upon the insufficient , thereby to quicken them up to more diligence and care : he scoffs at this as a singular project and unheard of mulct ; and yet himselfe comes out with a project about preaching , never a whit better , and doth as good as confirme our saying in the latter end ; surely where god hath bestowed gifts , it is fit they should be imployed , and improved to the best advantage of his people : but where there is nothing but an empty , over-meening , and proud ignorance , there is great reason for a just restraint . let the ingenious reader peruse the words , and consider how much they differ from that which he calls our singular project : and withall judge whether this conclusion of the remonstrant after all his wrangling against our queres , be not as like bellarmines , tutissimum tamen , &c. as if it had beene cast ●n the same scull ? how this way that the remonstrant hath chosen would speed , let the reader judge : in the meane time we blesse god , who hath put it into the hearts of others , into whose hands hee hath concredited the work , to judge more wisely , and consider more mercifully ; and to professe in the hearing of some of us , that they would willingly part with that which was indifferent to themselves , if they were but truly informed , it was offensive to others . according to that of gregory , those customes which are knowne to bring any burthens upon the churches , it becomes us to consider of the removing of them . thus we have vindicated the first part of our answer concerning liturgie , wherein we professe , as in the presence of god , that wee have written nothing out of a spirit of contention and faction , but onely as lovers of the truth , and the peace of the church , which is now miserably divided in judgement and affections , and like a young hart upon the mountains of bether ; which rents and distractions , wee are so far from fomenting , that wee would willingly goe over divers seas ( as calvin once said ) to finde out one uniforme way of worshipping of god , in which all christians might happily agree . we well know that peace is the helena , that all are suiters unto ; and wee know as well , that peace without truth is as a painted iezabell , and to be thrown downe by all those who are on the lords side . and therefore it hath and alwayes shall be our chiefe care and prayer , that peace and truth may kisse & greet each other : and we hope that the worthies of that honourable assembly , who are the great patrons of peace and truth , will give a candid interpretation to these our endeavours , and will doe that for which present and succeeding generations may justly record them as the nehemiah's , ezrae's , and zorobabels , of our decayed ierusalem . sect . iii. the businesse of the third section , is to extricate himselfe from those snares , in which his owne words have entangled him : his affection to his cause , had transported him to use some over-reaching expressions , lifting up the antiquitie , and extending the universalitie of episcopall government beyond truth , vilifying ( as wee know his custome is ) vvhatsoever hath been spoken or vvritten to the contrary . those things we laid to his charge ; now see how miserably he excuseth himself : read the remonstrance , our c●llections from it in this section , and judge whether he hath sufficiently redeemed his credit , who hath neither made any one ingenious confession of an oversight , nor yet made good what he had spoken ; yet hee enters with his wonted confidence , perswading himself he hath blown away all the arguments of the former section , and lays on us unmercifully , calling us cavellers , leasers , slanderers , calumniators , worthy to be spit upon , &c. such let us be esteemed , if we be found deserving . his first care , and almost his greatest , is , to cleere himself from that which we spake of but by the way ; his condemning all , that either writ or spoke against episcopacy , as weak , or factious , the god of heaven knows this ( saith hee ) never came within the verge of my thoughts . sir , wee cannot parly with your thoughts , but certainly if it were not in your thoughts , your words mistake their errand : for this proposition , episcopacie is cryed downe abroad either by weake or factious persons , we beseech you , let your logick ( the want whereof you upbraid us vvith ) tell us , quae , quanta , qualis ; if any man should say it grieves his heart to heare , how the pure protestant religion is cryed downe abroad , by either weake or factious persons , would this have been interpreted to concerne onely such as cry downe the protestant religion here in england ? certainly , abroad not being limited , as it was not in your remonstrance , though now you would limit it in your defence , is a vvord of such vast extent , as reacheth not onely beyond the bounds of the parliament , but of the kingdome too . but see how justly you deale with us , where you personate us as saying , sure the man is not in his right wits , hear how he raves , sure hee is in a deep phrensie : vvho ever spake of the remonstrant so contumeliously ? it is language more like his , vvho sends men to darke rooms , and to ellebore . wee said indeed , the remonstrant was self-confounded , and vvee know as vvell as you can tell us , there is a self-confusion that is the effect of extream sorrow , such a sorrow as makes men speak they knovv not vvhat ; and so did this remonstrant : some of vvhich expressions hee yet justifies , some he minces . this he justifies , and saith , hee ever will ; that hee is no peaceable , nor wel-affected sonne of the church of england , that doth not wish well to liturgie and episcopacie . what ? tell us novv once for all , whither the parliament doe not here come under the verge of your proposition ? whom before you vvere so carefull to exempt by one vvord abroad . for this is vvell knowne , if all those of the nobilitie , gentrie , and communaltie , that at this time stand not vvell affected to the present liturgie , and hierarchie , are to bee counted factious and ill affected , the reverend fathers will have multitudes of disobedient sons to disple . in the next page , he endevours to make good vvhat he had spoken in the remonstrance , that episcopall government , by the joynt confession of all reformed divines , derived it selfe from the times of the apostles ( vvithout the contradiction of any one congregation gregation in the christian world ) unto this present age. his defence is first , he said nothing of diocesan bishops ( then as good have said nothing at all ) but spake onely of episcopall government : but vvas it not that sacred government vvhich some seek to wound ? and vvhat is that but government by diocesan bishops ? vvhich he must prove to derive it selfe from the apostles times , or else eat his vvords . nay , more then so , hee must prove that the joynt confession of all reformed divines acknowledge it ; and not think to put the reader and us off , with telling us , no true divines ever questioned , whether bishops were derived from the apostles or no , but what kind of bishops they were ; wee know what kinde of bishops the remonstrant pleads for , and of them he said , by the joynt confession of all reformed divines , they were derived from the apostles : prove this , or acknowledge your errour . it is this kind of bishops you must prove hath continued in the christian world unto this age , without the contradiction of any one congregation . we tell you of scotland without bishops : you would put us off with china and brasile , &c. but are they parts of the christian world , as scotland is ? you never meant that every place through the whole world hath had a continued line of bishops ever since the apostles , we thought you had ; for we are sure it is the assertion of episcopall men : else what is the meaning of doctor halls semper and ubique ? and what is the meaning of that irrefragable proposition ? no man living , no history can shew any well allowed and setled nationall church in the whole christian world , that hath been governed otherwise then by bishops , in a meet and moderate imparity , ever since the times of christ and his apostles , unto this present age . and what means that other expression ? turne over all histories , seeke the records of all times and places , if ever it can be shown , that any orthodox church in the whole christian world , since the time of christ , and his apostles , was governed otherwise then by a bishop , superiour to his clergie ( unlesse perhaps during the time of some persecution , or short interregnum ) let me forfeit my part of the cause . the instances brought to prove the falsnesse of that assertion , that episcopacie had never met with contradiction in any christian congregation , the one hee turns off with the evasion of a personall quarrell ; whereas the histories tell us it was an ancient custome ; and adds an odious marginall ill becomming his so deeply protested loyalty to his sovereigne , as if it were no lesse crime to offer an affront to a prelate , then to the king. the other instances of the reformed churches , he puts off with this shift ; that if wee did not wilfully shut our eyes , we might see he limited his time unto this present age . good sir , bethink you , take up your remonstrance , read your own words , mark the parenthesis . episcopall government derives it self from the times of the apostles without any interruption ( without the contradiction of any one congregation in the christian world ) to this present age . the limitation of time here , hath reference to the continuance of episcopacie , not the contradiction of episcopacie , that 's hedged in with your parenthesis , which excludes your limitation . just such another is your next , having said , episcopall government continued in this iland ever since the plantation of the gospel , without contradiction ; and being here taken in the manner , to salve your credit , you would here alter your words and sence , and make it , that it cannot be contradicted , that the forme of this government hath continued in the island ever since the first plantation of the gospel ; pray review your words , and see how well they admit this sense . were this ordinance meerly humane , and ecclesiasticall , if there could no more be said for it , but that it is exceeding ancient , of more then fifteen hundred yeares standing , and that it hath continued in this island since the first plantation of the gospel , to this present day , without contradiction . you would make the sense to goe thus , this proposition is true without contradiction , that episcopall government hath continued in this island : we say the sense must be thus , that this government hath continued without contradiction , or hath received no contradiction , during all the time it hath continued , untill this present day . if any impartiall reader would not take the words in that sence we did , rather then in the sence you have drawn them to , let us be counted slanderers . but in excusing the last mistake , he would be a little more serious . the remonstrant had said ; except all histories , all authors faile us , nothing can be more certain then this truth . wee cry out here of such a shamelesnesse , as dares equall this opinion of his of episcopall government , to an article of our creed . this he doth seriously deny , professing he spake it only as an ordinary phrase in hourly discourse ; and did hee so too , that in episcopacie by divine righ , part. 2. pag. 47. faith , that for his part , hee is so confident of the divine institution of the majoritie of bishops above presbyters , that hee dare boldly say , there are weighty points of faith , which have not so strong evidence in scripture . and the same author in the same place professeth , that men may with much better colour cavill at those blessed ordinances of god , viz. ( consecration and distribution of the holy eucharist , and baptizing of infants ) then quarrell at the divine institution of bishops . god give the man lesse confidence , or more truth : is not this to equalize this fancie to an article of the creed ? wee would not have cast away so much time and paper upon this worthlesse businesse , but onely to cleer our selves from that uncharitablenesse , falshood , lying , and slandring , wherewith the remonstrant here bespatters us . it is in his power to save himselfe and us this ungratefull labour , if hee will give lesse scope to his luxuriant pen , speak more cautiously , let his words be more in weight , and lesse in number . sect . iv. in the next section , the remonstrant according to his rhetorick , saith , now i hope , they wil strike ; it is a trope , sperare pro timere . he had pleaded for the establishment of episcopacie , the long continuance of it in the world , and in this island : this we called argumentum galeatum , quoting hierom for that epithite , for which his great learning scoffs us . well , wee must put it up ; an argument , or if you will an almanack , ( for it is growing out of date apace ) and calculated for the meridian of episcopacie , &c. meaning the argument , though applyed to episcopacie , might serve for any other right , custome , order , religion , that might plead antiquity , which hee denies not , but plainly grants , saying , it is calculated for whatsoever government ; if so long time have given it peaceable possession ; in so much , that could the presbytery plead so long continuance , hee should never yield his vote to alter it . no , should not ? to bring in that episcopall government which ( saith the remonstrant ) hath such a divine institution , as not only warrants it , where it is , but requires it where it may be had . how can these things consist ? surely if your grounds for the divine right of episcopacie be convictive and irrefragable , you must renounce that government which is meerly humane , and ecclesiasticall , be the antiquity of it never so venerable , if it stand in competition with that which may plead a jus divinnm . to divert that which he saw would overthrow this plea , intitling the pope to as much strength in this argument as the bishops , he will needs add this : that long continuance may challenge an immunity from thoughts of alteration , uulesse where the ground of the change is fully convictive and irrefragable . but first , sir , you must not make a limitation in your conclusion , above what was in your premises ; but since you are at a dead lift , wee will take it in , and yet tell you , that this helps you no more , then the pope still : if he may judge , hee will say there is no reason for his abolition : may others judge , the ground is fully convictive and irrefragable . the bishops being judges , and the remonstrant , they determine ; no reason in the world for the change of episcopacie ; but what if others that must be judges in this controversie see grounds irrefragable , and convictive : where 's your argument from the long standing of episcopacie ? the other things which hee refers to their more proper place we shall expect there . onely for his confident challenge he makes to us , to name any man in this nation that hath contradicted episcopacie till this present age : we must put him in remembrance , that in his remonstrance his words were unto this present day . which unlesse hee will have recourse to his trope , is more then this age , if by this age hee mean this last century : but let it be this age , we can produce instances of some ( and that long before this age ) in this kingdome that have contradicted episcopacie ; and our instances shall not be mean. that blessed man wickliffe ages ago did judge there ought onely to be two orders of ministers , and who these be hee expresseth in the following words , viz. presbyters and deacons , if there be but two orders of ministers in the church presbyters and deacons , then where is your sacred order of episcopacie ? and if wickliffe deny the being of that order , doth hee not contradict it ? in the following page he saith , pauli , &c. that in the time of paul , two distinct orders of clergie men were sufficient , priests and deacons : neither was there in the time of the apostles any distinction of popes , patriarchs , archbishops ; it was enough that there were presbyters and deacons . so , there is one in this nation , who before this age contradicts episcopacie . of him also walsingham saith , that this was one of wickliffs errours , that every priest rightly ordained , hath sufficient power to administer all sacraments ( and consequently orders and penance ) for they were then esteemed sacraments . consonant to this of wickliffe , was the judgment of iohn lambert , who in his answer to articles objected against him saith , thus , as touching priesthood in the primitive church ; when vertue bare ( as ancient doctors doe deem , and scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same ) most room , there were no more officers in the churches of god then bishops and deacons , that it ministers ; as witnesses , besides scripture , hierome full apertly in his commentaries upon the epistles of paul. though these were but single men , yet they were martyrs , therefore wee hope their words will beare some weight . wee could tell you further that richardus de media valla in 4. sent. dist. 24. quaest . 2. non ordo qui est sacramentum , sed potius quaedam ordinis dignitas episcopatus dicendus est : episcopacie is not to be called order , but a kind of a dignity of an order . guli . occam anno 1330 quod sacerdotes omnes cujuscunque gradus existant , sunt aequalis autoritatis , potestatis , & jurisdictionis institutione christi : sed caesaris institutione papam esse superiorem , qui etiam potest hoc revocare . that all priests of whatsoever degree they be , are of equall authority , power , and jurisdiction , by the institution of christ : but by caesars institution the pope is the superiour , who may also recall this . we could tell you further of one gualter mapes , a man whom history records famous for learning , who flourisht in the yeere 1210 , that wrote many books : among the rest , one called a complaint against bishops . another against the pope and his court. another to the wicked prelats . in which he cals the pope plutonem & asinum , prelats , animalia bruta , & stercora : whether this man did contradict episcopacie or no ? let themselves judge . but we are sure , if any man a few yeers agoe should have so written or spoken , it had been a crime next l●sae majestatis : we could tell them of many more , but the remonstrant desired but to name any one , we hope we shall indifferently well satisfie his desire , by that time we have mentioned one more , robert longland , a scholer of wickliffs , who put forth a book in english , called the ploughmans dream , which ends thus , god save the king and speed the plough , and send the prelates care enough , enough , enough , enough , enough . if single instances will not serve the turn , wee can give instance of a combination of learned and godly men in oxford ; who being called in question before the king , and the bishops of the kingdome , were condemned to be stigmatized and banished the kingdome ( the fatall punishment of the adversaries of episcopacie ) for saying that the church of rome was the whore of babylon , the barren fig-tree that god had cursed , and for saying , non obediendum esse papae & episcopis , that neither pope nor bishops are to be obeyed . if this be not enough , wee can produce the combination of the whole kingdome , anno 1537 ( somewhat above an age ago ) out of a book called , the institution of a christian man , made by the whole clergie in their provinciall synod , set forth by the authoritie of the kings majesty , and approved by the whole parliament , and commanded to be preach't to the whole kingdome , wherein speaking of the sacrament of orders , it is said expresly , that although the fathers of the succeeding church after the apostles , instituted certain inferiour degrees of ministery , yet the truth is , that in the new testament , there is no mention made of any other degrees or distinction in orders , but onely of deacons or ministers , and presbyters or bishops , and throughout the whole discourse makes presbyters & bishops the same : from whence it is evident , that in that age the whole clergy knew not any difference made by the scriptures between presbyters and bishops , and by this time ( we hope ) you have more then one in this kingdome , who have contradicted your episcopacie before this age . and if we should expatiate beyond the bounds of this kingdome , wee might with ease produce , not onely testimonies of schoolmen but of others , who acknowledge but two orders in the ministery ; but seeing you required onely home-born witnesses wee ll trouble you with no other : and intreat you to make much of them . onely we shall intreat the reader to view , to his abundant satisfaction , doctor reinolds his epistle to sir francis knowls , who shews out of chrysostome hierom , ambrose , augustine , theod. primasius , sedulius , theophilact , that bishops and presbyters are all one in scripture , and that aerius could be no more justly condemned for heresie , for holding bishops and presbyters to be all one , then all those fathers with whom agree ( saith he ) oecumenius , and anselme archbishop of canterbury , and another anselme , and gregory , and gratian : and affirms , that it was once enrolled in the canon law for sound and catholike doctrine , and thereupon taught by learned men , he adds further that it is unlikely that anselme should have beene canonized for a saint by the pope of rome , and the other anselme and gregory so esteemed in the popes library , that gratians works should be allowed so long time by so many popes for the golden fountain of the canon law , if they had taught that for sound doctrine , which by the whole church in her most flourishing time was condemned for heresie , and concludes that they who have laboured about the reformation of the church , these five hundred yeeres ( of whom he names abundance ) have taught that all pastors be they intitulated bishops or priests have equall authority and power by the word of god , and by this the reader may know doctor reinolds his judgment concerning episcopacie . there is one thing more belongs to this section , as to the proper seat , and that is the establishment which he seeks to episcopacie frō the laws of the kingdom , to which we having answered , that laws are repealable , the parliament having a nomotheticall power , he answers though laws are repealable , yet fundamentall laws are not subject to alteration upon personall abuses : secondly , that he speaks not against an impossibility , but an easinesse of change , which our guiltinesse would willingly overlook . but consider , we beseech you , how fitly is episcopal government made a piece of the fundamentall laws of the kingdome ? how did the kingdome then once stand without bishops , as in the very page , you had now to answer , you might have seen once it did ? for doth not the marginall tell you from sir edward coke , or rather from an act reported by him in the 23 yeere of edward the first , that the holy church was founded in the state of prelacie , within the realme of england , by the king and his progenitors , which your guiltinesse will needs overlooke , for feare you should see that there was a king of this realme of england , before there was a prelacie . and how then is episcopacie one of the fundamentals of the kingdome ? and whereas you say you spake onely against an easinesse of change , read your words in the eighteenth page of your remonstrance , a man would thinke it were plea enough to challenge a reverend respect , and an immunitie from all thoughts of alteration : is this to speake against an easinesse , or rather against a possibility of change ? for your conclusion , that things indifferent or good , having by continuance and generall approbation beene well rooted in church and state , may not upon light grounds be pulled up , good sir , never trouble your selfe about such an indifferent thing , as episcopacie is . never feare , but if episcopacie be rooted up , it will be done by such hands as will not doe it upon light grounds . sect . v. they that would defend the divine right of episcopacie , derive the pedigree of it from no lesse then apostolicall , and in that right , divine institution ; so did this remonstrant . this we laboured in this section to disprove , and shew , that it might be said of our bishops , as of those men , ezra 62. these men sought their register among those that were reckoned by genealogie , but they were not found : therefore were they as polluted put from the priestho●d . for the bishops , whose pedigree is derived from the apostles , were no others then presbyters : this we evinced by foure mediums out of scripture , but insisted onely upon two , the identitie of their name and office . before wee come to the remonstrants answer , wee will minde the reader of what the remonstrant saith , that we have a better faculty at gathering then at strewing : which if we have , we shall here make good use of our faculty , in gathering the choice flowers which himself hath scattered ; yielding unto us the mayn scripture grounds whereby the patrons of episcopacie have endevoured to uphold their cause . for himselfe confesseth the bishops cause to be bad , if it stand not by divine right , and compares the leaving of divine right , and supporting themselves by the indulgence and munificence of religious princes , unto the evill condition of such men , who when god hath withdrawn himselfe , make flesh their arme . and whether himselfe hath not surrendred up this divine right , judge by that which followeth . our main argument was , that bishops and presbyters in the originall authority of scripture were the same . hee answers in the name of himselfe and his party , this is in expresse terms granted by us . we argue it further , that we never find in scripture any other orders of ministery but bishops and deacons . he answers , brethren , you might have spared to tell mee that which i have told you before , and adds , that when wee alleage the apostles writings , for the identity of bishops and presbyt●rs , we oppose not his assertion , because he speaks of the monuments of immediate succession to the apostolike times , but we of the writing of the apostles . and for the two other arguments drawn from the identitie of the qualifications of bishops and presbyters for their office , and ordination to their office , hee answers ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem . and yet notwithstanding , that the reader may not perceive how the remonstrant betrayes his own cause , he deals like the fish sepia , and casteth out a great deal of black inke before the eyes of the reader , that so hee may escape without observation . but wee will trace him and finde him out , where hee thinks himselfe most secure . for first , he falsly quotes our answer . whereas wee say , that in originall authority bishops & presbyters are the same , he tels us , we say , that bishops and presbyters went originally for the same , that is , saith he , there was at first a plain indentity in their denomination . which two answers differ , immane quantum ! and yet howsoever this very identity of denomination in scripture is of no small consequence , what ever the remonstrant makes of it . for the proper ends of names being to distinguish things , according to the difference of their natures , and the supream wisdome of god being the imposer of these names , who could neither be ignorant of the nature of these offices , nor mistake the proper end of the imposition of names , nor want variety to expresse himselfe , the argument taken from the constant identity of denomination , is not so contemptible as the remonstrant pretends . especially considering that all the texts brought to prove the identity of names prove as intrinsecally , the identity of offices , which we did cleerly manifest , by that text , titus 1. 5 , 6 , 7. where the apostle requiring presbyters to be thus and thus qualified , renders the reason , because bishops must be so . which argument would no ways evince what the apostle intended , if there were onely an idenditie of names , and not also of offices and qualifications when the names are the same , and the offices distinct , who but one that cares not what hee affirmes , would infer the same offices as a consequent from the identity of their names ? who would say that the properties of the constellation called canis ought to be the same with the bruit creature so called , because they have both one name ? and this we desire the reader to take the more notice of , because the remonstrant passeth it over in silence . secondly , the remonstrant seemes to recant that which he had before granted , & tels us that though in the apostolike epistles there be no nominal distinction of the titles , yet here is a reall distinction and specification of the duties , as we shall see in due place . but this place is in vtopia , and wee shall finde it paulò post finem , for wee finde it no where in this book ; but we hope in due place faithfully to performe the contrary to what hee hath deludingly promised , and also to shew how these words of his doe contradict what himselfe saith in other places of his book . the testimonies brought out of antiquities , to shew that the names of bishops and presbyters were used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , hee calls trifling , and challengeth us to name any one of his writers that hath stood up in the cause of episcopacy that hath not granted and proclaimed this which we contend for . wee answer first , the better is our cause , when our adversaries are forced to grant us thus much . secondly , the authours we alleage , doe as well hold the offices of bishops and presbyters , to be used in scripture 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as well as the names . thirdly , though we cannot name the man , yet hee who names himselfe the humble remonstrant , in the 96 page of his defence , doth impropriate the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , acts 20. to bishops in an imparity distinct from meere presbyters , saying , if they were indeed bishops , and not mere presbyters as the word it selfe imports , &c. and wee thinke you should know the name of this man. we mentioned anicetus , pius , higinus , telesphorus , under the denomination of presbyters . you answer we could not have brought a stronger argument against our selves . why ? they are called presbyters as well as bishops . ergo , the names are used indifferently . doth it not fully prove as much as we intended ? but they are famously known ( say you ) to have been in a height of elevation above presbyters . it is yet to be proved they were so : yet how ever , no such elevation as did advance them into an order above presbyterie . for irenaeus speaking of the successors to the apostles saith , cum prebyterio ordine sermonem sanum & conversationem sine offensâ praestant , ad informationem & correctionem reliquorum , and our remonstrant granting an identitie of names , and yet thinking to maintain a distinction of offices out of irenaeus , comes neerer to the sence of the popish commentator feuardentius , then of the orthodox father irenaeus . to cyprian whom the presbyters called frater , hee replyes that though the presbyters were so familiar with him as to call him brother , yet he did never so condiscend to them as to call them bishops , but stifly maintains the eminencie of his superiority , and is sometimes honour ●dutth the st●le of beatissimus papa . to all which wee answer , first , that as the presbyters call cyprian brother , so he cals them brethren , colleagues , fellow-presbyters , &c. and augustine a bishop , writing to hierom a presbyter , disdains not to write in this style , domino dilectissimo , & in christi vesceribus honorando , sancto fratri & compresbytero hieronymo . so to praesidius , domino beatissimo & merito venerando fratri consacerdoti praesidio : yet was praesidius but a deacon as hierome saith . for cyprians maintaining his superiority stifly , wee are sure he never maintained it so stifly as this remonstrant and our bishops doe : for he ( as we fully shewed in our answer ) never maintained any sole superiour power , but disclaimed it wholly , yet this is the thing our bishops contend for , as you may read , episcopacie by divine right , part . 2 pag. 16. as for the glorious title of beatissimus papa cyprianus , we tell you , in that age , it was a title common to presbyters as well as bishops , as appeares ex bibliotheca patrum , primum , singulos habent papas , sic enim vocant presbyteros vel curiones , in singulis parochiis , cum uno diacono . it is therefore but a meere false supposition of the remonstrant , that the title papa was never given to a meer presbyter . and we hope the name papa is as great , and rome will say as incommunicable , as the remonstrant would make the name episcopus , out of cyprian . in the next paragraph , the remonstrant leaving the indentity of names , addresseth himself to the great question about the distinction of the offices of bishops and presbyters . and here we demanded , and now demand againe , what these men , that maintaine the office of a bishop distinct from a presbyter , make the bishops proper office ? is it to edifie the church by word and sacraments , &c. here saith the remonstrant , they fall somewhat unhappily upon the very words of the branded heretike aerius . good reader , compare the expressions , and see whether they be the very words : but had we faln upon the very words , how can that man that hath said so often , the liturgie is never the worse , because the words of it are taken out of the roman portuise , tr●duce either our persons or cause , for falling unhappily upon the words of aerius ? but it seems he is very willing to take all advantages , to involve us in the crime of heresie ; for in this , and severall other passages , hee chargeth us with being the disciples of that frantick heretike aerius , which makes us almost suspect , that great deserving champion of episcopacy , franciscus à sancta clara , had a hand in this remonstrance , who hath driven the divine right of episcopacie so high , as to charge all with heresie that deny it . but how ever , the remonstrant should have done well , to have given better satisfaction to our tenth quere concerning aerius , and taken away what wee spake , before hee cry out against him as a stigmatized heretike . but if hee scorn to answer us , we would intreat him to lend bellarmine a lift in answering the famous doctor whitakers , who sayes , i answer , aerius was not accounted by all for an heretike : epiphanius indeed , and augustine following him , reckon him among the heretikes , but if he held nothing besides those things , he was not an heretike , for the scriptures and fathers themselves confirme all these : and theodoret in his booke of the fables of the jews , doth not ranke him among heretikes , nor the ecclesiastical history , but rather eustathius that did oppose him , &c. if your greatnesse will not stoop to answer a single doctor , we will subjoyn a second , learned doctour willet contr. gen. 5. quaest. 3. and a third , chemnitius in exam. concil . trid. parte 4. de orig. iejunii , and a fourth , springlius de hodiernis haeresibus part . 1. l. 3. c. 2. which have spoken as fully in the justification of aerius his opinion , as ever your answerers did . but what saith the remonstrant to this aerian question ? brethren , god speed you with your question . sir , if you speak this cordially , and seriously , wee are glad of your ingenuity , that though you have called us heretikes , yet our heresie is not so damnable , but you dare bestow an ave upon us . but if you speak this scoffingly , as we are verify affraid you do , then we beseech you in the feare of god , consider how you will answer this taking of gods name in vain , before that great tribunall , to which you make such bold appeals . the office wee distributed into administring , word and sacraments , orders and discipline . for the first , administring the word and sacraments , this the remonstrant grants in common to bishops and presbyters without any difference but what our distance makes : which exception wee understand not , unlesse your meaning be that bishops may preach as often , and as seldome as they please : and wee must preach no oftner then they give us leave . the quarrell as he makes it ( we called it controversie ) lies especially in the power of ordination and iurisdiction ; which say wee by divine authoritie is common to all presbyters , which yet our bishops have impropriated to themselves . to prove that the power of ordination was in the hands of presbyters , wee produced the 1 tim. 4. 