the schoole of vertue, the second part: or, the young schollers paradice contayning verie good precepts, wholesom[e] instructions, the high-way to good manners, dieting of children, and brideling their appetites. godly graces, and prayers. verse fit for all children to learne, and the elder sort to obserue. schoole of vertue, the second part. west, richard, fl. 1606-1619. 1619 approx. 38 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14957 stc 25265 estc s102137 99837937 99837937 2284 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14957) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2284) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1046:11) the schoole of vertue, the second part: or, the young schollers paradice contayning verie good precepts, wholesom[e] instructions, the high-way to good manners, dieting of children, and brideling their appetites. godly graces, and prayers. verse fit for all children to learne, and the elder sort to obserue. schoole of vertue, the second part. west, richard, fl. 1606-1619. west, richard, fl. 1606-1619. schoole of vertue. [20] leaves printed by edw: griffin for nathaniel butter, and are to be sold at his shop being the signe of the bull, neare s. austins-gate by pauls-churchyard, london : anno dom. 1619. by richard west. signatures: a-b c⁴. west's name is an acrostic on verso of title page. printer's device (mckerrow 272) on title page. a1 and c4 blank, excepting woodcut illustration on verso of former and on recto of latter. in verse. a continuation of stc 22135, another edition of the schoole of vertue, published in 1557. print faded and show-through; some pages stained. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the 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each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng table etiquette -early works to 1800. etiquette for children and teenagers -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 marika ismail sampled and proofread 2003-08 marika ismail text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the schoole of vertve , the second part : or , the young schollers paradice . contayning verie good precepts , wholesom instructions , the high-way to good manners , dieting of children , and brideling their appetites . godly graces , and prayers . verie fit for all children to learne , and the elder sort to obserue . london , printed by edw : griffin for nathaniel butter , and are to be sold at his shop being the signe of the bull , neare s. austins-gate by pauls-churchyard . anno dom. 1619. to the reader . ●ightly conceiue me , and obserue me well , doe what héere is done for childrens good . christ in his gospell ( as s. ma●ke doth tell ) hath not forbidden children , nor withstood any that should but aske the ready way , regarding children , not to say them nay . directing all that came , how faith should be , what they should craue of gods high maiestie , euen saluation , through their faithfull prayer , sending their contemplations into the ayre , to his high throne , whose loue so guide vs all , euen to the end we neuer cease to call . eternall father patron of true pietie , blesse vs o god we pray , euen by thy deitie . a table of the poynts principall contained in this booke . 1 a digression for children how they ought to be instructed . 2 how they ought to prepare themselues in the morning when they rise . 3 their morning prayer in méeter . 4 the charge of children in their carriage and behauiour . 5 their charge in going and comming from schoole . 6 laying the cloth , and making ready the table . 7 godly graces before and after meat in méeter . 8 their manner of demeanor in seruing at the table , and dinner being ended , and the allowance and disallowance of certaine misdemeanors in companie or presence of their betters : as in silence at the boord seruing or filling drinke going on errands going to schoole againe . keeping close the lips yawning laughing biting the lips & tongue . using the browes the eyes , the forehead the countenance the nose , the breath . spitting hammering in speaking belching uomiting . snuffling in the nose , néesing , colour of the chéekes naturall kéeping close the mouth . kéeping cleane teeth , and kembing the head hanging downe the head cariage of the body . hanging the head aside priuie members urine , or wind sitting , courtesie . gate in going apparrell , &c. 9 behauiour at the church . 10 forbidding walking or talke in the church . 11 rules for children in guiding them for apparrel . 12 ordering children in their dyet and drinking . 13 moderating childrens appetites from sawcines . 14 thankesgiuing with godly graces and prayers for children . the schoole of vertue . a digression for children how they ought to bee instructed . children ( draw neare ) attend what i say obserue well these precepts , and marke them i pray , though many rules formerly haue beene set out , to quicken the spirits of children in doubt , yet youth is so fickle , and loath to be taught , that being obserued , t is vnseemely and naught : for childrens instructions in vertue and good , foure things must be noted , and many withstood . the first to be marked , is so that the mind be seasoned with vertue , and godlie enclind . the second to ayme at the liberall arts , to practise and exercise schollerlike parts . the third , to be taught as times doe require , all moderate actions this age doth desire . the fourth that comming to more yeares & strength ▪ that all to ciuility he bend at the length , obserue well the rules which now shall ensue , and find them right wholesome , delightfull , and true . how thou oughtest to prepare thy selfe , when thou risest in the morning . when moderate sléep thy head hath possest , and giuen thy body his naturall rest , shake sluggishnesse off , bethinke thée of things , that for thy soules health swéet melody brings . seuen houres for a childe is temperate and good , if more , it offendeth and hurteth the blood . with heart then vnfained , to god first of all frame well thy petition , and thus to him call . morning prayer . thou father of mercy and maiesty great , that sittest aboue in superiour seat , cast downe on me ( god ) thy pittifull eyes , and order my doings when i shall arise . o father omnipotent , doe not permit . my thoughts to be wauering , bad or vnfit : but that my heart may goe with my tongue in prayer deuout ; and though i be young , assist me ( o god ) with wisdome and wit , that in this day following , whether i goe , or sit , or stand , or what euer my thoughts shall conceiue , it all may be done with thy fauour and leaue . so guide me with vertue and loue of thy will , that no wicked temptings my purpose may spill ; blesse me and my doings with fauour and grace , o lord let not sathan thy gospell deface : nor lead me to wickednesse by night or day , all this of thy grace i doe heartily pray , that when it shall please thée héereafter to call me , no subtill deuices of sathan enthrall me : lord guid me with godlinesse , then shall i sing praise onely to god our heauenly king. amen . the charge of children in their carriage . thy prayer so commended to god : haue a care to wash hands & face , and to kembing thy haire , and then for the schoole bethinke thou to goe , the secrets of god the better to know . in entring to schoole , let eyes be vpcast , to god for his blessings formerly past , to endue thée with godlinesse , vertue and piety , sent thée from heauen from god in his deity . for without his help can nothing be done , nothing be finished , nothing begunne . then marke thou with diligence being so prouided , what shall at schoole be sayd or decided . let not thy thoughts goe wandring about , and not minding thy practice , abroad for to scout : and answer with shamefastnesse what is required , for modesty in youth is chiefly desired . deserue not correction , as néere as thou mayst , nor to thy schoole-master giue any distaste , nor yet thy companions , or schoole-fellowes kinde : obserue what i speake , and beare it in minde . be ready to teach , and not to confute thy schoole-fellowes arguments , when you dispute . let christ haue his library plac't in thine heart , and euer of scriptures be reading a part . let all be well measured what thou shalt read , not posting away with 't , or making much spéed : for haste ouerthroweth the minde and the wit , eschew and abandon then things so vnfit . if all at an instant thou not comprehend , to morrow séeke further , thy fault to amend . desire of authors to read of the choyce , of such , as for eloquence carry the voyce ; as cicero , salust , gellius , and terence , quintilian and others , great authors of reuerence . obserue all with care and diligent eare , thy learning the greater shall grow and appeare . the charge of children in going from schoole and comming . in going from schoole , obserue it full well , in streets stand not staring , nor tales sée thou tell , what hath béene at schoole , sayd , spoken , or done among thy companions : but home get thée gone , and vnto thy parents fee duty thou doe , with reuerent carriage and modesty too , not bold or vnmannerly , gentle and milde , and shew them the office of a dutifull childe . if that thou haue time , ere dinner begin , rehearse to thy selfe the lesson or thing thou heardst at the schoole , let time be well noted , the déeper with wisdome thy braines will be quoted . laying the cloth , and making ready the table . be sure to be ready , the bord to prepare at times : as accustom'd with diligent care : the table-cloth first sée fairely be spread , faire trenchers , cleane napkins , the salt & the bread , let glasses be scowred , in countrey guise , with salt and faire water , and euer deuise the place most conuenient , where they may stand , the safest from breaking and néerest at hand . grace before dinner . blessed is god in all his gifts , and holy in all his deeds , our help is in the name of the lord , from whence all good procéeds , who giues repast to hungry hearts , and comforts rich and poore , his name be euer sanctified , from henceforth euermore , blesse vs ( o lord ) and this our meat , by thy grace to vs sent , god grant we vse it moderately , our bodies to content . amen . another . the lord , who sends to all mens vse , in all their time of need , prouiding all and euery thing , his children for to féed , blesse vs ( o god ) and these thy gifts , of thy great mercy sent , lord giue vs grace to vse them well , and grace for to repent , and eke amend our wickednesse , in time while we haue space , so shall our soules for euermore , in heauen with thée haue place . amen . grace after meat . glory and euerlasting praise be giuen to the most high and mighty god , the most holy and blessed god , and the great king of heauen , who hath fed our hungry bodies in such abundance , and giuen vs this so pleasant and comfortable refection . fill vs ( o lord ) with grace and gladnes in thy holy spirit , that we may also be found worthy to taste of thy spirituall and heauenly food : and be for euermore dwelling in thy presence . and that we neuer be ashamed or confused , when thou shalt bee pleased to call vs to account , euery one according to his déeds , through our lord and sauiour iesus christ. amen . another . we giue thée thankes most gracious god , which by thy power and might , hast all prouided graciously , and sent all things aright , who giuest strength to christians all , to magnifie thy name , grant that for these thy benefits , we all may doe the same , and in thy lasting kingdome ( lord ) uouchsafe that we may taste the food of immortality , and heauenly swéet repast . amen . dinner ended . thinke and haue a carefull minde , to help the poore , the lame and blinde , remember god , who sent thy store , whose name be prais'd for euermore . blessed is hee that considereth the poore and néedy , the lord shall deliuer him in the time of trouble . he that taketh pity vpon the poore , lendeth vnto the lord , and looke what he layeth out , the lord will repay in his kingdome . demeanour in seruing at the table . stand straight vpright , & both thy féet , together closely standing , be sure on 't , euer let thine eye be still at thy commmanding . obserue that nothing wanting be , which should be on the bord . unlesse a question moued be , be carefull : not a word . if thou doe giue or fill the drinke , with duty set it downe , and take it backe with manlike chéere , not like a rusticke lowne . if on an errand thou be sent , make haste and doe not stay , when all haue done , obserue the time , serue god and take away . when thou hast done and dined well , remember thou repaire to schoole againe with carefulnesse , be that thy chéefest care . and marke what shall be read to thée , or giuen thée to learne , that apprehend as néere as may be , wisdome so doth warne . with stedfast eye and carefull eare , remember euery word thy schoole master shall speake to thée , as memory shall afford . let not thy browes be backward drawn , it is a signe of pride , exalt them not , it shewes a hart most arrogant beside . nor let thine eyes be gloting downe , cast with a hanging looke : for that to dreamers doth belong , that goodnesse cannot brooke . let forehead ioyfull be and full , it shewes a merry part , and chéerefulnesse in countenance , and pleasantnesse of heart . nor wrinckled let thy countenance be , still going to and fro : for that belongs to hedge-hogs right , they wallow euen so . nor imitate with socrates , to wipe thy sniuelled nose upon thy cap , as he would doe , nor yet vpon thy clothes . but kéepe it cleane with handkerchiffe , prouided for the same , not with thy fingers or thy sléeue , therein thou art too blame . blow not alowd as thou shalt stand , for that is most absurd , iust like a broken winded horse , it is to be abhord . nor practize snufflingly to speake , for that doth imitate the brutish storke and elephant , yea and the wralling cat . if thou of force doe chance to neeze , then backewards turne away from presence of the company , wherein thou art to stay . thy cheekes with shame fac't modesty ▪ dipt in dame natures die , not counterfet , nor puffed out , obserue it carefully . keepe close thy mouth , for why , thy breath may hap to giue offence , and other worse may be repayd for further recompence . nor put thy lips out like a foole as thou wouldst kisse a horse , when thou before thy betters art , and what is ten times worse . to gape in such vnseemely sort , with vgly gaping mouth , is like an image pictured , a blowing from the south . which to auoyd , then turne about , and with a napkin hide that gaping foule deformity , when thou art so aside . to laugh at all things thou shalt heare , is neither good nor fit , it shewes the property and forme of one with little wit. to bite the lip it séemeth base , for why , to lay it open , most base dissembling doggednesse , most sure it doth betoken . and so to bite the vpper lip , doth most vncomely shew , the lips set close ( as like to kisse ) in manner séeme not so . to put the tongue out wantonly , and draw it in agen , betokens mocking of thy selfe , in all the eyes of men . if spitting chance to moue the so thou canst it not forbeare , remember doe it modestly , consider who is there . if filthinesse , or ordure thou vpon the floore doe cast , tread out , and cleanse it with thy foot , let that be done with haste . if in thy tale thou hammering stand , or coughing twixt thy words , it doth betoken a liers smell , that 's all that it affords . to belch or bulch like clitipho , whom terence setteth forth , commendeth manners to be base , most foule and nothing worth . if thou to vomit be constrain'd , auoyd from company : so shall it better be excus'd , if not through gluttony , kéep white thy téeth , & wash thy 〈◊〉 , with water pure and cleane , and in that washing , mannerly obserue and kéep a meane . thy head let that be kembd and trimd , let not thy haire be long , it is vnseemely to the eye , rebuked by the tongue . and be not like a slothfull wight , delighted to hang downe the head , and lift the shoulders vp , nor with thy browes to frowne . to carry vp the body faire , is decent , and doth shew a comely grace in any one , where euer he doth goe . to hang the head on any side , doth shew hypocrisie : and who shall vse it trust him not , he deales with policie . let not thy priuy members be layd open to be view'd , it is most shamefull and abhord , detestable and rude . retaine not vrine nor the winde , which doth thy body vex , so it be done with secresie , let that not thee perplex . and in thy sitting vse a meane , as may become thee well , not straddling , no nor tottering , and dangling like a bell . obserue in curtesie to take a rule of decent kinde , bend not thy body too far foorth , nor backe thy leg behind . in going kéep a decent gate , not faining lame or broken , for that doth seeme but wantonnesse and foolishnesse betoken . let thy apparrell not excéede , to passe for sumptuous cost , nor altogether be too base , for so thy credit 's lost . be modest in thy wearing it , and kéep it neat and cleane , for spotted , dirty , or the like , is lothsome to be séene . this for thy body may suffice , how that must ordred be : now at the church thou shalt obserue to god how all must be . how to behaue thy selfe at the church . at all times , as oft as to church thou doest goe , remember what duty to god thou doest owe , discouer thy head , and humbly bow to god , for his mercy to send it thée now : thus humbly , thou being on bended knées , art bound to pronounce such words out as these : o father of mercy and god of all good , which hast sent thy son to shed his déere blood for my redemption and safety from hell , where my mortall enemy the diuell doth dwell , great god ( of thy mercy ) so guide thou my heart , that hell nor his fury in me haue no part , me thinkes that with millions of angels so bright , my heart so enriched by thy heauenly light , thy gospell assuring thy wonderfull powers , and féeding my heart so with spirituall flowers and manna from heauen , assureth saluation to such as repent and make contemplation . good lord ( of thy mercy ) my gracious maker , of all thy good gifts let me be partaker , enrich me with wisdome , and guide me with grace , and with thée in the heauens assure me a place , lord prosper my doings in worldly affaires , protect me from tedious and troublesome cares : from hands of my foes ( good lord ) set me frée , that enemies none may haue power of mée . amend thou mine enemies , and giue them a space , and hearty repentance to call for thy grace , forgiue their faults , lord , thou their hearts turne , to waile their offences , and earnestly mourne . this prayer and others , when as thou hast said , rise vp with deuotion , and be not afrayd . obserue to demean thée , so reuerent in place , that god may adorne thée with mercy & grace . not to walke in the church . in seat sit thou quiet , and walke not about , for t is most vnséemely , without any doubt , t is fit in a faire , or in some market towne , and not in gods house for to walke vp and downe . the church is ordained for sermons , orations , and prayers diuine for the soules recreations . and not like a play house , vnhallowed to be , despising the reuerence to gods maiestie . giue eare most attentiue to what thou shalt finde , for gods word is light to the godly in minde , great ease commeth ( out of the reuerent text ) for troubled in heart and in conscience perplext . doe all this with duty and reuerend heart , and god will reward thée full well for thy part , obserue well the times , for to stand or to knéele the more inward ease of thy heart shalt thou féele , to knéele on the ground with one knée alone , is euen as comely as though it were none , how can thy deuotion be hearty and sound , if thou doe refuse to lay knées to the ground ? t is like to the souldier , who mockingly came , saluting our sauiour , and gaue him the name ( haile king of the iewes ) his knee was so bent , not with any duty , nor godly intent . if thou in the church alone chance to bee , still let heart and thy tongue be so free , as neuer to cease : but with due veneration , to call to the lord with vnfained contemplation . let neither thy tongue be talking nor tattling , nor settle of any thing to be a prattling , nor let thine eyes walke , nor cast them about , for of that deuotion there is a great doubt . necessary rules to be obserued for the guiding of children in their apparrell and otherwise . let not children haue their pleasures in the ordring of their garments , some delight to haue them iagged and cut : but such fantasticknesse ought to be reformed by wiser and elder , considering their foolishnesse is beyond measure , if all may bee done at their pleasure : and ancient writers repute them out of their wits and mad men that fauour it . againe , painted and gawdy apparrell is not so fantasticke in childrens eyes ; but as costly to the parents purses , whereby ancient writers proclaime such parents fellow-fooles with their children . the modesty and decency of the vestments of children are strong and good , not curious to the eye alone : and such as are cleane and without fowlnesse or filthinesse : which after the estate and meanes of the parents ought to bee principall , so long as by the crafts man it be made with reasonable , and good form and fashion . how to order a childe in his diet for drinke . for a childe to make the beginning of his dinner drinke , is a good way to bréed him vp to drunkennesse . especially , if he take it for wanton custome , and not for necessity of thirst . it is dishonest to bee suffered , and anoysome to the health of the body of a childe . let not a childe drinke after he hath supt hot broth , immediately vpon it ; much lesse if he haue béene fed with milke . let not a childe drinke aboue twice or thrice at the most at one meale , and that gently , and not without reason : who bestoweth wine and beere on his childe beyond reason , defameth and abuseth him more by dishonouring his reason , and prouoking him to an vnreasonable diet . to moderate the appetite of a childe from sawcinesse and being liquorish . socrates being olde , would not drinke of the first cup : for why ? his braine was light , and the first drinke is euer the most fuming and ouercomming . if thy childe be set with his betters , let his hand be last in the dish . and that hee doe it not at all , vnlesse he bee first bidden . neither suffer your children to put their hands or fingers into brothes , sawces caudles , or such like , at the table especially . other wise let correction bridle their wantonnesse . if he be of sensible yéeres , let him forbeare his fingers in a dish , and vse a knife without chusing at his pleasure : for it is vnséemely . homer often reprehendeth sawcinesse in these 〈◊〉 such like words , they boldly put their hands into the meat that is set before them . and as it is vnséemely to a liquorish person to traine his hands to euery side of the dish , so is it more vile to turne the best morsels in a dish towards thy selfe . to gnaw bones belongeth chéefly to doggs , but is is a ciuill thing to picke them cleane with a knife . the licking of a dish belongeth to cats and dogs and not to children nor men , be the reliques neuer so swéet , and betokeneth liquorishnesse , not manners . to drinke or speake with meat in the mouth , is most vnciuill and dangerous withall . let the children rise from the boord when nature is sufficed , either by asking leaue , or withdrawing themselues . let children beare away with them their trenchers , saluting their parents , and first the chéefe in the company , then the rest . when the dinner is ended , let children euer bee ready to giue god thankes : euery man holding their peace , let the children turne their faces reuerently to him that sitteth vppermost at the boord , saying : grace after meat . o reuerend , most holy , and immortall father of heauen , powre downe thine inestimable blessings vpon these thy creatures , which thou hast giuen vs moderately to féed vpon , for the sufficing of our hungry bodies : giue vs grace , to call vpon thee euerlastingly , and grant vs , we humbly beséech thee , for euer to obtaine thy continuall fauour and comfort , for our needfull sustenance , soberly to vse thy louing gifts , and willingly to adore thy holy name , through our onely lord and sauiour iesus christ. amen . god preserue thy vniuersall church , the king and queenes most excellent maiesties , the prince and nobility . god send vs peace and truth in iesus christ. amen . grace before meat . blesse vs ( o lord ) we beseech thee with thy celestiall fauour , and sanctifie these thy creatures , which ( of thy louing mercy ) thou hast bestowed vpon vs : adorne them with thy fauour , enrich vs with thy continuall grace , and so possesse vs with reuerence to thy most blessed maiesty , that what wee receiue may be thankefully taken , thy holy name for euer blessed and worshipped , and our hungry bodies sufficiently recreated through the same , through iesus christ our lord. amen . god preserue , &c. grace after meat . glory and honour be to thee ( o god ) which hast fed vs since our creation and tender yeeres : now ( blessed lord ) enrich vs so with gladnesse and ioy , that our hearts may reioyce to consider of thy tender care euer had ouer vs , and continuing still thy former fauours : o lord encrease our faith , and grant vs thy euerlasting peace . amen . grace before supper . as day doth passe , so night doth come , and man still waxeth old , which warneth vs our liues to mend , in sinne not to be bold . for suddenly the lord will come , his trump will vs awake , and then from world & worldly things , our farewell we must take . lord grant vs that we may in time , so farre embrace thy loue , that euermore we may receiue it of thée from aboue , blesse vs ( o lord ) and this our meat , our king and queene defend , and grant thy people may enioy thy peace vnto the end . amen . grace after supper . as we haue felt thy grace ( o lord ) abounding in the gift we haue receiued from thy hands , so we our hearts doe lift , proclaiming honour to thy name with reuerent heart and hand , desiring thee to blesse and keepe vs with thy holy hand . that when we haue refresht our selues with sleep and quiet rest , we may extoll with reuerence thy name so holy blest . preserue , o lord , thy faithfull church , &c. grace before meat . of diues and of lazarus the scripture telleth plaine , how diues liu'd in wealth and ease , and lazarus in great paine , the rich man he was clothed well , and fared of the best , but lazarus for hunger great , could take but little rest : but crying aad lamenting still , for some man to releeue him , with crums that fell from diues boord , whereof no man did giue him . thus perished poore lazarus , and that by want of food , and also the rich glutton died , for all his worldly good : where he in torments punished with euerlasting fire , may mooue our hearts to charity , and prayer with full desire , that god he may inspire our hearts to loue and help the poore , whereby we may most sure in heauen , be blest for euermore , where we may raigne with lazarus , with ioyes that be incomparable , euen by the loue of iesus christ , vnto our soules most profitable . amen . grace after meat . now we ( o lord ) haue had repast , and eke our bodies fed , o lord preserue vs with thy grace at boord and eke at bed : o lord behold the comfortlesse , and send vs grace , that wee may help the poore , according as our states and wealth may bee . amen . god saue , &c. a prayer to bee sayd in the morning . o most gracious god , in the name of thee , and thy sonne , and the holy ghost . amen . o lord god blesse , preserue and kéepe vs , and haue mercy and compassion on vs this day following , and for euermore . amen . our father which art in heauen , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdome come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heauen , giue vs this day our daily bread , & forgiue vs our trespasses , as we forgiue them that trespasse against vs , and lead vs not into temptation , but deliuer vs from euill , for thine is the kingdome , the power and the glory , for euer and euer . amen . o most gracious and euerliuing god , creatour and maker of all the world , by whose power we haue receiued comfortable ease and rest , without interruption of any meane or inferiour power , and hast permitted vs quietly to come to the beginning of this day : protect vs and kéepe vs ( o lord ) within the same by thy might and maiesty , and through thine eternall power . and kéep vs ( lord ) that we may bee possessed with no sinnefull thought , nor incurre any manner of wrong , nor rush into any kinde of danger , either of the soule or body : but whatsoeuer wee doe ( o lord ) that it may wholly redound to thy honour and glory , and to the aduancement of thy euerlasting name , and that by thy gouernment we may be ordred to doe all in equity and righteousnesse , according to thy holy will and pleasure : to thy honor and glory , & to thy euerlasting praise , from this time forth for euermore , world without end . amen . a prayer for children ere they goe to schoole ( to be sayd . ) euerlasting god , which of thy free abundance hast bestowed vpon all mankinde all things needfull , and hast prouided for all men , such sundry graces , as in thy fatherly wisdome are meetest : powre vpon me ( thy most vnworthy seruant ) the spirit of vnderstanding , knowledge , and vtterance , and reueale vnto me ( o lord god ) the hidden secrets of thy glorious gospell , that whatsoeuer i shall study , read , thinke , say , or doe , it may redound to thy honour and praise : o lord guide my heart & tongue aright , that i may ( with sence and reason ) comprehend what i shall read , or what i shall bee taught : to the end , that vnderstanding the right , i may not any way erre : but with purenesse and sanctitie of heart i may euer praise thy most magnificent and euerlasting name , through iesus christ our lord. amen . a prayer to be sayd by children after they haue studied , at their going to bed . i giue thee most humble and hearty thanks , o most gracious & blessed father of heauen , in that it hath pleased thee , of thy most gracious goodnesse , to heare my request . o lord still giue me grace to go onward in vnderstanding and knowledge , that i may euermore praise thy holy name , and grant me thy grace to amend my life , and to returne vnfainedly vnto thy seruice . and for as much as no creature can breath without thy protection and fauour , vouchsafe to extend thy mercies vnto mee this night , that i may peaceably and quietly take that rest , which thou hast appointed for the refreshment of my body and minde , the night and darknesse being by thy goodnesse ordained , as a time conuenient to take the same in , and to cease from our bodily labours . and grant vnto me ( o lord my god ) who of my selfe am neither able to lie downe , nor being laid able to rise vp , thy especiall assistance & help , that i may repose my selfe , and receiue ( at thy mercifull hands ) swéet and comfortable rest , not according to the gréedinesse of corrupt nature , but as shall bee most expedient for the comfort and refreshing of my wearied body and mind , that both may be strengthened and enabled to goe forward with that study and exercise , which thou hast ordained and appointed for me . lastly , grant me true repentance for my sinnes , blesse and defend my parents , brethren , sisters , kinsfolke , neighbours , and others , whom thou wouldst i should commend to thy fatherly protection , wheresoeuer they remaine , and for the more true and zealous calling vnto thée for these things , giue me grace in faith , to say that prayer which thy sonne iesus christ hath taught mee saying , o our father which art in heauen , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14957-e810 silence . seruing or filling drinke . if on an errand . to schoole againe . to vse the browes . the eyes . the fore-head . countenance . the nose . blowing or breathing . snuffling in the nose when you speake . neezing . the cheekes . breathing . lips. yawning . laughing . biting the lip . biting the vpper lip . the tongue . spitting . hammering in speech . belching . vomiting . keeping the teeth cleane . kembing the head . hanging down the head . carriage of the body . hanging the head aside . priuy members . vrine or winde . sitting . curtesie . the gate in going . apparrell . the arts of grandeur and submission, or, a discourse concerning the behaviour of great men towards their inferiours, and of inferiour personages towards men of greater quality written in latin by joannes casa ... ; and rendered into english by henry stubbe ... de officiis inter potentiores et tenuiores amicos. english della casa, giovanni, 1503-1556. 