14. to this he answers nothing of his own : onely tels us in an hyperbole , it hath received answer , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and he gives but one , and that borrowed too from calvine , who takes presbyterium of the office , not of the persons . wherein saith the remonstrant he follows the judgment of hierome , primasius , anselme , haymo , lyranus , erasmus , and others , as bishop downham hath shewed . wee doe believe that this is borrowed of bishop downham , for had he consulted with those authours , hee might easily have seen how little they favour that exposition . for what saith hierome , whom primasius follows in his very words ? prophetiae gratiam habebat cum ordinatione episcopatus . doth this prove that presbyterium is there the name of the office ? if so ? you must grant episcopacie and presbyterie to be the same office , which is the verie question . but wee would faine know , why cum ordinatione presbyterii or episcopatus should bee understood rather of the office , then of the person : when , ( in proprietie of phrase ) if they had meant it of the office they would rather have said ordinatio ad episcopatum , then episcopatus . for anselme , what saith hee ? impositionem manuum eam dicit , quae in ordinatione ejus facta est , quae manuum impositio fuit presbyterii , quia per hanc impositionem accepit presbyterium , id est , episcopatum , vel haec impositio manuum fuit presbyterii , qui latinis dicitur senior , quia ipse apostolus , qui juxta hunc sensum presbyter intelligitur , imposuit manus suas cap●● ejus dum illum consecraret episcopum . the comment is a sufficient confutation of it selfe , for the first exposition wracks the text with a violent and unusuall hyperba●on . and therefore hee recedes from that , and falls upon a second , presbyterii qui dicitur senior , quia apostolus ipse , &c. now what an unlikely exposition is this ? what authour can these followers of anselme produce , wherein presbyterium is called senior . for those other , lira , haymo , and erasmus , we will oppose to them the fathers of the greek church , who are likely to know best the genuine sence of the greek text. the same doctor do●nham ( from whom the defendant hath borrowed these interpretations ) tels him that chrysostome , theodoret , and other greek fathers understand it of the persons , and not of the office . as for learned calvin , in his institutions we grant he understands it of the office , yet in his comments ( wherein wee may more justly expect the full sense of the text ) he compares these two interpretations together , and let any reader judge , which he prefers , presbyterium qui hic collect●vum nomen esse putant pro collegio presbyterorum posi●um , recte sentiunt meo judicio : tametsi omnibus expensis , diversum sensum non malè quadrare fateor , ut sit nomen officii , ceremoniam pro ipso actu ordinationis posuit . itaque sensus , timotheum cum prophetarum voce ascitus fuit in ministerium , & deinde solemni ritu ordinatut , simul gratiâ spiritus sancti instructum fuisse ad functionem suam exequendam . now which sence doth calvin preferre ? of that which we give , hee speaks positively , recte sentiunt . of the other , he onely saith , non malè quadrat . and that this text must needs be understood of the persons ordaining , and not of the office timothy was ordained too , will appeare by these reasons . for first , it cannot stand with the signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : the office or dignitie ( as le●rned criticks observe ) is rather called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nor can it well stand with the sence and construction of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what shall it be governed of ? would not any grammarian refer it to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , immediatly preceding , rather then to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from which it is so farre dis-joyned . the words in the greek lye thus . neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by proph●cie and the laying on of the hands of the presbytery . now according to the sence the remonstrant strives for , it is thus . neglect not the gift of the office of the presbytery , which was given thee by the laying on of hands . bishop downham himselfe , without the bold foysting in ( to use the remonstrants words ) of a parenthesis into the text , cannot make this interpretation good . we thought we had sufficiently proved this interpretation in our answer , by producing all the texts in the new testament , in which the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used , and shewing that in them it signifies the persons , and not the office , and severall texts out of hierom , ignatius , & concil . ancyr . to the same purpose . the fathers and councels hee is willing to passe by in silence . the scripture hee pecks at , and tels us wee doe meerly delude the reader ; for there it is meant of elders of the people not of the church good sir , do not you delude your self , & your reader too out of a desire to traduce us . be they elders of the people or of the church , it is sufficient to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not the office of presbyterie , but the persons in that office . and this also may answer that objection , which he makes from the 2 tim. 1. 6. for though we grant indeed master calvin was more skilled in the harmony then our selves , ( the remonstrant might have let it passe so without putting it among his errata , turning it to themselves ) yet wee must crave leave herein to dissent from master calvin , as well as beza , cameron , chameir , and others since him have done before us . and let not the remonstrant call it boldnes in us , to say that power of ordination is communicated to presbyters , because hierome and concil . aquisgr . still except ordination , we must rather marvell at his boldnesse in putting that upon us which we spake not : wee say indeed , pag. 24. of our answer , it was in the hands of presbyters . the remonstrant would have us say communicated to presbyters , that wee might seeme to acknowledge the power of ordination to be originally in bishops , and in presbyters onely by derivation from them , which we never meant ; and if we ever did use the word communicated , it was onely to note a community in that power , not a derivation of it : as for his authors which he alleages for sole ordination , let the reader please to view our answer , pag. 37. 38. wherein hee may receive full satisfaction , and the rather because the remonstrant passeth over it . the third part of that office which the bishops call theirs , is ruling . to prove this to belong to presbyters as well as bishops , we cite heb. 13. 17. here the remonstrant cryes out , oh injurious imputation ! do wee not give you the title of rectores ecclesiarum ? and doe we not commit to you regimen animarum ? so then you grant this place is rightly both interpreted and applied ; but you give us , say you , the title of rectores animarum , & regimen animarum . you give us ? no , it is the scripture gives it us : yet you would assume it to your selves , and perswad , that as the pope communicates to his bishops partem solicitudinis , so you to us presbyters : but if the scriptures gave us no more then you do , it would prove 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you make your selves the sole pastors , us but the curates ; your selves , chancellours , officials , the sole iudges , us but the executioners of your and their sentences , whether just or unjust . the other text 1 thes. 5. 12. and those four things observed from thence for the confirming of this assertion , the remonstrant passeth over : so hee doth our argument which was this , they which have the same name , the same ordination to their office , the same qualification for their office , the same work , to feed the flock of god , to ordain pastors and elders , to rule and governe , they are one and the same . but such are bishops and presbyters , ergo . and thus deals hee also with the two quotations , the one of the councell of aquisgra . the other out of the writing of smalcald ; all which being to hard for the remonstrant to evade , hee leaps over to a conclusion of such strange things , as hee never went about to prove in his section . sect . vi. having from scripture manifested the identity of bishops and presbyters in their originall institution ; we applied our selves in this section to finde out the authors and occasion of this imparity which now appeares between them . to expedite our selves from needlesse controversies , we laid downe three particulars , as consented to by both sides : first , that the first and best antiquity used the names of bishops and presbyters promiscuously ; this the remonstrant subscribes to . secondly , that in processe of time some one was honoured with the name of bishop , the rest were called presbyters : this the remonstrant quarrels , and desires to know what was this processe of time , chargeth us either with error or fraud , confidently defends this time had no processe at all , but was in the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the living apostles , and undertakes to make this good in the sequell . and how he doth that , you shall find in this very section page 59. where to that of hierom , the presbyters governed the church by their common councel , he answers , so they did doubtlesse altogether , till episcopacy was setled , who dare deny it ? here the remonstrant grants a processe of time betweene the planting of the church by the apostles , and the setling of episcopacy in the churches shall we say now this is the remonstrants either errour or fraud , not to set downe how long it was before episcopacy was setled in the church ? let him take heed another time how he charge men with error or fraud , for affirming that which himselfe cannot but give his suffrage to . the third thing agreed upon was , that this was not nomen inane , an idle title , but attended upon with some kind of imparity : the question was digested into these tearmes . whether the impropriation of the name , and the imparity of the place and power of a bishop be of divine right ? the remonstrant for feare of mistaking , desires to explicate the tearmes of the question , and therefore tels , how fetching the pedegree of episcopacy from apostolicall ( and therefore in that right divine institution , ) he interprets himselfe to understand by divine right , not any expresse law of god , requiring it as of absolute necessity to the being of a church , but an institution of the apostles inspired by the holy ghost , warranting it where it is , and requiring it where it may be had ; but , nihil infelicius retorico definiente : the remonstrant if he would avoyd mistaking , or at least would not say that he was mistaken , should have dealt a little more clearely and punctually in the stateing of the question . for first he tels us , that it is an institution of the apostles inspired by the holy ghost : if the remonstrant be not here mistaken why doth he page 47. in expresse terms grant us , that in originall authority of scripture , bishops and presbyters were originally the same . for so were our words , not as the remonstrant reports them , went for the same : and why againe , when we tell him we never finde in scripture these three orders , bishops , presbyters & deacons ( we say not the names , but orders ) why doth he grant that in the same page , and flie from the writings of the apostles to the monuments of their immediate successers ? can we imagine that the apostles did by inspiration from the holy ghost , ordaine any thing in the church of god as of perpetuall use ; the record where of is not found in sacred scripture , which was given by the same inspiration to the same men ; if we may imagine it , sure we cannot beleeve it . and if it be an institution of the apostles inspired by the holy ghost , why must it be distinguished from the expresse law of god ? doth he make it but an evangelicall counsell ; not requiring it as necessary to the being of a church ; sure this is some opinion of a newer cut ; for the last defendant of episcopacy before this remonstrant saies thus , the power of ordination hath beene ever held so intrinsecall to episcopacy , that i would faine see , where it can be shewed that any extremity of necessity was ever acknowledged a warrant sufficient for others to ordaine . so that in his judgement , where there is no bishop , there can be no lawfull ordination , let it be in the case of extreamest necessity ; and where no ordination , no ministery , and so consequently no word and sacraments , and no church : and how then in the judgement of these men is episcopacy not required to the being of a church ? and if not requiring it to the being of a church , how then ? requiring it onely where it may be had : what a strange limitation is this ? where is it that episcopacy may not , must not be had , if it be an ordinance of christ ? where is it that the churches of christ may not have word , sacraments , pastors and bishops too , if they be his ordinance ? it is true indeed , some there are that cannot have lord bishops , pompous bishops , and once a canon provides that they should not be in little villages , ne vilesceret honos episcopatus : but these himselfe acknowledgeth , are but the accessaries of episcopacy by the donations of magnificent princes . but what is the meaning of this , where it may be had ? what doth he meane , where it may be had with the favour of the prince ? then the primitive church had never had any . or where it may be had with the willing subjection of the people ? then episcopacy shall be an ordinance , if the people will have it so . where it may be had ; what ? with quiet and conveniency ? then you make that which you call an ordinance of god subject to mans convenience . or what ? with possibility ? requiring that where episcopacy may be had possibly , it should ? what 's this lesse than a command ? yet saith the remonstrant , here is no expresse law of god requiring it . now we pray you review your worke , and see how well you have stated the question . to prove that episcopacy was not a divine , but a humane institution ; we produced out of antiquity some places , that mention the occasion and authors of episcopall imparity , which are not ( as the remonstrant absurdly ) the onely countenance of our cause . our first was , that knowne text of hiereme in the 1. titus , out of which we collected five things , which the remonstrant summes up thus : first , that a bishop and a presbyter are originally one . secondly , that the imparity was grounded upon ecclesiasticall custome . that before this priority , the church was governed by the common councell of presbyters , and that bishops ought still so to governe . and lastly , that the occasion of this imparity was the division , which through the divels instinct fell among christians : this the remonstrant cals the summe of our collection . but if his arithmeticke be no honester then thus , he shall summe no summes for us ; for he leaves out one collection which is indeed principally considerable , that this was not hieromes owne opinion , but the opinion of the scriptures . this would have stopt the mouth of his satis imperitè . wel what saies the remonstrant ? you look now that i should tell you the booke is of uncertaine credit . no indeed sir , we looked for no such matter ; because we know that booke is approved by men both of as great learning and of as little affection to hieromes opinion as the remonstrant is , though his lesser commentaries on the epistles be questioned . or else you look , that i should tell you hierome was a presbyter , and not without some touch of envy to that higher dignity which he missed . truely sir , this we looked for , and the rather because doct. hall in his episcopacy by divine right , part 2. page 122. saith , that as he was naturally a waspish , & a hot good man , so being now vexed with some crosse proceedings , as he thought , with iohn of ierusalem , he flew out , &c. but what a slender answer is this ; hierome was a presbyter , what then ? hierome saith nothing here , but what he saith from scripture ; and is scripture the lesse scripture because produced by a presbyter ? hierome was a presbyter , and pleads for his owne order ; doth that make his argument the lesse creditable ? the author of episcopacy by divine right was a bishop ; is it sufficient confutation of that booke to say hee was a bishop that made it , he must plead for his own honour and order ? or you looke , say you , that i should tell you that wiser men then your selves have censured him in this point of arrianisme . no indeed , for feare you should thereby comfort us against the same censure past so often upon our selves . if hierome suffer under the name of aerian , no wonder we doe : but if wisermen than we have condemned him for aerianisme , wiser men then the remonstant have quitted him of that crime . but the remonstrant thinkes to decline these common waies , and set hierome to answer hierome ; which yet is no more then bellarmine did before him ; and and puts us in mind that the same father passes a satis imperitè upon the same opinion in the bishop of hierusalem ; but a satis imperitè doth not condemne the opinion , but the man ; for it may be truth which a man speakes , though he speakes it imperitè : yet to make sure worke the remonstrant will set hierome to answer himselfe : what saith hierome ? at first saith he , bishops and presbyters had but one title : no , hierome said not so , nor did we . idem est ergo presbyter qui episcopus : how doth the remonstrant construe this ? is this in english , a bishop and a presbyter is the same : or is it , at first bishops and presbyters had but one title ? with what face can the remonstrant charge us with infidelity in quotation and mis-englishing , who useth no more fidelity himselfe ? that which hierome speakes of the office , he would restraine to the title ; that which hierome speakes in the present tense , as true in all the moments and fluxes of time , he would remit to the time past ; they had but one title ; this the remonstrant passeth from , and slips from their identity to their imparity ; inquiring the time and occasion of that , and will needs force hierome here to confesse bishops in the apostles daies : because then they began to say , i am of paul , &c. but will take no notice at all of what our answer spake for the removing of this inference , unlesse it be to slight it , as a poore shift : nor will take notice of that which hierome himselfe speakes . haec propterea ut oftenderemus apud veteres eosdem fuisse presbyteros quos & episcopos : paulatim verò ut dissentionum plantaria evellerentur , ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam : intimating that episcopacy was not presently invented as a cure of schisme , but paulatim : so that should it be granted , that the schismes spoken of here were those in the apostles daies , yet it doth not follow , that episcopacy should be coaetaneous to these schismes , because hierome saith , paulatim ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam . let the remonstrant now aske hierome , not us ; why the remedy should be so late after the disease ? and here we desire the reader to observe that the remonstrant doth meerely abuse him in telling him that clemens in his epistle to the corinthians taxeth the continuance of the distractions raised in the apostles daies : when it is apparent that clement speakes of a new schisme different from that paul speakes of , raised against ther presbyters , and the former schisme mentioned in the scripture was onely among the people . as for those bishops whom hierome names as made by the apostles , at present we say no more , but this : hierome , as a divine saith , bishops and presbyters are the same ; and to prove this produceth scripture : but hierome speaking as an historian , mentions bishops made by the apostles , and brings no scripture for the proofe of that , but onely the testimony of eusebius his history , who alone had writ before him of that subject : now let the christian reader judge whether more credit be to be given to hierome as an historian quoting humane history , or to hierome as a divine quoting scriptures . and yet what can be brought to prove that those bishops were not the same with presbyters ? for the diabolicall occasion of bringing in episcopacy into the church : if there be any fault in the phrase , it is hieromes , not ours : therefore the weaknes and absurdity is slung in the face of that waspish , hot good man hierome , not in ours . the institution of episcopacy , hierome saith , was rather by the custome of the church then by the truth of the lords disposition ; to avoyd the stroke of which , the remonstrant would faine perswade hierome to owne that , which in the judgement of belarm . spalato , and almost as many as have writ before the remonstrant , never entered into his thoughts ; nor can be the proper meaning of his words ; that by the custome of the church , the father meanes the church apostolique , and by the lords disposition , christs immediate institution . this were to make hierome of their mind . how well this may be done , let their sworne friend spalato give his verdict . sunt qui hieronymum in rect am sententiam vel invitum velint trahere ; one of these must this remonstrant be . as for that passage of hierome ad euagrium , where he saies , this superiority of bishops above presbyters is by apostolicall tradition , hierome in that epistle sharpens his reproofe against some deacons , that would equallize themselves to presbyters ; an opinion which the remonstrant thinks more reasonable , then that presbyters should be equall to bishops : to make this reproofe the stronger he saith , presbyteris ad est , episcopis● and a little after , he doth out of the scripture most manifestly prove eundem esse presbyterum at que episcopum : and carries this proofe by paul , by peter , and by iohn the longest surviver of the apostles : then adde , quod autem postea unus electus qui caeteris praeponeretur , in schismatis remedium factum . the reason why afterwards one was elected , and set over the rest was the cure of schisme . it is hard to conceive how this imparity can be properly called an apostolicall tradition when hierome having mentioned iohn the last of the apostles , saith it was postea afterwards that one was set over the rest , yet should we grant it an apostolicall tradition in hieromes sense , it would be no prejudice to our cause , seeing with him apostolicall tradition and ecclesiasticall custome are the same ; witnesse that instance of the observation of lent , which he writing ad marcellum saith , is apostolica traditio ; yet writing adversus luciferianos , faith it is ecclesiae consuetudo ; whereby it fully appeares that hierome by apostolicall tradition meant not an apostlicall institution , but an ecclesiasticall custome , and so much we granted episcopacie to have . hierome saith toto orbe decretum est , and it was decreed all the world over ( say you ) in the time of the first divisions . hierome said not so ( say we ) but after these divisions , not in the time of these first divisions . is this faithfull translating ? by what power , say you , besides apostolicall could it be decreed so soone and so universally ? but how if it were decreed neither soone nor universally ? if we may believe hierome , it was neither soone nor at once ; but paulatim by little and little , not by apostolicall decree , but by the custome of the church . hierome saith , the presbyters governed the church by their canon councell . so they did , saith the remonstrant , altogether till episcopacy was setled , who dare deny it ? sure hee dares deny it , who in the 55. page of his defence , chargeth us with errour and fraud , for saying that though at first the name and office of a bishop and presbyter was the same , yet in processe of time some one was honoured with the name of bishop ; and confidently defends that this time had no processe , but was the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the living apostles : but how his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there without any processe of time , can stand with his donec here● , and with hieromes paulatim , postquam , postea , let him see to that . hierome saith they ought so to governe still : so ( saith the remonstrant ) say we also , and so in some cases they do . good sir , and why not in all cases ? church government , you say , is aristocraticall . true , when it is in the hands of the best men , then it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but when the men in whose hands the government of the church is , are bad ; then it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or kakistocraticall . but our present church government is not aristocraticall , but monarchicall : because not onely one bishop lords it over his diocesse , but also one primate appoints to all other bishops . besides , if it were aristocraticall , then ought every minister to be a member of that aristocracy ; for certainely no man will account the minister de plebe : in the judgement not onely of the ancient fathers , but of reason it selfe , none can be accounted plebs but the laicks ; seing every minister is elected optimatim , and is as one of a thousand : next you tell us there is no bishop so absolute , as not to be subject to the judgement of a synod . it is much he should not , when all the fixed members of our synod are the bishops meere dependants , & such packing used in the choice of the rest , as perhaps worse was not at the councell of trent . thus all the art the remonstrant hath cannot perswade hierome to befriend our bishops in his judgement ; and is it not strange boldnesse to perswade the reader that hierome should against his judgement befriend them in his history ? after the allegation , we produced some reasons to shew , that though it should be granted these were in the times of the apostles ▪ yet the invention of bishops for the taking away of th●se schismes is not apostolicall : our arguments the remonstrant , according to his greatnesse cals poore negative arguments , which yet we entreat the reader to view for his further satisfaction , and remember that in sacrâ spripturâ locus tenet ab authori●ate , negativè . and good sir , how doe we in them g●e about to confute our owne authors ? what doe these reasons conclude more , but that bishops were neither of divine , nor apostolicall institution , and what doth hierome say lesse ? tell not us of striking our own friend , let him suffer as an hieronymomastix , that when hierome crosses his opinion , cals him a waspish hot , good man. in the next place you look'd for ambrose : yet you might have taken notice that we spake but of the cōmentaries that goe under the name of ambrose ; which if you call a foyst , all your owne side are as guilty as our selves , that cite him as well as we , and some for ambrose ; how ever this is much lesse then your selfe did in point of liturgie . where we desiring to see some liturgies not spurious , you produced the liturgy of iames , &c. for the persons that brought in this imparity , we tell you , they were the presbyters ; and prove this from hierome ad euagrium . the presbyters of alexandria did call him their bishop , whom they had chosen from among themselves , and placed in a higher degree . this you call a faithlesse and a halved citation : good sir , be not so harty , it s neither false , nor halved : not false , because it fully proves the thing for which wee brought it , which was , that the advancing of one to an eminency and superiority above the rest was not a divine , but a humane act ; it was not god , but man that was the authour of this imparity ; and doth not the place fully prove this ? presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum episcopum nominabant , and say we any more ? nor is it halved , though hee saith this was done a marco evangelista , usque ad heraclam : yet this concerned not the purpose for which the text was quoted , and therefore might warrantably be omitted , especially having proved before that , which the remonstrant would perswade his reader we are shie of here , that bishops were not in the apostles times : and if the leaving out a few words in a quotation , not pertinent to the question , be the halving of it , how will the remonstrant cleare himselfe of this sinne , who citing the councell of laodicea p. 15. makes bold to leave out a great deale more then we did here : where a most materiall passage was omitted , as before we have observed . neither did we leave out a marco evangelista , for feare it should prove that there were bishops as earlie as the corinthian schisme . nor did our hearts tell us that marke died many yeeres within the apostles time ; for irenaeus tels us lib. 3. contra haeres . that hee writ his gospell after peter and pauls death . that which wee quoted proves abundantly that the presbyters both chose and placed one of the presbytersin a higher degree , by their own authority , giving him both the degree and the name . doe you ( who brought in a marco evangelistâ to trouble your reader and to slander us ) reconcile if you can , authors about the time of his death . but the last place he bringeth out of hierom , is a most rare place , and may well make any man wonder with what face we can say , hiero me ever spake against bishops : and why so ? because hierome saith , episcopacy is gods owne worke : where is it ? in isa. 60. 17. what are the words ? hierome reading that text according to the 72 translation , saies : ponam inquit , principes tuos in pacem , & episcopos tuos in justisiam , in quo , saith hierome , scripturae sanctae admir anda majestas , quod principes futuros ecclesiae episcopos nominavit , quorum omnes visitatio in pace est , &c. herein the majesty of the scripture is to be admired , which hath named the future princes of the church , bishops ; all whose visitations are in peace . good reader , consider this mighty mouth-stopping argument . god hath promised the princes of the church shall be as bishops . ergo , bishops in imparity are gods owne worke : good sir , your * baculus in angulo take to your selfe against you walke to finde texts againe in hierome to prove bishops to be of divine institution . the rest of your quotations out of irenaeus , tertullian , and chrysostome , they are places have beene oft alleaged , and as oft answered : wee will be briefe with you . for if you had not lyen hid under the equivocation of the word episcopi , you might have spared your selfe and us a labour . these episcopi were presbyteri , you your selfe grant that their names were common in the daies of linus , polycarpe , and ignatius , which are the men you here cite for bishops . and therefore unlesse you can shew that they had a superiority of power over presbyters , such as ours have ; you doe b●t delude the reader with a grosse homonymie , whom we referre to a passage in learned iunius . controv . 3. lib. 2. c 5. not . 