1665 approx. 123 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35546 wing c791 estc r8881 13108488 ocm 13108488 97576 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35546) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97576) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 410:11) the arts of grandeur and submission, or, a discourse concerning the behaviour of great men towards their inferiours, and of inferiour personages towards men of greater quality written in latin by joannes casa ... ; and rendered into english by henry stubbe ... de officiis inter potentiores et tenuiores amicos. english della casa, giovanni, 1503-1556. stubbe, henry, 1632-1676. [9], 69, [3] p. printed by a.m. for william lee ..., london : first printed in english, may day, 1665. translation of: de officiis inter potentiores et tenuiores amicos. errata: p. [1] at end. advertisement: p. [2-3] at end. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng etiquette -early works to 1800. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-07 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the arts of grandeur and submission . or a discourse concerning the behaviour of great men towards their inferiours : and of inferiour personages towards men of greater quality . written in latin by joannes casa arch-bishop of benevento , authour of the famed galateus concerning manners : and rendered into english by henry stubbe oxon. quintilian . instit. orat. l. 1. c. 1. operum fastigia spectantur , latent fundamenta . london printed by a.m. for william lee , and are to be sold at the sign of the turks-head in fleet-street over against fetter-lane . first printed in english may day 1665. to my very worthy friend sr charles lyttelton , knight , late deputy-governour of iamaica , one of the cup-bearers to his sacred maiesty , and major in the sea-regiment to his royall highnesse . sir ; although this treatise may seem impertinent to a personage of your endowments and worth ; yet i could not but dedicate to the preserver of my life the first essay of my recovery ; and let you see that however i may be unfortunate , necessitous , or weak , yet i cannot cease to be acknowledging . when i was in iamaica , i had the honour , of your favour ; and i participated together with others th● happynesse of that government , which needed not the caprichios or follyes of any insolent and unworthy successour , to endeare it to the inhabitants . when i was sick , you made me a part of your care : and when my own resolutions , added to the violence of my disease , had inclined me to dye , you commanded me to live : and that i yet retaine so much breath as to make this profession , it is out of obedience to your authority , as well as an effect of your tendernesse . but i am not onely to render you thanks for that being i derive from your goodnesse : morall philosophy teacheth me , and that more solemnly , to acknowledge the authour of my well-being : and it is with all the hast , as well as submission imaginable , that i testify my obligations to you for fixing me in the family of the right honourable the lord viscount mordant , and establishing my repose by the same loyall , noble , and generous hands , which have contributed so much to the universall tranquillity of this kingdom . i have , at length , removed all the umbrages i ever lay under : i have joyned my self to the church of england ; not only upon the account of it's being publiquely imposed , ( which in things indifferent , is no small consideration : as i learned from the scottish-transactions at perth ) but because it is the least defining , and consequently the most comprehensive , and fitting to be nationall : wherein any unprejudiced person ( not resolved to mistake particular mens actions or opinions , for church-principles and errours ) may observe all those circumstances to continue in order to the promotion of sober piety , which the angels proclaimed at the birth of the world's saviour ; viz. glory to god in the highest , peace on earth ; and good vvill tovvards men. in fine , it beares the impress of what is ancient , and apostolique , as well as true. i alwayes had a reverence for those primitive christians ; and it is with a sincerity not unbecoming them , that i thus declare my self : and i believe you will admit this deportment to be the best retribution i could make you ; since it justifies your esteem for me , and those pretensions wherewith i am perfectly sir , your most humble and your most obliged-humble servant henry stubbe . parsons-green apr. 25. 1665. an advertisement to the reader . reader , it was not with an intention to engage thy iudgement , that muretus recommended this ens●eing piece as the best for it's stile and management , that had been written since the time of cicero . our authour , joannes casa , arch-bishop of benevento , preferred this before his galateus : and having penned that in italian , he bestowed upon this treatise his more attentive thoughts , and that language wherein he surpassed bembus , sadoletus , longolius , manutius , and indeed all others but him whom he chose to imitate . he took for his example tully : and designs the worke according to his manner where he treats de officiis . i shall leave the discourse to recommend it self ; and onely informe you that i have changed the title my authour gave it into what it is , because that however the word duty may in some cases express the latine word officium , yet it is not adequate in english ; and might be scrupled at by some supercilious reader . i observed that in this treatise the documents set downe are more then once called an art and artifice ; whereupon i thought it no incongruous title , to express de officiis inter potentiores & tennuiores amicos liber , by the arts of grandeur and submission , respecting the sense of the words , and subject , rather then the genuine signification . another thing i am to take notice of , is , that i use promiscuously the words superiours , great men , and patrons , as also those of poor friends , servants , creatures , vassals and dependances . in which i have partly followed my authour , and partly amended him in the english ; which you will observe to become more proper and intelligible as i have worded it , then if i had emphatically restrained my self to his amici , tenues & potentes amici , &c. if these be no faults , i have committed none , but what i durst justify to my authour , and therefore make not a superfluous apology . farewell . the arts of grandeur and submission , or , a discourse concerning the behaviour of great men towards their inferiours : and of inferiour personages towards men of greater quality . i have alwayes thought that our ancestors were freed from many of those troubles which are to us both continuall and vexatious ; in that they did not , as it is now our practice , retain in their families , and in the number of their domestiques , any but such as were absolute slaves , to serve them in the ordering of their victuals , attending of their persons , and other private exigences . for whereas man is naturally proud , haughty , and much more quallified to command , th●n obey ; it cannot choose but be a troublesome , and odious affair to be a master over such whose courage is yet entire , and their spirits no way enfeebl●d . and therefore i believe the ancients had no difficult or unpleasant task , to command over persons that were already subdued , and tamed by captivity , exchange of fortune , and hard usage , or from their infancy inured to slavery . we have to do with men sturdy , strong , and as it were savage , whom not only nature inspires with an hatred against all subjection , but even the freedome of their condition impowers to resist their masters . they have rights to pretend to , and are capable of being injured : which occasions quarrels and contests betwixt them and their masters , and sometimes gives them the face of iustice. thus distractions multiply ; and we become perpetually embroiled . nor can it be otherwise ; since every man is a partiall judge in his own case , and puts too great a value on his own performances . thus it falls out as in auditing of accompts● they can never be ballanced duely , whilst more is set down as disbursed than hath been received . hence arise those bitter expostulations and complaints ; i have spent my selfe in your family ; i have rendred you these and these considerable services ; you are redevable to me for the atchievement and glory of such and such enterprises . and on the other side ; i have been your constant patron and friend ; you are obliged to me for your edu●ation and subsistence all this while : i have shewed you these and these particular respects , and rewarded you thus and thus . my own inclinations and common humanity made me esteem it no unworthy or unagreeable designe , to prevent , and allay these so usuall and troublesome quarrels . wherefore having oftentimes entertained my selfe with those thoughts , i at length happened to set down certain precepts , and as it were artificiall rules for the management of that mutuall relation , and entercourse which is betwixt great , and inferiour persons : which from the resemblance it hath with that of old , is called by the harsh name of service . and this i did , to the end , that if i had not failed of my intention , both the one and the other sort of men might receive such directions , as if they duly pursued , they might reap all the advantages aimed at in those mutuall relations , and avoid the inconveniences which generally befall them therein . now , seeing that it is our businesse to deliver certain directions for our conduct in a particular way of combining , and associating of men together : and seeing there are severall sorts of communities , and associations of men , contracted upon sundry , and different grounds : it is necessary that first of all we distinguish and separate from all others that kind of society whereof we intend to treat ; to the end , that although there be some universall precepts which equally concerne all , and the explication whereof is too large a theame to be handled at present , yet such rules as especially appertain to this subject , and mainly conduce to those aimes we now propose to our selves , may be distinctly and plainly set down . there is no action of man which is without designe ; and it is in vain to imagine there is any so good natured , as that their visits and friendships are without particular ends , which though they are not alwayes in our thoughts , yet doe they neverthelesse insensibly rule us , and influence us in all our enterprises . all societies , applications , and addresses are made either with an intention to delight us , or advantage our selves in the acquiring of things necessary , or of power , or of riches , and such like ; or the improving our present acquests , or else securing them unto us : or else wee propose unto our selves the considerations of vertue , iustice , and gallantry , and accordingly frame our comportment . under the first sort ( that i may illustrate it by examples ) all lascivious actions , and amours , and such as are transcendently called pleasures , are comprised . the sense of common vtility and profit is very comprehensive , and includes all the motives wherupon all estates , and republiques , all corporations , and companyes are erected . for men embodie together in commonweales , cities and corporations , to the end that being thus united they may live safe , and protected from forraigne dangers , and domestick inconveniences : those other fraternities , and societies of an inferiour rank to these , are instituted upon hopes of extraordinary advantage , and gaines . under the third sort is contained that friendship and amity which is managed by vertuous persons , not established upon particular advantages , but resentments of integrity , praise and decency . inferiour and ordinary persons when they apply themselves to the friendship of princes , and great men , and also great personages , and such as are eminent for power , or wealth , when they caresse or admit into their cabnets and familiarity such as are obscure , inconsiderable , and of little interest : neither the one or other intend by those applications honesty or a good mine : no , they scarce so much as make that any part of their regards : but they principally , or only pursue therein either profit , or pleasure . all which is evident , in that meane persons propose not to themselves the service of the iust , the good , the valiant , or best temper●d men , but ( if they have opportunity to contrive and choose their relations ) they joyne themselves to the rich , to the powerfull , and such as are favourite● of the court , and populace : and having made their own fortunes , as if they had never entertained further thoughts , they retire , or at least covet to disengage themselves . neither doe the great , rich , or ambitious potentates , employ , or oblige such as are of a severe and inflexible vertue , but such as are diligent , industrious , subtile , of a popular not rigid honesty . a morose integrity with them is as odious , as bigottery in religion : it may make the practisers of it admired at best , rather than employed , or confided in . wherefore i shall omit all those harangues which relate to true and ideated friendship , when agreeablenesse of manners and conversations doth unite vertuou● persons together in a firme love , and friendship . these are as remote from our purpose , as are the ends thereof from those pursued in that friendship which we now treat of . things of so different natures are not regulated by the same precepts : nor can they be reduced under one head , which are so disjoyned in their designes , and management . there is a further subdivision of humane societies : for they are contracted either betwixt equals , as betwxt brother and brother ; or betwixt persons of a disproportioned rank and esteeme , as betwixt parents and children . it is of great importance in the conduct of our affairs , to understand the nature of that society and friendship wee are engaged in : for howsoever the world may give to all one common name , yet are the motives which establish them , and the obligations to prosecute and continue them , very different : and in the engaging therein , and interruption thereof , there is oftentimes neither that ●eak●ess● of judgement , nor inconstancy , nor ingratitude , that men of small discretion , and insight into things , doe imagine . it is not to be questioned under which branch of the last subdivision the friendship we treat on , is comprised . every one sees that it relates unto the latter sort . but as evident as it is , that it intervenes only betwixt persons of a different ranke , yet do most men either not regard that consideration , or not remember it throughout the course of their life . it behoves us therefore to fixe and determine what that generall aime and scope is , which wee propose to our selves in this society and confederacy , and according to which we ought to forme and conduct our actings : lest by mistakes and misapplications we faile in our projects , and wrongfully condemn others , or render our selves lyable to censure . it is not in this as in other cases , wherein learning , age , nobility , or intrinsique worth and vertue is considered : no , these are not the grand inducements unto , and pillars of this amity , but only riches , dignity , and power . and it were to be wished that all these should concur , to the end that the friendship might be the more firme , wherein those ends mankind proposeth to it's selfe in these circumstances , may be all obtained , and no pretense remain for the dissolving , and interruption thereof . but however , it behoves us to consider , upon what grounds our mutuall relation is contracted , and not only what we design , but what they may expect ; and accordingly ensure our selves : since , not according to the greatnesse of our own hopes , but the generall answering of all theirs , this sort of friendship is established , and continued . let us therefore not indulge our selves in phansies , nor attribute more to the resucries of speculative men , nor principles framed in studies & hermitages by persons unacquainted with the practice of the world ( which alone is the rule of prudent and performing men ; and which alone gives actons the repute of being honourable and dishonourable abroad ) than to the constant course of humane affaires , in which we may daily observe , that upon any great alteration of fortune , the whole nature and condition of this friendship is changed ; and it is not more true , that many are reduced to the same levell with , and even below their former equals and inferiours ; then it is , that they likewise are enforced ( notwithstanding any previous friendship of the nature afore-mentioned , and without any disparagement to such as admit of this vicissitude ) to revere , ●ourt and complement such as before were their creatures , and at their devotion . in all which accidents there is nothing strange , but the alteration of fortune ; with which such extravagances are usuall , in advanc●ing , equalling and debasing men : and they who understand themselves comply with her disports , and accordingly demeane themselves , cases altering , but not they . wherefore in all communities , and leagues of friendship , let this be a generall and infallible direction , that every person engaging therein , throughly ●xamine the designe and ends upon which he and others enter thereon ; and let him carefully inquire into his own condition and abilities , and impartially judge how much he doeth contribute to the upholding of that amity : and accordingly as he findes himself to be of importance to the other contractors , and subservient to the ends they have in ambitioning his friendship , so farre let him value himself , and expect to be valued . but it is usuall with men to cast up their reckonings otherwise , and they are thereby precipitated into great errours and absurdities . wherein i would willingly undeceive them , that they might not give themselves and others the troubles they perpetually doe . wherefore as often as they shall enter upon those debates , they ought to remember , that it is not every thing which ought to be put into the scales , but only riches and power . forasmuch as upon this account only , and none else , is the relation to rich , and powerfull men sought after , and acquired ; and we subject our selves to them in this manner , because of their riches , and power . it is but fitting therefore that such as are sensible of the calamities that attend poverty , who are weary of being miserable ; such , the meanesse of whose condition is become insupportable to them , and who cannot create themselves a better fortune without the helpes of others , and that power which another must those impertinences , and not place too great a merit in their extraordinary wit , nobility or learning , ( which yet i despise not ; and ) wherein they themselves put no great confidence , as to hope , or demand , that in regard of them , they should be equalled or preferred before those others . but perhaps they will say , we are the better men : we exceed them in point of behaviour and vertuous deportment . our families are the more ancient , and noble : in learning we surpasse them . there is but one advantage they have over us , and that they are obliged for to their fortune , not desert ; had any thing but that blind goddesse , and chance ( propitiou● to none but such as must absolutely depend thereon for their felicity ) distributed those favours , we had deprived them thereof , or at lest disputed them . it is well for them , that prosperity is not alwayes the attendant of vertue : and that there is some way to felicify those who deserve nothing , and apprehend nothing . i allow all this● nor doe i silence their objections , by telling them they are partiall to themselves ; that they ought to give others leave to judge of their good qualilites , and examine their particular defects : i grant them all they pretend to ; and being thus liberall in my concessions , i must yet tell them , that in this kind of relation and friendship , all that they insist on is frivolous , and not to the purpose . it was none of those considerations that endeared them each to the other : it was riches and power : it is from hence that those have the preheminence : and the want of them necessitates the others to submission . either these tearms ought not at first to have been accepted of , or not to be controverted afterwards . there was formerly a law amongst the aethiopians , that they should make him king amongst them , who was the tallest person . i would faine know if this law had not extended so farre as to punish any proud pe●ant , or philosopher , that should have ambitioned the crown ? yet is it true that wisdome is to be preferred before an extraordinary stature : and it imports more a nation , that their prince be endued with knowledge , than bulk of body : all this is true ; yet since the laws of the aethiopians have a particular regard to tallness of body ; the laws must take place ; and tallnesse must be perferred . so it is with us : we must acquiesce in those conditions which usage and custome hath enacted , and which we our selves ( as a part of that multitude which gives laws and customes without comptroll ) have ratifyed . for so farre ought we to be from adding ought to what hath been appointed , and from giving a value to any thing ( howbeit otherwise very considerable , ) where custome hath given it a disrepute , or contempt ; that sometimes these kind of accessionals become derogatory . this , that modesty which becomes a virgin in a cloyster , is criminall in a curtesan : for since the esteeme of a curtesan depends upon her spritely ayre , amorous gestures , aspect , discourse and dallyances : all that carryage , all those graces , addresses , mine , and language , which recommend a beautifull virgin or grave matron to our admiration , are unbeseeming in a whore : and lasciviousness , how criminall and odious soever it be elsewhere , makes up her praise and merit . upon no other ground than this , was it decreed in some commonwealths , that those citizens whose vertues were transcendent , and not of a popular alloy , should be banished , though innocent : nor was this procedure much condemned by the great philosopher aristotle ; since , in those republiques all things were managed in a regular way , and all estates and interests reduced to a temperament , it seemed just even to confine vertue it self , and limit her within a mediocrity stricter than nature ever placed her in . let us then accustome our selves to yeild that precedence and quality to riches and power , which usage authenticates : let us be so wise in these friendships , as not to place an undue value upon nobility , learning or vertue . let us at length behold all such as refuse those termes ( of which there is a great number ) as we would turbulent and unreasonable persons , who are as troublesome in their friendships , as the seditious are in states . thus it is manifest , that in these kindes of associations , such onely are comprehended as are different in power and riches : and the bonds of them are not a particular affection and love each have for others , but utility . from whence also it is concluded ( which was before asserted ) that they are much mistaken , who think that this sort of friendship hath any affinity with , or ought to be managed according to the principles of true and exact friendship . truely those men are very much deceived , and guilty of an intollerable oversight , who exact in these associations , those ardours and deep concerns which are onely to be found in vertuous friendships . those people ought to distinguish amidst such a multiplicity of relations as encumber and associate men one with another ; and not expect to finde every thing every where . for , that any man should demand or imagin that another should quit his own advantage , and abandon his particular profit , to serve him and procure his , and this in such a friendship as is established upon mutual conveniences , is a folly no considering person will fall into , or presume upon . it is observable , that in this sort of friendship both partyes propose not to themselves the same advantages : but great personages expect from those that are indigent and inferiour to them , service , and an awefull regard : on the other side , necessitous persons purpose to acquire riches and honour from those that are possessed of wealth and dignity . for they which are wealthy propose not to themselves by this retinue any further encrease of riches , but they understand that the addresses and dependance of inferiour persons upon them , not onely augments their splendour and glory , but is beneficiall to them in their domestique employments , and hath other conveniences , besides the particular satisfaction they finde therein . those that are inferiours , by reason of their poverty and that contempt which attends it , seeke not onely their sustenance and advancement , but protection in rich and potent families . since that things are in this posture ; as in all other affairs , it concerns us much to know the qualities and inclinations of those men we negotiate with , so it will not be amisse , in these circumstances , to make a diligent inquiry into the nature and inclinations of those persons with whom wee live , that we may either accommodate our selves to their humours , or refuse advantages that are not to be procured but on such difficult termes as we cannot submit to . in this inquiry it is not necessary that we should be very curious and exact , since a generall account , and such as is commonly if not universally true , will satisfie : and indeed the humours of particular men are so infinite , that if it were requisite to be acquainted therewith , the thing were not feasible . to begin with a character o● those which are rich ; they are generally inclined to pride , and contempt of others : for they live as if they were masters of whatever the world calls good ; and abounding with money , according to which all things are valued , and which is the equivalent price of all things , they imagine nothing to be above their reach , and indeed , not already in their possession . the world is but a great market , in which every thing is sold ; the opulent● suppose that whatever they can buy , is no great tender , if given ; that no present can be made , which if it were to be purchased , would be too costly for their exchequ●r . and consequently , where no expense is great , no accessional is so considerable as to oblige the receiver to ●n extraordinary resentment . thus they apprehend themselves already possess'd of happyness ; and that they may communicate it to others , but not derive any from them . besides , they behold all men ( especially that have the reputation of prudence ) to set themselves wholly upon encreasing their estates : they see it to be an indisputable point , that the rich man is never out of esteeme and repute ; nor can lose his interest , but with his fortune : that indigent vertue is rather admired , then followed ; and that without riches it seldome procures , and never can maintain its esteeme . and as for power , it wholly subsists by large revenues ; and vanisheth without full coffers , or a proportionable credit , which must be made good by an ample treasury at least . hence they conclude , they may justly bear themselves high , being already 〈◊〉 of what all covet , all men admire , and without which even they who vilifie it cannot subsist , or effect any great exploit . nor doth it a little adde to their arrogance and insolence , that many are unavoidably forced to apply themselves to them , and petition for many things at their hands . nor are they free from the vanity of thinking that their riches entitles them to empire , and that it is ●or these treasures , wherewith they abound , that soveraignety is ambition'd . thus great riches are attended with vain-glory and insolence : nor are these the onely defects of the opulent , for it is so difficult for men not to be transported with good fortune , that we may reckon petulancy , and a peculiar kinde of wantonnesse which is unexpressible to be another of their vices . they are also addicted to luxury ; and where delicacy is not the nature of the men , it is their practise ; because the ostentation of happinesse , is a part of it . in fine , great riches are never without , and o●tentimes create great follies : but civill happinesse depends upon them ; and good fortune is so inseparably annexed to them , that even in common speech , by those great fortunes which befall us , we understand nothing but great riches . all these vices in rich men , more notoriously affect such as have newly acquired their riches , then ●hose to whom they have descended by inheritance . for custome takes away the admiration and value we frequently have for things ; and the easinesse of the purchase lessens our esteeme for them : besides , who are ignorant of the miseries of an irrelieveable condition , & of the benefit that arises from small supports therein , or universall deliverance from it , understand not the happinesse they enjoy themselves , and conferre on others . but such as are sensible with how much care 〈◊〉 industry , or unexpected good fortune ( which happens but to some ) they enriched themselves ; who retain a perfect memory of their wants , and the miseries it occasioned them , and the poore and necessitous thoughts and actions it put them upon ; they are surprised with the change of their estate : and as men newly escaped from precipices and as yet filled with horrour and affright , magnify their passed dangers beyond reason ; so doe they too much exalt their present enjoyments , and too overly behold the miserable and the poor . whereunto if we adde this other circumstance , that those who arrive to these suddain riches , are neither men of any education , nor insight into the nature of things , nor acquainted with the humours of men whom they retain or converse with ; we will les●e wonder at those follyes , and that vanity which their former , ignorance , meane spirit , and so vast and unthought of change of fortune , ( requiring a novell gar● , addresses & parts ; which they are not accustomed unto ) produces in them . examples whereby to verify and illustrate this character , are obvious in the city of rome , and elsewhere . if any think they are injured by this character , and suppose themselves free from the vices we impute to them ; they apprehend not things aright , since th● universality laeves roome for particular exceptions , and whilest the usuall defects of rich men are set down , occasion is given for them to glory that they are not such . as for the manners of such as are of great power and authority , they are partly agreeable with thos● of the rich , already mentioned ; partly they are better they being commonly endued with a manly spirit , courage , activity of mind , and a● incessant desire of glory : and as in the atchieving of high enterprises , the concurrence of other is necessary ; so it is to the celebrating 〈◊〉 their praises , and compleating of their honou● which is nothing but the opinion others have i● their deserts ; and supporting their power an● interest , which is insignificant without a mult●●tude of firme dependences . whereupon the comport themselves rather with gravity , the insolence , towards their inferiours . and thus much may uffice ●or the humou● of such as are rich , and powerfull● the poore and needy are sufficien● described in their natures , i adde that they are directly ●●●posite to those others already character'd . wherefore those poor people which depend upon rich , and potent persons , ought to resolve with themselves to beare with all their inconveniences , their contumelies , injuries , and follyes , and not only to employ their patience in enduring them , but their prudence to conceale them : and enforce their inclinations , if possible , to love them ; which if they cannot doe , they must make it their care to pay them all those regards and services , which the most affectionate would ; for it is naturall for them to desire every one should love them : it being a certaine acknowledgement of their worth , and a testimony rendred of their agreeable carriage , when they are beloved : it being impossible for a man to affect a person whom he approves not of . thus rich men arrogate all things to themselves , and are extraordinarily pleased with the addresses , and respects of their friends , who are in this case as so many d●ponents for the worth of the grandee . but it is a difficult matter to comply with the impertinencyes and follyes of these men : and to love a person whose foolery , and defects are so palpable , that he must be stupid who sees them not , and worse who approves them . all this is true , bu● since , as tiresias in horace sayes , since you cannot your selfe supply , but on another must relye : you must submit to all this , and endure those conditions patiently , which you cannot otherwise decline . wherein you ought so much the lesse to scruple , since this kind of friendship is not established upon reall vertue , bu● advancement and profit . they are therefore to b● condemned as troublesome & malapert fellowe● and ignorant of what becomes them : wh● like ( davus the servant in horace , durin● the saturnalia , or twelft-night-kingdom ) deport themselves insolently , and reproa●● their patrons all the year long , as he did i● those holy-dayes . 