18. in which he labours to remove the contradictions of historians concerning the order of succession of the romane bishops , linus , clemens , anacletus &c. and he saith , that these or some of these were presbyters or bishops of rome at the same time , ruling the church in common . but the following writers , fancying to themselves such bishops as then had obtained in the church , fell into these snares of tradition , because they supposed , according to the custome of their owne times , that there could be but one bishop in one church at the same time : which is quite crosse to the apostolicall times . to that of ambrose calling iames bishop of ierusalem , we gave a sufficient answer in our former booke page 51. out of doct. raynolds ; and shall ( god willing ) adde more in due place . our slip as you tell us , talkes of a councell ; no more ours then yours , for your party can , when hee speakes for them , vouch him with much more confidence then we doe . but what saith this slip ? he talkes of a councell as false as himselfe . why ? because the nicene was the first generall synod : but yet there were provinciall councels before . and the commentaries mentioned before doe not say it was done by a generall councell , but onely by a councell ; though you by subtle coupling this councell and hieromes toto or be decretum erat , would faine force him to this sence : which toto orbe decretum est implies no apostolicall act , nor act of a generall councell neither , as we have shewed before . and yet this we tell you , the nicene was the first councell , in which toto orbe decretum erat that there should be but one bishop in a city . as for saint austin his phrase , that the originall of episcopacy above presbytery was onely secundum usum ecclesiae , you say it was but a modest word , and it is a just wonder that we dare cite him . well , let us put it to the triall ; hierome having taken distate at augustine , writes two sharpe epistles to him , in both which epistles be doth extoll augustine ironically as a great man , because hee was in pontificali culmine constitutus advanced to episcopall dignity , and speakes of himselfe as a poore , contemptible underling : to which augustine answering among other things saith thus : rogo ut me fidenter corrigas , ubi mihi hoc opus esse perspexeris : quanquam enim secundum honorum vocabula quae ecclesiae usus obtinuit , episcopatus presbyterio major est : tamen in multis augustinus hieronymo minor . this was augustines modesty say you . well , and had not augustine beene as modest , if he had left out that phrase quae ecclesiae usus obtinuit ? his modesty appeares in these words , tamen in multis augustinus hieronymo minor ; not in the former . in the diminution of his person , not of his calling . s. paul knew how to speake humbly of himselfe , yet highly of his office , and so might austin ; and if he had known that the majority of bishops above presbyters had beene of divine , or apostolicall institution , he might have said so much ; and not have beene the lesse modest , but the more ; nay hee would have said so much . quis enim est humilitatis fructus ubi detrimentum est veritatis ? what profit is there in humility with the losse of truth . and he that could tell another non accipiet deus mendacem humilitatem tuam , god will not accept of your lying humility , could tell himselfe as much . so then though it be in humilitate personae that he saith , augustinus hieronymo minor est , yet it is in veritate rei that hee saith secundum honourm vocabula quae ecclesiae usus obtinuit , ep. scopatus presbyterio major est . thus much for augustines modesty . and as for the herauldry in blazoning aerius for an heretick falsely objected ad nauseam usque & usque , we referre to former answeres . the remonstrant will put us and the readers to more trouble in the next place , because he calles our fidelity into so deepe question about the quotation of gregory nazianzen , orat. 28. where the father is mustering up the armies of evils that might seeme to threaten him , shewing the invincible magnanimity of his spirit more then conquering , contemning all : among those evils he reckons his ejection out of his episcopacy : which what ever others would esteeme , he counts as nothing , and held it a principall part of wisedome in that age to shunne it , and then wishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 utinam nulla sit princeps dignitas , that there were no principall dignity ( to wit , in the church ) of which he is speaking . secondly , he wishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that there were no dignity or tyrannicall prerogative of place , that they might be knowne onely by vertue : to which belongs that dextrum & sinistrum , those challenges of places of which the remonstrant speaks . all which he speaks upon supposall of the losse of his episcopacy . and for that dextrū & sinistrum , balsamon saith it was the manner of their distinguishing of the place of bishops , according to their seniority and this occasioned those competitions among bishops of which he speakes . the series of this discourse is long , we must not insert it all : but let the learned reader vouchsafe to view it at larg , and if it doe not appeare that wee have alledged the place according to the genuine sence of the authour , let us in his thoughts lie under all the reproaches , which our virulent remonstrant labours to cast upon us in his whole book . however the remonstrant hath little cause to reproach nazianzen with that scoffe of his egyptian adversaries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he had out of an ambitious humour changed his seat : when he that peruseth his life shall finde , it would be an easier matter to remove an english bishop from one bishopricke to another till hee come to canturbury , then it was to remove nazianzen from one place to another . and as little reason with open mouth to fall upon us , and bid us eate our words , for saying that if our bishops will deduce their pedegree from the apostles time in an uninterrupted line unto this day , they must draw the line of their pedigree through the loynes of antichrist : we tell him againe , let him take it never so angerly : what ever bishops have beene in other places besides rome , if our bishops will draw their pedegree from the apostles , they must draw it through antichrists loynes . sect . vii , viii . in this seventh section the remonstrant hath cut us out little worke : so much of our answer as he is loth to meddle with , he balkes under the tearmes of idle words . the rest concerning the election of former bishops , hee seemes to consent to in opinion and option : onely that the shortest section may not be closed without more frumps then one , he tels us we are besides the cushion . the objection was , that the apostles bishops , and ours were two in respect of mannaging their functions . the remonstrant will give us leave ( we hope ) to forme our owne objection . he makes it indeed of the apostles bishops . we having proved no bishops ( ut nuncupantur as they are now tearmed ) apostolicall . bring it downe to the bishops of inferiour times . he ( as here he tels us ) spake onely of the difference betweene the one and the other in managing of their function . we intending to present the differences betweene ours and former bishops fully to view ; instance not onely in the managing of their function , but in their election and accessories ; and is this to be beside the cushion ? this first point of difference our remonstrant grants , that our bishops and former differ in their election . and he makes halfe from hence to follow us into the execution of their episcopall office . we make as much haste to meet him , and make good what we formerly layed downe , that our bishops and the bishops of former times are two : first , in the sole jurisdiction they assume to themselves , which former bishops never did , nor durst ; which jurisdiction ( being taken here in a large sense for the execution of all episcopall power ) we distributed into the administration of orders and censures , which ( saith the remonstrant ) * in all wise writers were wont to be contradistinguished . distinguished they are we grant , and so did we distinguish them , page 24 , 25. of our answer , which the wisedome of the remonstrant might have taken notice of and forborne this scorne . yet not so contradistinguished , but that the power of ordination may be reckoned as a part of episcopall jurisdiction ; taking that word jurisdiction ( which was unknowne to first antiquity ) for the whole execution of episcopall power , as the remonstrant here takes it . the first of these , the sole power of ordination ; and the sole exercise of that power , which was a stranger , and a monster to former times . this our bishops assume to themselves , and herein differ from the former bishops . the latter of these he grants , that bishops of former times did not assume to themselves the sole exercise of ordination . onely he cannot let us passe ; without his usuall curtesie . but the former he denies , the ordination is ( he saith ) the bishops , but the sole in that sence we use it , is ours . bishops did never challenge it nor practice it , we will wash off all this ; and shew first that our english bishops have challenged to themselves this sole power , and have practised this power , and then make good our quotation : and when this is done , let it be tryed not who can blush , but who hath more reason to blush ; the remonstrant , or his answerers . for the first : that bishops challenge to themselves sole power of ordination . we did never thinke that in these knowing times we should have beene put to prove the snow is white , or the crow blacke . but seeing the remonstrant will have it so , we will shew first out of episcopacy by divine right , part 2. sect. 15. the title of which section is this , power of ordination is onely in bishops : and in the beginning of the section he saith , this was one of the acts that was appropriated to bishops alone : and is not this to challenge sole power of ordination ? afterwards in the same section , he saith , ordination is one of the things so intrinsecall to episcopacy , that in the judgement of the church , no extremity of necessity was sufficient warrant to diffuse it into other hands . the same power of ordination doe bishop bilson , andrewes , davenant , mountague , &c. challenge to episcopacy . now reader judge , is the sole theirs by challenge or no ? and what they challenge , that they practise : we doubt not but the remonstrants conscience can tell him , there are many instances in england to be produced of men ordained in england without the hands of any presbyter . the remonstrant is as unhappy as peremptory in his challenge he makes . i challenge them to shew any one instance in the church of england . sir , the instances are without number . some of us are ocular witnesses of many scores at severall ordinations ordained by a bishop in his private chappell without the presence of any presbyter , but his owne domesticke chaplaine , and without any assistance from him save onely in reading prayers . but alasse what should we fall to instances ! put case an irish or welsh bishop ordaines one at london in his chamber , or some chappell , and admits him which commends the person to him to joyne for fashion sake in the gesture of imposition of hands , be hee of what place or diocesse he will : how little doth this differ from sole ordination , and how much from that regular and ordinate ordination of former times ? sir , these are poore toyes to mocke the church withall , if not god himselfe too . could such a bishop say , as well as cyprian , ego & collegae ? you tell us our bishops may say no lesse then cyprian did . but doth the stile of your letters of orders speake any such thing ? let the reader judge by a copy , tenore praesentium nos n. n. providentiâ divinâ episc. notum facimus universis quod die mensis anno in capella . nos praefatus episcopus sacros ordines dei praesidio celebrantes , dilectum nobis &c. e. b. de vitâ sua laudabili , &c. a nobis examinat : & approbat . ad sacro sanct . presbyt . ordinem ad misimus rite & canonicè ordinavimus & promovimus . in cujus rei testimonium sigillum nostrum episcopale praesentibus apponi fecimus . construe you this , ego & collegae , brethren ? but you tell us , cyprians phrase , ego & collegae , was in the case of aurelius made a lector , much to your advantage . if a reader could not be ordained by a bishop alone , doe we thinke a presbyter could ? as for cyprians 58. epist. we produced it not as a proofe of ordination in the hands of presbyters , much lesse for the concurrent act of the people , as the remonstrant would intimate , but onely for the explication of the word collegae . but it seemes the remonstrant was resolved to picke some quarrell , and rather to play at small game then stand out . and if it be the order of the church of england as well as of the councell of carthage , that when a presbyter is ordained all the presbyters that are present shall lay hands , &c. if there be such an order , the more blame worthy the bishops , who being such severe censurers of the breach of church orders in others , are themselves in the same crime , for though you set a stout face upon the businesse , and tell us that this order is perpetually and infallibly kept by you ; yet the world knowes it is no such matter unlesse you meane that all the presbyters present doe infallibly and perpetually lay on hands in ordination , because our ordinations are so carried , that for the most part there is but one , sometimes not one presbyter there besides the bishop . but why doe you take notice here of one canon of the councell of carthage , and not of the other ? ut episcopus sine , &c. that a bishop should ordaine none of the clergie without the counsell of his clergie , unlesse it be , because here is such a manifest deflexion in the practise of ours from former times , as all the wit and rhetoricke the remonstrant hath cannot cover . your next evasion is a plaine leaving the question ; we are to prove that bishops in ancient times did not ordaine without presbyters . you challenge us to prove a presbyters regular ordaining without a bishop ; which is not the point in question . who doth here most abuse the reader , let himselfe judge : but wee are accused not onely of abusing our readers , but our authours too . and the remonstrant hopes he hath us here at such a vantage , as shall try what modesty is in us . three foule scapes are laid to our charge . first , we abuse firmilianus , in casting upon him an opinion of presbyters ordaining , which he never held ; let us once againe view the place . firmilianus speaking of the true church , saith , ubi praesident majores natu , qui & baptizandi & manum imponendi & ordinandi possident potestatem : the controversie is , who these majores natu be ? bishops saith he . bishops and elders say we . to prove it , we explicate firmilian by firmilian , calling a little before those whom here he cals majores natu , seniores & praepositi . which are not so farre from that clause but that they may be brought without wire drawing or foysting ; and are not so remote from that place , as those words which himselfe produceth , which we desire the courteous reader to consider , because we are charged by him , for foysting in and wyre drawing the words of the authour : and also because the very words there cited by the remonstrant speake of a power of remitting sinnes , which we hope he will not ingrosse to bishops , excluding presbyters . pamelius himselfe is with us : who understands by seniores & prepositi , the presbyters and bishops . our next scape , is but grosse ignorance , in translating ambroses presbyteri consignant by presbyters ordaining . every novice knowes consigning signifies confirmation , and not ordaining . sir , we appeale from your novices to judicious readers , and intreat them to peruse the text : and wee doubt not but upon due consideration they will conclude for our sence : let us then plead the case , and tell you first , that your desiderius heraldus shewes both the word signare or consignare in the phrase of antiquity to be as much as consecrare , and so doth cyprian epist. 2. and therefore it is not incapable of such a sence as we have put upon it . 2. if the reader please to view the place in ambrose , he shall finde that ambrose there is speaking of ordaining men to publique offices in the church ; and not of confirmation . 3. though it should be taken for confirmation , yet you gaine nothing ; for the same canon , that put power of ordination into the hands of bishops , places the power of confirmation also in their hands . and they among us that challenge the sole power of ordination , challenge also sole power of confirmation . if any man object that confirmation is not so appropriated to bishops as ordination is , because ( as some of you say ) confirmation is onely reserved to them honoris gratiâ ordination they have necessitatis gratiâ this objection we have satisfied in our answer page 38. wherein we have shewed not onely from loo , that the power of ordination was reserved to them onely authoritate canonum : but also that it was appropriated to them for their credit and authority . augustine speakes almost in the same words : nam & in alexandria , & per totum aegyptum , si desit episcopus , consecrat presbyter : that which in ambrose is called consignat , is here called consecrat ; and albeit the authors of both these bookes be questioned , yet both of them are acknowledged ancient , yea doctor raynolds affirmes the last of them from the 44. question was written above 300. yeeres after christ : this is enough to us , that in antiquity consignat is expounded by consecrat ; which cleares us of that imagined guilt of a solaecisme , that hee would fasten upon us : and this may satisfie ( if this man be satisfiable ) that bold challenge of the former page : shew us but one instance of a presbyters regular and practized ordaining without a bishop , and carry the cause . our third charge is double , first of skill not too much : secondly , of lesse fidelity . our want of skill is , in not distinguishing of chorepiscopi ( whō we brought as instances of presbyters ordaining without a bishop ) some of whom ( saith the remonstrant ) had the nature and power of episcopacy to all purposes : and therefore might well , by the bishops licence in his owne charge impose hands . now , we may returne it to the remonstrant , that he discovers not too much skill in saying that some chorepiscopi had both the nature and power of episcopacy to all purposes , and yet might not ordaine in his own charge without the bishops license . for what needs a bishops licence to inable a chorepiscopus in his owne charge to doe that , for the doing of which hee had before the nature and power of episcopacy to all purposes . this is just as our bishops are wont to do , who give a full power to a presbyter at his ordination to preach the gospell , with a charge also to do it , and yet will not suffer him to preach , no not in his own cure , without a licence . but how doth the remonstrant make good his distinction of his two sorts of chorepiscopi from antiquity ? here we have ipse dixit and no more . the peremptorinesse of pythagoras the master in affirming , & the silence of his schollars when he comes to prove . bellarmine indeed tels us that some chorepiscopi were ordained by more bishops then one , and these had power to ordaine . others were ordained by one bishop , and those were meere presbyters and might not ordaine . but with how much fidelity bellarmine , and after him the remonstrant doth thus distinguish , let the councell of antioch determine : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let the chorepiscopus be ordained by the bishop of the city , to whom hee is subject . from which councell wee gather that the chorepiscopi were meere presbyters , and that there were but one sort of them . first , because the chorepiscopus was to be ordained by one bishop , ab episcopo , not ab episcopis : whereas by the canons a bishop was to be ordained by many , or two at least . as for bellarmine , his chorepiscopus ordained by more bishops then one ; wee leave it to him to make good : indeed we finde in the same canon , the chorepiscopi in the plurall number had the imposition of the hands of bishops , but when chorepiscopus in the singular number is mentioned , then onely one bishop is said to ordaine him . 2. because the chorepiscopus was to be subject to the bishop of the city , ab episcopo civitatis cui subjicitur : now we read no where of the subjection of one bishop and his charge to another : cyprian pleads the freedome of bishops : telling us that each of them hath a portion of christs flocke assigned to him , for which he is to give account to god. 3. because he could not , nay he durst not exercise the power of ordination without the leave of the bishop : the councell of antioch sayes , non audeat absque urbis episcopo : conc. ancyr . sayes , non licere nisi cum literis ab episcopo permissum fuerit . none of this would have beene said , if he had beene a bishop , as we have in part shewed in our answer , page 36. we deny not , but that this power of ordaining was afterward taken away from the chorepiscopi by the same authority of the canons , and ecclesiasticall rules , by which it was first appropriated to bishops themselves , as leo. ep . 88. witnesses , which to us is a 4th argument to prove that they once had it , and that they had it as presbyters : for if they had it as bishops , the taking of it away would have beene a degradation of them . 5. we might bring an argument ad hominem , to prove the chorepiscopi to be but presbyters , because they are sayd conc. naeocaesar . can. 14. to be after the manner , or in imitation of the seventy : now according to the opinion of hierarchicall men bishops succeed the apostles , not the seventy . to all that we have said in this point , we might ad that not onely damasus in that epistle which goes under his name , ep . 4. but also leo ep . 88. proves them to be but meere presbyters , to whose sentence conc . 2. hispal . can . 7. subscribes . now leaving the chorepiscopi we will give the reader a hint to prove , that not onely the presbyters of alexandria , and the chorepiscopi , but further , the presbyters of the city with the bishops leave might ordaine , which we prove from cenc . ancyr . can . 13. named before : where it is said , it is not lawfull for chorepiscopi to ordaine presbyters or deacons : nor for the presbyters of the city without the bishop his letters in an other parish : from which it appeares , that presbyters of the city had the same power to ordaine which the rurall bishops had . because the restraint is layed equally upon both : this is not onely our construction of the canon , bishop bilson , doctor downam . def . lib. 1. cap. 8. say the same , and doctor downam gathers from thence , that presbyters in the city might doe more then rurall presbyters . so doth spalatensis , who endeavouring to elude the text hath no other way but by foisting in a passage , which is not in the greeke text . and by this time we hope we have cleared our fidelity in quoting of the councels of antioch and ancyra : both which the remonstrant thought his bare word enough to blast . now we appeale to equall judgements whether the labour of this section were meerely cast away or no. the remonstrant grants sole ordination was in regard of the exercise not challenged by bishops in the primitive times , though he would perswade the reader we cannot but confesse it out of hierome and chrysostome . yet let the reader consult the 37. page of our answer which the remonstrant leaves unanswered , and judge betweene us , how farre we are from such confession : his onely shift now is to say our bishops neither challenge nor exercise any such power . we have evidently proved they doe both , manet ergo inconcussum , our bishops and the bishops of former times are two . sect . ix . here saith the remonstrant , we beat the aire . and yet not the aire , but the remonstrant too into the confession of that which would not be confest heretofore by such of thē especially as have contended for such a bishop as exercised spirituall jurisdiction out of his owne peculiarly demandated authority . if iurisdiction exercised from an authority peculiarly demandated , how not solely ? well , now it is granted that this sole is cryed downe by store of antiquity . so then here we doe not falsifie , and it is granted that presbyters have and ought to have and exercise a jurisdiction within their owne charge . but here the remonstrant will distinguish againe , it is in foro conscientiae . but consider reader , whether this be the jurisdiction here under dispute . whether that store of antiquity which he confesseth to cry downe sole jurisdiction , speake of a jurisdiction in foro conscientiae , as his false margent saith , clem alexan. ( whom we cited ) doth . but indeed this distinction of the remonstrant of a jurisdiction in foro interno and in foro externo , is like that distinction of reflexivè and archipodialiter . for all humane jurisdiction is in foro externo . if preaching the word ( which is especially aim'd at by the remonstrant , be an exercise of jurisdiction , then he that hath the bishops licence to preach in the diocesse , hath power to exercise jurisdiction through the diocesse , and an university preacher throughout the whole kingdome . away with these toyes . he grants againe , that presbyters ought to be consulted with in the great affaires of the church , but doe our quotations prove no more ? bishops had their ecclesiasticall councell of presbyters , with whom they did consult in the greatest matters : and was it onely in the greatest matters ? is this all that cyprian saith ? all that the councell of carthage saith when it determines ut episcopus nullius causam audiat absque praesentia clericorum ; alioquin irrita erit sententia episcopi , nisi clericorum praesentia confirmetur . doth this speak onely of great matters ; when it saith nullius causam audiat ? is this onely of a jurisdiction the presbyters had in foro conscientiae ? were bishops with their consistory wont to sit to heare ▪ and judge causes in foro conscientiae ? good reader judge of this mans truth and ingenuity , who not being able to divert the stroke of that antiquity we brought to manifest a difference betweene ours and the former bishops in the exercise of their jurisdiction , would cast a mist before his readers eyes , and perswade him he grants the whole section , when indeed hee grants nothing , onely seekes to slide away in the darke . but our bishops have their deanes and chapters ( say you ) and the lawes of our church frequently make that use of them . yes you have deanes and chapters , but who knowes not that they have a jurisdiction distinct from the bishops , in which the bishop hath nothing to doe with theirs , nor they with his . and the bishops also derive the exercise of jurisdiction to others ( we know it too well ) to chancellours , commissaries , officials , and other of their underlings , even to the commanding of christs ministers to denounce their censures without any discerning what equity is in the cause . and what advise or assistance of ministers is required , appeares by the very stile of your excommunications . g. r. doctor of law , commissary , &c. to all rectors , &c. for as much as we proceeding rightly , &c. have adjudged all and every one whose names are under-written to be excommunicated . we doe therefore commit to you , &c. to denounce openly under paine and perill , &c. given under our seale such a day , &c. let any footsteps of such a power be shewed in antiquity . presbyters he grants had their votes in provinciall synods : we from good authority say more , they had their votes in all ordinary iudicatures . but after all these grants , which are as good as nothing ; now he comes to plead his owne . we justly say that the superiority of jurisdiction is so in the bishop , as that presbyters neither may , nor did exercise it without him ? to what purpose is this ? if the remonstrant speake of scripture times : we have proved there was no superiority in them : if of latter times , it is not to the question : wee are proving bishops never exercised jurisdiction without their presbyters , as ours doe . he puts us to prove presbyters exercised jurisdiction without bishops , quam iniquè ? but the exercise of externall jurisdiction is derived from , by , and under the bishop : no , neither from , by , nor under the bishop , but from god , who hath made them overseers and rulers , and by the same ecclesiasticall authority that hath made you bishops : and under bishops not in respect of divine power , but ( if at all ) in respect of ecclesiasticall canons onely . your timothy and titus we shall meet in due place . your ignatius and the rest of your testimonies you could produce would ( as you say truely ) but surfeit the readers eyes , unlesse you could bring them to prove , that bishops did and might exercise sole jurisdiction . onely because you so triumph in our supposed scapes ; let us intreat you , or the reader for you to looke upon your cited councell of antioch 24 , 25 , canon ; where you say the bishop hath power of those things that belong to the church , and see whether that speakes one word of jurisdiction : or be not wholy to be understood , of the distribution of the goods of the church , as both the instance given in the canon , and zonaras on that place manifest . one shift yet the remonstrant hath more : and that is to tell us , that this joynt government was but occasionall and temporary in times of persecution . but when a generall peace had blessed them , and they had a concurrence of soveraigne and subordinate authority with them , they began so much to ●emit this care of conjoyning their forces , as they supposed to finde lesse need of it . doctor downham to whom hee referres in the page before , assignes other reasons . namely presbyters desiring their ease and scholasticall quietnesse ( which he saith and proves not ) and also the bishops desiring to rule alone : which we finde to be the true cause by experience . for if the bishops be of the remonstrants mind , perswaded that the more frequent communicating of all the important businesse of the church , whether censures or determinations with those grave assistants , which in the eye of the law are designed to this purpose , were a thing not onely unprejudiciall to the honour of episcopacy , but behovefull to the church . why should not the bishops doe it ? save onely , that their ambitious desires of ruling alone swayes them against their owne judgement , and the determinations of the law . but indeed if this communicating of all the important businesse of the church with those grave assistants you speake of or with the presbyters of the whole diocesse , if you will , be onely an assuming them into the fellowship of consulting and deliberating without any decisive suffrage , leaving the bishop to follow or not to follow their advise ; this is but a meere cosenage of the reader , and doth not hinder the sole power of episcopall jurisdiction . and this is all that downam grants lib. 1. c. 7. p. 161. where he saith that bishops doe assume presbyters for advise and direction , as a prince doth his counsellors , not as a consull doth his senators who are cojudges with the consul . and this we perceive the remonstrant well likes of , as that which makes much for the honour of their function . and now sir , you see that we have not fished all night , and caught nothing : wee have caught your sole jurisdiction : and might have caught your selfe , were you not such a proteus , such a polypus to shift your selfe into all formes and colours . having proved that bishops in all times , succeeding the apostles , had presbyters joyned with them in the exercise of their jurisdiction ; and that our bishops have none , is more evident then that it needs proofe . this is more to you then baculus in angulo : it cannot but be spina in oculis , & sagittain visceribus , a thorne in your eye , and an arrow in your heart , convincing you to your griefe , that the bishops you plead for , and the bishops of former times are two . sect . x. our next section the remonstrant saith , runs yet wilder ; it is then because we prosecute a practice of the bishops more extravagant then the former : and that is the delegation of the power of their jurisdictiō to others ; which the remonstrant would first excuse , as an accidentall errour of some particular man , not to be fastned upon all . but we desire to know the man , the bishop in all england who hath not given power to chancellors , commissaries , officials to suspend , excommunicate , absolve , execute all censures , but one : and doth the remonstrant thinke now to stoppe our mouthes with saying , it is a particular error of some men ? whereas it is evident enough that our english episcopacy cannot possibly be exercised without delegating of their power to a multitude of inferiour instruments . can one bishop having 500. or a 1000. parishes under him , discharge all businesses belonging to testamentary and decimall causes and suites , to preach word , and administer the sacraments , &c. to take a due oversight also of all ministers and people without the helpe of others . nor will that other excuse doe it , that it is but an accidentall error , and though granted , concludes not , that our bishops challenge to themselves any other spirituall power , then was delegated to timothy and titus , sir we abhorre it , as an unworthy thing , to compare our bishops with timothy or titus ; the comparison is betweene our bishops and bishops of former times . but to please you this once , we will admit the comparison and shew howeven in this particular that you count so monstrous , our bishops challenge a power never delegated to timothy nor titus . and we prove it thus : timothy and titus never had a power delegated to them to devolve that power of governing the church , which god had intrusted into their hands upon persons incapable of it by gods ordinance . but our bishops doe so . ergo. the remonstrant thinkes by impleading other reformed churches , as guilty of the same crime ; to force us either to condemne them , or to acquit him . but the reformed churches , if they doe practise any such thing , are of age to answer for themselves . our businesse is with the remonstrant and the persons and practices which he hath taken the tuition of . whom we charging as in a generality with wholy intrusting the power of spirituall jurisdiction to their chancellors , and their commissaries : their good friend tels us we foulely overreach . the assistance of these creatures they use indeed , but they neither negligently or wilfully devest themselves of that , and wholy put it into laicke hands . this is a meere slander : that bishops devest themselves of their power we never said . that they doe either negligently or wilfully decline that office which they call theirs , we need not say , it is so apparent . and as apparent it is , that they doe intrust the power of jurisdiction wholly into laicke hands : for their chancellors ; and commissaries having power of jurisdiction by patent setled upon them , and exercising that jurisdiction in all the parts of it , conventing , admonishing , suspending , excommunicating , absolving without the presence or assistance of a bishop or recourse to him : we thinke impartiall judges will say wee are neither slanderers nor over-reachers . in our former answer we fully cleared from cyprian , how farre hee was from delegating his power to a chancellour , &c. this he sleights as a negative authority , yet it is sufficient to condemne a practice that never had being in the thoughts of primitive times . and we beleeve it satisfies all others , because the remonstrant saith it is very like it was so : though according to his old way of diversion he tels us , as cyprian did not referre to a chancellor , so neither to the bench of a laicke presbytery : yet he that is but meanly versed in cyprian , may easily see that it is no unusuall thing in that holy martyr , to referre the determinations of causes ad clerum & plebe● . but the remonstrant thinkes to patronize the practice of our present bishops by silvanus the good bishop of troas . and what did silvanus to the countenancing of this practice ? perceiving that some of his clergie did corruptly make gaine of causes ( civill causes , causes of difference betweene party and party , or as you phrase it , page 91. unkind quarrels of dissenting neighbours ) he would no more appoint any of his clergy to be judge , but made choice of some faithfull man of the laity . now this is as much to the purpose ( good sir ) as posthumus his pleading in martiall . we are confuting the practice of our bishops in making over their spirituall jurisdiction to laymen , and he brings in a story of a good bishop , that having a bad clergy , intrusted honest men with civill judicature rather then them . as full to the purpose is that of ecclesiae ecdici , or episcoporum ecdici , to prove the antiquity of chancellors and commissaries . for their ecdici were men appointed to be the advocates of the church , to plead the churches cause before the emperours against the tyranny of their potent adversaries . but we never read that the bishops did put over the government of the church to them : we could with all our hearts give this honour to civilians to be the churches advocates , but not the churches judges , which the bishops give them leave to be : to defend the church against the tyranny of others , but not to tyrannize over the church : doctor downeham was more ingenuous in this , then this remonstrant ; who grants that till about 400 yeeres after christ , bishops had no ordinary vicars that were not clergy men ; no , say we , nor clergy men neither : the office was not knowne in those times : neither can they produce any instance of any , either of laity or clergy that ever those times saw in that office . this saith the remonstrant , is a poore brave . but till he can produce such instances , our challenge will stand strong enough notwithstanding his great words . but his put off is poorer ; to fly from officers intrusted with spirituall jurisdiction unto such inferiour instruments , ( secretaries and atturneys ) as are of necessary service in all courts of judicature , whether civill or ecclesiasticall . to make all sure , the remonstrant referres his reader to sir thomas ridley ( whose treatise he stumbled upon in an ill houre for the maine of his cause : for he tels us page 116. that chancellors are equall , or neere equall in time to bishops ; as both the law it selfe and stories shew . so that while the remonstrant is over studious to prove the antiquity of chancellors , he overthrowes the antiquity of bishops : incidit in scyllam , &c. as for that he spake of the ecclesiae ecdici , that they were the same in former times that our chancellors are now : if there be more credit to be given to his papias and gothofred , then to the originall canons themselves ( where they are called not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) we yeeld the cause . sect . xi . having entered upon the differences betweene ours and former bishops in point of jurisdiction : we descended into a discovery of this in three particulars . first , in the sole jurisdiction ours assume . secondly , in that delegation they make of this power . thirdly , in their execution of that jurisdiction : and here wee fall upon that unchristian and unnaturall proceeding of theirs , by oathes ex officio ; which the remonstrant is very angry at , and that hee may still approve himselfe the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or advocate of the worst causes , engages all his strength and wit for the maintaining of that , which hath beene the ruine of so many persons , the racke of so many consciences , the worst part of the spanish inquisition — quo siculi non invenere tyranni torm●ntum majus . to defend this , he cares not how he abuseth us , mr. calume , the lawyes , the scriptures ; so that he may but uphold this oath , that is now sinking under the weight of its owne guilt . first , he abuses scriptures in producing , exod. 22. 10 , 11. num. 5. 19. as presidents for the oath . truly sir , the onely text that would best have fitted your purpose , is that of caiphas the high priest adjudging our lord in the name of the living god. which how tyrannous an adjuration it was will easily appeare to any that consults interpreters upon that place . your alledged texts helpe you not a whit ; that of exod. 22. 10 , 11. speakes to this purpose : a man commits goods to his neighbour , they miscarry under his hand ; it is knowne he had them , how they miscarried it is not knowne ; in this case the man is to cleare his innocencie upon his oath : what is this to the compelling of a man in cases criminall to betray himselfe by an oath ? the other text numb . 5. 19. availes you lesse , for if such an oath were now lawfull , then oathes ex officio might be ministred in causes of death . it is knowne , adultery was death by moses his law ; and it is as well knowne that this law of the water of jelousie was not morall , but judiciall , peculiar to the policie of the jewes , and that upon particular causes , to wit , the invate jealousie of that nation which could no otherwise be appeased . as for your instance out of master calvins epistle , wherein you would make your reader beleeve that the consistory of geneva did give such an oath to camperell whereby he and the rest should be tied to discover their purposes and intentions ; no such thing appeares in the epistle . we finde indeed that two of that company having confes●ed the wickednesse wherewith they were charged , and the rest impudently denying it , calvin thought it fit to make them confesse the truth upon oath . corneus , who had confessed all before , pressing them not to forsweare themselves , prevailed so , as that they confessed all ; and the dancing also above what was charged upon them . all that we can collect is , that an oath was thought meet to be given , to make them confesse to gods glory , what was proved by two witnesses , but that they were bound to confesse their intentions here is no syllable of it in the epistle . and therefore to what purpose you bring in this to warrant your oath ex officio , unlesse it be for want of better instances , we know not . the acts of dioclesian maxim. ( let them be blamed that called him maximilian : poore men cannot have their presse wayted on , as your greatnesse may : ) you doe as good as passe by , so doe you the practice of the ancient times , and which is a greater jeofailer then our maximillian ; and think it is enough to tell us , this hinders not but in case of a justly grounded suspition and complaint of a halfe approved offence , a man should manifest his innocency by oath . when as we produced these testimonies to shew that of old no party was put to his oath upon halfe proofe , nor proceeded against , but upon apparent testimonies of more witnesses then one , which might be conceived to be impartiall . whereby it is manifest that the proceedings in judicature , for which you contend herein , differ from them of old . so hot is the man in the quarrell of his oath , that he strikes his own friends , to reach a blow at us ; charging his good friend gregory with a plain contradiction ( for the words are his not ours ) in which he saith we contradict our selves . this is the poore all hee hath said in defence of the oath ex officio ; and could he have said more , it is like we should have heard it . if the reader desire to see further how abominable this oath is , how cryed downe by learned men , how contrary to the word of god , the law of nature , to the civill and and canon lawes , and to the statutes of our kingdome , he may finde it in that proud braying schismatick master parker ; * for so he is called in print . for our parts , we shall need to say no more about this oath , god in mercy to his afflicted having put into the hearts of our worthies to condemne it to hell from whence it came . sect . xii . our next section the remonstrant tels us , he is resolved to neglect : we should have as soone beleeved him , if he had said so of all the rest : we beleeve the neglect springs neither from a desire to ease us , nor to anger us ; but because he knowes not what to say against it . if he did intend to anger us he is much mistaken , for it pleaseth us well to heare him give so full a testimony , that secular imployments are unsuitable to the ministers of the gospell . vnlesse in those two excepted cases of the extraordinary occasions and services of a prince or state. and the composing of unkind quarrels of dissenting neighbours . we take what he grants us here so kindly , that we pardon his unfit comparison betweene s. pauls tent-making to supply his owne necessities , that he might not be burthensome to the church , & the state imployment of our bishops . and should in this section fully have joyned hands with him , but that we must needs tell him at the parting , that had our bishops never ingaged themselves in secular affaires ; but ex officio generali charitatis and had beene so free from ambition as he would make the world beleeve they are ( neither should wee have beene so large in this section , nor so aboundant in our processe , nor would the parliament have made that provision against the secular imployment of clergy men as they have lately done . sect . xiii . the best charter pleaded for episcopacy in former times was ecclesiasticall constitution , and the favour of princes . but our latter bishops suspecting this would prove too weake and sandie a foundation to support a building of that transcending loftinesse , that they have studied to advance the babell of episcopacy unto , have indeavoured to under-pinne it with some texts of scripture , that they might plead a ius divinum for it : that the consciences of all might be tyed up from attempting to pull down their proud fabricke ; but none of them is more confident in this plea then this remonstrant , who is content that bishops should for ever be hooted out of the church , and be disclaimed as usurpers , if they claime any other power then what the scripture gives them , especially bearing his cause upon timothy , and titus , and the angels of the 7. churches . now because one grain of scripture is of more efficacy & esteeme to faith , then whole volumes of humane testimonies ; we indeavoured to shew the impertinency of his allegations especially in those two instances . and concerning timothy and titus , we undertooke two things : first , that they were not bishops ( in his sence ) but evangelists , the companions of the apostles in founding of churches , or sent by them from place to place , but never setled in any fixed pastorall charge , and this wee shewed out of the story of the acts , and the epistles . the other was , that granting ex abundanti they had beene bishops , yet they never exercised any such jurisdiction as ours doe . but because the great hinge of the controversie depends upon the instances of timothy and titus , before we come to answer our remonstrant , we will promise these few propositions granted by most of the patrons of episcopacy . first , evangelists properly so called , were men extraordinarily imployed in preaching the gospell without a setled residence upon any one charge . they were comites , & vicarii apostolorum , vice-apostles , who had curam vicariam omnium ecclesiarum , as the apostles had curam principalem . and did ( as ambrose speakes ) evangelizare sine cathedra . secondly , it is granted by our remonstrant , and his appendant scultetus , and many others . that timothy was properly an evangelist , while he travelled up and downe with the apostles . thirdly , it is expressely granted , that timothy and titus were no bishops till after pauls first being at rome . that is after the end of the histories of the acts of the apostles . fourthly , the first epistle to timothy , and the epistle to titus , from whence all their grounds for episcopacy are fetcht , were written by paul before his first going to rome . and this is acknowledged by all interpreters and chronologers , that we have consulted with upon this point , baronius himselfe affirming it . and the remonstrants owne grounds will force him to acknowledge that the second epistle to timothy was also written at pauls first being at rome . for that second epistle orders him to bring marke alone with him , who by the remonstrants account died five or six yeeres before paul. which could not have beene , if this epistle were written at pauls second comming to rome . estius also following baronius gives good reason that the second epistle to timothy was written at pauls first being at rome . fiftly , if timothy and titus were not bishops when these epistles were written unto them , then the maine grounds of episcopacy by divine right sinke by their owne confession . bishop hall , in his episcopacy by divine right , part 2. sect . 4. concludes thus peremptorily . that that if the especiall power of ordination and power of ruling and censuring presbyters be not cleare in the apostles charge to these two bishops , the one of creete , the other of ephesus , i shall yeeld the cause , and confesse to want my sences . and it must needs be so ; for if timothy were not then a bishop , the bishops power of charging presbyters , of proving and examining deacons , of rebuking elders , and ruling over them , and his imposition of hands to ordaine presbyters , &c. doe all faile . and bishops in these can plead no succession to timothy and titus by these scriptures more then other presbyters may . for if they were not bishops , then all these were done by them as extraordinary officers , to which there were no successors . sixtly , by the confession of the patrons of episcopacy . it is not onely incongruous , but sacrilegious for a minister to descend from a superiour order to an inferiour , according to the great counsell of chalcedon . seventhly , in all that space of time from the end of the acts of the apostles untill the middle of trajans raigne there is nothing certaine to be drawne out of ecclesiasticall authours about the affaires of the church , thus writeth iosephus scaliger . thus tilenus when he was most episcopall , and eusebius long before them both saith , it cannot be easily shewed who were the true followers of the apostles , no further then it can be gathered out of the epistles of paul. if the intelligent reader weigh and consider these granted propositions , he may with ease see how the life-blood of episcopacy from timothy and titus is drayn'd out : for if they were not bishops till after pauls first being at rome , then not when the epistles were written to them according to the fourth proposition , and then their cause failes : if any shall say they were bishops before pauls first being at rome , contrary to the third proposition , then they make them bishops , while by the story its apparent they were evangelists , and did evangelizare sine cathedra , and so clash against the second . in a word , the office of an evangelist being a higher degree of ministery then that of bishops , make them bishops when you please , you degrade them contrary to our sixt proposition : whiles the remonstrant tryes to reconcile these things , we shall make further use of them in our scanning his allegations in this section , to which we now proceed . where first the reader may please to observe that the remonstrant slideth by our marginall wherein we shewed the delineation that eusebius makes of an evangelist , and desired the reader to judge thereby whether timothy and titus were not evangelists . onely he chargeth us with boldnesse for calling them so , though himselfe afterward confesseth it , page 98 : p. 100. but why must this be boldnesse ? forsooth , because though timothy be expressely called an evangelist , yet there is no text , no not the least intimation , no not so much as the least ground of a conjecture , that titus was an evangelist . and if so , why doe you afterwards grant it ? but whether you doe or no , that it was so we have proved sufficiently in our answer . but let any indifferent man here consider the iniquity of the remonstrant that challengeth us for calling titus an evangelist without a text for his name ; and yet thinks himselfe much wronged if wee grant him not , that timothy and titus and the angels of the church were bishops , though he hath no text for the name , nor for the office ? secondly , to our text , 2. tim. 4. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe the worke of an evangelist , saith he , rather intimates he was no evangelist , then that he was : as if it were no more , then for the remonstrant to desire his friend to doe the worke of a secretary or sollicitor for him , this implies he is neither . a very cleare glosse . paul doth not here intreat , as we conceive , but charge . he speakes imperative , not impetrative . compare this , not with the phrases of the remonstrant , but with the phrases of the sam apostle : and then judge . in the same epistle 2 chapt. 3. the same apostle saith to the same person , endure hardnesse as a good souldier of christ : doth that imply timothy was no souldier of christ , but onely so imployed for the time ? so againe , in the 15. verse of the same chapter , when the apostle saith , study to approve thy selfe a workman that needs not to be ashamed : doth this prove that timothy was not a workeman but onely for the time ? when paul saith , 1 cor. 16. 13. quite your selves like men , doth that shew they were not men ? but onely so imployed for the time . how would the remonstrant have triumphed over such a high peece of ridiculous learning in our answer ? had we turned off all these texts which use to be produced as proofes of episcopall authority in timothy and titus with such a shift as this ? this doth not shew it was their worke , but onely they were so imployed for the time . wee adde further , that when you acknowledge timothy was to doe the office of an evangelist ( for so your comparison of your friends doings the office of a secretary warrants us to interpret you ) you must necessarily meane the extraordinary evangelist ( for you scoffe page 94. at an ordinary evangelist , as a new fiction ) which if so , then consider how absurd a thing it is to bid the inferior doe the worke of a superior . superiours may be intreated to doe the worke of inferiours , because they come within the spheare of their activity , and comprehend either virtually or formally what the inferiours are to doe . as apostles have power to doe all that evangelists , presbyters and deacons can doe ; and evangelists all that presbyters , &c. but not è converso . would it not be absurd to bid a curate doe the office of a bishop ? or a presbyter the office of an apostle ? from all this we conclude , that when paul bids timothy , doe the worke of an evangelist : he bids him goe on with speed to execute his vice-apostolicall office in watering the severall churches in asia , &c. but saith he , if he were an evangelist , he may be that , and a bishop too . for wee doe but dreame when we distinguish of evangelists . truely sir , this dreame was the fruit of our reading , the fancy of the authour of episcopacies divine right , and there we finde our ordinary guifted evangelist , under which name indeed we comprise all preachers . the other branch of that distinction ; evangelists of extraordinary guifts and employments we finde in scripture : and in this defence too , truth is , their ordinary evangelists are a new fiction . true , if we speake of the office of the evangelists , but to give the title of evangelist , according to the naturall signification of the word to ordinary preachers of the gospell , is neither new nor fiction . well , our argument we raise upon this ground is slight . paul besought timothy to abide still at ephesus , 1. tim. 1. 3. which had beene a needlesse importunity , if he had had the episcopal charge of ephesus , for then necessarily he must have resided there . but what 's his answer to this argument ? nothing , onely saith it is slight . and that other argument brought from timothies perpetuall moving from place to place , to prove that he was never fixed in an episcopall station , is of as little force with him . the necessities of those times were such , as made even the most fixed starres planetary , calling them frequently , from the places of their abode to those services that were of most use for the successe of that great worke : yet so that after their err●nds fully dome they returned to their owne charge . let us once professe as much confidence in our cause as the remonstrant doth in his : we challenge him to shew in all the new testament , any one that was appointed overseer of a particular church , whose motion was as planetary as wee have shewed that of timothy and titus to have beene . or if that faile , let him but shew that after timothy or titus went abroad upon the service of the churches , they did constantly or ordinarily returne either to ephesus or creet , and not to the places either of the apostles present abode or appointment . and let them take timothy and titus as theirs , the patrons and presidents of episcopacy . but till they can shew this , we must beleeve and affirme timothy and titus are evangelists and no bishops . our next argument , from act. 20. is but a reed . happy remonstrant that deales with such impotent adversaries ; our first argument is slight , our second is of no force , our third is but a reed . yet let us tell you , haeret lateri lethalis arundo . we affirmed , & upon certaine grounds , acts 20. 4 : ( though the remonstrant know it not ) that timothy was with paul at the meeting at miletum , and from thence argued that had timothy been b. of ephesus , paul would have given him a charge of feeding the flocke , and not the elders , but would have given them direction for their carriage , at least , would not so have forgot himselfe as to call the elders bishops , before their bishops face . in all which the remonstrant saith , we goe upon a wrong ground : but sure sir , you are not so ignorant of our meaning , as by your questions you would seeme to be . we grant that these assembled persons , were presbyters or bishops in a parity , but neither in imparity , neither under timothy nor any other bishop . and to this purpose is our argument , from the want of directions to them as inferiour : yet notwithstanding the remonstrant would be glad to picke what holes he can in our argument ; yet in part he grants what wee conclude : that they were all bishops , onely with this addition , they were not meere presbyters : but upon what ground ? the word it selfe imports they were bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and doth not the other word ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 import as strongly they were presbyters ? and the truth is they were presbyters , whom the holy ghost had made bishops . foreseeing how his owne words would snarle him , if he should grant them all bishops , he must grant there were more bishops then one in ephesus ; he puts by that blow telling us that though they were sent for from ephesus , yet they were not said to be all of ephesus thither they were called from divers parts , which seems to be implyed in these words ye all amongst whom , &c. this is but a poore evasion : for first the holy ghost tels us , that paul did now study expedition , and did decline ephesus of purpose because he would not spend time in assia : now if paul comming to miletum had sent from thence to ephesus , for the elders of that church , and they had sent for the rest of the asian churches , & paul had stayed at miletum till they could assemble to him , this would have beene such an expence of time , as pauls haste to ierusalem could not admit . secondly , these elders were all of one church made by god , bishops over one flocke ; and therefore may with most probability be affirmed to be the elders of the church of ephesus . for the apostles were alwaies exact in distinguishing churches ; that of a city , they alwaies called a church ; those of a province , churches ; churches of galatia , churches of macedonia , churches of iudea , &c. and that evasion which you use , page 12● ▪ that they might be all called one church because united under one government , makes your cause farre worse . because notwithstanding this union you speake of s. iohn joyning them all together in one epistle , 〈◊〉 1. calls them the churches of asia , and now here the church ▪ besides this , the syriack translation ( thought by some to be almost as ancient as the church of antioch ) reads it , the elders of the church of ephesus , not onely the elders of the church . thirdly , you say they were bishops or superintendents of other churches as well as ephesus . but your selfe grants in this very page , that timothy was not yet bishop of ephesus , and yet you all say that he was the first bishop that ever ephesus had . and that ephesus was the metropolis of all asia . how then came the daughter churches to have bishops before their mother as you call it . lastly , that we may cut asunder the sinewes ( as your phrase is ) of your far-fetched answer , borrowed from bishop barlow and andrewes . whereas you lay the weight of it upon those words , ye all among whom i have gone preaching the kingdome of god. collecting from thence , that there must be some superintendents present from all those places , where he had travelled preaching ; your selfe would quickly see the weakenesse of it , were you not pleading your owne cause . should any man speaking with three or foure of the members of the late convocation , say , you all who had your hand in the late oath and canons are in danger , &c. would it imply a presence of all the members of the convocation because the speech concerned them all ? you know it would not . but if this doe not suffice , then tell us , why must his ( all ) be meant as such superintendents as you plead for , except because they were called bishops , and so you would raise an argument from the name to the thing ; which kind of argument if it may prevaile , you know your cause is lost . but the acumen of this answer by which he makes account to cut asunder the sinewes of all our proofes , is this ; that it is more then probable , that timothy and titus were made bishops after , pauls first being at rome . truely sir , here you desert your old friend , episc. by div. right , ( out of whom you have hitherto borrowed a great part both of your matter and words . he saith , timothy was at this time a bishop and present , and pauls assessor . you it seemes thinke otherwise . agree as well as you can ; we will not set you at variance . we thinke hee was as much bishop before as after ; onely we desire to learne when , where , and by whom timothy received his ordination to episcopacy : the first epistle to timothy tels us of an ordination which he had received to another office . and chronologers tell us , that that epistle was writ many yeeres before timothy was made bishop of ephesus , according to your computation : and we leave to you to tell us when , and where he received ordination to your episcopall office : we have perused the chronologicall tables of lud●vicus capellus , whom you call iacob cappellus , and have compared him with ba oniu● , & from thence have learned that the epistle was writ to him before pauls going to rome , but cannot learne from their chronologie that ever he was made bishops afterwards . the same answer ( say you ) may serve you for titus ; and the same reply serves us : onely whereas you accuse us of guilt for our translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( every variation from the ordinary translation must be guilty ) know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will be translated things that remaine , when you and we are dead and rotten ▪ and if our translators did not render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so , yet so they render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 revil . 3. 2. your second quarrell is to these words ( for a while ) to which because our margent allots the space of betweene five or six yeeres , you thinke you have us at a great advantage . if wee had said he tarried there but a little while , you might have had some what whereon to fasten ; but we spake of a while , not in respect of the shortnesse of his residence at creet , but as it stands in opposition to residence for terme of life . he was left there but for a while . ergo not fixed there during life . the end why the apostle left titus at creet was to ordaine elders or bishops in every city , and not to be bishop there himselfe . for as chrysostome saith , paul would not commit the whole iland to one man , but would have every man appointed to his charge and cure. for so he knew his labour would be the lighter , and the people that were under him would be governed with the greater diligence . for the teacher should not be troubled with the government of many churches , but onely intend one , and study for to adorne that . therefore this was titus his worke , not to be bishop in creet himselfe , but to ordaine elders in every city , which was an office above that of a bishop . for creet was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; now you know sir , that i● is above the worke of an ordinary bishop to plant and erect churches to their due frame , in an hundred citties . bishops are given to particular churches when they are framed to keepe them in the apostolicall truth , not to lay foundations , or to exaessifie some imperfect beginnings . this service titus did in creet , ( the same worke which the apostle did when he visited the churches of asia , acts 14. 23. ) which being finished , the same apostolicall power which sent him thither , removed him thence againe for the service of other churches , as we have formerly shewed from scripture . and though the remonstrant tels us this calling away could no whit have impeached the truth of his episcopacy ; we must crave leave to tell him , that though it may be one journey upon some extraordinary church service might consist with such a fixed station as episcopacy is . yet an ordinary frequent course of jornying , such as titus his was cannot ; unlesse he will grant that timothy might be a bishop and an evangelist at the same time . but this is contrary to the remonstrants one definition of an evangelist , page 94. and therefore he chus●th rather to say timothy was first an evangelist when he travelled abroad , and afterward a bishop when he setled at home . this is more absurd then the former . for if ever titus were a bishop ; it was then when paul left him in creet to ordaine elders in every city : and after that time was the greatest part of his travels , as we have shewed in our answer . all these journeys did titus make after he was left in creet , nor doe we finde any where record of his returne thither : therefore according to this rule , titus should be first a bishop , and afterwards an evangelist . or if the greatest part of titus his travels had beene before his delegation to creet , yet it had beene no lesse absurd to say that afterwards he did descend from the degree of an evangelist to the station of episcopacy . we hope the remonstrant will not deny but an evangelist was as farre above a bishop as any bishop can fancy himselfe to be above a presbyter . and if for a bishop to quit his episcopacy and suffer himselfe to be reduced to the ranke of a meere presbyter , be a crime so hainous , so odious , that it had beene much better to have beene unborne then to live to give so hainous a scandall to gods church , and so deepe a wound to his holy truth and ordinances , a river , an ocean can neither drowne nor wash off the offence . what is it to reduce an evangelist to the forme of a bishop ? we had granted that some fathers call timothy and titus bishops ; the remonstrant replies , some , nay all , be it so , as long as himselfe hath granted the fathers did use the titles of bishops and presbyters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but there is a cloud of witnesses of much antiquity which avers timothy and titus to have liv●d and died bishop of ephesus & creet . but this cloud will soone blow over . the magdeburgenses tell us , that there is nothing expressely or certainely delivered by any approved writer to shew how , or how long timothy was doctour or governour of the church of ephesus . therefore we cannot certainely affirme that he suffered martyrdome at ephesus , being stoned to death for reproving the idolatry of the ephesians at the porch of dian●s temple , which yet the most have reported . let the reader further know that his cloud of witnesses , who averre timothy and titus to be bishops , have borrowed their testimonies from eusebius , of whom scaliger saith , and doctor raynolds approves of it . that he read ancient histories parum attente , which they prove by many instances . and all that eusebius saith , is onely sic scribitur . it is so reported . but from whence had he this history ? even from clemens fabulous , and hegesippus not exstant . and therefore that which is answered by our learned divines concerning peters being at rome and dying there ( which is also recorded by eusebius ) that because eusebiu● had it from papias an author of little esteeme : hence they thinke it a sufficient argument to deny the truth of the history , though asserted by never so many authours relying upon one of so little credit . the same answer will fully serve to all the authorities produced for timothies and titus being bishops from antiquity . and that which thucidides saith of the ancient greeke historia●s , may as truely be said of eusebius irenaeus and others : quae a majoribus acceperant posteri , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 securi examinis suis item posteris tradiderunt . we further shewed how the fathers called timothy and titus bishops viz. in the same sence which learned d. raynolds saies , they also used to call the apostles bishops , even in a generall signification , because they did attend that chu●ch for a time . &c. this the remonstrant will not give us leave to doe , but without his leave we shall make it good . we say therefore further : that when the apostles or evangelists ( perhaps iames at hierusalem , timothy at ephesus , titus at creet ) did stay longer at one church , and exercised such a power , as the bishops in succeeding ages did aspire unto : when the fathers would set forth this power of an apostle or evangelists long residing in one church , they ( labouring to doe it in a famil●ar way ) did similitudinarily call them bishops , and sometimes archbishops or patriarcks , which all confesse were offices not heard of in the apostles times ; not meaning they were so formally , but eminently : neither could they call them so properly , for the power they exercised was in them formally apostolicall or evangelicall , reaching not only to the church where then they resided , but to all neighbouring and bordering churches , as farre as was possible for them to oversee , or the occasions of the church did require ; they having no bounded diocesses , but had the care of all the churches . in this sence they might call them so , but for either an apostle or evangelist to be ordained a bishop or presbyter had beene both unnecessary and absurd : unnecessary , because the higher degree includes the inferiour eminently , though not formally ; and absurd to descend lower , that after they had been apostolically or evangelically employed in taking care of all the churches , they should be ordained to a worke which should so limit them , as to make them lesse usefull to the church of god. but , saith he , all this discourse is needlesse , whether timothy or titus were evangelists or no ; sure we are , here they stand for persons charged with those offices and cares which are delivered to the ordinary church-governours in all succeeding generations : here first you give us no ground of your surenesse , nor can give us any other then what may be said of the apostles , for they also stand as persons charged , &c. secondly , it is true the substance of those cares and offices , which belong to apostles and evangelists is transmitted to the ordinary church-governours , as farre as is necessary for the edification of the church , else the lord had not sufficiently provided for his church : all the question is , whether these church-governours are by way of aristocracy the common councell of presbyters , or by way of monarchy diocesan bishops ? now unlesse you prove that timothy and titus were ordinary officers ( or as doctor hall cals them , diocesan bishops ) to whom as to individuall persons such care and offices were individually intrusted , you will never out of timothy and titus defend diocesan bishops . thirdly , though the substance of these cares and offices were to be transmitted to ordinary church-governours , yet they are not transmitted in that eminency or personall height , in which they were in the apostles and evangelists : an apostle where ever he lived might governe and command all evangelists , all presbyters &c. an evangelist might governe all presbyters , &c. but no presbyter or bishop might command others , onely the common councel of presbyters may charge any or many presbyters , as occasion shall require . in a word , these ordinary church-governours succeed the extraordinary officers , not in the same line and degree , as one brother dying , another succeeds him in the inheritance ; but as men of an other order , and in a different line . let the remonstrant therefore take timothy and titus as he findes them , that is , evangelists , men of extraordinary dignity and authority in the church of christ : let him with his first confidence maintaine that our bishops challenge no other spirituall power then was delegated to them . we shall upon better grounds maintaine with better confidence , that if they chalenge the same , they ought to be disclaimed for usurpers . but much more challenging such a power as was never exercised by timothy and titus , as we demonstrated in our former answer in severall instances ; which are so commonly knowne as our remonstrant is ashamed to deny them : onely plaies them off , partly with his old shift , the abuse of the person , not of the calling . but we beseech you sir , tell us whether these persons doe not perpetrate these abuses ( though by their owne vice , yet ) by vertue of their place and callings . partly by retorting questions upon us ; when , or where did our bishops challenge to ordaine alone ; or to governe alone ? we have shewed you when and where already , when or where did our bishops challenge power to passe a rough and unbeseeming rebuke upon an elder ? sure your owne conscience can tell that hath taught you to apply that to an elder in office which we onely spake ( in scripture phrase ) of an elder in generall . it was your guilt , not our ignorance that turned it to an elder in office . where did , say you , our bishops give commission to chancellors , commissaries , &c. to rayle upon presbyters ; to accuse them without just ground , &c. where have not chancellors done so ? and what power have they but by bishops commission to meddle with any thing in church affaires ? and where is the bishop that hath forbid it them ? qui non prohibet facit . onely there is one practice of our bishops he is something more laborious to justifie : that is , their casting out unconforming brethren , commonly knowne in their court language by the name of schismatickes and heretickes , which timothy and titus never did , nor had any such power delegated to them ; heretickes indeed the apostles gave them power to reject : but wee had hoped the refusall of the use of a ceremony should never have beene equalized in the punishment either to heresie or schisme . but the remonstrant hath found scripture for it . loth not the apostle wish that they were cut off that trouble you ? but sure it is one thing to wish men cut off by god , and another thing to cut them off by the censure of the church . besides this was written to the galatians ; and they that troubled them , were such as maintained doctrines against the foundation , i. justification by workes of the law , &c. which we thinke are very neere of kinne to heretickes . i am sure farre above the crime of the remonstrants unconforming brethren , who are unsetled in points of a meane difference , ( which their usuall language knowes by no better termes then of schismatickes and factious ) yet even such have fallen under the heaviest censures of suspension , excommunication , deprivation , &c. which the remonstrant unable to deny would justifie , which when he shall be able to doe , he may do something towards the patronizing of bishops . but in the meane time let him not say they are our owne ill raised suggestions , but their owne ill assumed and worse mannaged authority , that makes them feare to be disclaimed as usurpers . the second scripture ground which the remonstrant is ambitious to draw in for the support of his episcopall cause , is the instance of the angels of the seven churches , which because it is locus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cried up as argumentum verè achilleum , we did on purpose inlarge our selves about it . and for our paines the remonstrant , as if all learning and acutenesse were lockt up in his breast ( narcissus like in love with his owne shadow ) professeth that this peece of the taske fell unhappily upon some dull and tedious hand , &c. which if it be so , it will redound the more to the remonstrants discredit , when it shall appeare that he is so shamefully foiled and wounded by so dull an adversary . he objects colemorts oft sod , when he cannot but know that the whole substance of his owne booke is borrowed from bishop bilson and doctor downham . and that there is nothing in this discourse about the angels , but either it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but before we come to answer our remonstrants particulars , we will premise something in generall about these asian angels . it may seeme strange that the defenders of episcopacy lay so much weight of argument upon the word or appellation of angell ; which themselves know to be a title not impropriated to the chiefe ministers of the church , but common to all that bring the glad tidings of the gospell ; yea to all the messengers of the lord of hosts . we conceive there are 2. maine reasons that induce them to insist so much on this : first they finde it the most easie way of avoyding the dint of all the arguments brought against them out of the history of the acts and epistles , by placing one above the rest of the presbyters in the period of the apostles times . and so finding in the revelation ( which was written the last of all the parts of the scripture , except peradventure the gospell written by the same penne ) an expression which may seeme to favour their cause , they improve it to the utmost . partly because hereby they evade all our arguments which we bring out of the scripture . doe we prove out of the 20. of acts , presbyters and bishops to be all one ? doe we prove the bishops described in timothy and titus to be one and the same in name and office with a presbyter ? doe we prove that their churches were all governed communi consilio presbyterorum ? all shall be granted us , and yet the divine right of episcopacy be still held up by this sleight , by telling us , that before the apostles left the earth they made over their authority to some prime men . demand where this is extant ? the angels of the seven churches are pleaded presently . and partly because we have no other scripture of latter inspiration and edition , whereby to prove the contrary . another inducement is , because the writers neere the apostles times make frequent mention of a bishop , and as they would have us beleeve , some waies distinguished from a presbyter . some of them mentioning the very men that were the angels of these churches ; as polycarpus of smyrna & ignatius ( who is said to have beene martyred within twelve yeeres after the revelation was written , ) wrote letters to the severall churches , wherein he mentioneth their bishops distinct from their presbyters . now ( saith the author of episcopacy by divine right ) the apostles immediate successors could best tell what they next before them did . who can better tell a mans pace then he that followes him close at heeles ? and this hath so plausib●e a shew , that all are condemned as blind , or wilfull , who will either doubt that episcopacy was of apostolicall institution , or thinke that the church of christ , should in so short a time deviate from the institution of the apostles . but now how insufficient a ground this is for the raising up of so mighty a fabricke as episcopacy by divine right , or apostolicall institution wee desire the reader to judge by that that followes . first , the thing they lay as their foundation is a meere metaphoricall word , and such as is ordinarily applied to presbyters in common . secondly , the penman of those seven epistles did never in them nor in any of his other writings so much as use the name of bishop , he names presbyters frequently ; especially in this booke , yea where he would set out the office of those that are neerest to the throne of christ in his church , revel . 