't was fortune that preferred thee ; in one nature we agree . curs'd chance ! my vertue 's my disaster ! i am all worth : but you 're my master . this language is not to be admitted ; an● proves often fatall , where the patron is as po●erfull , as he is proud : wherefore we ough● not only to avoid such words as these , but even to shunne such thoughts . for if once ● man indulge himself in those cogitations , it is impossible but he will lessen his esteem , and consequently fail in his respects , and the punctuality of his applications to his patron , whereon depend this whole friendship and relation . they are no les●e faulty , and incurre the same prejudice , who speak ill of their absent patrons , and derogate from the reputation of those they ought to revere , and from whom they draw great advantages . these men certainly are doubly peccant , both because they perform not their duty , and because they act repugnantly , to what they speak : for they live with , and are the followers of one to whom they doe not vouchsafe a good word . those also that are proud and haughty ought to decline carefully these relations , and friendships , for there is not any thing so inconsistent with humble addresses , deference , and obsequiousnesse , as a proud mind : for we respect , and abase our selves before such as we allow to precede us in some eminent manner ; but such as are highly conceited of themselves , will not yeild the preeminence to another . there is a generation of men in the world who are not more concerned for any thing , then not to acknowledge any man to be better then they , and who are so highly opinionated of themselves , that they think it unimaginable for any person to have acquired that excellence which they possess not . it is intollerable , to say any one is a better man then they ; he is only richer , or more powerfull : they have a lesser estate , but are not his inferiours : it is death to them to think that worth● and not poverty should discriminate them . these are morose , melancholique , and peevish persons , that keep accompts of their services , and register punctually every bowe , cringe , and complement they make , and every good look , or acknowledgement , they are appayed with . if they be at any time reproved , they produce their table-books , and evince thence that the congees are ballanced , and that they are not behind in any one respect . so much received ; so much paid . oh insupportable vanity ! oh nicety not to be insisted on ! these men ought to betake themselves speedily to some other course of life , least they spend their dayes in continuall trouble , and anxiety , and after all sit down with nothing , and curse their sad f●rtune ; whereas they themselves only are to be bl●med . he that would thrive in this employment , must be a mild , flexible and good man , who knows when to lower his top-sayles , make his honour subservient to his interest , and to comply with fortune in all her exigences : and all this with a cheerfull soule , or at least with that submission which discovers nothing of constraint and reluctancy : for no man unwillingly serves the person he respects . in this kind of friendship , since pride in a patron is a quality generally to be supposed , and since nothing gains so much upon it as complaisance and respect ; all poore and meane persons ought to compose themselves with the greatest humility and submissions possible : which they must manifest partly in their words , and partly in their actions . in all discourses and entertainments they must use not only a sweet mildnesse , and complacentiall address , but also reverence : being neither rough , nor servil , or flattering . which consideration imports them much , since they are certain to have frequent occasions of speaking with them , and there is not any thing sooner engages the affections of a man then an handsome address , and gracefull language . the first caution therefore that they are to observe , is , that their language be full of submission , humility , and such deference as also tendeth to the debasing of our selves : for we are born in an age that is extravagantly complementall ; nor ought we to be ashamed of an errour so universally received . custome authenticates our complyance , and to repine were malepertnesse ; to condemne it , an insufferable arrogance . it would be tedious to enumerate particular advertisements ; to have intimated them is sufficeent . moreover if at any time we are compelled to dissent from our patron , and oppose his judgement , it must be done warily , and very seldom , and never but when it is not possible to avoide it : for it doth not become the same person to dispute , and to obey . it comonly happens at meetings and entertainments , there are dubious and subtile questions proposed and controverted : hereupon several persons of great ingenuity and parts expose themselves thorough their imprudence : for they assume to themselves the whole discourse , as if it were their due : they object , they reply sharply , they propound , they confound all things , they debate obstinately , without end , without moderation , ( i had almost said ) without sence : this is no signe of respect , or deference . i know they are apt to reply , how they are not to be blamed for refuting an opinion which an ignorant , and illiterate blockhead proposed : he started it on purpose to engage them in talk ; the question was intricate and not be resolved in few words , and appertained to those studies in which they were singular : and therefore the mentioning of it could not otherwise be looked on , then as a challenge , or essay of their abilities ; and therefore they ought not to be blamed for closeing with a proffered opportunity to manifest their great parts in ample discourses . all this i know : and i am further sure , that where the debates are like to prove obscure or tedious , more will start controversies than will hear them willingly stated : many will object , that will not endure contradiction , and having presumed too much upon their opinions and reasons , hate a confident and poynant refutation . these are to be entreated like friends , not adversaries : every advantage is not to be taken against them , nor every thrust put home , nor must your whole strength be employed against them . there is policy sometimes in abandoning the field , and quitting a certaine victory : it is not necessary that we alwayes overcome , much lesse triumph : some conquests have been fatall to the victors : or else the (*) victory of cadmus , had never given occasion to the proverb . but they will rejoyn , that it is a ●●fficult thing for a man whose reputation is ●●re in question then the thing discussed , being warme with dispute about a thing he is supposed or particularly pretends to be versed in● to restraine himself and to indulge or yeild to an insolent puny ; flesh and blood cannot endure this . all this i question not , or , if they will have me to doe so , i allow of . but i am sure , and dare avow it , that this procedure is hurtfull to them : and multiplies adversaries , rather than converts . no generous soul will twice become the scorn of a pedant ; but hate him as uncivill , whose learning otherwise he would commend . it behoves therefore these kind of men either to regulate their passions , abate of their pride , and confidence , and accommadate themselves to the humours of others : or confesse that they are incapable of this kind of friendship . let them also take heed how they railly , and jest with , rich or powerfull men , when they are not inclined , and in a manner commanded by them to that familiarity : for in raillery there is a freedome assumed , that agrees not , nay , which repugnes with grandeur ; and makes those seem fellowes who are superiours : besides there goes along with it a kind of security , and presumption upon the others facile nature , which a proude and great spirit will not ordinarily endure . as for the taunts and sarcasmes of great men , how sharp and biting soever they be , they are to be entertained with a serenity of look and mind , or pleasantly retorted , and otherwise diverted : there ought to be no resentment , how passionate soever one be ; nor how highly soever provoked : no emotion of the soul , or countenance , that may evince our displeasure , or disgust : great persons think themselves condemned of folly , when their actions are disallowed : which as it is inconsistent with that haughty spirit and arrogance their greatnesse inspires them with ; so it is as unbefitting one that depends on their favour ; who owes all his good fortune to them ; and who ought rather to reflect upon the unusuall confidence they have in him , by being so familiar ; then be angry for their over-acting it . as for sharp replyes and answers upon such jests , they are to be eschewed : it is not for the same person to avenge his wrongs , and to be concluded under obedience . this advise is the more impracticable , by how much more pregnant and quick a mans wit is : for ingenious answers so easily occurre to them , and so unawares fall from them , that without great discretion and command of their tongues , they are to be reckoned amongst the conversation● it requires more then common patience , for a man of spirit , that is alwayes armed , and often assaulted , not to strike again : yet this must not be done in these circumstances : no cause can be just for a man to oppose his superiours ; who if they be overcome , hate ; and esteeme themselves foyled , if opposed . hence we see that being netled with any reply , they immediately change the discourse , and avoide to intermeddle with those that handle them so roughly . now , as by pleasant converse , continuall applications and g●ntilesses , the proud are gained upon : so they are lost by crabbed looks , melancholique silence and sullynesse of humour . moreover , it is ridiculous for a man to repine at their jests , whose injuries he must pocket up . it becomes therefore poor & indigent relations , not only to take in good part the sallyes of wit or even immoderate jesting in their patrons ; but also to expresse a great joy and satisfaction in that familiarity they are admitted unto . and in the whole remaining course of their life , let them comport themselves with that moderation , that their discourse be agreeable , and so pleasant as the humo●r of their patron requires , or will endure : for this is the char● they must sayle by : his will and nature is that rule , according to which they are to frame their speech : and avoid ta●i●urnity and pensivenesse , which ( how melancholique soever he be ) in a dependant is odious , and displeasing , and commonly suspicious : for it usually creates in great persons an opinion , that such as are sad , dislike their own condition , or the behaviour of their patrons : neither of which is acceptable . they ought not also to be talkative , nor intrude into his privacyes , or debates : this is irreconcileable with that reverence that is due from them . nor ought they to seek , or minister occasion of discourse ; but stay till it be given , or that they be commanded to doe it , thereby to passe away the time ; as often it happens . for it becomes those , as great men , to choose what matter they will hear spoken of ; and he is justly blamed , who makes haste to beginne a discourse before his betters . i formerly insinuated , that in this sort of friendship men ought to avoid flattery : i now come to propose my reasons for that caution ; since others are of a different judgement , and thinke nothing to be more advantageous : they doe particularly recommend the practise thereof , endearing it by the examples of many illustrious persons , who have accumulated great riches , and obtained great honours solely by these meanes . but how gainefull a course soever this may seeme , i thinke a man ought not totally to esloigne himself from the regards of honesty and justice . though i doe not binde him up to the rules of that exact and imaginary vertue to be found onely in the books of philo●sophers , and barangues of malecontents ; yet there is a certaine vulgar morality ( like sterling coyne , with a legitimate alloy , currant and passable ) which i would not have them relinquish : nor , for any profit , to render themselves base and unworthy . for , if once they disengage themselves from the obligations of common honesty , even such as employ them in unjust actions , or are privy to them , have no wayes to secure themselves from their attempts upon themselves , in robbing , or betraying them . a man may have his particular failings , yet whilest he retaines a due esteeme and reverence for those generall maximes of iustice which support humane commerce , & civill societyes ; he may be looked on as a weake person , but not rejected or dreaded as absolutely wicked . but whosoever makes light of all those considerations which oblige man to man , and which represent him as vertuous ; how small soever his miscarriages be , yet is he not to be trusted ( however he may be made use of ) nor admitted to bear a part in any society , much lesse in this we speake of . beware therefore least the desires you have of benefiting your selfe , transport you beyond the rules of honesty . now , what is more remote from honesty , than flattery ? what more generall artifice is there to introduce and propagate vitiousnesse in men , then that ? wherefore take heed , seeke not a parasite to be , having professed amity . there is a very great affinity betwixt flattery and obsequiousnesse : and indeed it is universally true , that vertue & vice have such a resemblance , they sometimes approach so neare each other , that it is hard to discerne betwixt them , or to distinguish one from the other : yet are there certaine precepts , which who so shall adhere unto , he shall preserve his integrity , without disserveing himselfe . there is a certaine temperament of language , and way of moderating our selves in our discourses , which vertue being destitute of a proper and peculiar name , the aristotelian philosophers thought fit to borrow an appellation for it from friendship , and to call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : because those who have that singular endowment , manage their conversation with all that affability , courtesie , and oblieging deportment , which usually intervenes betwixt friends . and it consists in this , that we neither absolutely resigne our selves up to the will and sentiments of those we associate with , nor abuse their civility with a petulant behaviour : retaining a cheerefulnesse and alacrity of spirit without sullenness ; as grave , but not austere . to conduct us in this mediocrity and temper , it imports us much to know both those we have to doe with , and our selves . and these , as all other things● are best understood , by comparing those in which the distance is remarkable , rather then such where the distinction is more subtile and nice : as pa●ents and children , private and publique persons . for that addresse which is proper enough to a private p●rson , suits not with one whose capacity is more publique : what in one is civill , is sawcy and malapert in the other . for a sonne , to reprove his parents , 't is impiety● to censure a magistrate , 't is rebellion : to condemn ones equall , 't is no unbeseeming action . this accommodation of language our client must punctually observe . the case is nice ; he walk● betwixt two precipices ; he must neither servilely flatter , nor be clownishly morose . all thi● he shall attain unto , if i be not deceived , without much difficulty , if in convenient place and time , he enlarge and somewhat expatiate himselfe in the praise of all such qualities and actions as he findes really commendable in his patron ; and never touch upon any thing that is to his prejudice or disparagement : to admonish and reprehend , it is an act becoming equals , not inferiours . and to magnifie what is not praise-worthy , and which a man approves not , is the quality of a base , treacherous , and deceitfull person . all his discourse ought to be attended with modesty and respect , not onely because this is the most becoming civill persons , but by reason that liberty of speech argu●s us to be too secure and to presume upon the nature of those we discourse with . let him avoid obscenity and ribaldry : whatever is wanton , or unseemly , let it not be so much as named ; let every word , and every action signalise it self by its particular deference , and mani●est that our client is no way indifferent what opinion his patron have of him . let him also take heed that all his carryage , every motion of his , whither he walk , stand , sit , or eat : that his hands , his eyes , his voyce , all have nothing that i● pu●rile , affected , or distastfull : and not only this ( which is an advise pertaining to another part of morality ) but that all be managed with that grace and mine , as to evince how much he reverenceth and almost adores his superiour . no profuse laughter , no outcryes or pi●rcing exclamations , no rude or antick postures , no yawning , or frequent spitting , nothing that carryes with it either neglect , indecency , or excessive freedome , is to be tolerated . all that liberty and negligence of garbe , which some use when they would be debonaire , and divert themselves from serious cogitations , is to be confined to the privacyes of men of equall ranke and quality . our client must never be so intimate : not but that at some times , and for some while , with some persons , a ple●sant● familiarity and freedome may happen to succeed well : but no man ever miscarried through excesse of respect , or was disgraced for retaining a constant and proportionate sense of hi● patrons grandeur . that great man either forgets , or abases himself , who seeks his divertisement with his inferiours ; and when he either recollects himself , or resumes his former thoughts , he apprehends the absurdity and danger of these condescensions : and his serious and deliberate judgement is , that a client who complies with his patron 's weaknesse , takes too much notice thereof ; and may perhaps be induced thereby to pretend to a further interest in him at other times , then he ever thinks ought to be allowed him : hereupon to secure himself from the effects his indiscretion : hath made him lyabl● to , he esloignes himself from his client , who ought alwayes to remember his own comdition , whatsoever his master doth . our ●lient also ought particularly to see that he be decently cloathed , with that nearnesse , and bravery , which suites with the dignity of his patron . there is no great man but pride● himself up in the ostentation of his riches and quality ; and delights in perpetual acknowledgements of his magnificence and seeming felicity : besides , it is a part of their splendor and luxury , to be served by men of a good age , mine , and garbe . although that it is certaine that by their language and addresse , men render very grea● testimonies of their respect : yet it is more amply expressed by action . wherefore it behoves inferiour persons continually to attend upon their superiours , and readily to entertaine , & dispatch their commands : nor is it imprudently done of them to use that conduct in rendering their services , as to endear them to their masters knowledg by such cerimoniousnesse , as may not retard their affairs , yet evince that extraordinary concern● and regard they have for their patron 's quality , as well as person . it is not only necessary that busynesse be done ; there is an artifice in making known that it is so : and many actions are lost for not being sufficiently averred . great men multiply their dependances more out of state , then necessity : there is a grandeur in the pompous delivery and receiving a message . an affectionate disrespect seldome prospers : it obligeth not so much by its sincerity , as it provokes by its ill example , and that diminution it carryes with it of the patron 's dignity . wherefore let them not slight these considerations : let them be constantly in his presence , and alwayes make up a part of his retinue : let them be assiduous , but not troublesome . let them not imagine that because he hath meniall servants & particular officers for common employments and attendance , that therefore they are to be excused waiting . it is their appearance is requisite , not their ayde . and this circumstance hath nothing singular in it , but extends to all inferiour personages . those which delay and trifle , who dispute or transfer commands ( as more proper to others ) who come late , or often absent themselves , introduce an ill example in this kind of relation : and being spareing of their own regards and applications , doe as it were instruct their patron how he ought to comport himself towards them , and not to be prodigall in his favours , where their returnes are niggardly appaid . who makes himself a stranger , ought not to wonder if he be treated as such . in the managing of busynesse , and dispatch of commands , the first thing to be observed is a great fidelity and integrity : and that , not only because it is decent , and most fitting ; but also because it is most advantageous : for great men where they finde a faithfull servant , they usually entrust themselves with him , and rely upon his care and honesty , and are thereby induced to promote his peculiar interest . besides this trustynesse our client must have a subtlety of wit and ingenuity , to manage all things with that conduct , and quicknesse , as if it were his own concernment : or more vigorously , if possible ; because it is more difficile to govern others affairs than a man 's own . but these advertisements are generall to all men of busynesse , and all societies : in our relation it is a particular advise , not so much to regard what is really best to be done , or what method is best to effect it , but what our master will best approve : to whom since fortune hath subjected our persons , we must resigne our judgements . i shall instance but in one case , which he that will may make further use of . great persons commonly retaine in their service some learned persons as secretaries , whom they exercise in the penning of letters , and manifestos , upon severall subjects , to the end that they may be ready to indite them upon any exigency , for them to signe . these men adhereing to these rules and precepts which they have framed to themselves out of their own observation , reading , and converse with learned and prudent persons , very frequently displease their illiterate , humoursome and phantasticall patrons , who account the numerosity of their periods , and politeness of speech , pedantry ; and all that is rhetoricall , to be but academique impertinences , and the dotages of such as never understood the world , or business . hereupon they blot out all that is good and proper ; alter the whole design and texture of the writing , and deprave it according to the capriciousness of their particular phansy . what should a man do in this case ! what counsell must our unfortunate schollar betake himself unto ? i know none better , than that of euripides in his phoenissae . amongst fools thy wit disguise , how hard a matter soever it prove , 't is criminall then to be wise . i conclude therefore that as in their writings , so in their actions , the rule they are to order them by , is their patron 's approbation , and allowance : this is the standard , and measure they are to be tryed by ; it is from him they have their value ; as the kings stampe and image makes of any alloy currant silver . they ought not to be solicitous what is truly the best , nor perplexe themselves with scruples out of divinity , morallity , or politicks : their patrons will is their oracle : his pleasure makes every thing just , and reasonable , and prudentiall : who understands this thoroughly , needs no other casuist , councellour , or confessour : nor ought he to satisfie himself how well affaires are managed ; but how much to his patrons satisfaction . let our client therefore learn his masters humour and caprichioes , as well as interest : let him informe himself of his particular inclinations , and passions , and the extent of his reason : let him know the language of his frownes , and smiles ; and the dialect of his eyes , in all circumstances . then shall he be accomplished for this ministery . this is the whole part which an inferiour is to act ; these are his rules by which he is to guide and move himself . they are set down in generals ; but the more full illustration of them , and accommodation to particular cases and accidents , is a laborious worke , and which each man must supply himsel● withall . as for the rich and factious they are much more to attend unto the subsequent rules and directions : because that power , if not regulated by wisedom● , disposes them to greater follyes and extravagancyes then others : and if they be for a while left to their own wills , without any checke or guidance , vices take deeper root in them ( as weeds in rich ground ) and afterwards growe too prevalent to be extirpated . for , what is it , that a man would not undergoe rather then subject himself to the barbarous pride and capriciousnesse of some persons , that i could name , but shall not ? who are of so odious and insupportable a nature , that it is not to be wondered if even men of despicable fortunes and rank , choose rather to suffer their present want and penury , then approach or submit to them . but such as are poor and indigent , instead of a tutour have the sense of their own wants continually to checke them ; and that necessity which compels them to seek their advancement in the service of another , daily makes them apprehensive least they loose it : and , if they doe offend , the miserable shall never want such as will blame them . let rich men therefore know , that they themselves are obnoxious to laws , and that neither revennues , nor dignity exempts from certaine rules : nature hath prefixed bounds to paternall authority ; and it is impiety for any to exceed them . they ought not to despise and set at nought all such as they surpasse in estate , and to think that because they are not rich , therefore they are not men . nor are they to exact all manner of services from every client ; for though he be not able to subsist of himself , he is not therefore immediately to be abased and employed in the meanest and most abject offices . there are differences betwixt man and man , where riches intervene not : and in the distribution of their affaires , this disparity is to be regarded . even all great men are not equall in dignity or estate , and as absolutely as the client is to resigne himself up to his patrons will , and as requisit● as it is for him to do so , yet that discrepancy of great persons makes a necessary distinction betwixt the respects due to the one and other . hence it is ( that i may illustrate the thing more by the most remote comparisons ) we mortals pray to god and honour him with a devotion● but should a great man demand of his vassals to rear altars , and sacrifice to him , and change their respects into their religion : he were mad : and it is visible that we pay not to severall illustrious princes the same homage , which the persians doe to their king. wherefore , as it is the clients part to serve his patron without repining , cheerfully , and sometimes without staying to be called upon : so it becomes the patrons not to abuse their facility and complyance , nor to oppresse them with punctilios . he ought to remember , that those he imployes , those that serve him , are not his slaves , but friends of a lesser degree ; and as mercenary as they seeme to be , fortune and their own wills only , not nature subjected them to him . they are free men ; this they owe not onely to the lawes in being ( which is manifest ) but to their birth-right . if there be any such thing as naturall slavery and dominion , it is where there is the like difference as betwixt men and beasts : or where the one hath abilityes to direct , and the other is either devoyd of reason , or hath only so much left as , joyned with abilities of limbs , capacitates him to be serviceably ruled . but these we speak of now under the notion of inferiour friends , they are not meerly qualified for porters , and such drudgery-works , requiring onely strength of body , but they are such as merit our commendation for their industry , wit and experience . thus it is clear that they are free : and it is custome ( as i said in the beginning ) which gave this relation the name of servitude : which tearme , as harsh as it is , use hath somewhat qualified : for even rich and great men when they accost their inferiour acquaintances , in civility they professe themselves to be their servants , because it is the fashion so to say . so that the word is now rather an argument of regard , then service or vassallage . but such as make enquiries into the true nature of things , ought not to perplexe themselves about words . for as long as the ancients furnished themselves with slaves out of the captives taken in warre , and that there was no standing lawes prohibiting that usage , there was no great reason why they should desire to make use of persons whose freedome rendred them lesse obnoxious to their commands and power . therefore it is no wonder if they did not affoord it a peculiar name in their language , which had scarce any place in their country . but after that christianity had allayed the fierceness of mens minds , and abated the severity of unfortunate wars : when it began to be reputed an impious cruelty to enslave those who were servants to the same god , & not so estranged in enmity as to disagree in religion ; about that time it is probable that men of inferiour rank & extraction being in want , began to be retained by greater and richer persons in sallary , to discharge those employments which slaves formerly underwent : and in process of time it become so little disgracefull , that even men of better quality than ordinary , scorned not to take wages in like manner . but this custome is not supposed to have prevailed till the declination of the roman empire , when their authority was extinct who had power alone to give it a latine name . hence it is destitute of a convenient appellation ; and it is not worth the while to invent a new name , which it is uncertain how it will succced ; and therefore i shall be content to express the parties by the names of clients and patrons ; servants and masters , superiours and inferiours : and the relation betwixt them by that of conjunction , and friendship , not that any of these are proper , but that