4. and whereas in saint iohns daies some new expressions were used in the christian church , which were not in scripture : as the christian sabbath began to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and christ himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . now both these are found in the writings of s. iohn ; and it is strange to us that the apostle should mention a new phrase , and not mention a new office erected in the church , as you would make us beleeve . neither thirdly , in any of his writings the least intimation of superiority of one presbyter over another , save onely where he names diotrephes as one ambitiously affecting such a primacy . nor is there any one word in these epistles whence an episcopall authority may be collected . so that did not the testimonies that lived soone after make the argument plausible , it would appeare ridiculous . but alas the suffrage of all the writers in the world is infinitely unable to command an act of divine faith without which divine right cannot be apprehended . suppose we were as verily perswaded that ignatius wrote the epistles which goe under his name ( which yet we have just cause to doubt of , as knowing that many learned men reject a great part of them , and some all ) as we can be perswaded that tully wrote his : all this can perswade no further that the apostles ordained and appointed bishops as their successors , but onely by a humane faith : but neither is that so . the most immediate and unquestionable successors of the apostles give cleare evidence to the contrary . it is granted on all sides that there is no peece of antiquity that deserves more esteeme then the epistle of clement , lately brought to light by the industry and labour of that learned gentleman master patricke young. and in that epistle bishops and presbyters are all one , as appeares by what followes : the occasion of that epistle seemes to be a new sedition raysed by the corinthians against their presbyters , page 57. 58. ( not as bishop hall saies , the continuation of the schismes amongst them in the apostles daies : ) clemens to remove their present sedition tels them how god hath alwaies appointed severall orders in his church , which must not be confounded ; first , telling them how it was in the jewish church ; then for the times of the gospell , tels them , that christ sent his apostles through countries and cities , in which they constituted the first fruits ( or the chiefe of them ) unto bishops and deacons , for them who should beleeve afterward , p. 54. 55. those whom hee calls there bishops afterwards throughout the epistle he cals presbyters , pa. 58 , 62 , 69. all which places doe evidently convince that in clement his judgement , the apostle appointed but two officers ( that is bishops and deacons ) to bring men to beleeve : because when he had reckoned up three orders appointed by god among the jewes , high-priests , priests , and levites , comming to recite orders appointed by the apostles under the gospell , hee doth mention onely bishops and deacons : and those bishops which at first he opposeth to deacons , ever after he cals presbyters . and here we cannot but wonder at the strange boldnesse of the author of epis. by divine right , who hath endevoured to wire-draw this author ( so much magnified by him ) to maintaine his prelaticall episcopacy : and that both by foysting in the word withall into this translation which is not in the text , that the reader might be seduced to beleeve that the offices of episcopacy and presbytery were two different offices . and also by willingly misunderstanding clement his phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : for by the word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) he would have us understand episcopacy as distinct from presbyterie : whereas the whole series of the epistle evidently proves that the word episcopus & presbyter are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : and so also by the word ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) hee would have us to understand that the contention then in corinth was only about the name : whereas it appeares by the epistle it selfe , that the controversie was not about the name , but dignity of episcopacy : for it was about the deposition of their godly presbyters , p. 57 , 58. and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is thus interpreted by beza eph. 1. 21. phil. 2. 9. & heb. 1. 4. and mead in apoc. 11. p. 156. in which places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is rendred by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by all this we see that the most genuine and neerest successor of the apostles knew no such difference . lastly , it is worth our observation , that the same writers who ( as they say ) testifie that these 7. angels were in a superiour degree to presbyters , do likewise affirm that the apostle iohn sate many yeeres b. of ephesus , and was the metropolitan of all asia , in which we suppose the remonstrant will allow his readers a liberty of beleeving him , and allow us a liberty to tell him that d whitakers saith , patres cum iacobum episcopum vocant aut etiam petrum , non propriè sumunt episcopi nomen , sed vocant eos episcopos illarum ecclesiarum in quibus aliquamdin commorati sunt . and in the same place , et si propriè de episcopo loquatur , absurdum est apostolos suisse episcopos . nam qui propriè episcopus est , is apostolous non potest esse ▪ quia episcopus est unius tantum ecclesiae . at apostoli plurium ecclesiarum fundatores & inspectores erant . and againe , hoc enim non mul●um distat ab insaniâ , dicere petrum fuisse propriè episcopum , out reliquos apostolos . now we returne to our remonstrant . our answer to his objection from the angels was : that the word angell ▪ is to be taken collectively , not individually , which he cals , pro more suo , a shift and a conceit which no wise man can ever beleeve . and yet he could not but take notice that we alleaged austin , gregory , fulke , perkins , fox , brightman , mede , and divers others for this interpretation : which will make the world to accuse him for want of wisdome , for calling the wisedome of such men into question . before he addresseth himself to answer our reasons , he propounds two queres . 1. if the interest be common and equally appertaining to all , why should one be singled out above the rest ? a very dull question , which is indeed a very begging of the cause . for the question in agitation is , whether when christ writes to the 7. angels , he meant to single out 7. individuall persons above the rest , or else writes to the 7. angels collectively meaning all the angels that were in all the churches . the second question is as dull as the first . if you will yeeld the person to be such as had more then others , a right in the administration of all , it is that weseeke for . but he knew we would not yield it . and therefore we may justly use his owne words , that those questions are tedious and might well have beene spared . and so also the instances of a letter indorsed from the lords of the councell to the bishop of durham , concerning some affaires of the whole clergy of his diocesse : no man will deny but that the bishop of durham is an individuall bishop . this example supposeth the angell about whom we dispute to be meant individually , which you know is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 betweene you and us . quid haec ad rhombum ? we will give you instances more suitable to the purpose . suppose one in christs time , or his apostles had indorsed a letter to the chiefe-priest concerning the affaires of the sanhedrim , and another letter to the chiefe ruler of the synagogue concerning the affaires of the synagogue , and another letter to the captaine of the temple , concerning the businesse of the temple ; could any man imagine but that these indorsments must necessarily be understood collectively ? considering there were more chiefe-priests then one in ierusalem , luke 22. 4. and more chiefe rulers of the synagogue then one , math. 19. 18. compared with acts 18. 8. 17. and more captaines of the temple then one , acts 4 ▪ 1. compared with luke the ●2 . 4. and so also semblably more angels and ministers in the seven churches then seven . but stay sir , we hope you are not of opinion , that any of your asian bishops had as much spirituall and temporall power as the lord bishop of salisbury , and the lord bishop and palatine of durham , cave dixeris . at last you come to our proofes , which you scoffingly call invincible . you should have done better to have called them irrefragable , like your good friends irrefragable propositions . our first argument is drawne from the epistle to thyatira , revel . 2. 24. but i say unto you ( in the plurall number , not unto thee in the singular ) and unto the rest in thyatira . here is a plaine distinction betweene the governours , and the governed . and the governours in the plurall number ; which apparently proves that the angell is collective . the remonstrant hath no way to put this off , but by a pittifull shift to use his owne words . he tels us he hath found a better coppy ; which is a very unhappy and unbecoming expression , apt to make ignorant people doubt of the originall text , and so in time rather to deny the divinity of the scriptures , then of episcopacy . but this better coppy is but lately searcht into , for we finde that bishop hall , in his episcopacy by divine right , reads it as we doe . but i say unto you , and the rest in thyatira . but what is this better coppy ? it is a manuscript written by the hand of teela ; which if it be no truer then itinerarium pauli & teclae , it will have little credit among the learned . but that which makes you to magnifie it the more , is that doughty argument which it helped you to against us , concerning the same church of ●hyatira , in which the angell is charged for suffering that woman iezabel . and now you say , in that memorable copy of tecla , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which you interpret , thy wife iczebel . and just as archimedes , you come with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and call upon us to blush for shame . what say you in a different character , shall we thinke she was wife to the whole company or to one bishop alone ? but for our part we doe thinke you have more cause to blush for making such a translation , and rather then you will not prove the angell of thyatira to be an individuall bishop , you will un-angell him , and make him an other ahab , to marry a cursed iezebel . we wonder that never any protestant writer had the wit to bring this text against the papists to prove the lawfulnesse of priests marriages ; no not doctor hall himselfe in his defence of the married clergy . give us leave here to use your owne words , page 108. forbeare reader if you can , to smile at this curious subtilty , what cabalisme have we here ? judge reader what to expect of so deepe speculations . and also to repeate what you say , page 110. if you please your selfe with this new subtilty it is well from us you have no cause to expect an answer : it can neither draw our assent , nor merit our confutation . we beleeve it to be as true that iezebel was the wife of the bishop of thyatira , as that tecla was the wife of paul. but to returne to the former text : let any judicious reader survey the latter part of the 23. verse ( which is the verse before that out of which we bring our reason ) there he shall finde christ speaking to the church of thyatira , saith : and i will give to every one of you ( in the plurall number . ) and then followes , but i say unto you and the rest in thyatira . and he will not onely con●esse that though the 24. verse should faile , yet the 23. would prove the same thing , as effectually as the 24. but also will grant that from the co●●erence it is evident that the old copies are better then that which this remonstrant cals the better coppy of tecla . but besides this text , let the reader cast his eye upon what christ saith to the angell of the church of smyrna , revel . 2. 10. feare none of those things which thou shalt suffer , behold the divell shall cast some of you into prison , ( of you in the plurall number : ) that yee may be tryed ( yee in the plurall number ) and you ( in the plurall againe ) shall have tribulation ten daies ; be thou faithfull unto the death , and i will give thee a crowne of life . observe here how our saviour christ changeth the number . be thou faithfull . and the divell shall cast some of you , &c. to shew unto us , that the angell is not meant of one singular person , but of all the whole company of presbyters that were in smyrna . so also christ writing to the angell of the church of pergamus saith , verse 13. in the beginning of the verse , i know thy workes , in the singular number ; but in the latter end , who was slaine among you , in the plurall number . we expect that the remonstrant will when best at leasure bring tidings of another better coppy , to avoyd the dint of these texts that doe as we thinke demonstratively prove the thing in question . our second argument is drawne from the like phrases even in this very booke of the revelation , where it is usuall to expresse a company under one singular person ; as the civill state of rome , as opposite to christ , is called a beast with ten hornes : and the ecclesiasticall state antichristian , is called , the whore of babylon . to which you answer . 1. that if it be thus in visions and emblematicall representations , must it needs be so in plaine narrations ? but good sir consider , this very thing we are about was seene by saint iohn in a vision : and you your selfe confesse in the next page , that the word angell is metaphoricall . how then is it a plaine narration ? secondly , you say because it is so in one phrase of speech , must it be so in all ? we answer , that this argument was not brought to prove that the word angell must needs be taken collectively , but onely that it might be so taken , and that it was the likeliest interpretation , especially considering what was added out of master mede ( who was better skilled in the meaning of the revelation then your selfe ) that the word angell is commonly ( if not alwaies ) in the revelation taken collectively . thus the seven angels that blew the seven trumpets , and the seven angels that poured out the seven vials , are not literally to be taken , but synecdochically , you reply . perhaps so , but then the synecdoche lies in the seven , not in the angels , and so you grant the word angell to be metaphoricall , but we are never a whit the neerer to our imagined synecdoche . but this is but a meere fallacy . let but the reader expect , till we make good our fourth reason , and then we shall see our imagined synecdoche made reall . for the present it is sufficient , that it is the ordinary custome of the holy ghost in the revelation , by angell to meane angels ; by seven angels , not seven individually , but collectively . but whether the synecdoche be in the word seven , or in the word angel , that is nothing to the purpose in hand . our third argument , is drawne from the word angell , which is a common name to all the ministers and messengers , &c. and surely had christ intended to point out some one individuall person by the angell , he would have used some distinguishing name to set him out by : he would have called him rector , or president , or superintendent ; but calling him by a name common to all ministers , why should we thinke that there should be any thing spoken to him that doth not asmuch concerne all the rest who are angels as well as he ? all that you answer is , that christ knew this well enough , and if he had meant it , had it not beene as easie to have mentioned many as one ? but here wee humbly desire the reader to consider two things . 1. the unreasonablenesse of this answer : we brought three reasons why christ when he meant divers angels , spake in the singular number angell , not angels . these reasons the remonstrant passeth over with a scorne , ( the commonest , safest , surest way of answering , the remonstrant hath : ) and yet he demands page 104. why should one be singled ou● above all , if the interest be common ? and here , why doth not christ say to the angels ? but let ●im first answer our therefores , and wee will quickly answer his wherefores . secondly , how justly we may retort this answer upon the remonstrant and say , if christ had meant by the seven angels seven bishops , how easie had it beene for him to have written to the bishop of ephesus ( as he was lately called at the spittle by a bishop ) to the bish. of smyrna , instead of the angell of ephesus , and the angell of smyrna . but this christ doth not doe , and not onely so , but saint iohn also in all his bookes makes not any mention of the name bishop . and therefore it seemeth strange to us that episcopacy by divine right should be fetched out of his writings . i but saith the remonstrant , it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore the denoted person must needs be singular . for surely you cannot say that all the presbyters at eph●sus were one angell . yes sir , wee can say they were all one angell collectively , though not individually and we can shew you where christ speaketh in the singular number , and joyneth the article with it also , and yet meaneth synecdochically more , for one , as iohn 4. 37. iohn 10. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which must be all meant indefinitely , not individually . you suppose againe , that if that christ had said , to the starre of ephesus , no body would have construed it but of one eminent person . but herein also you are much mistaken , for the word starre is as common a name to all ministers as the word angell , as we have shewed in our answer . the fourth argument you account ridiculous , and in a proud scorne passe it over with a jeere . but you will see in the conclusion you your selfe to be the ridiculum caput , not we . our argument stands thus : our saviour saith , the seven candlestickes which thou sawest are the seven churches : but he doth not say , the seven starres are the seven angels of the same churches . but the angels of the seven churches omitting not without mystery the number of the angels , least wee should understand by angell one minister alone , and not a company . to omit your scoffes , you answer it is plaine that every church hath his angell mentioned , and there being seven chruches , how many angels ( i beseech you ) are there ? this answer is as easily blowne away , as the wind blowes away chaffe . it is true , every church hath his angell mentioned , but whether angell individually or angell collectively , that is still the question , and therefore for ought you say , though there were but seven churches , there might be seven , and seven times seven angels in those churches . but you intimate that christ saith , the 7. starres , though he doth not say the seven angels . now here give us leave to put our remonstrant in mind of the imagined syneedoche . for we justly conceive that these words , the seven starres are the angels , are figurative , and that there are two figures in them , a metaphor in the word starre and angell , and a synecdoche in the word seven . for we doe not thinke that the seven starres signifie seven individuall angels , for then indeed the reader might have justly smiled at our curious speculation , but we thinke them to be taken collectively . thus revil . 8. 2. iohn saw seven angels which stood before god , by which seven angels doctor reynolds doth not understand seven individuall angels , but by a synecdoche all the angels . for there are no seven particular angels that doe stand before god , but all doe so , dan. 7. the words of doctor reynolds are these , quare cum commune sit omnibus electis angelis dei stare coram throno , videtur nomine septem angelorum significari universos angelos dei item , ita numero septenario saepe significari omnes , numeruni saltem infinitum numero finito docent , septem columnae pro. 9. septem pastores math. 5. septem oculi zach. 3. sed imprimis in istis mysteriis apocalypseos , septem candelabra , septem lampades , septem phyaelae , septem plagae . and now let the reader judge whether this argument be so ridiculous as the mocking remonstrant would make it . but that you may see how dull the answerer himselfe , is whilst he accuseth others of dulnesse let us a little consider what pittifull shifts he useth in his answer to our last reason . our last argument is ; though but one angell be mentioned in the forefront , yet it is evident the epistles themselves are dedicated to all the angels and ministers in every church , and to the churches themselves : and if unto the whole church , much more unto the presbyters of that church . to this you answer . 1. by granting the argument which is to grant the cause , as will appeare to any judicious reader : for the reason doth not onely say that the whole church is concerned in the epistles , and spoken unto in them , but that they are dedicated to all the ministers as well as one , & to all the churches as well as to the angels , as appeares reuel . 1. 11. send it to the seven churches : and also by the epiphonema of every epistle , he that hath an eare to heare , let him heare what the spirit saith to the churches , not onely concerning the churches , but to the churches . but then you argue secondly , if every epistle be written to all the churches , then we must say that every of these seven angels must be the whole company of all the seven churches , which were a foule nonsence . but you must understand that though every epistle be written to all the churches , yet not eodem modo . as for example ; the epistle to ephesus was written primariò , proprie & formaliter to the church of ephesus , but to the other churches onely , reflèxive & per modum exempli . and therefore we returne your nonsence upon your selfe . for we doe not confound the angels and the churches ( we know there is a distinction betweene the starres and the candlestickes ) but we affirme that the epistles are written to the churches as well as to the angels , and to all the angels as well as to any one . thirdly , you say we might have saved the labour both of ausbertus and the rest of our authours , and our owne . but surely unlesse you meant to yeeld the cause , you would never say so . for we proved out of ausbertus , that according to his judgement , by angell is meant the whole church . and out of perkins , brightman , fulke , fox , austin , gregory , primasius , hamo , beda , richard , thomas , &c. that the word angell is to be taken not individually , but collectively . and further we shewed that in these seven epistles where one person is singled out and spoken unto in particular , either by way of praise or dispraise ; that such places are not to be understood of one individuall person , but of the whole company of the ministers in all things equall with that our angell : which are proved by such reasons , which because you knew not how to answer , you say we might have saved our labour ; and in that indeed we should have saved your credit , but have done the cause much prejudice . lastly , you say satis magisterialiter ( for you prove it not ) that there are such particularities both of commendations and exceptions in the body of the severall epistles as cannot but have relation to those severall overseers to whom they were indorsed , as you have elsewhere specified . but whom you are , and where this is specified you refuse to tell us . onely you put us to answer : had all the presbyters of ephesus lost their first love ? had each of them tried the false apostles ? had all those of sardis a name to live and were dead ? were all the laodicean ministers of one temper ? you say , no doubt it was otherwise . but this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . we say , no doubt that not onely the presbyters of ephesus , sardis , laodicea , but that the whole church had lost their first love , and were become lukewarme , and had a name to live and were dead , ( wee say all that is genera singulorum , not singula generum ) and this wee prove . because the punishment threatned by christ is threatned not onely against that one angell , but against all the church , reuel . 2. 5. i will remove thy candlesticke . revel . 2. 16. 24. now we have no warrant in the word of god to thinke that god would remove his gospell from a church , because one angell in that church hath lost his first love , when all the other , and the whole church also are ●ervent and zealous in their love to christ. or that god would spue out a whole church out of his mouth , for the lukewarmenesse of one man , when the church it selfe and all the other ministers are zealous . this is the reason that makes us beleeve that though one angell be sometimes spoken unto in particular , yet it must necessarily be understood in a collective sence , not in an individuall sence , which we hinted in our answer . but the remonstrant comes with his index expurgatorius , and answereth us onely with a deleatur . and thus he serves us also in the following reasons , why christ did not write to the angels in the plurall number ; but to the angell in the singular . and this he doth throughout the whole booke , passing by unanswered those things which are most materiall . vas vitreum lambens , pultem non attingens . as for that tedious discourse that followeth in foure leaves ( about our overliberall concession , that , suppose the word angell be meant individually , yet it made nothing for the upholding of a dioce san bishop with sole power of ordination , and jurisdiction , as a distinct order superiour to presbyters ) we will be very briefe in our answer to it , to prevent surfet , and because it is more then we need have yeelded , and also because so little is said of it to the purpose by this remonstrant . and here let the reader observe : 1. that of the foure authors cited in the upholding of the individuall angel , doctor fulke is falsely alleged , and the other three , master beza , doctor raynolds and pareus , though they interpret the word angell 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for one singular person , yet we are sure none of them held episcopacy by divine right . for d. raynolds his letters to s. francis knowles now in print will witnesse : and for beza and pareus , it is well knowne that they were presbyterians . we expected many of the ancient fathers to make good this interpretation ; but we see he is beholding to those for it who are none of the lest enemies to the hierarchall preeminency , and therefore we may be the more secure that no great prejudice can come to our cause by this interpretation , if taken in the sence of these authors . 2. that the great question is : what makes this interpretation for a diocesan bishop , with sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , as a distinct order above presbyters ? but the remonstrant cunningly conceales halfe the question , and answers , much every way . and why so ? because if there were many angels in each church , and yet but one singled out and called the angel of that church , it must needs follow that there was a superiority , and inequality . but what is this to the question in hand ? the thing to be proved is , not onely that this angell had a superiority , but a superiority of jurisdiction over his fellow angels ; but of this altum silentium . doctor reynolds will tell you that this was onely a superiority of order ; and that all jurisdiction was exercised in common . beza will tell you , that this angell was onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and that he was angelus praeses , not angelus princeps . and that he was praeses mutabilis , and ambulatorius , just as a moderator in an assembly , or as the speaker in the house of commons , which is onely during the parliament . both which interpretations may well stand with the superiority and inequality you speake of . our first argument to prove that though the word angel be taken individually , that yet nothing will hence follow to uphold a diocesan bishop with sole power of jurisdiction as a distinct order superior to presbyters was , because it was never yet , nor never will be proved that these angels were diocesan bishops ; considering that parishes were not so numerous as to be divided into diocesses in saint iohns daies . and the seven starres are sayd to be fixed in their seven candlestickes , not one star over divers candlesticks . and tindall together with the old translation calls them seven congregations . and because we read that at ephesus , that was one of those candlestickes , there was but one flock , for the answer of all which we expected a learned discourse to prove that the seven churches were diocesan , and so consequently the angels diocesan angels . but the remonstrant baulkes his worke as too great for his shoulders , and instead of solid divinity turnes criticke , and playes upon words and syllables domitian like , catching at flies , when he should have beene busied about greater matters . first , he tels , us , that if parishes were not united into diocesses ( or were not so many as to be divided into diocesses which we thinke all one notwithstanding your parenthesis ) in saint iohns daies , and therefore no diocesan bishop ; by the same reason we may as well argue , that there were no parochiall bishops neither , since that then no parishes were as yet distinguished . which we grant to be very true . but if there were no parochiall bishops in the apostles daies , much lesse diocesan . the apostolicall bishops were bishops of one church , and not of one parish ( as we meane by parish ) till many yeeres after . but not to quarrell at the word parish , or diocesse ; let but the remonstrant shewe us that these angels were bishops over divers setled churches , or divers fixed congregations , & nobis erit alter apollo . for our parts we are sure that at first the number of beleevers , even in the greatest cities , were so few , as that they might well meete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in one and the same place ; and these were called the church of the city , and therefore to ordaine elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are all one in scripture . and it cannot be demonstratively proved that they became so numerous in the apostles daies in any great city , so as that they could not meet in one and the same place . but yet we confesse that it is very probable that it was so in ierusalem , if you compare acts 2. 41. 4. 4. 5. 14. and whether it was so also in these severall asian churches we know not ; but however , this is agreed upon on all parts . that beleevers in great cities were not divided into set and fixed congregations or parishes till long after the apostles daies . and that therefore if when they multiplied , they had divers meeting places , that yet notwithstanding these meeting places were frequented promiscuously , and indistinctly , and were taught and governed by all the presbyters promiscuously and in common , and were all called but one church , as is evident in hierusalem , act. 8. 1. act. 15. 6. 22. 16. 4. 21. 18. so also in these seven churches , where the beleevers of every city are called but one church , and were governed in common by divers angels , or presbyters ; as we see plainely proved in the church of ephesus , acts 20. 