they are significant enough to cause me to be understood ; and so i end this digression . wherefore such as depress their poor clients even to slavery ( which , who is there that endeavours not to do ? ) they do not onely carry themselves inhumanely and unmercifully ; but act tyranny , and injustice . for how lord-like , and tyrannicall , is it to walk abroad daily in the garden or grove , with a numerus retinue of these friends standing on the right and left hand , with their hats off , and yet never so much as to vouchsafe them a good look ? let us reserve this deportment for kings alone : and for those who are not possessed of empires and monarchies , let them not pretend to royalty ; lest their followers hate them , and their enemies deride them . they are as faulty , who embrace every little occasion to quarrell with their honest and well meaning creatures , in publick ; to chide , to rail upon them when the errour is so little , that their folly becomes the onely remarkeable thing . what should this generation do with servants ? for , howsoever that it be not for them to question the demeanour of their patrons , or regret any thing ; yet it becomes those others to consider what pressures they lay upon them . as for those who are so furious , and passionate , as to assault and beat such as by their subjection have not lost their liberty : i think them fitter for bedlam , than a serious reproof . aristotle maintains , that betwixt the servant & master there intervenes no such relation , as to make the former capable of an injury : every action ( he saies ) is just , nor will he allow any duty that he may challenge from his master . yet since even those servants are men , he thinks it not amiss if the master regulate his power by the rules of common humanity . nor is that saying impertinent , which the crafty and roguish sauria makes use of to a free-man who brawled with him . i am a man , as well as you ! but aristotle speakes of absolute slaves ; and , however , his discourse abstracts from christianity . but our petty tyrants , that have not to do with slaves , treat all as if they were such , or indeed as if they were not men ; yet do they not extend to them that regard they have for their beasts . for those horses they use for their saddle , or coach , they take great care of them : they neither over-worke them , nor harrasse them out with ordinary labour , they afford them rest , and ease when they are weary ; and cure them being sick , or lame : but for these poor clients , who hath any regard or care ? who pities them being tyred , or looks after them being sick ? is there any condition more deplorable , or vexatious , than that of such as are retainers to great personages in rome ? this deportment is not onely repugnant to christian-charity and humility , but even that common notion of humanity which is imprinted in every man : let not therefore excess of good fortune destroy in any man the resentments of nature : nor let the apprehensions of their own riches and greatness cause them to forget that their clients though poor , are freemen . yet must i confess that it is hard for a man to observe a just conduct , and to comport himself with an unblameable evenness in all occasions : or so much as , upon mature consideration , to determine what that equability is according to which actions are to be regulated . for there is a great difference in persons , times , ages , the nature of things , mens manners , customes of countries , and an infinite number of other circumstances ; all which various emergencies cause us to vary our addresses and regards : and which require a vast comprehension that they be quickly and duely understood . i do not pretend to a greater judgment then other men ; nor do i think it necessary to boast of my intellectuals : since in this exigency there needs no more , then that men perfectly remember those precepts i have already set down . and those precepts are only two in number . viz. that men would not abuse the obsequiousnesse of their clients ; but employ them with that tenderness and civility , and so adjust unto them their negotiations , that they may apprehend themselves not to be indifferent to their patrons , nor them insensible . and , that they doe not mistake morosity for grandeur ; nor great passions for greatness . wherefore as often as men have occasion to make use of the service of others in the mannagement of their affairs , they are to consider the quality of the severall persons about them , and with a regard thereunto , to appoint mean and sordid employments to men of as base a ranke and extraction : they ought not ( as some preposterously do , ( to their own disparagement more then that of others ) employ gentlemen in their kitchins , and scullery , or such like mean offices . there is not so much of state in that ambitious humour of being served only by persons of worth ; as there is odium , in debasing them so low . nor ought they to set weak and sickly persons to hard labour : nor to cause the serious and grave to personate the antique or buffo●n ; nor the aged to act the parts of the young and sportive . homer doth not represent his achilles so as if he employed phenix , that reverend old man , to be his butler ; but fixeth this employment on patrochus , a man of more agreeable years and spirit● they are also to take care that they never impose an extraordinary trust , or laborious command , on any , or engage them in any great quarrell , but upon a great cause , or inevitable necessity : for common humanity obligeth us not to make a sport of , or any way to misuse the good nature , care and vigilancy of another . for even such as are absolute servants love not jeastings of so much trouble and importance to them● and commonly expresse their resentments as bitterly as he in the comedian . slave that i am to a capricious master ! is this a time of night to go to towne in ? this errand might have been respited till daylight . daedalus , that brave engineer , is is said to have had all manner of springs and machines of iron wherewith mechanically to represent the actions of severall living creatures : but , can any man imagine that he ever made those to fly , whose nature it was to swimme ? or , that having no occasion to exercise his art , that he yet never permitted them to rest , or stand still ? let them then generally follow his example , and let them temper their commands with mildnesse and moderation . as for those who are all imperiousness , who know no requests but what are expresse commands , who enforce those services they might otherwise readily dispose of ; with whom every failour , is criminall ; and two or three petty defects an unpardonable miscarriage : certainly these persons are not onely very injurious and oppressive in their demeanour ; but ought to apprehend their own condition , as being environed rather with so many enemies , then accompanied with a large retinue of friends . there is also in the ordinary discourse and conversation of great men , a certain mildnesse and affability , or rather staiednesse , and severity of temper mixed with courtesy and jocundnesse , which whosoever practises , their dependents respect them as if they were their parents , and are so farre from detesting them as tyrants , that they have a great affection for them . it is incident to humane nature , to hate whom they stand in fear of . but oftentimes it falls out , that many men studying to avoid excessive familiarity ( which they think inconsistent with that port and grandeur which is requisite to their quality ) they become peevish and surly . it will be no impertinent digression from our present purpose , to relate the story of deioces a mede , who was endowed with very great wisdome . herodotus tells us , how by reason of the great opinion hi● countrey had of his justice , he was chosen king , and amongst severall laudable customes he put in practise , this was one , whereby he preserved the dignity and honour of that throne he was newly advanced to . whatsoever business he had to dispatch , or employment to conferre on any man , he managed it by others , so as that he suffered never any median either to speak with him , or once to see him . this worthy personage did apprehend very much least he should be envied by his subjects : and that they who had lately been his equals , and lived in as good fashion as he , would not patiently endure he should possess that extrordinary splendor & honour they themselves had conferred on him . this inconvenience he thought to remedy thus , if he not onely declined their converse , but presence ; and accustoming them to the commands of a king , he extinguished in them by degrees the remembrance of that private condition in which they had been better acquainted , and which they could never totally forget whilst the memory of it would be renewed by constant visits and enterviewes . nor indeed is it unusuall for men to f●a●e , and highly esteem those things that are removed from their sight , and with which they are unacquainted : and that opinion , like a multiplying glass , should magnifie things at a distance . yet would not i advise great men so to demean themselves towards their inferiours and dependants , as if they were their brothers● and make them their confidents : no , this complaisance is peculiar to reall and sincere friendship . but as i would not make this last my advice , so neither can i allow this austere and sullen behaviour . it is true deioces did well , considering the unsetledness of his new government , and the persons he ruled over , who were barbarian sinured to absolute monarchy : yet certainly his condition was attended with a great many unpleasant circumstances ; particularly , in that he deprived himself of all society , and that delight which ariseth from the conversation of friends . wherefore let great men preserve their state and honours ; yet by means agreeable ; and when their leasure permits , let them willingly lend an ear to the applications of their domestiques , and reply courteously , and sometimes begin discourses with them , and railly with them , and comport themselves with mildness : to the end that they may not altogether resent their ill fortune , but be satisfied that if their necessitousness reduce them to depend on another , yet their quality is not absolutely servile . let no man abuse himself ; humane nature delights not in being subject : all men affect liberty : and however many ambitiously and vainly boast and make shew of the empire they have over others ; wise men are content to possess it , without unnecessary ostentation thereof . there are some who maliciously dissemble an affection for their clients , to the end that they may oblige them more effectually in their service ; they humour them with very good words and small favours , and having reaped from their industry and unusuall diligence all advantages imaginable : they recompence the assiduity of their services with a little good language . this is an unworthy deportment , and so farre from becomeing a person of worth , that it is not to be eudured in any body : it is a meer cousenage ; and if it be not handsome to defraud a man of his money and estate ; it is criminall , to robbe a man of the fruits of his labours , and many years attendance ; to defeat his hopes , and that expectation which we our selves ●omented him in . it is also a subtill but unjust artifice which some men use , who reckon it amongst the obligations they have put upon their domestiques , that they have not evilly entreated them : they register every good look , civill word , or courteous action of theirs , and think they have thereby sufficiently rewarded them for all the cares , troubles , and dangers they have undergone for their sake . i must tell those persons , that it was no part of their agreement , or expectation , when they first came together , to be so served : they never proposed to themselves the requitall of one courtesy , or civility , by another ; but that riches , and r●all profit should accrue to them by that dependance . and it is no true payment , if having hired a fidler to play all day at a feast , we should when he demands his money , invite him to sit down at the table , and to hear us sing or play in the like manner , or perhaps more skillfully . no , he did not ( as i may say ) lend his musique , to be repayed in kind , but sell it . furthermore , as it behoves inferiour relations to put up the wrongs and injuries done them by their patrons , and not onely patiently to support their contumelies , but with complaisance to behave themselves thereupon : so on the other side , it becomes great persons not to take notice of every little failour in their creatures , nor rigorously to insist upon each punctilio with them● nor to censure them for every petty defect in their manners . for we may easily guesse , how hard or rather impossible a matter it is to find another man entirely complacentiall and never to disoblige us in word gesture , or action : since we our selves , who ought better to understand our minds and inclinations than any other can , can never so conduct our affairs as to be alwayes satisfyed with the mannagement thereof . wherefore let them take heed lest they fall into too violent a passion , or too severely resent the defaults of their poor servants , as often as they mistake or erre in the discharge of their ordinary employes , or dispatch nota message so well , or fulfill not a command so punctually , or readily , as might have been expected , or wished . there are many who are too rigorous herein ; not imagining that it is much more easie to contrive than to put in execution a thing : and that how facil so ever it be at first appearance in the designing , yet many accidents and difficulties intervene , which impede and retard it's performance . nor ought they onely to connive at , and pardon such faults as be purely involuntary , or as humane frailty precipitates them into ; but also diligently to examine their own breasts , and to consider whether they themselves have well weighed all circumstances , and that they are not either in part or altogether culpable for those defects , which are imputed to their poor servants . for it commonly happens , that all the providence and forecast of the most wise and carefull servant becomes sucesseless , and prejudiciall , thorough the indiscretion , peevishness , inconstancy of mind , and hastiness of humour in the master . which made him to cry out in that ancient comedy . pardon , ye gods ! the d●stiny's too bad , to be a slave , and to a man that 's mad . let them beware therefore how they censur condemn , or otherwise reprove their servants , whenas they themselves onely are in fault , and deserve to be blamed . moreover whereas this conjunction is effected , and that men enter on this dependency upon no other aims and termes , as i have already evinced , then advantag●● ( without extraordinary regard to particular inclinations , or affection ) great personages ought to provide so for their dependants , that such as serve them diligently and carefully , and signalize themselves by their serviceableness to them , may not be defeated of their recompense , and and what they may justly expect . and as it is the duty of such as are subordinate , and inferiours , not to press too vehemently in their own behalf , nor to urge their own concernes too much with their superiours , but mildly to insinuate the remembrance of them , or lightly to mention them upon occasion : rather suggesting them to their memories , then importuning their justice : for he understands not the artifice of obsequiousness , nor the address due to great men , who treats them as a creditour would his debtour ; who doth not sollicite modestly , but boldly as it were arrests them : what ever he may have of right in his demands ; the way of promoting his interests , is injurious . thus parents are displeased , and all men authenticate their resentments , when their children implead them , though justly : there is something of indignity in the procedure● the difference betwixt parent and child , and the disproportion betwixt their quality , all vanisheth when they appear under the names of plaintiff and defendant . as the client ought not to be troublesome to his patron , in recounting his merits , or importuning his rewards ; so it becomes not the patron to forget his deserts , nor to respite his acknowledgments too long . it is ungenerous in this case , not to own the industry and faithfullness of your creatures ; and who stayes till he be reminded of his duty , either must be reputed insensible , as not knowing : or unworthy , for slighting it ; and must blame himself , if he fall into disrespect with his clients , or be afterwards disserved by them these kind of men should apprehend , that they are under an obligation to promote their personall advantages ; the thing is a reall debt , without the formality of covenant & bond ; and we are engaged to see them recompenced , who lay out themselves and their lives , for our advantage . we ought not to overvalue our goodness , nor to imagine our selves to be generous , in all our retributions : to enrich or otherwise gratify our affectionate creatures , is not alwayes a largess : to be great , to be powerfull , doth not entitle us to the abilities of other men , nor authorise us to challenge all their performances as our due : we are redevable to them for what they have done for us , and do but in effect pay them wages for their attendance and employments under us . we ought to be as ready to acknowledge , as to make use of them : and to proportion our sentiments and munificence to their zeal and diligence ; and to imitate the earth in its products , which the more it is cultivated , tended , and lookt after , the more plentifull crop doth it yield the husband man. hereby we shall not onely act a part befitting us , but acquire the reputation of gratitude and liberality : wherein one may observe , that more is gained then an unprofitable and insignificant applause ; for our creatures are thereby more fixed to ourservice , and more devoted to our persons ; and others are inclined to embrace all opportunities of obliging so sensible and good-natured patrons . great men ought also ( howbeit many think it a matter of small importance ) to take speciall care that their domstiques and inferiour friends be well provided for ; that they be not streightned in their diet , nor poorly maintained , so as to be reduced to meane shifts whereby to victuall and otherwise accommodate themselves , for it is a part of the recompense due to their officiousness , and no act of singular grace , that every one of them be maintained according to his quality . they which usually pinch them in their victuals , or totally discommon them , like slaves , upon any misbehaviour , or neglect , are to be reprehended upon two grounds ; both because they disoblige , and incurre the hatred and reproaches of those self same persons by whom they affect to be respected and commended : and , for that they give the world just cause to censure them for parsimony , and niggardlyness towards such men as are onely retained by them ( there being no other reason imaginable , why they should create themselves that trouble and expence ) and designed to augment their splendour , and possess the people with an opinion of their generosity and magnificence . besides , those very persons finding their smallest miscarriages and peccadillos so severely examined , and their deserts little regarded , they contract a disesteem for their patron , and his service ; and at length absolutely despise him . nor do they study which way they may either recover his good grace , or preserve themselves any way therein ; but by degrees esloigne themselves from him : and , to speak modestly in the case , it is not to be presumed , that any man cares to be beloved , or to love another , but for interests sake . hence it is that few or none , but such as are of the meaner sort , will condescend to others , and become their followers : no ; it is profit which cements , and profit dissolves this league . it behoveth therefore great men to endeavour as much as they can to enslame their dependants with all just hopes , to endeare them unto them as much as it is possible , to the end that they may the more cheerfully serve them , and embrace their interests with such confidence as becomes men who know their own good fortune entirely to be joyned therewith . and this they will effect , by treating them rather civilly , then imperiously ; and by expressing proportionate resentments and favours for their merits . but as the world goes now , most great men imitate those lawes which are none of the most prudent , though enacted by severall cities , whereby men are affrightned from doing ill by terrours and penalties : and they imagine it enough , if they make provision that no man escape unpunished , or , at least , obtain advancement by his crimes . i should think it much more agreeable for them to regulate themselves by those edcts which are by xenophon termed royall lawes : by which lawes it was ordained , not onely that offendours should be punished , but the vertuous recompensed , by proposing rewards to the valiant , and the good . let great men therefore study to render their dependants absolutely their creatures , and to make it heir inclination as well as interest , to adhere unto them . for , command is then most pleasant , and obedience least irksome , when it is established upon the clients devotion , and not d●serence onely . as for that empire which is founded upon constraint , and the necessitous condition of repining vassals ; i believe it to be a qualification god conferres upon such as he accounts worthy of that punishment whereto tantalus is said to have been condemned in hell , where he was continually to languish under the dread●ull apprehensions of a second death continually hreatening him . it is a cunning and subtle devise which some men have , of sowing discord perpetually betwixt their dependants , and keeping them at variance . these men fear nothing so much as tha● their creatures should hold a good correspondence one with the other and think the worse intelligence they have one with the other , the better they shall have with them all themselves . i shall onely demand of these politicians , and great wise men , if their dependants be wicked and of a suspected fidelity , why do not they discard or correct them , rather then jealously watch over them ? if they are men of honesty and integrity , why do they create themselves an unnecessary vexation ? what great exploits can they do by the service of such as so little understand one another ? wherefore let them learn the art of ruling , and that conduct which is necessary to the proper mannaging of power : this is no easy and common matter , or such as may be acquired without extraordinary attention : it comes not by instinct , nor is propagated by generation : to the obtaining thereof more is requisite then a great fortune , and a sence of its necessity : in fine , it is so transcendent a quality , that to speak the truth , it seems to be placed above the designs and contrivance of mankind , and it is rather a peculiar gift of god , then the acquest of humane prudence . but the directions leading thereunto are not to be delivered occasionally by a digression in this discourse ; but to be deduced from another art , wherein whosoever is thoroughly conversant and knowing , the same will neither faile in the suitable choice of his instruments and creatures , nor in his comport towards them ; so as to effect , that they who mutually love and correspond among themselves like brethren ; may also agree to love , serve , and even adore him . amongst the documents of that art , it is one great and wholesome precept , that such as are in power ought to assure themselves of the affections of those they rule over : hereby their empire is more secure and stable , and the voluntary services of their vassals are not only more pleasant to them , because unconstrained ; but infinitely more advantageous to their rulers , whose interests shall not be neglected any way , as long as their persons are not indifferent , or odious to them . whence it appears , how much they mistake themselves who live at continuall variance with their families , who not only abandon their concerns , & forget or slight their particular advantages , but depress , and oppose them , as if they were their adversaries : whose sense of the unusuall care , fidelity and dispatch of a good servant , prompts them not to reward or preferre him , but to fixe him to their adherence , by makeing it impossible for him otherwise to subsist : they imagine that he would be less their friend , if promoted above the condition of a servant , that if once his fortunes grow consid●rable , he will certainly either totally prosecute those , or ( if he be excessively generous and acknowledging ) onely intermix their concernments with his own ; and make that but a part of his care which is now his whole employment . i should think it a much more wise course , to imitate as farre as possible ( for the alteration of times , religion , and other circumstances hinder us from following the practice ) the usage of the ancients who made freed-men of such as had faithfully served them ; thus we should distinguish those who signalize themselves to us by their industry and faithfullness from ordinary and servile dependants , and admit them to a nearer and more generous friendship or relation . nor do i apprehend this course to be more prudentiall only , but more profitable . for , what farme , or mannor , yeelds so great and certain an income to a rich and potent grandee , as an entire friend ? what profits may compare with those which many princes have received from their affectionate creatures ? how vast a difference is there in our relying upon generous and obliged friends , for the supporting or carrying on of our affaires ; & ●●usting our persons , and estates , in the hands of such as have scarce the appearance of friendsh●p to ascertain them to us ; no reality at all ? for such who manage their parts and obsequiousness , as they would moneys , which they do not lend gratis , but put out to use , are presumed always to expect interest , and to regulate their addresses and applications solely by their utility , and private gain . whereupon they serve great men , as tenants do their landlords , who do not expend themselves and their riches to imbellish their tenements , or to beautifie their grounds with pleasant gardens , walks and groves , grots and aqueducts ; but contrive which way they may improve the land to their advantage , and with least cost multiply their present profits : thus , they , being retained as it were by wages and salary in the service of great men for a time , study not during that intervall , how they may most benefit them , nor how they may best advance or secure their power , riches , or dependances ; but how they may make the best of that opportunity for themselves . but , when they are removed from the sence of gain and particular emolument , and fixed to us by those more generall and noble ties of affection & handsome friendship ; they no longer act like self-minded tenants , but embrace all our concernments with the same zeal and integrity as if they were their own , studying rather to aggrandise themselves by the greatness of their patrons , than regarding their annuall incomes , and the profits that from year to year accrue to them . thus , having devoted themselves to our families , and as it were cordially espoused our interest once , they account nothing troublesome , great , or hazardous , which is beneficiall to us ; having possessed our selves once of their hearts , our interests are no longer different ; they have but one important concernment , and that is , for us . since it is thus ; if we purpose not to resign our selves wholly up to pride and ambitious arrogance ; if we will not devest our selves of all humanity , and relinquish that nature and reason which distinguisheth as much man from man , as from other beasts ; if we intend not to degenerate into bruitishness , and growe perfect salvages ; let us foment and nourish in our selves these friendly inclinations ; let us put on an amicable temper of spirit , and make it as much our nature as it is possible . let us embrace an opinion which bringeth with it all the inducements that the greatest profits or delights can suggest . man is a sociable creature , & it is not only our wisdome , but a complyance with humanity , and those uncontrived , unbiassed sentiments which we assume not , but are born with , to prosecute those means which erect and establish an agreeable friendship & amity . this one circumstance is so considerable , that they who harangue upon this subject , profess no wise man can be entirely happy in a wilderness : that it is not in the power of vertue , knowledge , or grace , to felicifie the solitary ; and that even heaven , would cease to be heaven , and the joyes thereof be disgusted , were it not for the company there , and that innocent agreeableness of the saints and angels assembled together . nor is there any thing more facile , or whereto we are more prone , than vehemently to love and affect those who delight us . besides , there is a great tie and obligation put upon , the spirits of men by dayly cohabitation and converse , whereby they become united and leagued one with another : as we observe in beasts , which being bred up or used to feed together ; the bruitishness of their nature hinders them not from resenting the absence , and missing their former acquaintance . in so much that i cannot perswade my self , but those persons do violence to nature , and injure humanity it self , who do not sincerely love , and communicate their good fortunes with such whose fidelity and carefullness they have experienced , whose manners and humours they allow , and of whose affection they are infallibly assured . finis errata . the principall errata , are those two following . pag. 6. lin . 10 instead of a good mine , read a disinteressed goodnesse of nature . p. 11. l. 13. after that power which another must , insert which an other must supply : it is but fitting that these men should omit those impertinences . the others of lesser note are p. 6. l. 6. cabnets for cabinets . p. 7. l. 16. betw●● for betwixt . p. 9. l. 17. acto●s for actions . p. 13. l. 14. this●or ●or thus . p. 18. l. 10. tansported for transported . p. 20. l. 4. laeves for leaves . l. 12. th●●● for those . l. 26. uffice for suffice . p. 31. l. 9. his for their . p. 37. l. 10. age for equippage . p. 50. l. 14. patrochus for patroclus . p. 56. l● 25. never so for never so . p. 57. l. 2. nota for not a. a catalogue of books , of severall sors● to be sold by willam lee at the turks-head in fleet●●street 1665 , many of them printed for him . large folio . plutarch's lives in english , with a new additons of the severall da●es of the years of the world , before and after christ , when those famous grecians and romans lived ; together with twenty lives , added out of the french author andrew theves . 1657. the additions to plutarch's lives may be had alone . parkinsons herball , the largest . small folio a system or body of divinity in 10. books , wherein the fundamentall grounds of religion are opened . contrary errours refuted ; seasonable for these times , wherein the articles of our faith have been questioned . the great usefulnesse of this work , for families , and scholers . the like hath not been extant in print . the ad . addit●on with 10● sheets added . with the authors promise ( in the epistle ) never to to add any more . 1662 price 〈◊〉 . 3●4 sheets . annotations on the new testament 8. ● . critic● sacra , explaining hard words of the old and new testament , the fourth edition , in folio ; printed for iohn douse 1662. the saints encouragement in evil times ; p. 1. ● . all by edward leigh esq of magdalen hall in oxford . silva silvarum or a naturall history in 10 centuries , whereunto is added the history of life and dea●h , or the prolongation of life ; and this year 1664 , is reprinted and added to it ; articles of inquiries touching metalls and minerals . resuscitatio , or bringing into publick light , severall pieces of the works , hitherto sleeping ; of the same author the ●ight honourable francis lord bacon baron of v●rulam : together with his lordships life , never before printed . gods revenge against murther , in thirty tragicall histories , the 4 edition , whereunto is added the lively pourtractures , of the several p●rsons , and resemblances of cheif passages mentioned therein : engraven in coppe●-plates 1664. books in quarto of my own and other mens printing . dr. charletons two books together , or single , viz. of athesm . of defluxions . certamen religiosum . the law of tythes : and two other treatises of tythes . dr. holyday's sermon of faith. er. clark's sermons at hartford feast . critica sacra . in quarto large . sir richard baker on the psalms . write on the passions . a discourse of the king of spain , surprising the valtoline , translated by sir thomas roe . in octavo large . the abridgement of reynold's 30 tragicall histo●ies . the true copie . royall and loyall bloud , with the names of all the commanders slain in the la●e wars . paget's heresiography of all the sect●ties the last hundred years , with p●o●ractures of the most eminent . dod's ten sermons on the sacrament , with his life lately added . grotious of war and peace in english 3 books . the chronicle of the civil wars of england , sco●land and ireland , from 1637 , to to this present year 1663. by iames heath . graves of the roman foot and denaries . the strong helper . in octavo small and in twelves latham's falconry with many new additions , whereunto is newly added , the gentlemens exercise : never before printed . youths behaviour in octavo , much enlarged , with three tables , and many new additions of hard words , and other use●ull matter , 1664. also the second part concerning the education of young gentlewomen , with excellent porverbs : never yet printed till this year 1664. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35546-e1660 the inconvenience of our usuall servants , if compared with slaves . the authour's design in writing . severall sorts of relations and dependances amongst men . nothing done by men without some designe , or end . the severall sorts of relations or societyes , whereon grounded . the reasons why meane persons apply themselves to great ones : and why great men retaine them . it imports much to know the grounds on which socyeties are founded . the relation betwixt master and servant , lord and vassal , is betwixt persons of unequall degree . power and riches make this inequality of degree . a generall rule to be observed in contracting any dependance . he that depends u●on , or makes use of others , ought to understand their humours and inclinations . the character of the humours of rich men . the hu●●urs of men newly made rich . the humours of men in power . the humours of the poorer sort . poor dependants , how they are to deport themselves to wards their superiours . they are to beare with their defects and follyes . they ought not to think ill of them . much lesse to detract from them . nor to demeane themselves proudly . but to be humble in their addresses . never to dissent from their patron 's judgement , or ●ut modestly . (*) that is , a victory attended with the ruine of the conquerors : as a● thebes the a●gives were overcome by the cadmeans at thebes : but they drew upon themselves a war afterwards with the athenians , wherein they were over come . vid. erasm. adag . to be cautious in their rallying with them . they are not to be of a sullen humour , or aspect . nor forward in discourse . nor addicted to flattery . nor debauched in their morals . the nature of an agreeable conversation . of the garbe and attire of such as are dependants . of their adresse and attendance on their superiours . of their fidelity . of their prudence , and conduct in affaires . they are to manage affaires according to th● judgment of their patron , and not their own . rich and great men how they are to comport themselves towards their inferiour dependants . they ought not to despise and undervalue them too much . they are freemen . not slaves , however they be called servants . ought not to be beaten , or ill used . two great directions for superiours , how to deport themselves towards their inferiours . they ought not to be put upon unnecessary troules . nor be put upon unsuitable employments . nor two imperiously treated . but with affability . yet not with too much kindness . their serviceablenes● ought to be recompensed . every little default in them ought 〈◊〉 to be resented . great men ought n●t to b● unmindfull of the interests of their dependants . nor they too boldly to importu●● their pa●ron● . such as are dependants , ought not to be streightned in their diet or salaries● discord ought not to be sowed and fomented amongst dependants the commendation of this exact deportment of great persons towards their dependants . the compleat courtier: or, the morals of the famous historian cornelius tacitus concerning flattery, &c. in above one hundred essays. paraphras'd and illustrated with useful observations by the sieur amelo de la houssaie and m. d'ablancourt. done out of french. tacitus, cornelius. 1700 approx. 257 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 117 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62449 wing t104 estc r222223 99833426 99833426 37902 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62449) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 37902) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2065:18) the compleat courtier: or, the morals of the famous historian cornelius tacitus concerning flattery, &c. in above one hundred essays. paraphras'd and illustrated with useful observations by the sieur amelo de la houssaie and m. d'ablancourt. done out of french. tacitus, cornelius. amelot de la houssiae, abraham-nicolas, sieur, 1634-1706. ablancourt, sieur d', 1621-1696. [8], 225, [1] p. printed, and are to be sold by e. rumball, at the post-house in russel-street in covent-garden, london 1700. published in 1687 with the title: the modern courtier. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng etiquette -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-02 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the compleat courtier : or , the morals of the famous historian cornelivs tacitvs concerning flattery , &c. in above one hundred essays . paraphras'd and illustrated with useful observations by the sieur amelo de la houssaie and m. d'ablancourt . done out of french. london : printed , and are to be sold by e. rumball , at the post-house in russel-street in covent-garden , 1700. to the reader . it was the judgment of the learned philip carriana , that among all the latin historians , there was not any one , who was to be preferr'd before tacitus , if equall'd to him , either for the solidity of his instructions conducing to civil life , or for his manner of concise and judicious writing ; which is the reason , that all his words are as so many sentences . there is nothing unprofitable , says he , in his writings , nothing of hyperbole , nothing of circumlocution in his words . the marquiss virgilio malvezzi speaks this farther of him , that his history consists in recounting the actions of soveraign princes ; and the benefit that accrews to vs from thence is this , that we may learn thereby those things which may be of great use to us in an age , wherein almost all the estates of the world are under monarchical government . this treatise then contains several observations upon the choicest morals of that famous historian , written in french by the sieur amelot de la houssaie , dedicated to monsieur boucherat , chancellor of france , and printed with the allowance of that potent monarch now raigning in that flourishing kingdom . this is enough to recommend these few sheets to your reading ; for tho' the design may seem to require a larger epistle , yet i am apt to believe it would be superfluous at such a time as this , when the world is grown weary of long prefaces ; as also for that all persons who delight in good authours , have too much sense , to be inform'd of the benefit of tacitus's morals , and the vse which ought to be made of them . the modern courtier : or the morals of tacitvs , concerning flattery lately reviv'd . essay i. egregious and sparkling wits are soon discourag'd and depress'd , where flattery once gets footing and prospers , tacitus annal. l. 1. the meaning of the text is , that there was no want of egregious and sparkling wits , till they were stupifi'd by adulation . d'ablancourt renders it , while there was no speaking of truth without a candid complacency , which does not does not sufficiently express the sence of tacitus , whose meaning is , that where flattery reigns , there follows a decay of towring ingenuities , for that all recompences and rewards go to the flatterers . therefore monsieur harlay chanvalon , has render'd the words much better , thus , till noble ingenuities had debas'd themselves by flattery . there needs no other comment upon these words , then that of tacitus himself . many authors , saith he , have compil'd us the history of the seven first ages of the roman commonweal , at what time they wrote with no less freedom then eloquence : but after it was the interest of peace that the supream power should be devolv'd upon one single person , those lofty genius's were soon eclips'd . and the reason was , for that dominion having depriv'd equality of all command , every one strove to please and comply with the prince , that he might render himself capable of honours and preferment , to which he could not ascend , but by the steps of servitude . for so it is , that servitude and flattery are two inseparable companions : and it was upon the occasion of the shameful flatteries of the senate , that tiberius himself was wont so often to exclaim : poor souls prepar'd for slavery . the younger pliny , whom we shall frequently cite , by reason of the conformity of his maxims with those of tacitus , whom he caus'd to examine his writings , speaking of his uncles books , makes an excuse for eight , which were not wrote in the same stile , and wanted those sinews of eloquence , that gave manly force to all the rest ; because they were written under the reign of nero , when the servile fears of men would not permit 'em to write with freedom . and in one of his epistles , he adds , that he liv'd in the reign of another emperour , when the senate was become altogether mute , and meerly stupifi'd , by reason of long silence . essay ii. caius and lucius , the sons of agrippa , he introduc'd into the family of the cesars , and them , tho' he made a semblance of an utter avers●●● to any such design , he most earnestly desir'd to have proclaim'd , princes of the youth , and to be nominated for consuls . princes of the youth ; that is to say , presumptive heirs of the empire . d'ablancourt renders it thus . he had adopted the sons of agrippa , caius and lucius , and caus'd 'em to be proclaim'd princes of the youth , and earnestly desir'd they might be in nomination for consuls , tho' to outward appearance , he testified an extreme unwillingness to have it so . flattery is always the companion of advanc'd fortune . for caius and lucius were no sooner admitted into the imperial family , but the senate and roman people design 'em for the empire . and that which is yet more remarkable is this , that these two princes , who had not as yet assum'd the robe of manhood , and consequently were not capable of publick employments , were already consuls elected by the senate and people , altho' augustus , out of an affected modesty , seem'd so unwilling to give his consent . but flattery is ingenious and studious to insinuate ; she devines with ease what it is that princes desire ; so that let them cover their longings with never so much art , she will find out the secret. and this was that of which galba gave warning to piso , when he us'd this expression 〈…〉 much ado , how wise , how resolute , how constant soever thou may'st be ( irrumpet adulatio ) flattery will force thy modesty ; and make her self mistress of oll thy affections . essay iii. nero was only left of all the sons in law : him all the popular adoration courted . d'ablancourt renders it ; there remain'd no more alive then tiberius , so that fortune began to cast an eye upon him alone . while marcellus and agrippa , both augustus's sons in law , were alive , as also caius and lucius , the sons of agrippa , tiberius had much ado to brush off several slights and scorns , that were put upon him in the family of augustus , his father in law. but when the palace was empty by the death of all his rivals , then he rul'd lord and master : all people made their addresses to him ; they took no notice of any body else ; courted no body else but only him alone . illuc 〈…〉 , as if tacitus would seem to intimate , that they began even to neglect augustus himself ; as it is the custom of subjects , more especially courtiers to adore the rising beams , and forsake the setting sun. flattery has been always sway'd by interest , and mercenary . when princes grow in years , and begin to stoop towards the grave , flattery removes her altars , and offers her incense to those who are to succeed , to the end she may be sure betimes to make sure of their earliest favour and good opinion . therefore it was a sentence of galba , grounded upon good reason , that flattery was vaid of love ; and that there was not any poison more dangerous then hers . and i wish it were the will of heaven , that all princes were as well convinc'd of this truth , as galba . surely it would be much better for the general prosperity of their affairs ; and their reputation , of which they can never be too jealous , would advance it self to a higher pinacle of grandeur . for then they would have subjects that would adore their persons , whereas those many flatterers that croud about their thrones , idolize nothing but their exalted fortune . and therefore it was , that tiberius and galba always contemn'd and scorn'd ' em . essay . iv. consuls , fathers , knights , all ran headlong into slavery ; and by how much the more illustrious they were , by so much the more deceitful , and speedy in their motion : and with a compos'd gravity , that they might not seem to be too much overjoy'd at the death of the deceas'd emperour , nor sad at such a conjecture as the advancement of the succeeding prince , they intermix'd their tears with joy , and their lamentations with adulation . at rome , says d'ablancourt , all degrees of men , knights , senators , and consuls , ran headlong into slavery , and the most illustrious and eminent first of all ; composing so their looks and countenances , that they might not seem joyful for the death of augustus , nor sad that tiberius was come to the throne . nevertheless their tears , their condolements and congratulations , were all but cunning dissimulation . flattery is always excessive at the beginning of a new reign : for every one strives to be complaisant and to advance his fortune , by ingratiating himself . even they themselves , who are not addicted to flattery , become flatterers then , spurr'd on by envy and jealousie , not enduring that their competitors should gain a greater ascendant over the affections of their prince then themselves , and fearing least favours should advance their equals to be their superiours . the grandees are oblig'd to flatter , in regard there is an absolute necessity for them to please , that so they may be able to preserve their grandeur . every prince at the beginning of his reign is subject to mistrust , not knowing whither the great ones are well pleas'd or disgusted at his advancement . therefore it is , that he makes it his business to sound the affections of his nobility ; and that he studies to observe their countenances and their discourses . which is the rea●on that we we find all men in all companies , striving to outvie one another in adulation and servitude . essay v. valerius messala added , that the senators should every year renew their oaths of fidelity to tiberius : and being ask'd by tiberius , whither it was by his order that he had given those hints to the senate , he answer'd of his own accord , that in those thinge which concern'd the commonweal , he was not wont to follow any other counsels then his own , not caring whither others were offended or no. that only sort of flattery then remain'd . says d'ablancourt , when tiberius had ask'd him , whither he had given him orders to speak what he had said , he answer'd , that what concern'd the republic , he never took advice of any person . where he leaves out , vel cum periculo offensionis , wherein chiefly consists undiscernable spurn of absolute controul , and the disguis'd assertion of liberty . and besides , he omits the following sentence , ea sola species adulandi supererat , which makes a most graceful and pleasing epiphonema to what went before . the question which tiberius put to messala , plainly shews , that there are certain flatteties , which are so far from being grateful to princes , that they rather blush and are asham'd to hear 'em pronounc'd . but from one piece of servile flattery , which had wounded tiberius's modesty , messala drives on to another , which under the false appearance of a bravado , and an undaunted courage , concludes in the absolute annihilation of liberty . for while he feigns as if he thought tiberius offended with his advice , as one that really was resolv'd never to take upon him the burthen of the empire , he maintains by his reply , that it was not the power of the empire to excuse him , and by consequence , that there was a compulsive necessity for him to accept of the sovereign power maugre his aversion to the contrary protesting that he would rather incur the princes indignation , then be debarr'd from speaking freely whatever he thought might be for the service of his country . essay vi. the fathers unanimously cry'd out , that the body should be carry'd to the funeral pile , upon the shoulders of the senators . d'ablancourt renders it , then the senate cry'd out , that it was but decent for the body to be carry'd to the funeral pile upon the shoulders of senators . there needs but one flatterer to infect a whole society . messala had no sooner deliver'd his fawning opinion , but the whole senate are for improving and striving to outvye his glozing dissimulation . messala had spoken like a colloguing courtier , and the senate speaks like so many abject slaves : for it was a duty incumbent only to the slaves to carry the bodies of their masters to the funeral pile . essay . vii . nor were the fathers less prodigal of their adulation toward augusta . but tiberius told 'em , there was a moderation to be us'd in bestowing female honours . says d'ablancourt , their flattery was not only excessive toward the emperour , but also towards his lady . princes are willing enough that honours should be bestow'd upon their mothers , or their kindred ; but they cannot endure that any person whatever , should be made their equal . but this was that which the senate were about to do , when they decreed that glorious title of mother of her country to livia . for indeed flatterers are strongly subject to one piece of imprudence , for that as they are a sort of people , that make their interest the only idol of their adulation , looking one way but rowing another , they never measure their study'd encomium's according to the merit , or quality , or dignity of the person , but give the same panegyricks to a judge , a chancellor , a president , or an earl , &c. as to a sovereign prince . and thus we find at this day several illustrious epithites , whither before large folio's , or plays , or discourses upon mean and frivolous subjects , which are allowable to none but kings and absolute princes . which is the reason that france now mainly stands in need of a pragmatic sanction , like to that which philip the ii. set forth in the year 1586. to prevent abuses of the same nature . as for women , tiberius like a politic prince , well understood how dangerous a thing it was to raise their pride , their vanity , their luxury , their avarice , their ambition , their insolence , and their cruelty , which according to tacitus , are the usual passions incident to their sex. and this maxim of tiberius , is well observ'd in hungary , where the queens , at the ceremony of their coronation , are never crown'd but upon the shoulders , to let 'em know that the kingdom has no need of their heads , the king 's being altogether sufficient for the weight of government . essay viii . the name of father of his country , frequently by the people crouded in among his titles , tiberius refus'd ; nor would he permit any oaths to be sworn for the observation of his acts , alledging that all the acts of mortal men were frail and uncertain , and the more he was advanc'd in power , the more slippery was the pinacle upon which he stood . he excus'd himself , says d'ablancourt , by urging the inconstancy of human events , affirming that the higher he was exalted , the more dangerous would be his fall , and the more likely to happen . nothing better becomes a great and glorious prince , then to withstand the assaults of flattery . the senate had decree'd , that all the acts of tiberius should be sworn to ; that is to say , that they should be bound to confirm and justifie , whatever he did to be legally and warrantably done . but tiberius was of a contrary opinion ; that he was so far from being infallible , that he was more then others in danger of failing in his judgment , for that his high employment , and the burthen of the ponderous charge upon his shoulders , was not only more difficult then any other to undergo , but more obnoxious also to human accidents . princes have always been accustom'd to have flatterers at their elbows , who swear continually to all their acts ; insinuating that god has given 'em a universal knowledge , and a judgment that cannot err . so that we must not wonder if so many princes miscarry in their government , for want of faithful servants that will open their lips to tell 'em truth . therefore a politic spaniard , giving the reason why it was the custom for many princes to carry their jester along with 'em where ever they went : * because , says he , they were wise and prudent men ; for they did not make use of those jesters for sport or divertisement , but for information . and in anothir place , † these jesters , says he , are the oracles of truth , who fearlessly discover what others have unwarily utter'd in their hearing . which is a great assistance to princes , who never can correct the fault before they know it . essay ix . the tribunes and centurions reported oft'ner what was grateful to the ear then what was true : the freedmen still retain'd a twang of their former slavery : friends were all addicted to flatter : but 't was his business to know the inside of the soldiers hearts , when alone and thinking themselves secure , they freely imparted their hopes and fears at their military meals . d'ablancourt renders the whole thus : for that the tribunes and centurions made their reports rather as things were wish'd to be , then according to truth . that the freedmen still retain'd a smatch of their former slavery , and treacherous friendship only flatter'd . he resolv'd himself therefore to discover what he was uncertain to know by any other information , and to penetrate the minds of the soldiers , when retir'd in their tents , and familiarly discoursing over their military commons , they display'd the naked verity of their hopes and fears . germanicus it seems one night took his opportunity to walk in disguise and unattended through every street of his camp , and stopping at every tent , heedfully listen'd to the familiar discourses of the soldiers . several great princes have observ'd the same method , to make those discoveries themselves , which they were certain others conceal'd from their knowledge . the spanish author last quoted ( in his ferdinand . ) says very pertinently , that charles the v. was become the spie of his own reputation . and that francis the i. having spent a whole night in the dwelling of simplicity , that is to say , in the country among the vulgar hinds , discovered so many things of high imporoance to his government , that he was often wont to repeat this saying , he had been lost , unless he had been lost ; as he rode a hunting . in like manner might he as well have said what the great antiochus utter'd , upon his having been in a little cottage , where he discours'd with several poor people that knew him not , that he had never heard truth spoken till then . and the same author adds , if it be so difficult for a private man to know himself , what a task must it be for a king ? while self-love will not permit to know himself ; nor , flattery to know others . princes have no mirrours , and therefore muct make use of their own industry . so then , there cannot be a more beneficial piece of industry to be their own perdu's , when men are discoursing over their trenchers and cups , with free and open hearts ; for then it is that they give their tongues and jocund humours the liberty to range ; while precaution and reserv'dness are laid aside . essay x. tiberius rejoyc'd to hear the senate argue for the laws against his sons . d'ablancourt renders it , tiberius was glad to see his sons , in that same famous dispute , made equal with the laws . what a strange thing flattery is ! the dispute was about the election of a pretor ; for which office there were several that stood . drusus and germanicus , the sons of tiberius , favour'd a kinsman of their own , whereas the roman law preferr'd those who had the most numerous issue . however , notwithstanding the election was hotly bandy'd and oppos'd by the senate , yet favour at length carry'd it above the law. which is no more then what happens every day in other courts , however let princes be never so vertuous and moderate , yet they always take delight to prefer their authority above the laws , while it gives them the opportunity of reaping to themselves the sole glory of submitting afterwards . thus it was that tiberius one day depress'd himself , to advance the high opinion of his moderation , returning in answer to the flattery of a senator , that the customes of a country prudently establish'd , and with which the people had always all along been satisfi'd , were not to be chang'd , but upon mature and deep premeditation : that princes had too much business already , and too much power : that while they labour'd to advance and extend their own , they did but weaken the authority of the law. lastly , that there was no need of application to a prince , when the laws were sufficient to reform the grievance . here by the way we must observe , that in republic's they say , the laws are above princes : but in monarchies , reason of state requires that the prince should be above the laws : i speak of hereditary monarchies ; for in elective monarchies , the laws are superiour to the prince , as in germany and poland , where the government is aristocratico-monarchical . essay xi . he sharply reprehended those who gave the epithite of divine to his daily employments , and gave him the title of lord . says d'ablancourt , he severely reprov'd those who call'd hiw lord , and gave his daily exercises the epithite of divine occupations . there are some flatterys , that render princes odious . tiberius , who was hated enough already , had been much more contemn'd , had he accepted of a title , which augustus , whose example had always with him the force of a law , had refus'd by a decree . and for that reason it was that he thunder'd out his indignation against those , who call'd him lord . he was a lord in reality , but he would not that people should call him so , as being desirous they should believe he did not look upon himself so to be . politic princes are contented with the substance of their power , and willingly part with all the rest as meerly superfluous . for subjects are almost all of the humour of that same parthian king , who was nothing troubl'd that his brother bore the yoke of roman servitude , so long as he did not wear the scars and marks of it . the greater progress tiberius made in taming the senate with the vain shew of liberty , the more he enlarg'd and establish'd his power . the more popular his words and actions were , the more plyable he found the great men , and the more easily led to servitude . he was offended with those who call'd his occupations , divine ; for because he knew himself not undeservedly to be tax'd with the common stain of his family , which was haughtiness , he was desirous that the people should believe he went hand in hand with the senate in the government . i know , said he , that i am but a mortal man , and subject to all the frailties of humanity , and therefore 't is enough for me to be honour'd with the first seat in the senate , and more then enough if i supply it well . — princes are mortal , but the common-wealth is eternal . by this acknowledgment he was no more then a member , and he permitted those honours that were pay'd him no otherwise , then as they were ascrib'd to the rest of the senators . who though they gave little credit to what he said , yet were they pleas'd to hear him deliver himself with so much modesty , so much the rather because it was not always his luck to be popular for all that . observe moreover , that by the difference which he made between princes as mortals , and commonwealths as being eternal , he seem'd to intimate , that he was so far from being lord of the empire , that he had little concern in the government of it ; only his eternity resided in the body of the senate , which was immortal , and was able alone to shake the affairs of the universe . essay xii . who fear'd liberty , yet hated adulation . says d'ablancourt , vnder a prince who hated flattery , yet was no friend to liberty . to hate flattery is to love liberty ; to hate liberty , is to love flattery . nevertheless tiberius hated both the one and the other . a strange thing , says tacitus , that a prince who left remaining not the least footstep of liberty , should be tir'd and discontented to behold in the senate , such an effeminate and servile complacency . certainly 't is a very difficult thing to find the way how to please the palate of a politic prince . if you flatter him continually , you incur his contempt ; if you deal too frankly and freely with him , you meet his indignation . how vertuous soever he be , too much liberty offends him ; because it appears not so respectful as flattery . and if they are wickedly enclin'd , flattery then becomes suspected ; because her eucomiums are oftentimes the reproaches of vices , which are opposite to vertue . therefore had tacitus reason to say , that a man has enough to do , who has to deal with a prince that understands what flattery is . for which reason it was an ingenious and witty saying of the countess d'aranda , that there was no register in the heart of a king , and by consequence it was not to be read . moreover princes find greater benefit by liberty , then flattery , as being deluded by one , but instructed by the other . but courtiers take the surer course to attain their ends by flattery , then by liberty of speech ; while the one is grateful , the other odious to the generality of great personages . essay xiii . the same undestinguish'd lamentations among all : an intermix'd and confus'd throng of mourners , and every one weeping at their own rate . there could be no adulation there , while all men knew that the death of germanicus was welcom to tiberius . d'ablancourt says , that it was no formal funeral pomp , or study'd mourning , to gratifie tiberius , who they knew was well pleas'd with the death of germanicus . the common people are not capable of dissimulation , nor by consequence of flattery . for when tiberius outwardly bewail'd the death of germanicus , they were so far with complying with his inward joy , that they sought to spite him by all the demonstrations of a public and real lamentation imaginable ; and celebrating the praise of the deceas'd . and indeed there has been in all times , a certain kind of antipathy between the prince and the people . they who are hated by the prince , are generally belov'd by the multitude . on the other side , they who are the darlings of the people , are never favour'd by the prince . germanicus was mortally hated by tiberius , because he was the peoples favourite ; and the people had an antipathy against drusus , because tiberius had a greater kindness for him , then for his brother . the people ador'd agrippina ; tiberius persecuted her to death . when the wife of drusus lay inn of two male infants , tiberius could not contain his joy , nor the people their sorrow . because the reinforcement of drusus's family weaken'd and depress'd the family of germanicus . but when drusus dy'd , the people were overjoy'd to hear the emperours lamentations , in hopes the family of germanicus , against whom his father had all along display'd his enmity , would now revive and flourish in its former glory . essay . xiv . he nam'd manias lepiodus , and junius blesus , to choose which of the two they pleas'd to be sent proconsul into africa . lepidus excus'd himself by reason of the crazie constitution of his body , and for that he had a daughter ready to be marry'd : but there was another reason which was conjectur'd at by all , tho' by him not so much as mention'd , which was , that blesus was uncle to sejanus , and therefore assur'd of the preferment : blesus also refus'd the proffer , but not with that fervency and sincerity as the other did , nor was he so much applauded by his flatterers , who were also the same that flatter'd sejanus . d'ablancourt says , that lepidus grounded his refusal upon his indisposition of body , alledging besides , that he had a daughter to marry ; but that there was another reason which he durst not discover ; because his rival was vncle to sejanus , and therefore would be sure to be preferr'd before him . blesus also made a refusal ; but not with half that earnestness , nor so loudly applauded by those that flatter'd him . when tiberius propos'd lepidus and blesus to the senate , he propounded a choice between merit and favour . lepidus was a person of merit , as being a person whom augustus had adjudg'd worthy and fit to govern the empire . but blesus was the favourite , as being uncle to sejanus . tiberius nam'd lepidus in the first place , seemingly designing to give the precedency to merit ; but he knew well , that flattery would bequeath it to favour . the excuses which lepidus alledg'd were receiv'd with applause and acclamation , as being no less grateful to tiberius , then to sejanus and blesus . but the excuses which blesus produc'd could not be heard ; while every one knew there was a willing force design'd to engage him to acceptance . for favour and flattery go hand in hand together ; they never part company , attended by injustice that follows close at their heels . essay xv. cestius the senator discours'd , that princes indeed were like the gods , but that neither gods bow'd down their ears to the unjust supplications of their adorers . says d'ablancourt , cestius declar'd , that princes were like the gods , but that the gods never listen'd to prayers that were unjust . princes are oftentimes compar'd to god ; and indeed they may be said to be corporeal gods ; according to that of vegetius , there is a faithful devotion to be paid to the emperour , as to our present and terrestrial god. god himself also gives them the same title , i have said ye are gods. but the illustrious and caelestial title should put 'em in remembrance of their principal and god-like office , which is to distribute justice to their subjects , and prevent the oppression of the poor . 