28. hen●e it followeth that there were no sole-ruling bishops , nor one bishop over divers churches , or set congregations in saint iohns daies . secondly , according to his wonted language , he tels us of making bulls and solecismes , because wee say that the seven starres are said to be fixed in their seven candlestickes , whereas these starres are said to be in the right hand of christ , as if these two were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . know sir , that in regard of their protection they are said to be in christs right hand , but in regard of their ●unction and office they may be truely said to be fixed in their seven candlestickes . but instead of picking quarrels at words , you should have done well ( if you could ) to prove that these candlestickes were diocesan churches . we say each starre had its candlesticke , not one starre over divers . and wee thinke that this candlesticke was but one particular church , or one set congregation ( though happily when they multiplyed , they might meete indistinctly in divers , under divers angels equally governing ▪ ) for this we alledged obiter tindals translating the seven churches seven congregations . all you answer is , onely to shew that in other places of the scripture by congregation in tindals sence cannot be meant a parishionall meeting . but what if it be not so in other places , how doe you make it appeare that it is not so in this place ? we are sure it is so taken in twenty other places of tindals translation , and may very properly be taken here also . we alledge also , that in ephesus which was one of these candlestickes , there was but one flocke . you demand whether this flocke were nationall , provinciall , or diocesan ? and why doe you not demand whether it were not oecumenicall also ? that so the pope may in time come to challenge his flocke universall . but you are sure , you say , that this flocke was not a parochiall flocke , because it cannot be proved , that all the elders to whom paul spake , were onely belonging to ephesus . but can this remonstant prove that there were more elders or bishops then those of ephesus ? this is to answer socratically , and in answering not to answer . howsoever it is not so much materiall . you your selfe confesse that the elders or bishops of ephesus had but one flocke . and if divers bishops were over one flocke in the apostles daies , where is your individuall bishops over divers flockes in the apostles daies ? our second argument is also drawne from the church of ephesus , which was one of the seven candlestickes , in which we are sure in saint pauls daies there were many angels , and those called bishops , acts 20. 28. and to one of those in all likelyhood was the epistle to ephesus directed , if the direction be meant individually . but yet wee read not a word of any superiority , or superintendency of one bishop over another . to them the church in generall is committed , without any respect to timothy who stood at his elbow . but to all this ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quideu● , onely he tels us it is answered in answering the first . but how true this is , let any reader judge . at the end of this reason , wee produce epiphanlus affirming that in ancient time it was peculiar to alexandria , that it had but one bishop , whereas other cities had two . here our remonstrant takes a great deale of paines not to confute us , but to confute epiphanius . all that we will reply is this ; to desire the reader to consider that this epiphanius was the first that ( out of his owne private opinion ) accused aerius of madnesse , and ( as this authour saith ) of heresie , for denying the superiority of bishops over presbyters . and if this remonstrant thinke it no disparagement to himselfe to be a confuter of epiphanius , why should we be cryed downe so heavily for not agreeing with epiphanius in his judgement concerning aerius ? the third argument the remonstrant cuts off in the midst . for whereas wee say , that there is nothing sayd in the seven epistles that implyeth any superiority , or majority of rule , or power that those angels had over the other angels that were joyned with them in their churches : the answerer makes it runne thus , that there is nothing said in the seven epistles that implies a superiority ; which indeed is to spoile the argument . for wee grant there is something said to imply a superiority of the ministers over the people , but the question is of a superiority of power of one angell over the other angels which were joyned with him in his church . but this he conceales , because hee knew it was unanswerable . onely he tels us ; first , that the epistles are superscribed to the angell , not angels . this is crambe millies cocta . but what is this to a majority of rule or power ? secondly , he tels us it will appeare from the matter of the severall epistles . for hee askes ; why should an ordinary presbyter be taxed for that which hee hath no power to redresse ? that the angell of pergamus should be blamed for having those which hold the doctrine of balaam , or the nicola●tans , when he had no power to proceed against them . or the angell of the church of thyatira for suffering the woman iezebel ( if it must be so read ) to teach and seduce when he had no power of publique censure to restraine her ? this discourse is very loose and wild , vt nihil pejus dicamus . doth not the remonstrant plead here for sole power of jurisdiction ( which hee doth so much disclaime in other places of his booke ) when hee would have the singular angel of pergamus and thyatira , to have power to proceed against offendors , either he doth this or nothing . for our parts we answer without lisping ; that it was in the power not of one angell , but of all the angels of pergamus and thyatira , to proceed against those that held the doctrine of balaam and the nicolaitans . to restraine that woman iezebel , or the bishop of thyatira his wife ( if it must needs be so read ) wee doe not thinke that one ordinary presbyter ( as you call him ) was to exercise censures alone , nor one extraordinary bishop neither . we find the contrary matth. 8. 1 corinth . 5. and therefore we referre it to the minister or ministers of each congregation with the advice , and consent of the presbyters adjoyning which we are sure , is more consonant to the word then to leave it to the hierarchicall bishop , and his chancellor , commissary , or officiall . in the next paragraph , wee challenge you to shew us what kind of superiority this angell had , if he had any at all ? we require you to prove that he had any more then a superiority in parts and abilities , or of order . where is it said that the angell was a superiour degree or order of ministery above presbyters ? or that he had solepower of ordination and jurisdiction ? but you flie from those questions as farre as from a snake that would sting you , and disdaining all that we say ( which is your accustomed way of answering ) you tell us that you are able to sh●w who were the parties to whom some of these epistles were directed , and to evince the high degree of their superiority . parturiunt montes , nascetur ridiculus mus . alas sir , you tell us but what we told you before , and what others have ingeminated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . you say , that ignatius and tertullian tell us that onesimus was now the angell or bishop of ephesus , and polycarpus of smyrna . but marke what we answer . first , we doubt of the truth of the story . for others tell us that timothy was bishop ( as they call him of ephesus when christ wrote this epistle : and this opinion ribera , lyra , and pererius follow . others leave it in medio , and say it is uncertaine . but suppose the story were true , we answer secondly , it doth not follow because onesimus was bishop of ephesus in saint iohns daies , that therefore he was the onely party to whom christ wrote his epistle . for saint paul tels us that there were many bishops at ephesus besides onesimus , and he may very well write to him , and to all the rest as well as him . that christ wrote not onely to polycarpus ( if hee were angell of smyrna ) but to all the other angels that were at smyrna , appeares by what we said before out of revelation 2. 10. thirdly , you know sir , that by your owne confession bishops and presbyters had all one name in the apostles daies , and long after , even in irenaeus his time . and therfore what though polycarpus be called the bishop of smyrna ; and onesimus bishop of ephesus : still the question remaines , whether they were bishops phrasi apostolica ? ( that is presbyters ) or phrasi pontificiâ ? whether bishops antonomasticè and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so called , or whether bishops in a generall sence , as all presbyters are called bishops . and suppose they were bishops properly so called ( which we beleeve not ) yet still it lies upon you to prove that these were hierarchicall bishops . that they had such power as our bishops assume to themselves . that they were a distinct order superior to presbyters . and that they had sole power of ordination and jurisdiction . we are confident that you are so farre from being able to prove that they had a sole power , as that you cannot prove they had any superiority of power over their fellow angels . for ought of any thing said by you in this large discourse , this individuall angell may be nothing else then a moderator of a company of presbyters , having onely a superiority of order , and this also mutable and changeable , according as paraeus and beza hold , whom you follow in this interpretation . in the shutting up of this discourse concerning the angels , the remonstrant as if he were very angry , spits out nothing but scorne and contempt against his adversaries . we bring one example and two testimonies to prove that the angels of the seven churches were not superior one to another , and he cries out as one much displeased , away then with these your unproving illustrations and unregardable testimonies which you as destitute of all antiquity shut up the scene withall . but though you fling them away in your anger and fury , yet we trust the ingenious reader will gather them up , and consider also that this remonstrant ( that like another champion against doctor whitaker bragges that all the fathers , and all the councels are of his side and yet he ) brings neither fathers nor councels for to prove that these angels are to be understood vidually : and so wee take our leave of this discourse . in the next place we come to the two postscripts ( which indeed were post-scripta after the booke was made , and inserted to avoyd an hiatus ) which all the defenders of hierarchy cite for the averring of episcopacy by divine right . to this you reply : first , that you are no waies ingaged to defend these postscripts : it is true , not as you are a remonstrant , but as you are juratus in verba magistri , sworne to maintaine any thing that may uphold hierarchicall episcopacy . secondly , you confesse ingeniously they are not canonicall ; yet you say they are of great antiquity ; but you durst not set downe how ancient . for wee have good reason and authority to thinke that they are not ancienter then theodoret who lived 435. yeeres after christ. we brought many arguments to prove not onely the apocryphalnes , but the falsenesse of these subscriptions . to all which you subscribe by your silence . onely you would faine ( if you could ) justifie that clause in the subscription to titus written from nicopolis ; and the rather because you finde it so in that famous ancient manuscript of tecla sent by the late patriarch of constantinople . it seemes then you have seene that manuscript . and if so , why doe you not deale faithfully with your reader , and discover what you finde in it ; for we are credibly informed in that copy there is no mention of titus his being bishop of creet , or of timothy his being bishop of ephesus . but this is your constant course , to conceale whatsoever makes against you , and to magnifie whatsoever hath but a shadow of appearance for you , that all men may perceive you seeke victory rather then truth . but before we leave the postscripts we will answer to your two questions . first , you would faine see any pretence of so much age against the matter of these subscriptions , the averred episcopacy of timothy and titus . for reply , we referre you to what is said before at large in answer to this demand . onely we will put you in minde of a speech of bishop barlows : we are not unwilling to be judged by antiquity , so it be such an antiquitie to which ignatius appeales . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nothing more acceptable to us then histories , if such as are written by him who stiles himselfe , the ancient of daies . and for the fathers , none more welcome to us then him whom iustin martyr cals pater patriae , and that is saint paul. now saint paul , when he wrote his first epistle to timothy , and purposely undertooke in his third chapter to set out the office of a bishop , mentioneth nothing in that office which is not competent to a presbyter ; and therefore omits the office of a presbyter , including it in the office of a bishop ; which hee would never have done , if hee had at the same time made timothy an hierarchicall bishop , with a power to doe that formally which was unlawfull for a presbyter to doe . and besides we have proved that this epistle was written before pauls first being at rome , and so before the time that you say paul made him bishop . as for his epistle to titus , he directly confounds the offices of presbyters and bishops , and makes them one and the same , chapter 1. verses 5 , 6 , 7. which he certainely would not have done if he had made them at that time distinct orders with distinct offices . the ancient fathers indeed some of them call timothy and titus bishops in an improper sense , because they staid longer in ephesus and creet then evangelists ordinarily did . and did preach , and ordaine , and doe those things which bishops in their time used to doe , which notwithstanding they did not formally doe as bishops , but virtually and eminently as officers of an higher degree . hence salmeron himselfe saith in his first disputation upon timothy , videtur ergo quod fuerit plusquam episcopus , eti●●si ad tempus in ea civitate ut pastor praedicaverit , & sacros ordines promoverit . vnde quidam vocant eum episcopum . ambrose saith one while he was a deacon , another while a prethyter . others a primate , and others a bishop . lyra proveth him to have beene an archbishop , and titus a priest. beda calleth him an apostle . aquinas thinkes that titus was bishop of dalmatia , because when paul , wrote his second epistle to timothy hee was at dalmatia , 2 tim. 4. 10. thus you see the fathers agree not amongst themselves , and therefore helpe you little in this point . your second question is : whether ever we have beene urged to subscribe to any other cerem●nies then have beene established by the lawes of this realme and church ? and why these ceremonies are the bishops more then ours ? we answer : first , that to our knowledge some have beene urged to subscribe to other ceremonies then have beene established by the lawes of this realme , and church , and to promise obedience editis & ●dendis . secondly , that this very urging of us to subscribe to the ceremonies established , is more then the lawes require ; for the lawes require to subscription onely to the thirty nine articles . thirdly , we cannot but justly dislike your distinction of , the lawes of this realme and church . for we know no lawes of the church obligatory , but such as are established by the lawes of the realme , as both houses of parliament have lately determined . and whereas you aske , why these ceremonies are the bishops , more then ours ? we answer : first , because it is ordinarily said , no ceremony , no bishop , but it was never said , no ceremony , no presbyter . secondly , because in the convocation ( which you here terme the church ) the bishops , or rather the archbishop swayes all . and there are five or six which are there , ex m●ero officio , and for the most part are the bishops creatures , and hang their suffrages upon his lippes : and but two clerkes for the presbyters , which also for the most part are forced upon them by the bishop , and his officers . thirdly , because they are ours , if ours as a burden . but theirs , as their crowne , and glory , for which they fight as for a second purgatory , to uphold their courts and kitchins . in the next place we propounded an objection framed by bishop andrewes and divers others from the inequality in the ministery appointed by christ himselfe , betweene the twelve apostles and the seventy disciples . to which wee answered : first , that it cannot be proved that the apostles had any superiority over the seventy , either of ordination , or jurisdiction . s●condly , suppose it could ; yet , that superiority and inferiority betweene officers of different kindes , will not prove that there should be a superiority and inferiority betweene officers of the same kinde . to which you reply ; first , that the apostles ordained the deacons , that paul laid hands on timothy . but this is no solution of the objection , unlesse you can prove the deacons and timothy to have beene amongst the number of the seventy disciples , or paul to have beene one of the twelve apostles . secondly , you answer , that bishops and presbyters differ toto genere , and are offieers of different kind , as much as the apostles and the seventy disciples . which is an assertion not onely contrary to the fathers ( who accounted the bishop to be but primus presbyter ; and as hierome saith , vnum ex se electum celsiori gradu collocatum . ) but also more unsound then most of the papists who freely acknowledge that presbyteratus is the highest order in the ministry , and that episcopacy is but a different degree of the same order , and not a superior order from presbyters . an order may be reputed higher , either because it hath intrinsecally an higher vertue , or because it hath an higher degree of honour and dignity . now we deny not but the latter antiquity did by their canons make episcopacy an higher order in regard of dignity and honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( as a councell speakes ) but did never account it an higher power by divine right . this last branch the remonstrant would faine prove ( if he could ) by an argument drawne from succession ; because ( saith he ) the bishops succeed the apostles , and the presbyters the seventy disciples . and we are challenged , page 158. to shew whether ever any father or doctor of the church till this present age held that presbyters were the successors to the apostles , and not to the seventy disciples rather . but here is nothing in which the remonstrant shewes more wilfull ignorance then in this . for the ancient fathers doe make the presbyters successors of the apostles as well as bishops . thus irenaeus liber 4. cap. 43 , 44. quapropter & eis , qui in ecclesiâ sunt presbyteris obedire oportet , his qui successionem habent ab apostolis , sicut ostendimus qui eum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum patris acceperunt . so also cap 44. and lib. 3. cap. 2. thus also our ierome ( as you call him ) in his epistle ad heliodorum , clerici dicuntur apostolico grad●i successisse . so origen in matth. 16. saith , all presbyters succeeded the apostles in the power of the keyes . and ignatius ad smy●nonses saith the same . yet still like ( as you say you have heard ) page 125. ) some beaten cocke , you dare erow , and tell your reader , that all antiquity hath acknowledged 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three severall rankes in the church hierarchie . but where will you begin your antiquity ? we say with the father , i● verum quod antiquissimum . shew us your three degrees in scripture . you confesse page 47. that these three orders are not there to be found . we read in scripture , the deacon to be a step to a presbyter , but not a presbyter to a bishop . and wee deny that ever it was accounted in antiquity , that a bishop did ever differ from a presbyter , as a presbyter from a deacon . for these differ genere proximo ( no ●erint diaconi se ad ministerium , non ad sacerdotium vocari . ) but a bishop differs from a presbyter as from one who hath that power of priesthood no lesse than himselfe ; and therefore the difference betweene these priests be circumstantiall , and not so essentiall as betwixt the other . thus bishops and archbishops are divers orders of bishops according to some canons of the church : not that one excelled the other , as a power of higher vertue , but of higher dignity then the other . indeed of late yeeres episcopacy hath beene a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to preferment , and a ladder for all pious and conscientious men to be suspended upon , as mordecai upon hamans gallowes ; but now is in danger to become ( like hamans ladder ) their owne ruine and downe-fall . iam sumus ergo pares . in your transition to your next paragraph , that you might disparage the opposets of the hierarchicall episcopacy by divine right , you endeavour to make them the disciples of none but ierome . but here in you cannot but know how injuriously you deale with them , considering the numberlesse number of authors , both ancient and moderne , that assert that , which you would fasten upon him alone . in the paragraph it selfe , you confesse what we undertooke to prove ; that the ancient bishops and others differ in regard of their accessories , dignities , titles , and maintenance . but onely whereas among other instances we told you of golden chalices and wooden priests ; you tell us , that if in time we should see wooden chalicer , and wooden priests , we may thanke our selves ; truely sir , we may thanke you , and not our selves ; for the lordlinesse and in solent carriages of some bishops under the great revenues and the multitude of wooden priests which they have made , who have beene intoxicated with the golden chalice of the whore of babylons abominations , hath so alienated the affections of people from them ; as that what doome so ever they are sentenced unto , it is no other then what they have brought upon themselves . as for our part , we are still of the same mind , that honourable maintenance ought to be given to the ministers of the gospell , not onely to live , but to be hospitable . indeed we instanced in many that did abuse their large revenues . but you are pleased to say , that in this ablative age the fault is rare and hardly instanceable . we thinke the contrary is more hardly instanceable . and as for your ablative age , if you meane it of poore presbyters , who have beene deprived of all their subsistance by the unmercifulnesse of bishops , whom they with teares have besought to pitty their wives and children , we yeeld it to be too true . or if you meane , in regard of the purity of the ordinances , the frequency of preaching , the freedome of conceived prayer ; we denie not but in this sence also it may be called the ablative age . but if you relate it to episcopacy and their cathedrals ( with whom it is now the accusative age ) we hope that the yeere of recompense is come , and that in due time for all their ablations they may be made a gratefull ablation . we have done with this section , and feare not to appeale to the same judicious eyes the remonstrant doth , to judge to whose part that vale of absurd inconsequences and bold ignorance which hee brands us withall doth most properly appertaine . sect . xiv . in this section hee comes to make good his an●wers formerly given to some objections by him propounded , and by us further urged : the first objection was from that prejudice which episcopacy challenging a divine originall doth to soveraignty , which was wont to be acknowledged , not onely as the conserving but as the creating cause of it in former times . the remonstrant thinks this objection is sufficiently removed , by telling us , there is a compatiblenesse in this case of gods act and the kings . and what can wee say to this ? sir , you know what we have said already , and not onely said but proved it , and yet will confidently tell us you have made good by undeniable proofes , that ( besides the ground which our saviour layd of this imparity ) the blessed apostles by inspiration from god made this difference , &c. made good ? when ? where ? by what proofs ? something you have told us about the apostles , but not a word in all the defence of any ground laid by our saviour of this imparitie ; yet the man dreams of undeniable proofs of that whereof he never spake word . wee must therefore tell you againe , take it as you please , that if the bishops disclaime the influence of soveraignty into their creation , and say that the king doth not make them bishops ; they must have no being at all . nor can your questions stop our mouthes : where or when did the king ever create a bishop ? name the man and take the cause . wee grant you sir , that so much as there is of a presbyter in a bishop , so much is divine : but that imparity and jurisdiction exercised out of his own demandated authority , which are the very formalities of episcopacie , these had their first derivation from the consent , customes , councell , constitution of the church , which did first demandate this episcopall authority to one particular person ; afterwards the pope having obtained a monarchie over the church , did from himself demandate that authority that formerly the church did , and since the happy ejection of the popes tyrannicall usurpations out of these dominions , our princes being invested with all that ecclesiasticall power which that tyrant had usurped , that same imparity and authority , which was originally demandated from the church , successively from the pope , is now from the king. looke what influence the church ever had into the creation of bishops , the same the pope had after ; and looke what influence the pope had heretofore , the same our laws have placed in the king which is so cleere that the remonstrant dares not touch , or answer . there was a statute made the first of edward the sixth , inabling the king to make bishops by his letters patents onely : hence all the bishops in king edwards the sixt time were created bishops by the kings letters patents onely ; in which all parts of ecclesiasticall jurisdiction are granted them in precise words , praeter & ultra jus divinum , besides and beyond divine right , to be executed onely , nomine , vice , & authoritate nostri regis , in the kings royall stead , name , and authority , as the patents of severall bishops in the rolls declare . but besides the kings letters , the bishop is solemnly ordained by the imposition of the hands of the metropolitan , and other of his brethren , & these as from god invest him in his holy calling . as from god ? good sir prove that ; prove that the metropolitan and bishops in such imposition of hands are the instruments of god , & not the instruments of the king : prove they doe it by commission received from god , and not by command of the king onely . produce one warrant from scripture , one president of a bishop so ordained by a metropolitan and fellow bishops , and without more dispute take all . shortly , resolve us but this one thing ; what is it that takes a man out of the ordinary ranke of presbyters , and advanceth him to an imparity and power of jurisdiction ? is it humane authority testified in the letters of the king , or is it divine authority testified by the significative action of imposition of hands by the metropolitan and fellow bishops ? if the former , you grant the cause , if the latter , consider with what good warrant you can make a form of ordination ( by the hands of a metropolitan and fellow bishops ) which is a meer humane invention , to be not onely a signe , but a mean of conveying a peculiar and superiour power from divine authority , and of making a presbyter a bishop iuredivino . finally , sir , make as much as you can of your ordination by a metropolitan , slight as much as you please your unworthy comparison between the king and our patrons , yet did the kings conge d'eslire give you no more humane right to episcopacie , then the hands of the metropolitan and fellow bishops give you of right divine , you would be bishops by neither . it is not your confident re-inforcing of your comparison that shal call carry it , till you have first proved it from scripture , that god never instituted an order of presbyters or ministers in his church , as wee have proved , god never instituted an order of bishops . secondly , that by the laws of the land as much of the ministeriall power over a particular congregation is in the patron , as there is of episcopall power in the king. till then ( wee beseech you ) let it rest undetermined whether your self , or we may best be sent to simons cell . we say no more , lest you should think we flout your modesty with an unbeseeming frumpe , which whither our answer be guilty of , as you here charge us , let the reader compare the 28 and 29 pages of your remonstrance , and our answer to those pages , and determine . the second objection was from that imputation which this truth casts upon all reformed churches which want this government ; this the remonstrant must needs endevour to satisfie , that hee may decline the envie that attends this opinion . but what needs the remonstrant feare this envy ? alasse , the reformed churches are but a poore handfull ! rumpantur ilia , need the remonstrant care ? yet is it neither his large protestation of his honourable esteeme of those sister churches , nor his solicitous cleering himselfe from the scandalous censures and disgracefull termes cast upon them by others ( under whose colours he now militares ) that will divert this envie , unlesse he either desert his opinion , or make a more just defence then he hath yet done . the defence is , that from the opinion of the di. right of episc. no such consequence can be drawn , as that those churches that want bishops are no churches . episcopacy though reckoned among matters essential to the church , yet is not of the essence of a church , and this is no contradiction neither . if you would have avoided the contradiction , you should have expressed your selfe more distinctly ; knowing that things essentiall are of two sorts ; either such as are essentiall constitutivè ; , or such as are essentiall consecutivè , you had done well here , had you declared whether you count episcopacie essentiall to a church constitutive , or consecutivé ; if constitutivè , then it is necessary to the being of a church , and it must follow , where there is no bishop , there can be no church : if essentiall onely consecutivè , wee would be glad to learne how those officers which by divine institution have demandated to them peculiarly a power of ordaining all other officers in the church ( without which the church it selfe cannot be constituted ) and such a power as that those officers cannot be ordained without their hands , should not bee essentiall to the constitution of a church , or tend onely to the well being , not to the being of it ? either you must disclaim your own propositions , or owne this inference , and not think to put it off with telling your reader . it is enough for our friends to hold discipline of the being of a church , you dare not be so zealous . if heat in an episcopall cause may be called zeale , you dare be as zealous as any man we know . your friends wee are sure are as zealous in the cause of their episcopacie as any of ours have been in the defence of discipline . did ever any of our friends in their zeale rise higher then to frame an oath , whereby to bind all men to maintaine their discipline ? you know some of yours have done as much : but them wee know you will leave to their owne defence , as you doe your learned bishop of norwich , now he is dead . it is work enough for you to defend your selfe , and give satisfaction to the questions propounded . first , we demanded the reason why popish priests converted to our religion are admitted without new ordination , when some of our brethren flying in queen maries time , and having received ordination in the reformed churches were urged at their return to receive it again from our bishops ? this shamelesse and partiall practice of our prelats hee could not deny , but frames two such answers of which the second confutes the first , and neither second nor first justifies their practice . in the first he denies a capability of admittance by our laws , and yet in his second , he confesseth many to be admitted without any legall exception , which how well they consist , let the reader judge . the second question was , whether that office which by divine right hath sole power of ordination , and ruling of all other officers in the church , belong not to the being , but onely to the glory and perfection of a church ? the remonstrant is so angry at this question , that before hee can finde leisure to answer it , he must needs give a little vent to his choller : can we tell what these men would have ? ( saith he ) have they a mind to go beyond us in asserting that necessity and essentiall use of episcopacie , which we dare not avow ? what is that which you dare not avow ? is it that episcopacy hath sole power of ordaining and ruling all other officers in the church ? but this wee are sure you will avow , that imposition of hands in ordination and confirmation have ever been held so intrinsecall to episcopacie , that i would faine see where it can be shewed that any extremity of necessity was by the catholike church of christ ever yet acknowledged for a warrant sufficient to diffuse them into other hands . is not this to say that the sole power of ordaining officers is in the hands of the bishop ? and dare not we avow this now ? blessed be they that have taken downe your confidence . and where you are witty by the way , you tell us we still talke of sole ordination and sole iurisdiction , we may if we please keep that paire of soles for our next shooes . good sir , wee thanke you for your liberality , but wee doubt you either part with them out of fear you shall no longer keep them , or they will prove no longer worth the keeping . but consider one thing , we beseech you , if you make this donation not onely in your own name , but in the name of the whole episcopall order , you and they may turn fratres mendicantes , and go bare foot , if you part with these paire of soles , and what will become of your quid facit episcopus , quod non facit presbyter exceptâ ordinatione ? you doe not contend ( say you ) for such a height of propriety , &c. that in what case soever of extremity and irresistable necessity , this should be done onely by episcopall hands . you do not ? it is well you doe not , but did you never meane to affirme it none of you ? consider ( we beseech ) that forecited place episcopacie divine right , part . 