't is a usual thing for them that kneel at their feet for favours and preferments , to tell 'em they are absolute in power , and that they are the images of the almighty : but for the same reason , they are oblig'd to take care that all their grants be just , for fear of defacing that same glorious similitude . 't is a great weakness in a prince to be so timorous , as not to dare justly to deny what others dare demand without regard to justice . certainly , that king spoke like a vertuous prince , who being press'd to keep an illegal promise , reply'd , that 't was impossible he should ever have made an unjust promise . thus charles the v. being inform'd that he had sign'd a grant that was contrary to equity , sent for it again , and after he had tore it , i love my soul , said he , much better then my writing . essay xvi . dolabella cornelius , while he strove to outvie the rest , stumbled into a most absur'd piece of flattery , and decreed , that he should make an ovant entry into the city , returning from campania . says d'ablancourt , dolabella desirous to surpass all others , fell into a ridiculous piece of flattery , proposing to decree tiberius the honour of a petty triumph . could there be a more impertinent piece of flattery then this , to decree a triumphant entrie to a prince , meerly upon his return from a bare progress ? but tiberius had too much wit to be in the humour to accept of such an honour , which had render'd him more ridiculous then the curry-favour that decreed it him . i am not so indigent of honour , said he to the senate , after having tam'd so many warlike nations , and receiv'd and refus'd so many honours in my youth , as in my declining age to beg a counterfeit triumph for a journey of pleasure almost within view of rome it self . princes that have acquir'd a substantial reputation , as tiberius had done , in the east , in germany and pannonia , or hungary , scorn all false honours : and to flatter 'em , is to incur their displeasure ; because their renown has no need of borrow'd augmentation . when their praises flow from the lips of flatterers , they become suspected ; for it is with flatterers as with lyars , whom no body believes , even when they speak truth . so that princes have the greatest reason to abhor their vain idolizers , who rob their vertue of more true glory , then the sophisticate honour comes to , so sedulously prepar'd for a false and unseasonable glitter . essay xvii . only rubellius blandus held with lepidus ; the rest all sided with agrippa . says d'ablancourt , of all the consular senators , only rubellius blandus was of lepidus's opinion ? the rest condemned priscus to death . agrippa had adjudg'd to death a certain roman knight accus'd to have cheated tiberius , in presenting him an elegie upon the death of germanicus , which he had made for drusus , who was recovered from a disease , of which 't was thought he would have dy'd . lepidus , according to his custom , which was to moderate the rigour of severe sentences , insisted , that the mild temper of the prince , and the example of their ancestors , would not admit that they should run to that heighth , as not to make a distinction between words and actions ; and that ostentation was not to be punish'd as a criminal offence : that they might find out such a medium , so that the offender might be punish'd , and yet they have no occasion ever to repent of too much clemency , or too unwary severity . that a man who made it his study to write verses and read 'em to women , to acquire the reputation of being a poet , was neither in a capacity to do the public any harm , if they suffer'd him to live ; nor considerable enough , to be made an example of terrour , if they put him to death , and therefore that it was sufficient to banish him , and confiscate his estate . but this prudent and grave advice had but one only person to applaud it ; while agrippa , tho' his opinion and intentions were unjust , had all the rest of the voices of his side , because he flatter'd the inclinations of the prince , who was both cruel and greedy of revenge . one flatterer makes many , while they are afraid to be less forward then he , to support the prince's interests , if they do not side with that opinion which flatters most . essay xviii . he spoke modest things concerning the manners of the young man , nor did he add any thing of untruth to set a higher value upon his parts . says d'ablancourt , he added something , as to drusus , but without flattery . when tiberius mention'd germanicus , to whom he bare a particular spleen and envy , he spar'd for no words , nor no applauses , because he flatter'd him , and was willing the senate should believe he said more then he meant . but when he spoke of drusus , who was his own son , he was always thrifty of his expressions , as being desirous they should believe all that he said ; as indeed he never did speak any thing of him but what every one knew to be truth . behold here the difference between praising and flattering . to praise , is truly to declare the real worth and merits of any person and no more : whereas he who flatters , either aggravates , or lyes . he that aggravates , attributes more to the person then he deserves : and he may be said to lye , who gives to vices the appellation of vertues , that are their opposites , as it is the custom of all that flatter . essay xix . the fathers had study'd his oration before hand ; so that the flattery was the more finely spun. says d'ablancourt , the senators waited for this request , which render'd the flattery more delicate . if flattery be generally so suttle and ingenious as it is , what is there which it is not able to invent to shew her complacency , after a serious meditation ? if she be so pliant and submissive , when her acts are unconstrain'd and voluntary , to what a low degree of pusilanimous baseness will she not condescend and poorly stoop , when once necessity and awful force compel her ? essay xx. m. silanus , in contempt of the consulship , labour'd for the honour of the princes , and deliver'd it , as his own opinion that the names of the consuls should be no longer affix'd to public or private acts , as the rule of kalenders and chronologies , but the names of those that had the tribunitial power . but as for quintus haterius , when he propos'd that the decrees of the senate for that day , should be set up in the court in letters of gold , the old man became the laughter of the whole court , who having so small a time to live , could think of carrying the infamy of such a notorious piece of flattery to his grave . says d'ablancourt , haterius expos'd himself to public laughter , for having propos'd to engrave their decrees in letters of gold , as one that could not hope to reap the fruit of his flattery , but the ignominy that attended it . but this does not come up to the sense of tacitus , who the better to set out the poor spirit of haterius , tells us , that he was an old man , who by consequence not having long to live , could expect no other , then to go to his grave loaden with infamy . the same thing happen'd to tiberius , which had befallen augustus . when augustus made tiberius his associate in the tribuneship , then thither cuncta vergere . the flatterers began to pay their adorations all to tiberius : and so soon as tiberius summons drusus to partnership in the dignity and authority , every one strives to adore the rising sun , all the flatterers ; all the senators like emulous champions , dispute for preheminence in flattery , and to gain the favour of the new prince , generally the prize of early sedulicie . silanus therefore , a person illustrious for his extraction and eloquence , steps up , and proposes that the public accounts of the years should be no longer taken from the names of the consuls , but from the sovereign tribuneship , little heeding that while he honour'd drusus , he dishonour'd tiberius , who having been four times consul , receiv'd the same affront as the rest of the consuls , if he suffer'd a dignity to grow into contempt , which he himself had taken upon him , after he was emperour . besides , that if the alteration of chronological computation should commence from no longer a date then the tribuneship of drusus , he must be inferiour to his son ; or at least be beholding to him for being nam'd with him in all public acts and registers : which is a thing highly injurious to majesty , that endures neither equality nor dependency . and thus see how flattery oft-times splits it self upon the rocks of imprudence , and becomes affrontive where she studies most obsequiousness . as for quintus haterius , his flattery was so ill resented by tiberius , that his proposal was look'd upon as extravagant . and that which render'd him most ridiculous , was his old age , that put him out of hopes of ever living to reap the fruit of drusus's acknowledgement ; so that there nothing more remain'd for him , but the ignominy of having been the author of a proposal so much beneath a person of his years and quality : for he was of an illustrious family , and moreover highly esteem'd for his eloquence . whence you may observe by the by , that eloquence and flattery wonderfully sympathize one with the other ; and that it is a difficult thing to be a cunning and dextrous flatterer without eloquence ; or to be eloquent without adulation . and this is that perhaps , which the younger pliny means , that eloquence is not to be learnt , without good manners ; to let us understand , that eloquence is a dangerous talent in them , who are not endu'd with a sincerity capable to make a right use of it . essay xxi . i think it to be the chiefest duty of a historian , to take care that vertue be not smother'd , and to deter men from evil actions and sayings , for fear of being branded with ignomy to posterity . in my opinion , says d'ablancourt , 't is the duty of a historian , to give to vertue the recompence which she deserves , and to beget an abhorrency of vice , by awing men with the shame of eternal infamy . it is the custom of flatterers to extol vice , while by a wrong impression of interpretation , they make it pass for currant vertue ; and to cry down as crimes , the vertues of such as are hated by those princes whom they flatter . of all people therefore in the world are flatterers the most unfit , and improper to undertake a history , which ought to have truth for its guide , and for its object the instruction of posterity . and here we must not omit to give that worthily deserved character of monsieur mezeray , to be the only modern author , that has honour'd france with a sincere story , and left in his writings the lively image of its ancient liberty . essay . xxii . ennius a roman knight , accus'd of high treason , because he had melted down the princes statue , and turn'd it into silver plate , cesar forbad to be register'd among the guilty ; aseius capito openly opposing him under the pretence of liberty , alledging that such a hainous crime ought never to go unpunish'd ; that he might be remiss in pard'ning offences against himself ; not be so lavish to forgive notorious injuries done the public . says d'ablancourt , ennius a roman knight was accus'd of high treason , for having melted a statue of the prince , to change it into silver plate for his own use . but tiberius discharg'd him ; tho' capito oppos'd him , crying out as if he had stood up in defence of the public liberty , that it became him not to let so great an offender go vnpunish'd ; that he might pardon his own , but not the injuries of the commonwealth . flattery is never more wicked , then when she disguises her self in the habit of liberty . capito was not to learn that tiberius hated flattery , and that on the other side he was no friend to liberty ; and therefore he intermixes both together . what ? says he , will you let go a criminal , that has thus daringly display'd his contempt of your person , by melting down one of your statues ; and had this offence been committed against you alone , you might have pardon'd it , and the senate could not have oppos'd it ; but since it is a crime that ennius has committed against the whole republic , the punishment belongs to vs ; since it is not just that you should be so merciful at the expence of our authority . certainly no piece of flattery could ever have out-done this reprimand . capito , who was not ignorant of the cruel temper of tiberius , would insinuate that all the injuries done to the prince , should be look'd upon as done to the common-weal ; to the end that under that specious pretence , while the senate satisfi'd the emperours revenge , tiberius might be discharg'd of the odium which was like to fall upon him , had he been carver for himself . thus sycophants cherish and foment the vices of princes , and teach 'em how to be tyrants . observe by the way , that this capito was a person highly learn'd in the laws , both human and divine , and moreover accounted one of the chief men in the senate , yet all his learning serv'd but to stain his reputation with eternal reproach ; considering the ill use which he had made of it , as well under augustus as under tiberius . there are always at the elbows of princes , says commines in his memoires , l. 1. c. 6. some or other of the long robe ; a lovely sight , when vertuous ; but dangerous , when wicked . and in his fifth book , toward the end of the chapter , too much knowledge corrupts the wicked ; but the vertuous are much the better for it . essay xxiii . labeo , an untainted asserter of liberty , and for that reason , of a more celebrated reputation ; but capito's obsequiousness was more approv'd by those that had the sovereign power . says d'ablancourt , labeo more frank and generous , and therefore more famous among men , the other more complaisant , and better belov'd by his prince . i have already said , that how vertuous soever princes may be , they are unwilling however to suffer absolute liberty : whatever their aversion may be to flattery , yet too much freedom is that which more offends their ears . majesty is so accustom'd to respect and adoration , that whatsoever is not complaisance or submission , proves insupportable to it . augustus was a mild and vertuous prince , but yet he never lov'd labeo , because he did not seem to demean himself as became him , like a subject ; therefore he preferr'd capito , his competitor , tho' his inferiour in birth , in merit , and in honesty , only surpassing him in complaisance . labeo was more esteem'd by all the world , and capito more valu'd by his prince . labeo deserv'd the consulship but never had it ; capito's advancement was early to the same dignity ; tho' no otherway deserv'd it then by his cringing obsequiousness . labeo's humour gains a reputation among the people , but he who strives to be a favourite at court , must observe the method that capito follow'd ; according to the court maxim , that favour acquir'd is more durably preserv'd by complaisance , then by courage . essay xxiv . a dulation and pride kept equal pace together . says d'ablancourt , servile and proud both together . flatterers ( i mean the flatterers in courts of princes ) are for the most part tainted with two sorts of vices , which seem however to be contrary to each other ; that is to say , servility and pride . they are flexible pliant , and obsequious to their prince , but arrogant and haughty toward their inferiours . and this was the meaning of tacitus , where he says , that mucianus was an intermixture of affability , and arrogance : and of what the orator passienus said of caligula , who had been a most servile flatterer of tiberius , that there was never known a better slave nor a worse master . plutarch also records in sylla's life , that he always humbled himself to those with whom he had to do ; but expected adoration from those that had to do with him ; so that it was hard to say of him , which of the two were his chiefest excellency , his flattery , or his pride . essay xxv . those that were too lavish of their flatteries , he himself restrain'd and reprov'd . says d'ablancourt , and if any suffer'd themselves to run into high-strain'd flattery , those the prince was the first that reprehended . this was the true means to preserve himself from being mislead . for it is with many princes , as with women that are given to tell stories , that their ears are too open to the charms of pleasing impertinents . if flatterers never open'd their lips , princes would never be misguided , for verity would take place of untruth . for this reason it was , that the prudent senator helvidius , delivering his opinion concerning the deputies which the senate had resolv'd to send to vespasian , to congratulate his advancement to the empire , alledging , that it was for the interest of the public weal , and the honour of the prince , to depute the first time , such of their number , whose lives and conversations were free from stain or reproach , that they might accustom his ears to wholesome counsel ; that thraseas , soranus , and sentius , ( who were three of the sincerest persons in the senate ) having been honour'd already with vespasians friendship , it behov'd 'em to be careful to let him see their accusers . that a deputation so judicious would be as it were a tart intimation which the senate gave him of those persons , who were most worthy his esteem and favour ; and likewise of those other whom he had reason to mistrust . that is to say , flatterers , and other wicked people , that build their fortunes upon the ruin of others . essay xxvi . the same honors were decreed to the memory of drusus , as to that of germanicus , tho' with several additions , as the latter adulation will be always contriving to do . says d'ablancourt , they decreed the same honours to drusus , as were decreed to the memory of his brother : but some new ceremonies were added , as the latter flattery is always the moct ingenious . by the means of this same novelty it is , that flatterers always support themselves in the favour of their princes . they would be weary of her flatteries , had adulation but one string to the tuneful harp of their encomiums . they only value those honours that are peculiarly invented for themselves . for every prince new incense and perfumes . hence it comes to pass , that he who sits at present in the throne , is more applauded , then all those that reign'd before him . as ridiculous and stupid as the emperor claudius was , the slave to his own enfranchiz'd bondmen , yet he fail'd not to find one consul , who was not asham'd to propose the giving him the title of father of the senate , alledging that father of his country was too common ; and that a prince who blest the empire every day with new accumulations of his favour , deserv'd at least to be honour'd with a sirname that never had been given to any of his predecessors . essay xxvii . the chief priests also when they made their vows for the welfare of the prince , recommended likewise nero and drusus to the gods , not so much for love of the young men , as out of flattery , the omission of which as equally begets suspition , as the excess . the high priest , says d'ablancourt , when they made their vows for the emperour , recommended to the protection of the same gods , nero and drusus , not so much through any affection as out of flattery , the excess or omission of which are equally dangerous . we have already asserted , that flatterie is void of love , and that by straining at flattery , men often loose themselves in the mazes of folly and imprudence . and certainly it was a great piece of imprudence to equal to the person of the emperour , two young striplings that were but just coming into the world. majesty endures no companion or partnership in honours . when others mount , she must descend . flattery 's mercinary ; and is always for him that bids most . tiberius was now in his declining years , and nero and drusus in the prime of their youth . the high priests look'd upon the reign of tiberius , as a reign that would be soon at an end ; and the fortune of nero , as a sovereignty that was shortly to commence . therefore it was not through affection but interest , that they made so little a distinction between the two brothers and tiberius , who having lost his son , seem'd to have no more then a precarious and languishing authority . and this was the meaning of tiberius , when he told the pontiffs , that he was glad to see children equall'd to his hoary age ; which was a wipe by the by , to let 'em understand they had been too hasty to appoint him a successor . and thus you see what an ill reception flattery finds , when once it knows no bounds . but the omission of flattery is no less displeasing to princes , as ascribing the cause of that neglect to haughtiness , to contumacy , or contempt . and therefore it was that tiberius so often complain'd of the arrogance , and indocibility of agrippina , germanicus's wife ; and that under nero , it was objected against thrasea , for no less then high treason , that he had never either applauded , or countenanc'd the flatteries of others , and that he always absented himself on purpose , when the magistrates were to take their oaths of allegiance , or made any vows for the prosperity of the prince : that he had never sacrific'd in return of thanks for his charming and celestial voice , that he would never acknowledg poppea for a goodess ; that he had forboru coming to the senate for three years together , because he would not consent to his decrees ; to shew that none of his majesties actions pleas'd him , though he would not declare his mind by any open contradiction or opposition . that he left the senate one day , when they were making speeches against the memory of agrippina , the mother of nero. and thus you see in one man , almost all the sins of omission , which a courtier could commit in the concerns of flattery . moreover , there are some occasions where the subject cannot dispence with flattery as others do . such are those which we call congratulation , or condolement . tho' had thrasea been present when the magistrates took their oaths , had he made his vows for the prince , or appear'd at the funeral of poppea , it could have been no stain to his reputation . and therefore it does not become a subject to be too stiff neither ; but on the other side to comply with the times and humours of the prince , as much as it is possible , more especially so far as the rules of good breeding and civility extend . thus the younger pliny being design'd consul , refus'd to decree new honours to trajan , as the consuls elect had wont to do to other princes . but , said he , i did not abstain from this same outward appearance of flattery , through any motive of liberty infring'd , or of constancy , but because i was assur'd of the moderation of my prince , therefore believing it would be much more to his honour , for me to refuse the making any such decree ; altho' so just a duty could not be tax'd of flattery . those grandees and other persons who are oblig'd to live at court , can never learn a better 〈◊〉 then this , to preserve themselves in their several stations . 't were well , there were no flatterers at all ; but there is no need of such remarkable demonstrations to prove men are not so ; in regard it shews like a piece of contumacy and mutinous insurrection against the majesty of a prince . so that seneca spoke rather like a philosopher that contemn'd death , then a courtier when he answer'd the tribune whom nero sent , to bring back his justification , that he was not of a humour to flatter , as no body better knew then nero himself , who had had more frequent experience of seneca's freedom then his complaisance . essay xxviii . in the senate he gave a severe charge in a set speech , that no man for the future should attempt to elevate the fluctuating and unsteady minds of the young men with over hasty honours . in the discourse which he made to the senate , says d'ablancourt , he gave a strist caution , that no man should swell the volatile minds of the young men with honours above their age. this admonition concerns the governours and tutors of young princes , for whom there is nothing so necessary as these lessons of moderation and modesty . the children of princes know too soon that they are princes , and by consequence that they are born to command over men , tho' sometimes they learn too late that they are but men themselves . they are told upon every occasion , that all belongs to them ; but the same instructors at the same time forget to tell 'em likewise , that their persons belong to the commonweal ; that all their time belongs to the public ; that the burthen which they are one day to undergo , is very troublesome and painful ; and besides that , extremely subject to the accidents of fortune ; that the higher they are advanc'd , the greater is the danger of their fall ; that they will never be belov'd , unless they love reciprocally ; for love it self is masterless , that to be belov'd of god , it behoves 'em to be belov'd of men ; that flatterers mislead 'em , if they listen to their charms ; that when they are flatter'd , 't is not their persons , but their fortune that is fawn'd upon ; since no flatterer can be capable of sincere and real love. that princes can never know all things , nor bear the whole burthen of their sovereign employment , and therefore for the good of the kingdom , and their own honour , they ought to make choice of able and faithful ministers , to assist 'em with their counsels and their industry ; dominion and absolute power , which commands all other things , not having any more to desire , then their dextrous and truly loyal assistance . and lastly , that the safest and shortest expedient to reign well , is for a prince to propose to himself , as the rule and ballance of all his actions to be no other then he would wish a prince to be , were he a subject . essay . xxix . varro the consul gratifi'd the hatred of sejanus , by the loss of his own reputation . the consul varro 〈◊〉 d'ablancourt , became his own 〈…〉 and was not asham'd to sacrifice 〈…〉 and to the interests of sejanus . flatterers are always no less servile then cruel : and seeing they sacrifice so willingly their honour to favour , 't is no wonder we are so easily induc'd to sacrifice to the interrest of topping favorites , the objects of their hatred . if the favourite , says commines , would lay an imposition of a penny , they cry two . if the prince do but threaten a man , they cry , let him be hang'd . and be sure sir , to render your self formidable ; and for themselves , their deportment and their frowns discover nothing but pride and severity , as if authority and power were their inheritance . observe by the way , that tacitus when he mentions flattery , frequently associates with it calumny , which is indeed one of the most usual means , that flatterers make use of to the ruine of others . essay xxx . lepidus for the most part , deviated for the better , from the severe adulations of others ; and yet he carry'd himself so exactly poys'd that he flourish'd under tiberius with an equal share of authority and his princes favour . so that i am constrain'd to doubt whither the inclination of princes to some , and their aversion to others , be not guided as many other things are by fate and the ruling constellations at our birth : and whither it be in our power to walk in a path free from ambition and dan between untractable contumacy , and deformed servility . says d'ablancourt , many times he allay'd the over-rigorous advice of others , not failing nevertheless in his respect to his prince , and by that means preserv'd two things most difficult to be preserv'd ; the honour of his employment , and his majesties favour . which makes me frequently doubt whither the favour of great men , and their hatred , be not rather the effects of destiny , and the stars that governour nativities , as are all other accidents that happen in the world , then of human prudence , that so much pretends to have a share therein . the moderation of lepidus , is a remarkable testimony , that rhere may be some great personages , impenetrable to flattery and injustice under the dominion even of the most wicked princes , and that there never was any age so barren of vertuous courage , but has offer'd us examples of such a noble generosity . prudence understands to choose out such a way that leads neither to the precipice of liberty , nor the abyss of servitude . she is neither libertine nor slave , but observes an equal temper , so as neither to be offensive to majesty nor justice . sh● gives to caesar , that which belongs to caesar ; that is to say , obedience and duty : to god , that which is gods , or whatever is required by a sincere conscience . if at any time she flatters , ( for she cannot always avoid it ) she makes use of such a sort of flattery , that rather informs then misleads the prince , and serves as an incitement to provoke him to some generous act , which otherwise perhaps he might not think of . for example , lepidus to save the life of lutorius priscus , whom haterius agrippa had sentenc'd to death , for a certain elegie made upon drusus , makes it his business to applaud the moderation of tiberius ; telling him , that after he had several times heard him complain of those that had prevented his clemency , he could not believe so just a prince would ever confirm so rigorous a sentence . in short , when tiberius , ( who was then in the country ) understood that drusus was executed , he blam'd the senate , tho' the reprimand were very gentle , and commended the prudence of lepidus , tho' on the other side , he did not rebuke agrippa for his severity . now it is certain , that if priscus had been repreiv'd , tiberius would never have taken away his life , lepidus so well understood to make him sensible of honour . in nero's time , the president was quite the contrary . for the pretor , antistius , who had made a bloody lampoon against him , was sav'd by thrasea , who after he had spoken of nero , as it is customary to speak of a good prince , and had bitterly enveigh'd against the insolence of the pretor , further added that the cruelty of preceding reigns was out of date ; that without putting the criminal to those torments which he deserv'd , he might be punish'd in such a manner , that he should have no reason to object against his judges ; and lastly , that his life would be a solemn testimonial of public clemency . this advice was no less prudent nor less respectful , then that of lepidus ; but it was as ill receiv'd by nero , as the other was well receiv'd by tiberius . thrasea incurr'd the hatred of nero , and in a few years after lost his life , for having sav'd antistius , whom the prince would fain have put to death . tiberius and nero , resembl'd each other in cruelty ; lepidus and thrasea were competitors in vertue , priscus and antistius equall'd each other in arrogance and sawciness ; for the one had the vanity to repeat his elegy to a company of ladies , and the other to read his lampoon at a public feast . thrasea pleaded for antistius , as lepidus had done for priscus ; and yet that which made for lepidus's honour , turn'd to the perdition of thrasea . and thus you see the different effects of that fatality , which tacitus attributes to that same natural inclination which princes have for some , and that natural antipathy which they have for others . but if we more narrowly pry into the real character of lepidus , and thrasea's genius , we shall easily perceive , that tho' they were both highly prudent , and equally averse to flattery , yet there was a remarkable difference between 'em ; for assur'dly , lepidus was the more prudent of the two . lepidus was feasible and complaisant , yet without any thing of low-spirited meanness , or abject condescention : thrasea prided himself altogether in his stedfastness and constancy . lepidus shap'd himself according to the times he was born in , and the humour of the reigning prince , as it is the duty of every good subject so to do . thrasea was a little too obstinate and hardy in what he thought just and reasonable , which occasion'd that saying of nero , that he wish'd thrasea lov'd but him , as well as he did justice . the latter was the better man , the other the better subject . by which parallel it is apparent , that prudence has a great share in the conduct of human affairs , and that the favour and aversion of princes , are not always the effects of their fancies . essay xxxi . some things he had added more contumaciously , then safe to be gather'd in by haughty ears , and prone to be captious . says d'ablancourt , serenus had reproach'd his ingratitude , in terms more insolent then the nice and tender ears of a prince could endure . the ears of princes are not accustom'd to the rude touches of insolence and expostulation . when we speak to princes , ( said one of the ancients ) we must make choice of words either all silken , or all honey ; that is to say , our language must be temper'd with modesty , prudence , and submission . the contumacy of inferiours , causes the superiours to lay aside his clemency . let a subject have never so just reason to complain , he is not however allow'd to do it arrogantly ; for submission and respect are claims and rights never to be alienated from majesty : there remains to the subject nothing but the honour of obedience . he that upbraids him with his services , destroys the fortune and grandeur of a prince ; and generally such reproaches are the fore-runners of rebellion . and therefore upon this foundation it was , that the accusation was grounded , design'd against serenus by his son , that he had conspir'd against tiberius , and sent incendiaries into gallia , to kindle a war in that province . lastly , it better becomes a subject to be a flatterer , then to be too lavish of his tongue , when he speaks to his prince : but if he can avoid it , 't is better for him to be neither the one , nor the other . essay xxxii . neither is it such a mysterie to understand , when the actions of princes are truly and really congratulated , and when with a fictitious joy. 't is no great difficulty , says d'ablancourt , for great personages to discover , when the praises which are given 'em proceed from flattery , and when from a real sentiment of affection . politic princes are not easily to be deluded by flattery , for they consult not their ears , but their hearts , which are sufficiently conscious , whether or no they merit those praises that are bestow'd upon ' em . they understand by what their flatterers say , the undisclos'd conceptions of their hearts ; well knowing , that when such people make their addresses to their persons , 't is their fortunes that they court ; a truth that never deceives 'em , when ever they put it to the tryal . real encomiums are most delightful to their ears , because they are apt to believe they merit what is given 'em ; but false applauses are distastful , because they look upon 'em as by-reproaches of their defaults . the younger pliny reports , that trajan wept for joy , and blush'd to hear himself call'd , the truly vertuous , because he knew it was to trajan that they spoke , and not the emperour . and afterwards he adds , that he was not afraid least trajan should think , that while he discours'd of the mildness , the frugality , the munificence , the clemency , and vigilancy of a prince , he had any design to upbraid those vices , which were their opposites . essay xxxiii . the fathers decreed the books to be burnt , but they were not all found ; some being hid up , and publish'd afterwards . which gives us an occasion to deride the simplicity of those people , who think that the memorials of posterity can be stifl'd by present dominion . for on the other side , the authority of punish'd ingenuities encreases , and princes who have made use of that severity , have only purchas'd dishonour to themselves , and enhaunc'd the glory of the authors suppress'd . says d'ablancourt , the purport of the decree was this , that the books should be burnt , but they were privately preserv'd , ( he leaves out and afterwards publish'd , which is that which both tacitus and suetonius seem to have inserted for particular observation ) which makes me laugh at their impertinency , who think by vertue of a soon expiring power , to extinguish the memorials of future ages . for on the other side , punishment enlivens their works with new authority , and all those princes who have made tryal of that same artifice , have only augmented their own disgrace , and the glory of their enemy . flattery and history could never well agree together , for the one is wholly devoted to falshood , the other to truth . the one deludes , the other informs and disabuses princes . sejanus order'd cordus to be abus'd for having applauded brutus in his annals , and call'd cassius , the last of the romans . and this was look'd upon as but newly imputed for a crime , the rather for that all the preceding historians , and among the rest , livie and pollio , had mention'd them with honour ; and for that augustus himself , by whom they were vanquish'd , had always had such a veneration for their memory , that he never remov'd their images . besides that , but three years before , tiberius himself , had permitted the funeral rites of junia , sister to brutus , the wife of cass●us , and cato's neece , to be solemniz'd with all the ceremonies that appertain'd to her illustrious birth . nevertheless , the senate , to please sejanus , condemn'd both cordus and his history , the purport of which was , that the last of the romans was dead , and that at rome there remain'd alive no other then such as sacrific'd all to favour . for here the senate gave the appellation of parricides and robbers to two men , whom history had celebrated for illustrious and famous personages . so that cordus's only crime was this , that he had spoken like a faithful historian , and that he was adjudg'd capable , to write with the same liberty , the reign of tiberius , who after the death of drusus , began to grow worse and worse ; and to display the actions of sejanus , who so insolently abus'd his favour . great favourites infinitly delude themselves , when they think their reputation shelter'd by the suppression of books , that discover their miscarriages . for to burn books , is but to kindle in others a curiosity to read 'em , whereas the taking little or no notice at all of 'em , renders 'em less priz'd by those that have already read 'em , and cures that itch in others , to be prying into a subject little regarded . 't is an easie thing for men in power to be reveng'd upon historians , whose lives are in their hands , but their authority will not prevail against the history , which is immortal , and will devolve it self to the judgment of permanent posterity . 't was very cunningly done , says tacitus , to burn the writings of rusticus arulenus , and seneca , as if that fire could stifle the voice of the roman people , the liberty of the senate , and the memory of mankind . posterity , says cordus , renders to every one their due , and they who will remember brutus and cassius , will not fail to remember me as well . meaning , that posterity would honour his memory , as it had honour'd the memory of those great men. essay xxxiv . and the honour of augustus will vanish , when prophan'd with promiscuous adorations . says d'ablancourt , for this would be to lessen the honour of augustus , to communicate it to every body without distinction . princes despise those honours that are common to others , esteeming only those that are new and only invented for themselves . they are likewise for the most part jealous of their honour , that they hardly will admit an equality of comparison with their predecessors , how illustrious soever they were . flattery , said pliny to trajan , has so drain'd the fountain of encomiums , that we have not any remaining more , that are new , to give thee . the only honour which we can pretend to pay thee is , not to decree thee any ; so well assur'd we are of thy modesty and bashfulness . a commendation worthy the prince who receiv'd it , and the subject that address'd it . and therefore cardinal richlieu , tho' he lov'd applause , yet would not accept of balzac's praises , alledging , 't was no honour to be extoll'd by a person that equally prais'd all men alike ; so prone that authour was to hyperboles . essay . xxxv . through the benevolence of augustus ratifi'd by tiberius himself , it has been the custom , that the supplicant , e'er he put up his prayers and wishes to the gods , should first address them to his prince's ears . says d'ablancourt , the purport of his letter was , that his obligation was such to the memory of augustus , and to the testimonies of tiberius's affections , that he address'd his prayers rather to the emperour then the gods. this language well befits the flatterers at court , who adore no other deity but fortune . this is a theme so plain , it needs no commentary : besides that , my design is only to inform , and not to offend . essay xxxvi . tiberius heard the opprobrious language with which his reputation was wounded , and was so deeply concern'd , that he cried out , he would immediately clear himself , and stand a tryal . nor could the persuasions of nearest relations , or the flatteries of all his followers compose his mind , but with elaborate importunity . says d'ablancourt , tiberius heard the defamations that were thrown upon him , and cry'd out in a great fury , that he would at the same instant clear himself of those calumnies ; so that it was a difficult task of the senate , and all his friends together , to apappease him with all their flatteries and prayers . flattery is never so seasonable , nor runs to that excess , as when the prince is wound●d in his honour . tiberius had receiv'd a bloody affront . for a certain officer in the army , coming in as an evidence against one montanus , who had utter'd hainous language against the emperour , in a full senate repeated the words as they were spoken , to add the more weight to his testimony ; and the more the senators shew'd their unwillingness to understand him , as detesting his impudence , the more obstinate the officer was to make good his accusation . so that considering tiberius's humour , a prince so politic and dextrous in concealing his vices , and designing 'em into vertues , it was no wonder he should be more enrag'd against the testimony , then against the person accus'd . and this was that which oblig'd him to protest with so much violence , and be so earnest to clear himself of what was laid to his charge . now when a prince goes about to insist upon his justification , especially when the imputation from which he thinks to clear himself is true , and known to all the world , then it is , that flattery becomes most pleasing to him ; and that he is overjoy'd when they tell them , that he has no need to purge himself from scandals and reproaches which no body believes ; that it redounds to his honour to be hated by wicked and vicious people ; that it is peculiar to princes to do well ; and for subjects to talk maliciously and scandalously of princes . moreover , as flattery is always excessive toward bad princes , as being fear'd and dreaded most of all ; so are scandal and oblcquie most outragious , when they believe themselves most secure ; that is to say , when men are venting their disgusts among their intimate and most familiar acquaintance , where every one discovers the very bottom of his heart . so that it is the most certain mark of a good prince , when his subjects discourse of him in their private houses and retirements , as he is cry'd up at court. and this it was which the younger pliny intended , when speaking to trajan . this day , said he , it is , that we have just reason to complain , that our secret discourses are not spy'd and observ'd but by princes which hate us : for if good princes were so inquisitive as the bad , what a pleasure would it be to thee , to hear what we discourse of thee in our private dwellings , to our wives , our children , and our servants ? then thou would'st know the full extent of our love and admiration of thy vertues , and how we power forth our prayers continually for thy long and prosperous reign . then , tho' love and hatred are perfect contraries , thou wouldst understand , that in our houses there is so far a kind of reconciliation between those opposite passions , that we adore and reverence vertuous princes with the same excess of cordial affection , as with detestation we abominate unruly tyranny . essay xxxvii . when the conflagration had consum'd all things round about it , the effigies of tiberius only remain'd untouch'd : so that the claudii were look'd upon as peculiarly favour'd by the gods , and there was a farther addition of reverence and adoration to the place , wherein the gods had shew'n so high an honour to the prince . says d'ablancourt , it was a remarkable testimony that the cla●dian family was sacred and favour'd by the gods , and that the place deserv'd a particular reverence where they had shew'd a miracle so particular in favour of the prince . flatterers conster all things to the princes honour , and cry up for testimonials of their vertue , those accidents which are the effect of chance and hazard only . they never mind , that flattery becomes ridiculous , unless it be such as is pleasing to the prince . and such was this same adulation of the senate , upon this occasion ; for that tiberius had a custom to appropriate honours to himself from all accidents , that would bear a favourable construction . on the other side , he could not chuse but be highly satisfi'd , to see the senate make a construction so different from that of the people , who laid the fire to his charge , and all the other calamities that had befallen the city , as having left it a little before , in spight of the unlucky signs and omens that appear'd upon the augur's consultations . the good fortune of princes , many times supplys the place of merit ; for men have always a high opinion of their worth , so long as they are happy . let the accidents that happen , be ne're so meerly casual , they are taken for assur'd omens of their grandeur , and are of great importance to improve that veneration which men pretend to be their due . essay xxxviii . neither was it the care of the senate , to prevent loss of honour upon the frontiers of the empire . an inward consternation had possess'd their spirits , for which the only remedy they could provide was flattery . so that altho' they had several affairs of higher importance that requir'd their debates , they decreed an altar to clemency , another to friendship , and statues to caesar and sejanus round about . says d'ablancourt , the senate troubl'd and amus'd with inward fears , neglected the frontiers of the empire ; and to shelter themselves under some signal piece of flattery , never minding those more important affairs which they had under their consideration , decreed altars to clemency and friendship , and statues to the emperour and sejanus . under evil princes the grandees take little care of the public misfortunes , as being solely imploy'd to secure themselves . the more in fear men are , the more they abandon themselves to flattery . especially those persons that live at court , or else have high employments to lose ; in regard their advancement , exposes them to greater dangers then others . and then again , when a prince dissembles the bad condition of his affairs , then it is that he is flatter'd most of all ; every one affecting to shew his absolute reliance upon the fortune and the prudence of his prince . essay . xxxix . but as for junius gallio , who had decreed that the pretorian soldiers having serv'd out their full time , might have the priviledge to place themselves in the amphitheatre upon the first fourteen benches among the knights , he chid him severely . such was the reward that gallio had for his premeditated piece of adulation , to be expell'd the senate . junius gallio , says d'ablancourt , was severely handl'd , for having propos'd , that the soldiers of the guard , might sit upon the fourteen first rows of benches in the theatre , after they had serv'd their time in the wars . — and gallio , for the reward of his premeditated flattery , was ejected out of the senate . he that flatters , ought to understand the nice temper of the person to whom he makes his addresses ; for otherwise he loses his aim , while contrary to his expectation , his flattery becomes offensive . gallio thought he had highly oblig'd tiberius , in decreeing a new honour to the soldiers of the pretorian guards . but tiberius was offended , that he should take upon him to meddle with rewarding the soldiers . what has gallio to do , said he , in his answer to the senate , with the priviledges of the pretorian soldiers ? who being under the command of none , but only the emperour , ought not to have their dependance but upon him alone ? does he believe he has found out an expedient which augustus never dream't of ? rather may it not be thought that this same creature of sejanus , sought to bring an innovation into military discipline , on purpose to prepare the soldiers for rebellion ? these expressions of tiberius demonstrate , that he had reason to be offended with a proposal , which perhaps a prince less politic then he , would have taken for an honour . for had the soldiers of the guards obtain'd this priviledge to sit equal with the roman knights , they had been beholding for their honour only to the senate . to which we may add , that such an honour would have rather serv'd to swell their pride , then encrease their affections to their prince . essay xl. lvcius piso , chief pontiff , di'd in his bed about this time ; ( which was rare for a man so eminent in dignity ) a person who willingly never utter'd an expression that savour'd of servility ; or if necessity constrain'd him , temper'd his words with prudence and sobriety . says d'ablancourt , the pontiff , lucius piso , di'd a natural death , which was a rare thing at that time , considering his high reputation . a person that never propounded any advice that misbecame the dignity of his employment ; and when he was constrain'd to approve the flatteries of others , would be always sure to moderate their high flown excesses . a man may both preserve his life , and his dignity , yet neither be a slave nor a flatterer , as is apparent from the example of piso , who liv'd fourscore years , and yet neither lost his employment , nor suffer'd in his reputation either under augustus , or tiberius , by whom he was always highly esteem'd . but who expects the same good fortune , must take the same course . tacitus says , that he never miscarry'd in any servile piece of flattery : but he adds , that sometimes he surrendr'd to the flatteries of others upon some occasions . to teach great men to comply with the experiencies of seasons and business . generosity is a vertue that becomes 'em , however they must be careful , least it degenerate into obstinacy and rashness : for as pliny says , necessity is a part of reason . had piso always oppos'd his collegues , he had never been in a condition by the preservation of his authority , to have allay'd their heats ; because they would have concerted together , to thwart his counsels : whereas they many times gave way to him , as he sometimes submitted to them . essay xli . from whence vitellius returning to rome , partly for fear of caius cesar , and partly through his intimate familiarity with claudius , he abandon'd himself to such a degree of abject slavery , that he became an exemplar to posterity of obsequious infamy . says d'ablancourt , at his return debauch'd by his dread of caius , and the favours of claudius , he only serv'd to posterity an example of ignominious servitude . fear and favour are commonly the original sources of flattery . he that stands in fear of his life , flatters to preserve it ; and he that is warm in the favour of his prince , betakes himself to adulation , that he may not lose it . and thus , were it not for self-interest , there would be no flattery . essay xlii . they that dwelt by the river , brought news that euphrates , in a season free from rain , or any immoderate showres , was swell'd to an unusual and prodigious height ; and carry'd a foam that curl'd upon the water in white circles like so many diadems ; from whence they gather'd a prosperous omen , to encourage his crossing the stream with his army . they brought news , says d'ablancourt , that the river euphrates was swell'd , and yet no showres had fallen , and seem'd to curle its waters in the shape of a diadem . some took this for a happy omen , &c. flattery interprets all things to the advantage of princes , and particularly at the beginning of their reigns . for then it is , that she feeds their humours with vain hopes ; and that all people who make their approaches to the new sovereign , are equally contending to excel each other in quaintness of addresses . nor is it enough for princes to be deluded by their flatterers , astrologie , the ancient companion of falshood , intrudes for a share , and then chiefly succeeds in her designs , when she meets with an easiness in the prince , to believe the greatest uucertainties in the world. there is not any prince , to whom , at his first coming to the crown , she does not pretend , but that he shall be more happy then augustus , and that he shall live till he is grown weary of his grandeur . but the most numerous part of princes are deceiv'd by these vain calculations , and reap no other fruit of their credulity , then the misfortunes of their unwary confidence . essay xliii . and labours by obloquie to be inform'd of the truth , to which adulation is an enemy . d'ablancourt has omitted this expression . this is a maxim , of which if princes and great men were fully convinc'd , they would never be so ready to hearken to their flatterers , or at least to credit their flatteries , who make it their only business to disguise and conceal from their knowledge , the real certainty of things that most concern ' em . essay xliv . but the seleusences were they , who out did the rest in flattery . — they loaded tiridates not only with the honours of their ancient kings , but with all the profuse and quaint additions of later ages . says d'ablancourt , seleucia surpass'd all the other cities in magnificence . — tiridates was receiv'd with honours of all sorts . he leaves out , that seleucia added modern adulation to their ancient honours ; wherein consists the stress of the sentence . the latest flattery is always the most ingenious : and this same charming novelty it is , by which she gains and encroaches upon the favour and affection of princes , that nauseate vulgar honours worn threadbare by custome . seleucia , tho' she were then a free republic , would needs be so obsequious , as to surpass in servitude all the other cities through which tiridates had march'd . such is the eager desire that subjects have to gratifie a new prince , not so much out of any love to his person , as the novelty of the government . essay xlv . but upon artabanus they powr'd forth all their scorn and contempt , of the race of the arsacidae by the mothers side , and otherwise degenerate and mean. says d'ablancourt , they publicly debas'd the glory of his enemy . for they upbraided artabanus , that he had nothing in him of the blood of the arsacidae , tho' he were descended from 'em by his mothers side . it is a cotnradiction to say , that he had nothing in him of the royal blood of the arsacidae , and yet allow his mother to be a branch of the same family ; and therefore , what tacitus affirms , should d'ablancourt have also said , that he was of the ancient family of the arsacidae by his mothers side , however he came to degenerate in other things . they dispis'd artabanus , to heap the greater honour upon tiridates , who was bred up from his infancy in all the effeminacy and softness of roman education . whereas artabanus setting aside his cruelty , was a heroic prince , who had put a happy and successful end to several wars with his neighbours . a proof sufficient of the impertinency of flattery , that lessens and ecclipses the glory of so great and famous a name , to advance the honour of weak and sloathful effeminacy . essay . xlvi . then vitellius , with tears in his eyes , alledging the antiquity of the friendship contracted between 'em , repeating in the next place the good services which asiaticus had done the commonweal , and his late expedition against brittain , or whatever else seem'd proper to raise compassion , besought his judges that he might have leave to choose his death ; and he was seconded by claudius , who mov'd for the same clemency . says d'ablancourt , vitellius in few words related the first beginning of their friendship , and running over cursorily all the past services which asiaticus had done the public , and particularly mentioning his last enterprise against brittain , he propos'd to permit him to make choice of his own death ; to which the emperour consented , as a particular favour done him . which latter words pass by the ironie of tacitus , who tells ye , that claudius interceded for the same clemency . i have already observ'd , that all flatterers are naturally cruel ; nor need we a clearer example , then this of vitellius , to prove this assertion . messalina , the emperour claudius's wife , caus'd asiaticus to be accus'd of several crimes against the state , thirsting after his life , and his delicious gardens . claudius consulted vitellius , messalina's confident , and it may be , one of her adulterers also : vitellius therefore , that he might not lose her favour , betrays his old friend , and throws away his life , under a pretended mitigation of his punishment . and thus you see the trust of courtiers friendship . their love and friendship without hesitation plie to interest . they readily bestow their praises , and undermine your life at the same time : they utter clemency with their lips , but cruelty is in their hearts . essay xlvii . vitellius voted a remuneration of five and twenty thousand crowns to be given sosibius , for instructing britanicus with his precepts , and the emperour with his counsel . sosibius , says d'ablancourt , had a reward of five and twenty thousand crowns , by the advice of vitellius , under pretence of the good services which he did the emperour and his son , by assisting the one with his precepts , and the other with his counsels . sosibius , tutor to britanicus the son of claudius , was made use of as an evidence against asiaticus ; and for this piece of of service it was , that vitellius would needs vote him a reward so considerable , under the fair and specious pretence of merit and desert . and thus it is , that flattery adorns and beautifies deformed villany , with honourable and graceful titles . vitellius calls that counsel , to which men of vertue and integrity , would have given the appellation of tyranny . sosibius had told the emperour , that the excessive riches of private persons many times prov'd fatal to princes , on purpose to provoke him to a suspition of asiaticus's wealth , and a seisure of his estate ; which being once design'd by messalina , the officious pedagogue was no less diligent to appear as a witness against the innocent gentleman , whose crimes were ready multiply'd to take away his life . certainly , if the instruction which he gave britanicus , were answerable to the maxims which he instill'd into the father , he was a dangerous tutor for a young prince . essay . xlviii . but claudius reprov'd the consul , as urging his flatteries a little too high . says d'ablancourt , a little too concise , the emperour reprov'd the consul for his flattery . princes have as great an antipathy against those that flatter too openly and excessively , as against those that are too sparing of their respect : for the former seem to have a mean opinion of their parts , and the latter of their actions . of their parts , as if they thought their prince not able to discern the vanity of such hyperboles . of their actions , because a prince may well believe , that they who vouchsafe 'em a kind commendation , either can find out nothing worth their applause , or else discover much that deserves reproof and censure . witness that senator thrasea , whose silence was laid to his charge by his accusers , as a sufficient mark of his dislike of the princes government . essay xlix . therefore vitellius covering his servile fallacies with the name of censor , and foreseeing a new torrent of usurpation ready to supplant the true successour , that he might purchase the good opinion of agrippina , began betimes to intregue himself in her designs . says d'ablancourt , vitellius to gain the good will of agrippina , who , as he saw was mounting into favour . but he leaves out the words ( ingruentium dominationum provisor ) by which tacitus intended to shew that vitellius foresaw that agrippina would labour to set up nero to the exclusion of britannicus . this same conduct of vitellius , is a perfect demonstration of that which flatterers put in practice every day . before he had devoted all