2. pag. 91. weigh the words and then speake , and tell the authour your judgement . our third question was , there being in this mans thoughts the same jus divinum for bishops that there is for pastors and elders , whether if those reformed churches wanted pastors & elders too , they should want nothing of the essence of a church , but onely of the glory and perfection of it ? the answer ( saith he ) is ready , which is indeed no answer , it is in sum but this , that it would be better with them if they had bishops too . but how it would be if they wanted bishops and pastors and elders too , of that he saith nothing . the remonstrant had presumed to know so much of the mind of the reformed churches as to averre , that if they might have their option , they would gladly imbrace episcopall government ; a foule imputation saith the remonstrant : we say so too ; a foul imputation to charge the reformed churches of a secret inclination to apostatize from their owne confessions , which doe not onely maintain a justifiablenesse of their present government , but a necessity of it as the only government appointed by god in his church , as wee shewed in five corollaries drawn out of those confessions , which the remonstrant slides over , wherein they doe not onely defend the condition they are in , but tell us by consequence they would not change it for any other forme in the world : because they tell us theirs is the form god hath set down in his word , the forme christ hath appointed in his church , the forme by which the church ought to be governed . can we think the churches that thus professe and believe , can ever look for a better form ? or would accept another though propounded to them as better , when they professe this is that form by which they ought to be governed ? the testimonies of particular divines must not be put in the ballance against the confessions of whole churches . god forbid , that all that hath flowed from the pens of divines of great learning and place in england should passe for the doctrine of the english church abroad . wee will beleeve you it is possible many eminent divines of the churches abroad have wished themselves in your condition , that is in episcopall government , not in our condition under episcopall government . and as easily we believe , they have magnified our church as the most famous exemplary glorious church in the whole christian world. it better a great deale becomes them then laodicean like to say ( as you say , pag. 26. ) their own is the most glorious and exemplary church , the rest are but a poore handfull , and reason they should conforme to it , not it to them . but whether it be the beautie , perfection , and glory of episcopall government , or the powerfull and lively preaching of the world , the powerfull and lively practice of piety , which through the speciall grace of god are found in this church ( then which there hath been nothing more hated or persecuted under episco . government ) that hath made them magnifie the church of england , there is the question , which is not hard to determine . to induce the reader to believe the reformed churches would change theirs for our government , the remonstrant hath told us that there is little difference betweene their government and ours , save in perpetuitie of moderatorship and exclusion of lay-elders . this saith the remonstrant , you say is a passage of admirable absurdity . sir , wee said admirable ; the absurdity is your own . to mend it , you would perswade your selfe to feare , wee know not what you speak of : you speake not onely of the next churches of france and the netherlands . sir , you spake if we remember of the neighbour churches , and wee conceive , between our neighbour churches , & the next churches of france and the netherlands , there is not much distance ; sure any common understanding , by neighbour churches , would a great deal sooner understand the next churches of france , and the netherlands , then the churches of germany , weteraw , anhault , &c. especially considering your instance in those churches , from whose moderators our bishops differ onely in perpetuitie of moderatorship : which perpetuitie the lutheran superintendents have as well as our bishops . this made us instance in the geneva forme , as knowing no churches whose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not fixed , but such as follow their patterne , between which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and our episcopacie wee shewed a sixfold difference : all which the remonstrant wisely passeth ; that hee may not be forced to acknowledge the difference greater then hee pretended . onely tels us with what authority master calvin and the deputati synodi carried the affairs of the church ; which if the personall worth of the one or the other did procure , what is that to carrying all the affairs of the church ex officio , by vertue of their own peculiarly demandated authority , as our bishops do , and challenge right to doe ? you put us in minde , that you said the difference between them was little , and we need not put you in minde of what our answer was , manet aliâ mente repostum : nor do we intend to change . you tell us our note is the note of babylon , down with it , downe with it . yet as long as neither we are edomits , nor speak of sion , but of sions enemies , the note is not babylonish . as babylon had her time to cry against sion , downe with it , down with it even to the ground , so the time is comming when sion shall shout with as strong a cry against her enemies , and the god of heaven , whose promise is to arise for the sighing of the poore , we doubt not will vindicate his church from those proud adversaries that have so long time tyrannized over her , and judge betweene the sheep and the goats . even hee judge , whether wee that plead the truth against bishops , or the bishops whose cause the remonstrant ple●ds , have by violent and subtill machinations most disturbed sions peace , and advanced babylons power . sect . xv. the remonstrant had said that lay presbytery never had footing in the christian church untill this age . wherein , said we , hee concludes so fully with doctor hals irrefragrable propositions , as if he had conspired to swear to what the bishop had said . the remonstrant , that it seems knows both better then wee , will phrase it thus ; how like the man looks to doctor hall : and answers , as like him as wee are like our selves , insolent and scornfull . truly sir , wee could scarce conceive this likenesse by the remonstrance , and we can lesse conceive it by this defence . for besides the flat contradictions which this defence gives to episcopacie by divine right ( for which wee doubt the doctor will give the remonstrant little thanks ) the very language of the defence inclines to the contrary . for though we acknowledge the defence , for the substance of it wholly , and for the phrase of it in a great part , borrowed from episcopacie by divine right , yet the extream disdainfulnesse that breaths in every page and line pleads with us , to thinke that it is not his , especially if he have made that vow of leaving his insolent and scornfull language , which an ancient acquaintance of his hath put the world in hope hee would . your errata bids us pag. 33. read invectives , truly we may read in every page invectives : and if to be scornfull and insolent be to be unlike doctor hall , you have done the doctor exceeding wrong to say the remonstrant looks like him . but be the remonstrant who hee will , we hope hee will not take it ill , if comming into publique nameless , he receive par pari , remembring especially the saying of hierom concerning domitius a senator to his scornfull consull , si non vis me habere ut senatorem , cur ego te habeam ut consulem ? why should wee use him as a father , that doth not use us as brethren ? make sport with our poore wit , triumph over it . it is truth , not wit wee contend for ; yet ridentem dicere verum quis vetat . you might have done as wisely to omit the flourish of your wit in scorne of ours ; as you say wee did to omit those three knowne texts which we omitted , because the question betweene us was not whether ruling elders are an ordinance of god and founded in the word or no , but whether ever they had existence in the christian church before this present age . for the determining of this question , ( being de facto , not de ●ure ) it is more proper to produce the practice of the churches then texts of scripture ; this doth not please him . alpatrons of layeldership before us would not , after the rakings of all the channells of time , have forborne the utmost urging of those testimonies , if they had not knowne them so far from being convictive that they are unprooving . is this the man whose chief plea for his divine right is the monument of succeeding ages and testimony of antiquity , and will he now vouchsafe the search after the footsteps of antiquity , no better name then the raking of the channell of time ? had we spoken so much in the vilification of antiquity it would have beene accounted hatefull and intolerable insolencie in us . but our evidences are not proving and convictive . let us put them to the tryall . our testimony from origen cannot ( you say ) but shame us if yet we can blush ; belike you remember you have so often without just cause put us to the blush , you beginne to feare the colour is spent ; you charge us with willing concealing the chap. on purpose that we might not be discovered . were this a fault and worthy of blame , yet little reason hath the remonstrant to quarrell with us , it is but this one place in which the remonstrant chargeth us , wee are punctuall in our other quotations . how-many quotations are there in this defence in which the remonstrance hath not cited so much as the book , onely thinks it enough to name the authour ? but here we are not so culpable as the remonstrant makes us . the translation of origen which we followed did not distinguish the booke into chapters , no more then the originall doth , nor other translations with which we have consulted ; nor are wee yet so happy as to meete with that edition where the chapters are distinguished : so here is no just cause of suspicion either of fraud or feare . for the text it selfe , whether your collection or ours be most according to the sence of the authour , let the learned reader judge from the text it selfe , which wee heere set downe translated faithfully according to the originall . videamus an non christiani magis & melius istis populum ad bonam frugem excitent , nam philosophi quidem , qui in publico disputant , discrimen auditorum adhibent nullum , sed quisquis volet , adstet licet , atque audiat . christiani vero , quoad possunt , eorum , qui ipsos audire cupiunt , animos prius explorantes , eosdemque privatimerudientes , cum videbuntur illi qui auditores sunt futuri , priusquam in publicum processerint , usque eò profecisse satis , ut velint benè vivere , tum demum eos introducunt , sive admittunt , separatim quendem ordinem constituentes eorum qui initiati recens , introductique sunt , signumque expiationis nondum acceperunt : alter autem ordo est eorum qui pro virili studium suum repraesentant , non aliud velle se , quam quae christianis recta videntur . apud quos ( vel supra quos ) sunt quidam constituti , qui in vitam & mores advenientium inquirant , ut qui flagitiosa perpetrant , illos à communi eorum coetu prohibeant , qui verò istiusmodi non sunt , eos ex animo amplexantes , indies reddant meliores . cujusmodi quoque institutum habent in eos qui peccant , maximèque si protervè se gerant , quos à suo coetu ejiciunt illi , qui celso judice , similes sunt iis qui inhonestissimas quasque res in foro ostentant . et pythagoreorum quidem schola illa gravissima , illis qui ab ipsorum philosophia desciverant sepulchra inania conficiebat , eosque perinde aestimans ac si demortui planè essent . hi autem quasi pereuntes & mortuos deo , qui petulantiae aut gravi cuipiam facinori obstringendos se tradiderunt , tanquam mortuos lugent , & tanquam è mortuis excitatos , si non spernendam modo oftenderint resispicentiam , longiori temporis spatio , quàm qui primo introducti sunt , tandem recipiunt , neque ad ullum gubernandi munus in ecclesiâ dei quae dicitur , eligimus eum qui priùs fuerit lapsus , postquam ad verbum accesserit , &c. the sence of this place , saith the remonstrant , is this , that those which were newly admitted into the church , who by reason of their late acquaintance with such as were left behind them in pagan superstition , might be fit monitors to know and notifie the condition of such candidates as did offer to come into the church , were designed to that office of monitorship . here we desired the reader to consider : first that the scope of the place is to vindicate the christian assemblies from the imputations unjustly cast upon them by celsus , as if they were a confluence of base and worthlesse people . to cleer this , hee divides all christians into two orders : the first were catechumeni , or beginners ; and first he shews the care they took about them , before they were baptized . the other order comprehends all such as were baptized , whom he describes in these words . there is another order of such who according to their ability expresse their endevours to desire nothing but what seems right to christians , which two orders are in antiquity distinguished in catechumenos & fideles . now that this same alter ordo might be kept to live acording to there profession ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there were some designed or constituted , who should look to the manners of all such as come to them ; ( that is to their meetings ) that they that lived wickedly might be banished their assemblies , and heartily embracing such as lived well , they might make them better . those persons here spoken of , the remonstrant grants to be lay persons ( as we terme them ) and doth not so much as once goe about to affirme them presbyters . onely the question is , who those so constituted were ? he saith novices newly added to the church . secondly of whome they had the inspection ? hee saith onely of such as were comming out of paganisme and offered themselves to be added to their assemblies . thirdly , what their power was ? hee saith , onely to notifie the lives of such : to be as it were monitores , and no more . for the two first , we conceive it impossible for him to shew in all antiquity that ever the church did appoint novices over novices to be overseers of their manners , and much more impossible to collect it from this place , since origen speaks indefinitely of any of this order ( to wit of fideles ) and punctually of such who had attained such a measure of grace as they were able to expresse endevours to do that which is right , and were fit and able by their acquaintance to better others , and therefore these could not be novices . for the second , to wit , over whom they had power ? they were not onely such as were lately admitted : for origen speakes generally of all wicked or scandalous livers among them , who were to be inhibited their assemblies . for the third , the power they had , ( which saith hee was onely to be monitors ) it appeares from the text , that they had power either to keepe back from their assemblies , or to receive into their assemblies , according as the lives of men were good or bad , and were of that ability , as that they could better them daily with their good counsell . and if any were froward or contumacious , what course was further to be taken with them the following words declare ; and although it is true , the acts of casting such out of the church is attributed primarily to the teachers ; yet who dare exclude those former 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from all interest in this act ? when origen himselfe saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the like custome they have about offenders , and chiefely such as are incorrigible . but this great corrector of translations cannot let us passe here without a castigation , for translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praepositi sunt . vnfaithfully , deceitfully saith he . sir it would have become you to spare your censure till you considered better ; if you had but looked in your lexicon you might have found that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies not onely constituor , but praeficior , and betweene praefecti and praep●siti certainly there is no such great difference as might deserve the censure of unfaithfulnesse for using the one instead of the other ; besides turrianus translated it thus before us , who , we perswade our selves , was as able to understand the language of origen as our criticall remonstran● , if wee may judge of him as hee here discovers himselfe ; would any man so confidently charge unfaithfulnesse upon the translation of others , and himselfe go & translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they do privatly examine such as are bewitched with paganisme ? it is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies incant● as well as frequenter admoneo , to inchaunt as well as to instruct or admonish , but heer it must of necessity be rendred in the latter signification , because it is here the participle of the active voice , and the case agrees n●t with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , wch is put in the beginning of that clause : so again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he t●anslates , the rest that are like themselves they may gladly receive , whereas it should be thus , but receiving those that are not such ( that is ) as those wicked persons last spoke of . these are poore grammarpec adillio's not worth t●e taking notice of , but that our remonstrant is so busie with his ferula , that no sooner can he thinke we trip , but he is presently upon us , corrig● magn ficat . the rest of our testimonies produced in this cause , hee thus answers , first , he could double our files , and produce many more . but secondly , in sadierms , we do nothing herein , but abuse our reader : for all the places are nothing at all to the purpose in hand . for the first , the numbers he could adde to our forces , are no more then our own , except one onely place out of gregory turonen , is : all the rest were urged by us , even that which he saith is more pregnant then any we have brought . did ever poore man make so great a brag of nothing ? truly , sir , you have much enriched us by paying us with our owne colne . onely here wee are beholding to you for your testimony of the pregnancie of some of them , when as you said before , all of them were nothing to the purpose in hand : it seemes your second thoughts correct your former . for his second answer , hee tels us , all these places are nothing to the purpose . and why ? because those seniors , are civill magistrates , such as wee call aldermen , whose advice and assistance was used in all great occasions of the church . to prove this he brings the african canons , can. 100. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are mentioned , and expounds it by the 91 canon of the african , which he cals a commentary upon this point , debere unumquemque no strum in civitate sua cōvenire donatistarum praepositos , aut adjungere sibi vicinum collegam , ut pariter eos in singulis qnibusque civitatibus per magistratus vel seniores locorum conveniant . to which we answer , that this his commentary corrupts the text ; for in this 91 canon there is no mention of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . by the magistrate , or those that are of chief authority in those places : these wee grant were as it were our aldermen , men of civill power and authority , but they were not as those elders mentioned in the 100 canon . and why should the remonstrant choose rather to follow iustellus , in reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seniores locorum , then balsamon , and zonaras , who read it , quiprimas ferant , unlesse it were to deceive his credulous reader , and induce him to thinke there were no other elders in the church , then such as were civill magistrates ; whereas his own iustellus in his exposition of the 100 canon saith , erant seniores , laici , extra ecclesiam , de quibus supra ad can. 91. erant & seniores ecclesiastici ; there were lay-elders out of the church , of whom wee spake , can. 91 , and there are ecclesiastick or church-elders : to prove which hee brings forth the very testimonies which wee produced from baronius , and others . and certainly , he that compares the two canons quoted by the remonstrant , will see how absurdly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the one canon are drawn to expound the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the other . for the former were the magistrates , who having a coercive power , might compell the donatists to meet for conference and disputations , if they did refuse it : the other were not magistrates but seniores , sent by the church to accuse their bishop . now how well is the one expounded by the other ? but if the seniors were not aldermen , yet they were ( say you ) but as our churchwardens and vestry-men , onely trusted with the viensils , stocks , and outward affaires of the church ; businesse of seats and rates , &c. this the remonstrant will , if you will believe him , evince out of our owne testimonies , and yet meddles not with that , which is the most pregnant testimony to prove that the power of these elders did reach to things of a higher nature then seats and rates , and that is the letter of pu●purius , which gives to the seniors a concurrent power with the clergie , to enquire about the dissentions which troubled the church , that by their wisdome and care peace might be setled in the same . these dissentions were not about seats or rates , but a contention betweene silvanus the bishop , and nundinarius the deacon , in a matter of a high nature , too high for our church wardens , or vestrymen to meddle in ; the bishop being accused , that hee was traditor & fur rerum pauperum . did ever church-wardens , or vestry men among us , heare , inquire , judge , compose such differences as these are ? what should john a nokes , and john a stiles , and smug the smith , meddle with a businesse of bishops ? saith episcopacie by divine right , part . 3. pag. 32. but how doth hee prove they were but as our churchwardens , or vestrymen ? first , because deacons are named before these seniors where ever they are mentioned . secondly , because optatus reckoning up quatuor genera capitum , mentions not elders . for the first , though the order of reckoning them be not so much to be insisted upon , yet wee can tell you ( if here your confidence had not beene greater then your consideration ) that you might have observed , that in some places they are mentioned not onely before deacons , but the whole cleargie ; for so gregories letter cited by us ; tabellarium cum consensu seniorum , & cleri memineris ordinandum : are not seniors here mentioned before the cleargie ? his second proofe , that these elders were no better then meere churchmardens and vestry men was , because optatus mentioning foure sorts of men in the church mentions not these elders . but is this the man that hath with such height of scorne vilified poore negative arguments , though drawn from sacred scripture ? and will he now lay such weight upon a negative argument ? surely , if all the truth and practice of the primitive times were bound up in one optatus , ( as all divine truth is lodged in the sacred volume of the scriptures ) the remonstrant might have made much of his negative argument , yet hee scornes to heare us reasoning , that because we do not read that the holy ghost did by the apostles appoint bishops , in remedium schismatis , therefore we cannot believe bishops are of divine or apostolicall institution , but of humane . away ( saith he ) with this poore negative argument . and because the apostle , ephesians the fourth , reckoning the officers whom christ hath given and gifted for the edification of his church , reckons up onely apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors , & teachers , if wee should conclude , ergo , there were no bishops , the remonstrant would cry out again , away with these negative arguments , yet such an argument frō scripture may be valid , though from no other authority . as for optatus , first , though in these places he mentions not elders , yet that other place which wee brought out of the same author doth , which the learned antiquary albaspinaeus ( though a papist ) with us acknowledgeth . secondly , these places produced by the remonstrant crosse one another as much as they crosse us , for ministri are left out in one as well as seniores in both . thirdly , these seniores are included in turba fidelium , as the apostle , rom. 10. 14. comprehends all the church under these two , hearers and teachers , and so again , heb. 13. 24. rulers and saints . yet the remonstrant is resolved to hold the conclusion . elders in a ranke above deacons in a setled power of government with the pastors , shall be damned by him for a new and unjustifiable opinion . yet this is the man that would by no meanes be thought to condemne the reformed churches , though hee fall as unhappily neere the very words of their profest enemies , the netherland remonstants , as ever we did the words of aerius . quod attinet praxin antiquitatis ex ●â videlicet id demonstrari posse idoneis argumentis ( ut censor asserit ) audaciae & temeritatis est : and again , tota antiquitatis praxis ei repugnat : but oh that our remonstrant would once learn to take the counsell he gives ! and he that adviseth us to give glory to god in yielding to undoubted and cleere truth , would do so himselfe ! for if it be not more cleere , that there were elders anciently in the church , then that there were none , and that these elders were not civill aldermen , but ecclesiasticall officers , not meere churchwardens and vestry men busied about inferiour things of seats and rates , but employed in matters of higher nature , let the remonstrant never renounce episcopacy . but if it be , let him take heed he do not renounce his word , which he utters , pag. 147. i doe here solemnely professe that if any one such instance can be brought , i will renounce episcopacy for ever . sect . xvi . xvii . xviii . the rest of our answer ( you say ) is but a meere declamation . and good sir , what was your whole remonstrance but a declamation ? and what is your defence but a satyre ? but ours is worthy of no other answer then contempt and silence . you are very dextrous and happy in those kind of answers , your whole defence is full of them . it is true you say , the religious bishops of all times have strongly upheld the truth of god against satan , and against his antichrist . and it is as true that we told you , that others have upheld the truth as strongly as bishops ever did ; yea , & at sometimes when there was never a bishop in the world to appeare for the truth . and therefore never impropriate all the glory to episcopacie . it is also true that wee told you , that some irreligious bishops have upheld satan and his antichrist against the truth of god , and what can you say to this ? what is this to their calling ? sir , their upholding antichrist makes as much against their calling , as their upholding the truth makes for their calling . if you fetch an argument from the one for their calling , we may as logically fetch an argument from the other against their calling with as much concluding strength ; but you can tell us of presbyters wicked and irreligious , shall the function it self therefore suffer ? like enough . and we could tell you that they find more co●ntenance from bishops then the painfullest ministers . but if presbyters should be as generally corrupted as bishops now are , have as much strength to suppresse the gospell , and promote popery , as the bishops by their supreame power have , if they can bring no more evidence of divine institution then bishops can , and are of no more necessity to the church then bishops are , let the function suffer . we told you what an unpreaching bishop said of a preaching bishop ; this say you is our slander not their just epithite , and challenge us to shew any unpreaching bishop in the church of england this day . sir , pardon us if we tell you that you put us in minde of a poore sir iohn that because he had made one sermon in 40. yeeres would needs be counted a preaching minister : if you speake of preaching after that rate , then indeed you may call all the bishops in england preaching bishops . but the people of england can so well tell who deserves the name of a preaching bishop , that it is not the preaching of a sermon once a yeere , or a quarter , or a month , that will bee sufficient to merit and maintain that name . some indeed have taken some paines heretofore ; but there are so few of them now , that sure the remonstrant intended this booke for posterity : the present age will never beleeve that england is so full of preaching bishops , that there is not an unpreaching bishop to bee found . but what if we should challenge the remonstrant to shew any preaching bishop in england , such a preaching bishop as chrysostome , augustine , and the rest of those ancient worthies were 〈◊〉 who if they had preached no oftner then our bishops , chrysostome had never mentioned his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so often , nor his nudi●tertius , nor his cras and perendie , nor austin his nudius tertiani & hes●erni sermones , nor cyprian his quotidiani tractatus . indeed of old , one saith , bishops gloried of their chaire , and teaching , as the flowre of their garland ; preferring it far before government ; but when they were faln from spirituall felicity , and inf●cted with secular smoake , then they commended the labour of teaching to presbyters , then the iurisdiction and consistory did carry all the credit ; every office in the church being counted a dignity as it had more or lesse jurisdiction annexed to it , & this dignity hath almost crowded out the duty . the scandall of inferiour ministers hee professeth to bleed for , but saith , we blazon : no sir , as we told you before , and tell you again , they have beene the trumpets of their own shame , that like hophne and phineas made the sacrifices of the lord to be abhorred . but wee beseech you , what is the english of your desires to have had the faults made lesse publike ? doe you mean you would not have had them medled withall in open parliament ? or that you would have had the parliament doe by all petitions brought in against such seandalous persons , as constantine did by those papers that the proud contentious bishops gave one against another , commit them to the fire ? if so , then as you are christian tels us , whether you doe not think this had been the onely way to involve the whole parliament , and nation in the guilt of those sins ; and expose them to that wrath and vengeance that would from heaven pursue them ? bethink your self how you will answer this at that great tribunall to which you make so many rash and bold appeals , as also your prophaning the glorious title of the god of peace , that you might under the sweet name of peace perswade an impunity for sin . sir , we nothing feare but wee shall answer our opposing the unerring rule of the word of god ( which texts you never went about to answer ) against that example of constantine ( who as a man , though good , was subject to errour ) ten thousand times better then you will doe either of these . in our next section , saith our remonstrant , we spit in the face of our mother . good reader please to review our answer , section 17. and judge . the remonstrant will deny presently , that hee and the bishops are the church of england , and yet here , that which is spoken against them and their perseus-like practices is spoken against our mother the church . well , be what you please , fathers , and mothers , and sonnes , and all . onely we desire the remonstrant if hee can , to tell us what the church of england is . for it doth not please him here that we should call the convocation the church of england , much lesse the bishops , or archbishops . yet if we be not mistaken , you your self call the convocation the church of england , pag. 122. and the canons and constitutions made in the convocation are called the canons and constitutions of the church of england , which the convocation alone excluding the parliament cannot be so much as a representative of , unlesse you will count the whole laity of the nation represented in parliament none of the church of england . yet this is the church so cryed up , these canons are the commands of the church , so rigorously urged , who ever breaks a canon especially in point of ceremony is no dutifull sonne of the church ; indeed , in point of morality , drinking , swearing , gaming , there is more indulgence . nay , how many bishops in england are there that have urged their owne private paper-injunctions as the commands of the church , and proceeded against such as would not observe them , as disobedient or refractory against their mother the church ? that sir , upon the point there will appeare to be more churches in england then one . for tell us , we beseech you , when the church of england at norwich forbade all prayer before and after sermon , but onely in the words of the 55 canon , forbad all preaching in the afternoons , all expounding of catechisme , or scriptures , the church of england in london forbad none of these things ; when the church of england in london enjoyned rayling in communion tables , and all communicants to make their approaches thither , the church of another diocesse went further , and enjoyned setting of them altarwise . and all these were the commands of the church of england . the transgression of any one of these , the omission of any other thing enjoyned , was condemned as disobedience to the church . now how many churches of england were there at this time ? but you will play off all this as merriment with a ridiculum caput . to deal with you therefore seriously ; because you make so strange a thing of hearing of more churches of england then one , and distinguish so deeply between churches of england , and churches in england , wee beseech you consider whither the scripture doe not speak as properly , when it speaks of the churches of iudea and of galatia , as if it had said the churches in iudea , and in galatia ? and what difference between saint iohn when hoe writes to the church of ephesus , of laodicea , and the church in sardis , in thyatira ? yet , we are not ridiculous enough : therefore the remonstrant will help the matter , and to make his jeere will corrupt our words . for whereas we had said , if the bounds of a kingdome must needs be the limits of a churth , why are not england , scotland , and ireland all one church ? to make it non-sence , hee adds of england ; are not england , scotland , and ireland , all one church of england ? hee that made it , let him take it . this discourse of churches of england , cannot end without a descent into the prelaticall and anti-prelaticall church . we said , we acknowledge no anti-prelaticall church . the remonstrant tels us if wee make and condemne the prelaticall church , what shall be the other part of the contradistinction . our reply must be , that not we , but themselves make the prelaticall church , wee doe but shew it ; and we shew also the other part of the contradistinction which the remonstrant pleaseth to call the antiprelaticall church . the remonstrant had upbrayded the divisions of that part , wee made our just defence , and therein declared that the prelaticall party were the chiefe authours and fomentors of those divisions , which the remonstrant directly doth not deny , onely bids us lay our hands upon our hearts , and consider whether our fomenting of so unjust and deep dislikes of lawfull government have not been too much guilty of those wofull breaches . sir , wee have considered it , and can before the great heart-searching god plead not guilty . the dislike of present church government , which its own exorbitancy hath caused , we have not fomented , but have smothered our thoughts and griefs even untill this present , wherein the gracious hand of god hath inclined the heart of our gracious soveraigne to call a parliament , that hee and they might together consult of the pressures and grievances of his people , and conclude their removall . and now we cannot , wee dare not hold our peace , but declare our judgments , that if it shall seem good to our dread sovereigne , and this honourable parliament , upon the many complaints brought in against bishops and their hierarchicall government , to remove the hierarchie , this act of state may appeare to all to be farre from sinne ; this not being a government appointed by christ , nor stamped with a ius divinum , though some will make that their protection . as one that loves the peace of the church , which wee ( you say ) are willing to trouble , you aske after the bounders , &c. are you one that loves the peace of the church ? wee pray of what church ? sure that church that is called prelaticall , and no other , where of we give you the boundaries and characters , which it seems please you not . the bounders we shewed from your late canons , which ( say you ) are too narrow : let them see to that that first made them . it is apparent , that the canons made by archbishops , bishops , deanes , and archdeacons , in their convocation , were never consented to , much lesse confirmed by parliament , and yet those are called the canons and constitutions of the church of england . and therfore sure , though wee doe not exclude bishops , deanes , &c. from being members of the church , yet they have excluded all the rest of the nation . for distinction wee brought bowing to the east , to altars , &c. now these ( say you ) are not fit distinctions whereon to ground different churches . yes sir , if it be true that some have held , that the outward formes of worship , and ceremonies attending it are the characters whereby one church is differenced from another ; but especially when such as will not practise these , shall be disclaimed by such as doe them , as none of the sonnes of the church . when men shall be forced to subscribe to the practice of these things , or else they shall not bee admitted either into livings , or cures , ( as in the instanced particulars wee have knowne it ) then they make a difference of churches . and who are the authours of such differences , but such as thus urge them ? next wee brought their creed and instanced in episcopacie by divine right : hee replies , did ever man make this an article of faith ? judge you by what bishop hall saith in his episcopacie by divine right part 2. pag. 47. i am so confident of the divine institution of the majority of bishops above presbyters , that i dare boldly say , there are weighty points of faith that have not so strong ground in scripture . is this to make it an article of faith or no ? and if not an article of faith , yet we are sure it is made an article of the church . for whereas by the orders of the church of england , a man upon the admission to his ministry is to be examined upon no other articles then the articles of religion established in the church of england , we have knowne more then one , whose first question hath been , what doe you thinke of episcopaice ? we added , absolute & blind obedience to all commands of the bishop & ordinaries : you bid us blush . but alas sir we are not such strangers in england , nor your selfe neither , we believe , as not to know but that this hath been the common doctrine , and almost the sole doctrine preached by prelaticall men these many yeeres together . and the blinder the better . this we have heard , nor is it your limitation of the oath of canonicall obedience , in omnibus licitis & honestis , will help you : when some in stead of that have put in , in omnibus editis & edendis ? we added election upon faith foreseen . the remonstrant cries what ? nothing but grosse untruthes . is this the doctrine of the bishops of england , have they not strongly confuted it ? yes sure some few have , we know it . and doth not the remonstrant know that these few have been had in suspicion , as no true friends of the church , much lesse sonnes of the church , more puritanicall then prelaticall , and we would none of them had said , they have beene labouring these twelve yeeres to get off the name of puritan , and yet tt will not doe , and because of this have beene printed tantum non in episcopatu puritani . and the same authour in an other booke after that , dico iterum iterumque dicam , tantam non in episcopatu puritani . as for the scriptures of prelaticall men , we mentioned apocripha and unwritten traditions : meaning that that generation lay as much weight almost upon traditions and apocrypha , as upon a genuine text , and are more observant many of them of a custome , and tradition , then of the command of god. for sacraments , we instanced , a baptisme of absolute necessity , an eucharist that must be administred upon an altar . what are these ( say you ) to the church of england ? nothing , but to the prelaticall church they are . call them if you will , popish fooles , and addleheads , that maintaine these opinions yet we know the number of them is not small , that have declined into these popish waies : we acknowledge also that these are men , if not that chiesly support the prelacy , yet such as have beene chiefely suppoted and countenanced by it . we acknowledge there are many men learned and orthodox , that have in their judgments approved of episcopall government ; but what little incouragement these have had from the prelates , especially , if laborious in their ministery , or any way opposing the prelaticall innovation , in respect of the incouragements of those popish fooles and addle-heads as the remonstrant cals them , a man may see with halfe an eye . you demanded what christ the prelaticall church had ? our answer is , a christ that hath given the same power of obsolution to a priest that himsefe hath : which answer , you say , is neere to blasphemy : truely an opinion so neere to blasphemy can hardly be delivered in a language much distant from it : but this ( you say ) is a slanderous fiction : no christian divine ever held priests power of absolution was any other then ministeriall . if we know the man bring him forth that hee may be stoned . truely sir , we knew the man that said the priests power in absolution was more then ministeriall , it was judiciary ; but he is past stoning , hee is dead : and we know another said as much ; but he sung agags song long agoe , surely the bitternesse of death is past . for when he was brought forth to be stoned , hee was rescued by prelaticall power , and his sermon for which he was questioned , printed with licence , and in print presented to the consistory . we know a third that in a commencement did openly affirme absolution by a priest to be absolutely necessary to salvation . their heaven we said was a receptacle of drunkards , swearers , adulterers ; and surely justly wee might say so , for when did your consistories , that pretend to have the keyes that open and shut heaven , so shut the gates of heaven against such sinners , as that a silver key could not open them againe ? and though your charity keepe them in heaven while they live such , yet our charity shuts them not out of heaven , if they did not die such . but it may be you thinke confession to a priest , when they lie a dying shall infallibly save them , what ever their lives have beene ; and that 's the reason you slide by that prelaticall opinion and doe not question us who hold it ? we professe still wee had rather goe on in our owne waies , then theirs , and thinke it our duty to separate from these waies and opinions , rather then embrace them : yet farre we are from any thoughts of separating from the church of england ; nor did we ever intend to affixe those exoticall positions of unsound teachers ( as you call them ) upon her : but on the faction who hath held promoted , countenanced them , and sheltred themselves all the while under the name of the church . but if the remonstrant hate these opinions as much as our selves ; we are glad , if he know others doe ( because he speakes in the plurall ) it is well . but wee would be glad to know in what pallace that prelate lives , that hath drawne out his assumed sword of discipline against these unsound teachers ? or if he hath drawne , hath strucke , or if strucke , hath not strucke with the backe ; while the poore non conformists hath beene slaine with the edge ? or where hee lives that hath opposed these exoticke positions so farre as to hazzard the archprelates froune in the opposition . having given sufficient answer to the remonstrant , wee thought it not unfit to subjoyne some quaeres about episcopacy , for the remonstrant , ( if he pleased ) to answer . which though he saith are made up of nothing but spite and slaunder : yet surely his owne conscience tels him , there is much truth and strength in them ; else why doth he conclude we put so much trust in them ? ( when we never told him so . ) and why doth he not else apply himselfe to answer ? but like a socraticall disputant put off the question with question ; knowing it is safer and easier to propound new questions , then to answer ours . 1. your first quere is , who ever held the lordships of bishops to be jure divivo ? if no body , whether this be not to falsifie and slander ? you might have considered that we spake not of the lordships of bishops in abstracto ; but of lordbishops in concreto : and who holds them to be jure divino , is sufficiently knowne . but you aske why it is a greater fault in one of our doctours to hold the lords day to stand by humane right ( and is there but one of our doctors of that opinion ? ) then it is for master calvine , ( whom for honours sake no doubt you name here as else where , seldome through your whole defence mentioning that worthy , but in some disgracefull passage . ) but did master calvin ever hold bishops to be jure divino , or did master calvine ever as one of our lord-bishops , who having received a letter from a gentleman of his city , against the publication of the booke of sports , returned no other answer then a sharpe censure of his zeale as giddy and indiscreet ? or did master calvin ever cry up altars instead of communion tables , or priests instead of ministers ? yet in these termes our quere was propounded , and what ever master calvin doth in his institution , yet in his comment upon deuteronomy hee stands for the strict observation of the lords day ? 2. whether it were any other than king iames himselfe , of blessed memory , that said , no bishop no king , &c. king iames of blessed memory , never spake this of bishops by divine right , which are the bishops now contended for . and if king iames of blessed memory said , no bishop , no king : it was not hee , but others that added , no ceremony , no bishop ; nay some have risen higher , and said ; if neither bishop , nor a king , how a god ? 3. whether since it is proved that bishops are of more then meere humane ordinance , and have so long continued in the christian church to the great good of church and state , it be not fit to establish them for ever , and to avoyd a dangerous motion of innovation ? sure if the remonstrants words may goe for proofe it is proved , else not ; that bishops are of more then humane ordinance , and so long continuance , and how advantagious to the good of church and state , acta probant , and though motions of innovation may be dangerous , yet motions of renovation are not . non est pudor ad meliora transire , it s no shame to amend . 4. whether these answerers have the wit or grace to understand the true meaning of the divine right of episcopacy ? we will not impute it to want of wit , or grace in the remonstrant ; but sure himselfe doth not clearely understand it , hee is so unconstant to his opinions : but whether the remonstrant or his answerers understand the right of episcopacy better , let the readers to whose censure both in this controversie must stand or fall , determine : for our parts wee hope , wee understand what jus divinum meanes , but doe ingenuously confesse we have neither wit nor grace to understand the jus divinum of episcopacy . 5. whether there be any question at all in the fifth question ? yes certainely , if the remonstrant would not have baulked that which he knew not how to take away ; the distinction of apostolicall right , which say we , is either such as is founded upon the acts , or epistles of the apostles , and is ( we grant ) divine : or such , as is not recorded in their writings , and is onely of things reported to be introduced into the church the apostles yet living . now if the remonstrant hold episcopacy to be of apostolicall right in the first sence , why doth he then grant us in expresse tearmes that in originall authority of scripture bishops and presbyters are originally the sam● ? and why doth he in the same page make his retreat from the writings of the apostles , to the monuments of succeeding times ? if he hold it in the latter sence , these two things yet remaine to be done : first , he is to prove that bishops in a superiority of power over presbyters , were introduced into the church the apostles yet living , and answer his friend cassander , and our other testimonies produced to the contrary . secondly , to prove , that such things may be of divine right , whereof no record is found in divine writings . 6. whether master beza have not heard soundly of his distinction of the three kinds of episcopacy in the full and learned answer of soravia ? yes , and soravia , and others that have borrowed from him , have heard as foundly of their defences of episcopacy , both by domesticke and forreine divines , who have sufficiently declared how well our story of the painter suits with your discipline : but i● that please you not , we can ●it you with an other of the painter , mentioned in plutarch ; who having drawne a cocke very unskilfully and rudely , could not indure any cocke to stand within view , for feare of discovering the deformity of his picture : so our bishops having drawne a forme and line of government , which they propose to the world as divine ; will not indure the true divine government to come in view , for feare of discovering the irregularity of theirs . 7. whether it were not fit that we also should speake as the ancient fathers did ? sir , by your leave it is safe to speake in the language the scripture speakes , but you should have done well to have spoken to the reason upon which our quere was grounded , and what further reasons we then had , and still have to make this quere may appeare by what wee have sayd before in vindicating timothy and titus from such like objections . 8. whether presbyters can without sinne arrogate unto themselves the exercise of the power of publike church-government , &c. to say nothing what honour here you give to your deare sister-churches : our answer is , yes they may take the exercise of that power without sinne , though not without danger , if your high-commission were standing . for our saviour christ when he gave to peter the promise of the keyes , made in one undistinguishable act , a donation of the power both of preaching and governing ; and therefore if presbyters may without sin publickly exercise the one by vertue of that donation , they may by the same charter as warrantably exercise the other . the last branch of your quere ; whether any father or doctor till this age held that presbyters were successors to the apostles ? &c. we wonder that any man who hath but the repute of learning should● make such a quere . and for the answer , we refer you to what we have said before in this booke . 9. whether ever any bishops assumed to themselves power temporall to be barons ? &c. our answer is : you shew better writts for your temporalties , then you have done yet for your spiritualties . and our quaere was directed to shew the spirituall power of bishops to be of more dangerous consequence then their temporall ; to which purpose we produced five reasons , which wee perswade our selves you scarcely read over ( for in the third there is a fault in the printing , which had you seene , your charity would scarce have let passe without an observation ) which remaining unanswered , wee conclude as before ; it concernes all those that have spirituall eyes , to endeavour to abrogate their spirituall usurpations● as well as their temporall . as for the latter part of this quere , it is a begging of the whole dispute , et eadem facilitate rejicitur , quâ affirmatur . 10. whether the answerers have not just cause to be ashamed of patronizing a noted hereticke aerius , &c. to this we answer : that if aerius was accounted an heretique for denying bishops to be all one with presbyters by divine right , we are not ashamed to patronize him , till you have answered our allegations for his defence which are brought in this quere , and in divers places in this booke . but you could not be so ignorant but to know how bellarmine and divers others doe say . that aerius was accounted an hereticke , not for denying the inequality of bishops and presbyters by scripture , but by the canons of the church . but wee wonder how we escaped the brand of the heresie of the audiani , who by the same epiphanius are called heretiques ( though men of a blamelesse conversation ) because they did not without just cause ) freely and boldly reprove the vices of the bishops of their daies . 11. whether the great apostacy of the church of rome doe , or did consist in the maintaining the order of government set by the apostles themselves , &c. sure no : wee never sayd , nor thought it . but that a great part of the apostacy of the church of rome consisted in swarving from the discipline of christ and hi● apostles , as well as from the doctrine and setting up and maintaining a new hierarchicall forme , which cannot enter into our hearts to thinke the apostles did ever set up : and which the most part of the churches in the christian world , that are professedly opposite unto the church of rome doe oppose , as much as they doe rome it selfe ; though you beare the reader in hand , they all maintaine it no lesse constantly then rome it selfe doth ; which no man but he that hath captivated reason , & modesty to his cause , and will , would have so confidently and untruly spoken . once againe let us aske you , whether by this bould speech all the reformed churches of christ be not now shut out of the number of churches ? 12. whether if episcopacy be ( through the m●nificence of good princes ) honoured with a title of dignity , &c. it to be ever the more declined ? since the time that episcopacy has bin honored with dignity , and revenues , the office hath not bin declined ; but the bishops themselves haue bin declining . yet our quere was not whether this were a ground of declining the place , but rather of desiring the place . as for our crying up the presbytery , because wee hope to carry some sway in it . we acknowledge our selves unworthy to beare any part in it ; but we heartily desire that christ may rule , and wee shall most willingly subject our selves to his government . 13. whether there bee no other apparent causes to be given for the encrease of popery and superstition in the kingdome , besides episcopacy ( which hath strongly laboured to oppose it ) &c. we deny not but there may have bin other causes , but none so apparant as episcopacy . but whereas in a parenthesis which you might well have left out without any detriment either to your sense or the truth , you say that , episcopacy hath strongly laboured to oppose popery : we answer quid verba audimus cum facta videmus ? you aske againe whether the multitude of sects ( you should have added which the tyranny of bishops hath made , ) and professed ●lovenlinesse in gods service have not bin guilty of the encrease of prophanenesse . we answer againe , not so much as the forbidding of preaching and catechising , as the countenancing of sports on the lords day , as the scandalous lives of too too many episcopall men , and the libertinisme of the bishops houses and courts . 14. your 14. quere consists of a paradox , and a sol●cisme . a paradox in saying , that all churches throughout the whole christian world have ever observed , and doe constantly and uniformely obserue and maintaine episcopall government . when as you know all your deare sisters of whom you professe a tender care , doe disclaime it . of a bull and sol●cisme in saying that all christian churches doe constantly and uniformely observe it . and yet confessing , that there are lesse noble churches that conforme not unto it . 15. in your next quere you contradict your selfe and the truth as a selfe confounded man. for here you say , that the name of bishop hath bin for this 1600 yeares appropriated ( in a plaine contradistinction ) to the governours of the church . but page 48 where we bring iren●us calling anicetus , pius , hyginus , &c. bishops of rome presbyters , and others also using the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; you cry out with a loud voyce , is this al ? that your trifling may appeare to all the world. name but any one of our writers , who have hitherto stood up in the cause of episcopacy , that have not granted and proclaimed this which you contend for . in the latter end of this quere , you thinke to stop our mouthes with balaams wages , and demand . whether if we will allow you to be bishops , all will not be well ? wee are scripture bishops without your allowance . as for to be hierarchicall bishops , since god will not allow it , we care not for your allowance . but what patent or monopoly have you among all the multitude of late projectors obtained , that without your allowance a presbyter may not be admitted into a bishoprick ? 16. to your last quere we answer . that if god had set your episcopall government in his church ; wee know it could not bee lawfull for us to deny subjection unto it . but we have proved the contrary in this discourse . neither have the lawes of this land so firmely established it ; but that it may be repealed by the same lawes , and suffer a just period for its matchlesse pride , and insufferable oppressions . which for the present we perceive is out of feare a little aba●ed , and that makes you aske ; whether it were not most lawfull and just to punish our presumption and disobedience , &c. time was when the high commission and other episcopall courts would have made both our eares more then tingle for such a question without enquiring either the lawfulnesse and justice of it . thus we have answered his 16. queries , but before we end our booke , we cannot but take notice of what the remonstrant addes in the conclu●ion . for there he tells us , that he hopes he hath given a sufficient answer to our bold and unjust demands : and yet notwithstanding he doth not vouchsafe to give any answer at all , but only propounds new questions , insteed of answers : which if the reader will conceive a sufficient way of answering ; we doubt not but we shall quickly give satisfaction to all that ever hath bin written for episcopall government , either by bishop bilson , bishop downham , bishop hall , or any other whatsoever . to all the postscripts . wee will not create trouble to the reader , by a reiterated justification of our sincerity , though it be againe prodigiously wounded . here is much cry , and little wooll . hee cannot deny what in our postscript we have proved to be the practises of prelates , ever since austins erection of the see of canterbury , onely first hee salsely tells us , that wee have borrowed a great part of it out of sions plea. but if that author hath collected any of the same stories ( which yet wee know not ) out of the chronicles , why should we be thought to have borrowed them from him , ( whom wee durst not for feare of the prelates keepe in our studies ) rather then from the chronicles themselves ? secondly he answers , that they were popish bishops , limmes of that body whose head we abjure , &c. but sr you know that in henry the eights time , when this head abjured , the body of popery still remained . this body of popery ( comprehended in six articles ) was called a wh●p of six strings , and you with all your rhetoricke will hardly perswade the people , but that they have bin lashed for these many yeares with a whip of six and twenty strings . have not most of these denied this head to be antichrist ? and that if wise men had the handling of it , we might be reconciled unto it ? hath not one of their abettors written , that the religion of the church of rome is not onely a possible , but a safe way to heaven ? what then will it availe to say that our bishops and they have different heads ? thirdly , he answers , that a charitable man might have made a longer catalogue of the good fruites of our episcopacy , and reckons up a multitude of their good deeds , many whereof , ●hould ●ee wipe our eyes never so much , wee feare wee should not see , and the rest which are in any kind visible , will not , if weighed in a just ballanc● , beare any proportion , to all those unnaturall fruits mentioned in our postscrips . in his close he tells us , that the bishops foote hath bin in our booke , which is quite spoiled by his just confutation . we confesse truly the bishops ●o 〈◊〉 hath left much dirt behinde it ; but could many hundred● of godly ministers , have as easily got the greene wax and red wax of the bishops out of their mouthes with which they have bin a long time stopped , as we have wiped away the dirt that hath bin throwne upon our booke ; the church of england had never made so many sad complaints , and presented so many dolefull petitions unto the high and supreme court of justice . 2. his second postscript is an advertisement to the reader , for the vindication of the credit of the person of doctor hall , and his episcopacy by divine right , from the censure which doctor voetius is reported to have passed upon them both . true it is , there was tendred to us a justification of what that angry pamphlet ( as he calls it ) had published to the world . but because wee found that it would deeply reflect upon the credit of doctor hall , and that in a language more disgracefull then that was before said , wee refused to insert it . our businesse is with a namelesse remonstrant , not with the undervaluation of any mans person in particular . if hee please to call for it , he may have it . his third postscript brings in the judgement of scultetus to ●make the world believe that his new opinion of episcopacy by divine right is not destitute of patrons in the reformed churches . but what is one scultetus to the many hundred learned men amongst them of a contrary judgement ? we might here retort upon our remonstrant , that he saith concerning the moderator of geneva page 138. you tell me of the moderator of geneva as if all the church of god were included in those strait walls . we could have translated voetius his theses for the justification of lay elders both out of scripture and antiquity . but for brevity sake wee will content our selves with what that learned rivet spake ( when these two treatises of scultetus were shewed to him by a great prelate amongst us , and his judgement required ) haec omnia jamdudum sunt protrita & profligata . this was related to us by doctor twisse , who had it from doctor rivet himselfe . finis . the printer to the reader . courteous reader , we cannot but confesse , that the crouding in of many little pamphlets into the presse hath for many weeks detained this book , to the great grief of the authors : wee desire thee to correct with thy pen these following errata , and to cover the lesser faults with thy charity . page 12 line 11 dele more to be read●line 18 read ●r . p 14 l 5 deest although . l 30 r obtain . p 18 d zanchy and cassander out of the marge●t . p 21 l 6 r ●nstruct●oribus . p 26 l 17 next appointed adde , a hint thereof we have acts 3. 1. p 18 l 17 r presb●ters for priests . l 18 for not r once . p 29 l 27 d because . p 38 l 12 d for our part . l 31 r time . p 42 l pen. r reformed protestant churches . p 36 l 18 r their. p 64 l 24 r prebyterii . p 74 l 30 at that make a comma . p 81 l ult r common . p 84 r hasty . p 86 l 15 r contradiction . p 92 l 25 for are r have been p 93 l 16 r admisimus . p 96 l 14 r leo● p 111 l 31 r proved . p 112 l 27 r please . p 113 l 18 r proofs for processe . p 114 l ●6 for promise r. prem●se p 115 l 21 for alone r along . p 118 18 r office for worke . p 126 l 24 make a comma at of . p 127 l 21 r of for as● p 129 l 14 r capp●llus . p 132 l 29 to dowah●m , adde epis●opacie by divine right . p 135 l 11 next to thirdly adde is there . p 136 l 26 adde the in the beginning of the line p 159 l 27 r campian . p 160 l 31 for we r you , and for you r we . p 174 l 11 dele particular . p 176 l 6 dele call. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a52063-e140 apol. pro sancta manic . pag. 77. 95. notes for div a52063-e1190 pag. 1●3 . bone habet his in●●bus non ve●tuntur fortune ecclesiae . * a gentleman student in philosophy , that was by chance present at the reading of this passage , tooke such a fancy to this rare mystery of light froath , sinking aloan , that he would take no nay , till he had entreated us to obtain so much of the remonstrant , as to publish his receit of making light froath sinke alone , that it may be added to the secrets of alexis , or the rare experiments of baptista porta . 〈◊〉 . 25. iust. mart. apolog 2. tertull. apol. cap. 39. 1 cor. 14. dictatas ●sacrificulo preces non concipimus , sed ex ipsa sede animi spiritusque nostri cum suspiriis gemituque , &c. nicholl . riga●● . 1. c. in tertull. animad . apud ethunicos , monitor praeibat preces , ac de script . quidem ne quid verborum praete●iretur art praeposterum diceretur , rursusque alius cust●s erat , qui attenderet , alius qui linguis favere juberet . the changing of orationes sua● in the text , into orationes nostras in his margin is not over-much faithfulnesse . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●ssander . vn●m quidem , scilicet primam silentio . quamvi 〈◊〉 haec precum & aliarū orationum conscribendarum privata ●bido imperitos homines usque adeo invas●rit ut necessum fuerit in conciliis modum aliquem huic rei constitui ne temere quae●is orationes in usum praesertim eccl●siasticum admitte●●tur . castand . p. 30● ubi cit . conc● carth. & mil● concil . milevit . cont . caelest , & pelag. the seder teph●ll●th to which hee now refers being 700 yeers after christ. answ. pag. 8. de emend . tem● . commentis samaritanis incrustat● . synag . iudaiea , lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrysost. psal. 41 quis tuler●s grac●●os . we know the apostles gro●●d , this 〈◊〉 tolerate the iewish ceremonies a while , but wh●● th●y saw the i●ws remayning ha●d●ed still , they quickly purged the church of them . among the rest master abbot whom we quoted ●n out answer but by a mistake it is referred to the fourth 〈◊〉 instead of this har. synod . belg. cap. 11. ca● . 21. minister preces vel dictante spiritu , vel certa sibi propos●●â for●ula concipiet . peracta coena haec gratiarum aut aliqua ei similis adhibetur . this speech was spoken in the lords house by a noble peere , and had the approbation of many others . greg. l. 6. epist. 6 ep . 64. cam. 2. 17. bether in heb. is division . pocem ecclesie martyrio praeferim●● . cypr. pax sine veritate est execrabile adulterium . cyp. pag. 35. episc. by divine right , part . 2. p. 6. pag. 35. pag 36. bishop hall saith expresly in episcopacie by divine right , p. 29. that timothy was a diocesan bishop , and ephesus a diocesan church ; it seems you dare ●ot say so . episc. div . right 2 part . p. 113. episc. div . right part . 2. p. 110 , 111. pag. 39. pag. 39. pag. 40. pag. 41. pag. 42. pag. 45. catolog . test. verit . tom. 2. tantum duos ordines ministrerum esse debere judicavit , viz. presbyteros & diaconos . wals. hist. aug. rich. 2. p. 205. fox martyre● . catal. test. t. 2. silvest . gi●ald . in specim . eccles. li. 3. c. 1. & 14. balcent . 3. c. 61. math. paris . l. 4. anno 960. quod in novo testamento nulla mentio facta est ullorum graduū , aut dist●ncti onum in ordinibus , sed tantum diaconorum vel ministrorum & presbyterorū sive episcoporū . pag. 46. pag. 128. pag. 125. the author of episc. by divine right , affirmes the same part 2. pag. 49. pag. 47. pag 47. 48. pag. 48. pag. 48. pag. 49. irenaeus lib 4. cap. 44. pag. 49. ep. 19. ep. 16. answ. p 38. bibl. pat. t●m . 15● . 170 de gcrae●o 〈◊〉 rat●r liturgica . pag. 49. pag. 49. so said s●●via of hierom before . pag. 24. fran. sancta clara. apol. epis. pag. 67. 68. whit. contr. a● quaest. 5. 2 iohn 10. 11. pag. 50. pag. 51. pag. 51. pag. 53. this text is brought by a late writer for episcopacy , to prove that as yet there were no bishops over presbyters in the church of the apostles , and for this purpose he brings hirome upon the same text , affirming the same thing . page 55. page 55. def. p. 56. episcop . by divine right , part 2. p. 91. can. sardic . can . 6. page 56. beliar. de script . eccles. page 57. def. 58. ierom de scriptoribus eccles. page 59. in his defence , p. 125. page 59. iob 33. 23. page 60. def. p. 61. down . def . 3. lib. cap. 4. pa. 80. page 62. page 62. page 63. * page 77. page 64. page 64. epist. 11. 13. rom. 11. 13. august . contra maxim. arian . episc. lib. 3. august . de verbo ap. sec. 29. page 65. suidas tels us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a principall place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aliis studio est princeps locus , & he cals him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui primam tenet sedemet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est sedibus primis vel honoribus primis dignari . balsam . in can. 89. conc. carthagin : page 66. page 68. page 69. * and yet the wise writer of this defence did not contradistinguish them in his defence , p. 78. where he expresses ordination under spirituall jurisdiction . page 70. page 70. page 71. page 71. page 72. in arnob. li. 3. episc. di. right , part . 2. p. 91. quaest. de utroque mixtim . 101. page 72. de clericis , l. 1. c. 17. perpet●gon . c. 14. lib. 2. c. ● . 52 , 53. page 73. episc. di. right , part . 2. p. 10. page 74. in our former booke sententia was by a mistake printed for presentia , the whole canon not being quoted ▪ page 74. page 75. page 75. page 76. down . defen . 1. lib. c. 8. page 76. page 77. page 77. page 78. page 78. page 79. page 79. lisest mihi de tribus capellis : tu cannas , mithridati cumque bellum , magra voce sonas iam dic posthume , de tribus capellis . mart. l. 6 page 80. balsum . in can. 78 concil . carthag . in can . 100. zonar . in can . concil . carth. 81. & can . 108. page 79. page 73. page 81. matth. 26. 63. your bishop of the church of thyatira , might have given his wife lezabel ( as you call her ) this oath . calv. ad farel . page 83. page 84. page 74. by bishop hall , in his episcopacy by divine right . * parker on the coss e , part . 2. c. 8. sect . 2. page 90 , 91. def. p. 94. page 100. page 97. vide lud. capell . hist. eccles. p. 66. 74. page 60. estius in arg. in secundam ep ad tim. so bilson . vide episc. by di. right , p. 2. prolegum . in chron. euseb. euseb. lib. 3. c. 4. ephes. 4. 11. page 92. page 93. part 2. p. 2. an evangelist in the naturall sence of the words is he that preacheth the glad tidings of the gospell . page 94. page 95. you cannot shake it out so easily . page 96. page 97 , 98. epist. 2. part . p. 39. page 98. page 99. chrys. in tit. c. 1. hom. 2. page 100. ans. p. 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epis. div. rig. part 2. centur. 1. lib. 2. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 page 102. page 103. episc. by di. right , 1 pt . 35. for the further high commendation of clement and this his peece , see epil . by div . right part ●●●ct . 10. p. 59 , 60. whom yet he hath wronged in his quotations . whitak . de pontif . qu. 2. cap 15. page 104. page 104. page 105. page 106. the memorable copy of tecla●s may be translated , thy woman iezeb●l , or that woman of thine iezebel . we see no shadow of reason why the remonstrant should translate it , thy wise iezebel . in the arabick it is , quod sivisti muli●rem ●ocatam iezebel , according to our ordinary greeke copies . page 106. page 106. page 107. page 107. page 108. censura lib. apooryph . prael . 64. page 109. page 109. page 110. page 111. page 111 , 112. page 112. page 113 page 114. page 114. page 116. page 117. page 117. page 118. page 118. page 121. page 119. page 122. page 123. page 124. aquin. aureol . capreol . &c. page 124. page 125. page 127. page 128. remonst . p. 26. pag. 129. pag. 130. pag. 130. pag. 132. pag. 133. pag. 134. episc. div . right part . 2. p. 91. pag. 135. pag. 136. pag. 137. and even in these churches of germany , the superintendents are nothing like our bishops . they are of the same degree with other ministers , they are onely presidents while the synod lasteth ; when it is dissolved , their prerogative ceaseth : they have no prerogative over their fellow ministers , they are subject to their presbyteries . the synod ended , they returne to the care of their particular churches , zepper . lib. 2. cap. 10. ezek. 34. 16 , 17 , 18 pag. 140. pag. 140. pag. 141. pag. 141. pag. 142. 143. austin . serm. 14 de verb. apost . pag. 142. 143. pag. 142. pag 143. pag 144. pag. 145 pag. 146. gest purgationis 〈◊〉 & faelicis . to answer your margine in a margine : why may not presbyteri be as truly translated elders as seniors ? pag. 147. pag. 147. pag. 148. pag. 149. pag. 149. pag 149. in the late canons the bishops consistory is called the church . no●e the sixteenth of the new canons . pag. 150. pag. 151. pag. 152. pag. 153. pag. 153. page 155. ● montague . page 156. quaere 2. ambr. page 157. def. p. 47. page 158. page 160.