his grandeur and reputation at court to serve massaline ; when she was dead , he employ'd all his interest to second agrippina , who was forming a design , to supplant britannicus the young prince , and lawful heir to the empire , meerly for the advancement of her own son. and thus are flatterers no less ungrateful then cruel , as having no other aim then their own interest . for acknowledgment can only proceed from love , and consequently is never to be expected from the breasts of flatterers , who are incapable of real affection . essay . l. nor would they venture yet to solemnise the nuptials ; there being no president to be found of an uncle , that ever espous'd his neece . — nor did this hesitation cease , till vitellius by his wonted artifices undertook to remove the obstacle : says d'ablancourt , they durst not openly celebrate the marriage ; for that there never had been any such thing seen before in rome . but at length vitellius to remove those difficulties , &c. where he again suppresses those emphatical words , ( nec ante omissa cunctatio . ) claudius was afraid least his marriage with agrippina should be look'd opon as incestuous ; and consequently draw from heaven some dire calamity upon the empire . vitellius therefore to gratifie this princess , who resolv'd to reign , at the expence of honour , vertue , modesty , and prostitution it self , declar'd in a full senate , that the welfare of the empire depended upon this marriage ; that it was a visible effect of the providence of the gods , that agrippina , who was of the imperial blood , and had given sufficient testimonies of foecundity , and of all the noble qualities requir'd in an empress , should happen to be a widow , at the same time , that the emperour was in a condition to espouse her : that in truth , it was a novelty at rome , for a man to marry his brothers daughter ; yet that there was no law which forbid it , and that all other nations authorz'd the act by publick presidents : that as marriages between cosin germans , heretofore but rarely known , were now by allowance of time , become the frequent mode , succeeding ages would permit the same liberty also in this case ; and therefore that was their duty to accommodate their debates , to the present necessity of affairs . thus that which claudius thought to be a crime , ( and was so indeed among the romans ) was by vitellius burnish'd over with the specious titles , not only of the welfare of the empire , but the will of the gods. and thus we see how flatterers mislead unsteady princes , and embolden 'em to do those things , which of themselves they dread . for tacitus makes this marriage so great a crime , that he affirms it to be the source and original of all agrippina's impieties . essay li. nor were there any wanting who crowded out of the senate , crying out , they would make use of force , if caesar delay'd . and a promiscuous multitude being got together , clamour'd aloud , that it was the voice of the roman people . then claudius without farther hesitation enter'd the senate , and demanded a decree , declaring all marriages for the future legitimate , between uncles and neeces . says d'ablancourt , there were some so insolent , as to rise from their seats , and rush out of the senate , as it were to constrain the emperour if he made any difficulties ; and the multitude cry'd out in the streets , that it was the will of the roman people . then claudius without any farther delay entring the senate , demanded a decree to legitimate this marriage , and that it might be lawful for the future , for the vncle to marry the neece . princes are misguided by their flatterers , and the people are led astray by the examples of their princes . how pleasing and how acceptable is that sort of adulation , which imposes upon princes a necessity to do the thing , which they desire themselves with far more earnestness , then they with all their zeal make shew of , who put the force upon ' em . they reap all the pleasure , and their subjects all the infamy . essay lii . and yet there was not found but one , who attempted such a marriage , talledius severus , a roman knight ; to which , as it was reputed , he was meerly instigated , to serve his mistress agrippina . however , says d'ablancourt , there was but one single person who follow'd the example ; which by report he always did , to pleasure agrippina . a certain proof , that subjects think quite otherwise then they speak . when they find that the prince's desires are eagerly bent for speedy satisfaction , they shew themselves more eager still to gratifie his impatience : yet afterward they shew their dislike , in forbearing to follow the example ; which is the most certain symptom which the people can give of their ill resentment of the act. claudius had caus'd his marriage to be decreed legitimate by the senate , believing the romans would follow his example , and authorize those marriages by custom . however notwithstanding the decree , which was a sufficient shelter from punishment or infamy ; yet there was but one single person who follow'd his president . nor did he neither marry his wife out of any true persuasion that his marriage was just and lawful , but out of a desire to please the empress , and to raise his fortune by an act , of which there was no body car'd to share the reward . essay liii . however thanks was return'd the prince , intermix'd with more exquisite adulations of tiberius ; and a law enacted , that the name of nero should be transferr'd into the claudian family . says d'ablancourt , the senate return'd thanks to the emperour , wherein they cunningly interwove the praises of nero , who was oblig'd to quit the name of domitius for that of nero , in favour of his adoption . here claudius had the thanks of the senate for a great piece of injustice which he had done britannicus , his own son , as if he had perform'd some noble exploit , and nero , according to the custom of flattery , which always addresses her adorations to the rising sun , was applauded , as if he had been worthy of the empire , whereas all his pretensions had no other foundation then an incestuous marriage , and a pernicious adoption made by a weak and misguided prince . but whether princes do well or ill , they are always applauded , and have always thanks return'd 'em for what they do , and never more then when they least deserve either the one or the other . and this is an easie and certain rule , by which to know a sycophant . essay liv. to which it was added by scipio cornelius , that thanks should be publickly given to pallas , for that he being sprung from the kings of arcadia , prefer the public benefit before his ancient nobility , and condescended to be still a servant to the emperour . scipio added , says d'ablancourt , that thanks should be given to pallas , for that being descended from the arcadian kings , he preferr'd the interest of the empire when his grandeur was so sublime , and chose rather to be counted one of the emperours ministers . thus we find what comes to pass , when the ministers are more powerful then the prince ; or at least , when the prince suffers himself to be govern'd by his ministers , as claudius did . flatterers who adore the favour only , will not allow the prince to honour the minister , but will have the minister to be an honour to the prince . pallas was no more then one of claudius's bondmen , by him made free , and for this a noble senator has the confidence to applaud him in a full senate , for contenting himself with the quality of a chief minister . as if he would have said , that he deserv'd to supply his masters throne , who indeed according to the younger pliny's expression , was no more then a slave to his bondmen . essay lv. and a decree of the senate was engrav'd in marble , and publickly erected , wherein an enfranchis'd slave , in possession of above seven millions in gold , was extoll'd for his frugality , equal to the parcimony of ancient times . says d'ablancourt , they made a decree by which an enfranchis'd slave , that was worth above seven millions in gold , had the praises of ancient frugality . the consul , barea soranus , having decreed to pallas , the pretors ornaments , and a present of a million of money , in recompence of his services , claudius declar'd , that pallas was satisfi'd with the honour , and was unwilling to renounce his primitive poverty . an expression befitting the poorness of claudius's spirit , who 't is very probable could not be ignorant , that his bondman was at that time richer , then all the kings of arcady , his pretended ancestors . the younger pliny makes mention of this decree in two of his letters , in such terms as will serve in this place , for a most excellent commentary . there is , saith he , upon the high-way to tivoly , a monument of pallas , with this inscription : the senate has decreed to pallas the ornaments of the pretorship , and the gift of a million , for his fidelity and zeal toward his masters , but he is contented with the honour . but certainly i was never an admirer of those things that proceed rather from fortune then judgment . more especially this inscription taught me a new lesson , what a strange impertinency those men were guilty of , who decreed honour to d scoundrel ; and what an unusual impudence possess'd that rascally fellow to accept the one , and refuse the other ; and to transfer these refusals to posterity , for an example of modesty . but to what purpose doe i seem to be offended at it ? were it not more proper for me to make it the subject of my derision , to the end they may not think to have gain'd any great matter , who by their good fortune , do but serve to be the sport and contempt of other men ? in another letter , after he has told ye , that as lofty as this inscription seems to be , yet it appear'd both modest and humble , in respect of the decree which he found among the registers of the senate , he adds the following words . i omit to tell ye , that the pretorian ornaments were offer'd to a slave , because they were slaves themselves that offer'd 'em : and that it was decreed , not only to beseech him , but also to force him to wear the rings of gold. for it was a dishonour to the majesty of the senate , for a pretorian to wear rings of steel . but this is nothing ; that which is most worthy observation , is this , that the senate return'd thanks to the emperour , in the name of pallas , for having spoken so advantageously in his behalf , and given leave to the senate , to give him those testimonials of their respects and good will toward him . for what could be more honourable to the senate , then to shew their gratitude to pallas ? the senate knowing how averse pallas was from such ambitious desires , ordain that an address should be made to the emperour , to beseech him that he would oblige pallas to accept the senates kindness . there could not be a more servile condescention then this , that the public authority was made use of , and the intercession of the emperour implor'd , to mollifie the haughty moderation of pallas so far , as to bring him to vouchsafe the acceptance of the senates present . — now do but imagine you saw pallas opposing the decree of the senate , and moving in mitigation of the honours which they offer'd him ; refusing a million , which was given him as a present , tho' an excessive gift , after he had accepted the ornaments of the pretorship , as a thing of mean value ; suppose you saw the emperour , who submits to th● intreaties , or rather commands of a bond ▪ man enfranchis'd , in the presence of the senate . then take a view of the senate , who recite in their decree , that among other honours decreed to pallas , they thought it material to add this donative , in recompence of the services he had done the empire , and that they did not desist from their importunities to pallas , that he would be pleas'd to accept their donative , but only in obedience to the emperour , whose will and pleasure it was not lawful for them to gainsay in any respect . the conclusion will be , that it requir'd no less then all the modesty of pallas , and all the complaisance of the senate , to excuse pallas from accepting a whole million of the public treasure . to which the senate would never have consented , but that they thought it contrary to their duty to disobey the emperour . now do you believe that this is all ? no , there is something worse behind . it was ordain'd that this decree should be engrav'd in brass , and set up next the armed statue of julius caesar . 't was not enough for the senate to be the testimony of so great a piece of infamy , they made choice of a most remarkable place , where it was to be read by the living ▪ and transmitted to posterity . it was their care , that all the honours offer'd to an insolent slave , should be engrav'd in brass ; what he had refus'd , and what he had accepted . his pretorian ornaments were inscrib'd upon public and eternal monuments , like the ancient leagues , and alliances , nay like the sacred laws of the empire . such of the prince , such of the senate , such of pallas himself , was that i know not what to call it . while all three expos'd to the view of all the world ; pallas his insolence , the emperour his patience , and the senate their obsequious servility . certainly the roman flattery far out-did the adulation of the greeks . essay lvi . while he discours'd the antiquity of his extraction , and number'd up the consulships and triumphs of his ancestors ; while he commemorated his inclinations to learning , and the liberal arts , and insisted upon the prosperity of his reign , in all which time the commonweal had suffer'd no disaster , he was attentively and willingly heard by all : but when he came to applaud his providence and his wisdom , there was hardly any person could refrain from laughter . says d'ablancourt , nero spoke his funeral oration , wherein he highly extoll'd the antiquity of his descent , and the grandeur of his ancestors , enumerating at length their consulships and their triumphs . thence he proceeded to applaud his learning ; and told the people how that the empire had suffer'd no dammage during all his reign . all which was heard attentively without the least murmur ; but when he began to talk of his prudence and his wisdom , they could not forbear laughing . flatterers often fall into the same imprudent errors ; while they strive to be excessive in their praises , they render both themselves , and those they applaud ridiculous . many people flatter , but few are masters of the art. witness seneca , who as great and piercing a wit as he was , was not sensible of the impertinency of the harangue which he had made for his pupil , till he found it to be derided by all that heard it . for to extol the wisdom and understanding of claudius , who was so generally known to be a person of weak and sottish intellectuals , was to accuse all mankind of stupidity . essay . lvii . he forbids any statues of massie gold or silver to be erected , in honour of his person . — and when the magistrates took their oaths , in confirmation of the acts of his predecessors , he would not suffer antisthius , one of his consuls , to hear the confirmation of his ; for which the senate loaded him with encomiums , in hopes that since his youthful thoughts were thus enclin'd to vertues of a lower rank , he would continue greater . nero , says d'ablancourt , would not suffer his collegue to pay him that honour ; which was receiv'd with acclamations more then ordinary , on purpose to excite the youthful prince to the love of vertue . which last words come far short of the sense of tacitus . modesty is a powerful means to procure both love and esteem to a young prince , at the beginning of his reign . for as it is then the time that flattery sets all her springs at work , to make her self the darling of his favour , so is it likewise then that he acquires a solid reputation , if he ward off the first assault of adulation . and therefore it was , that the senate were so profuse of their praises to nero , to pre-ingage him by their own , against the flatteries of others . for there is a sort of adulation allowable and wholesome , which infuses into princes and great personages a love of vertue , wherein consists their chiefest glory . essay lviii . as lately too severe in restraining his son , now as immoderately submissive . says d'ablancourt , agrippina was constrain'd to change her severity into caresses , and to repent her past severity ; and that with as much submission now , as rigour and arrogance before . of all the sorts of flatterers , there are none so bad as those that are forc'd to stoop , in hopes to regain the favour of a prince , whom they have disoblig'd either by their severity , or over sawcy freedom . for being then to repair the faults of their ingratitude , they spare for no submission to recover what they have lost , either by their moroseness , or their unwary zeal . for there is a far greater mixture of vanity then integrity in that same hardiness , which many men assume in reprimanding princes . who are never to be contradicted , but when we are assur'd , that our arguments are such as will not offend their ears ; and that it may prove the more successful , the admonition must be such as may seem to relish of commendation . ita reprehendat ut laudet , says pliny , ep. 12. l. 3. thus gundamore , the spanish ambassadour in england , perceiving that james i. particularly valu'd himself for his scholastic learning , very facetiously told him one day , that his majesty spoke latin , as it became gundamore to speak it : whereas count gundamore spoke it , as it rather became his majesty to do ; insinuating that pedantic learning was beneath a prince , from whose lips there is always expected something more weighty and sublime . essay lix . thereupon the senate enacted public processions , and days of thanksgiving ; statues also , triumphal arches , and continual consulships were decreed the prince : and that the days upon which the victory was won , when the tidings were brought , and the relation of it made , should be number'd among the solemn festivals ; with several other additions altogether so exorbitaut , that caius cassius readily consenting to the former honours , farther declar'd , that if the solemn thanks to be repay'd the gods were to be measur'd according to the merit of their benignity , the whole year would be too small a time for public supplications ; and therefore that the holy-days and worky-days , ought only so to be divided , as that the worship of the gods might not be a hinderance to secular business . says d'ablancourt , the senate ordain'd public processions , triumphal arches and statues , together with a new consulship in honour of the prince ; and farther that the day wherein the city was taken , when the news was brought , as likewise when the decrees were made , should be solemnly observ'd as public anniversaries , with several other flatteries so excessive , that caius cassius who consented to all the rest , was constrain'd to add , that if they were to render thanks to the gods proportionable to their favours , the whole year would not suffice ; only some days were to be set a part and excepted , that the worship of the gods might not hinder human commerce . this article has no need of any commentary . only i will observe this by the way , that what cassius spoke of nero's reign , might be well said of lewis the great , which has been a compleat kalender of nothing else but combats , victories , and triumphs . so that if paterculus observ'd of caesar , that his atchievements were so great , that he who durst attempt and bring to pass such wondrous enterprises , could hardly be other then some deity : what would he have said of a prince , that in a few days won those cities , which caesar could not take in many months ? essay lx. in this same consternation , the flattery of the centurions and tribunes first erected his drooping hopes , crowding to kiss his hands , and congratulate his escape from the unsuspected and horrid contrivances of his mother . then the courtiers resorted thick and three-fold to the temples ; and thus the example being set , the neighbouring municipal towns of campania testify'd their joy by sacrifices , and public addresses . says d'ablancourt , burrhus was the first who rais'd his hopes , persuading the officers of the guard to complement him upon the danger he had escap'd , and testifie their joy to see him deliver'd from the ambushes of his mother . after that , the courtiers frequented the temples , and addresses came from all the neighbouring cities , &c. flattery is a contagion that spreads it self from man to man. when ever any one has led the way , all the rest are presently at strife who shall out do him . nero had but just embru'd his hands in a most inhuman parricide , and the people stood gazing one upon another with fear and astonishment . nero himself was almost at his wits end . but no sooner had the pretorian officers kiss'd his hands , and assur'd him of their fidelity , but the courtiers , a sort of people always ready to unmask , were not asham'd to kneel before the gods ; nor the neighbouring cities to offer sacrifices for joy of such a perpetrated crime , which cry'd aloud for vengeance on the detestable murderer . horrid thanksgivings , more impious then the parricide it self . but the senate acted higher yet , and worse : they decreed public intercessions for the welfare of the prince , and put the day of his mothers nativity among the unfortunate days ; and that upon which her pretended conspiracy was discover'd , among the most solemn festivals of the year . so true it is , that never greater honours are decreed to princes , then when they are extreamly hated . for dissimulation is more ingenious then truth , says the younger pliny ; servitude then freedom ; and fear then love. essay lxi . while he was hesitating in the cities of campania , how he might return to the city , and no less anxious whether to expect either the addresses of the obsequious senate , or the favour of the people , all the most infamous of his adherents argu'd against his vain fears , that agrippina's name was become odious , and that by her death he had inflam'd the affection of the people toward him ; and therefore that he should go with an undaunted courage , and try the effects of their veneration upon the place . says d'ablancourt , while the emperour staid in the cities of campania , uncertain whether he should return to rome , or seek the applauses of the senate and the people first : ( tacitus does not say whether he should seek , but wait for , considering the enormity of his crime . ) his courtiers advis'd him to go on , and fear nothing ; for that they should find the affections of the people redoubl'd by the death of agrippina , whose very memory they execrated ; and therefore that he should go couragiously to reap the fruit of his renown and glory . tho' princes are made believe that they have an absolute liberty to do what er'e they please , yet are they touch'd with an inward remorce , when they either do or have committed any act which is in it self unlawful . after nero had caus'd his mother to be murder'd , he durst not shew his face , he wander'd from city to city , thinking to dissipate those fears and jealousies with which the apparition of his crime that haunted him where er'e he went , continually tormented his mind . but his flatterers , accustom'd to extoll the most hainous miscarriages of great personages , soon cur'd him of his shame and his fear ; persuading him that all the people of rome rejoyc'd at agrippina's death , and thought themselves beholding to him for having rid her out of the way , tho' every body in secret detested the action , and had a bad opinion of seneca , for the letters which he wrote to the senate , in justification of nero. ill done in seneca , tho' seasonably perhaps , who after he had been beholding to agrippina for all his fortune , had the grace to lay to her charge all the mischiefs , and all the acts of injustice , that had been committed in claudius's reign . he whom she had recall'd from exile , and advanc'd to be tutor to her son , where he had rammass'd together above seven millions of gold in four years . a fair proof , that he knew how better to discourse of benefits and kindnesses then to acknowledge 'em ; and that it is but too true , that how deeply soever men are oblig'd to those who fall into misfortue , they then believe the engagement fully satisfy'd . essay lxii . hence resuming his wonted pride , and victor over public servitude , he enters the capital , pays his thanks , and abandons himself to all manner of luxury and lasciviousness . says d'ablancourt , he ascended into the capital , triumphing over public servitude , and having paid his thanks to the gods , gave himself over to all manner of voluptuousness . behold the effects of flattery . nero , who fear'd to return to rome , observing that the senate and the people paid him greater honours , then his flatterers had promis'd ; and that the city had set up scaffolds to behold him make his entry , as if he had led all the barbarian kings in triumph , began to believe , that his parricide was lookt upon as a noble exploit ; and that by consequence , there was not any thing which he might not boldly undertake for the future . thus when princes once have laid aside all fear and bashfulness , small are the hopes of any farther good from them. and here it was , that burrhus and seneca , both men of great prudence and policy , were much deceiv'd , while they thought , that their condescension to any single ridiculous pleasure of their pupil , would in a short time make him weary of that vice. for after he had spent his time one while in playing the charioteer in an enclos'd piece of ground , where no body had liberty to enter ; he would needs have spectators afterwards , whose applauses did but serve to encourage him in the continuance of that exercise , which his governours were in hopes would soon have tir'd him . in short , after he had been a charioteer , and had engag'd the principal of the nobility to ascend the theatre , he took his place himself there also , to sing to the harp before his courtiers , and the soldiers of his guard : well pleas'd with the applauses of a company of young roman knights , who immediately admir'd his beauty and his voice , for divine perfections . whence tacitus concludes , that if modesty and bashfulness , be so difficultly preserv'd by vertuous education , how are they possibly to be preserv'd in a court , where vices contend and only emulate each other ; and where men are only esteem'd for being double hearted , and they accounted best , who are the worst . essay xliii . no man carry'd away the prize for eloquence , but caesar was pronounc'd the victor . says d'ablancourt , no man carry'd away the prize of eloquence , but they gave the victory unanimously to the emperour . tacitus relates , that the funeral oration which nero pronounc'd at the obsequies of the emperour claudius , seem'd to savour of seneca's stile ; which gave an occasion for some to observe , that nero was the first emperour that ever stood in need of another mans eloquence , for that he employ'd his parts quite another way ; as in painting , sculpture , musick , and sometimes in poetry , to which he had a great inclination . therefore it could be no other then pure flattery , which adjudg'd him the prize of eloquence ; as it is the custom to ascribe to princes all those qualities , which add to the lustre of majesty . essay . lxiv . the temple also erected to deifie claudius , was look'd upon as the tower , as others will have it , the pledge of perpetual domination . says d'ablancourt ; the people also look'd upon the temple dedicated to claudius , as a gage of perpetual servitude . these people , meaning the britains , who were not yet accustom'd to servitude , finding themselves tyranniz'd over by the romans , without any hopes of being better dealt with for the future , revolted from their forc'd obedience , cut their soldiers in pieces , and in two days made themselves masters of this temple , which seem'd to have been built for no other purpose but to let 'em understand , that their liberty was exterminated for ever . when princes subdue great cities , their flatterers are the most diligent persons in the world to erect magnificent trophies in their honour , which rather serve to exasperate the vanquish'd , then to instruct the victor what is absolutely necessary for the preservation of his conquest . thus the brazen statue of the duke of alva trampling under feet two other lesser figures , representing the people and nobility of the low countries , cost the king of spain the revolt of antwerp , and several other fortify'd cities . essay lxv . nero then not well in health , when his flatterers told him , the empire would be at an end , should it be his fate to die , made answer , &c. says d'ablancourt ; one day that he was ill , his courtiers , in flattery , told him that the empire would expire with him . this piece of flattery is a certain proof of the impertinency of flatterers . for , for a man to tell such a prince as nero , who made it his chiefest glory , to be an excellent charioteer , a good musician , and an elegant poet , as much as to say , eminent in every thing that was beneath a prince , that the welfare of the empire depended wholly upon him , and that expiring with his life , it was never to rise again , was either to laugh at the emperor , or make himself ridiculous . nevertheless we meet with compliments every day altogether as vain and impertinent , which however are kindly accepted . so true is that remark of tacitus , that assiduous adulation corrupts and blinds the understanding of great personages . essay lxvi . nero inclin'd to the more vicious . they assail seneca with various accusations . they objected his assuming to himself alone the pre-eminence in eloquence , and his making verses more frequently , since nero had addicted himself to the study of poetry : that he openly exclaim'd against the prince's pleasures : that he contemned his agility in the management of horses ; and derided his voice when he sang . the prince ( says d'ablancourt ) was naturally enclin'd to follow the worst counsels . thereupon it was laid to seneca's charge , that he ascrib'd to himself the glory of being the only eloquent person in the city ; and had made verses more frequently , since nero began to esteem poetry . that he forbore not in public to find fault with his divertisements , and to laugh at his activities in driving chariots ; and derided his excellency in music . when once a prince begins to lend his ears to flatterers , calumny forthwith makes open war with men of vertue . they that accus'd seneca , were certain of over-ruling nero , to his destruction : for that burrhus and he were always averse to his pleasures . for the court is always full of certain people , who make it all their business to sound the disgusts and discontentments of princes , & incense 'em against them who are both the object & the cause of them . and thus it was , that sejanus exasperated tiberius against asinius gallus , and that cossurianus capito and eprius marcellus perswaded nero to rid himself of thrasea . as to what the courtiers laid to seneca's charge , that he ascrib'd to himself the sole glory of surpassing all others in eloquence , that was only an artifice , by which they render'd him so much the more odious to nero , in regard that he , continually making use of him for the composing those orations and speeches which he had to make to the senate , should thereby take notice , that seneca made merchandize of this eloquence ; while 't was the general saying , that whatever he spoke or did , either handsom and noble , still seneca reap'd all the honour of it , as being the first composer . however , that nero was past a child , and by consequence needed no more tutors , the examples of his ancestors being sufficient to instruct and advise him in the management of his government . by the way observe , that tacitus seems obliquely to reprove the vanity , or rather vain-glory of senca , in saying , that he caus'd nero to pronounce several popular harangues , to shew the good education which he had given his pupil , or else in ostentation of his own wit. so true it is , that the wisest of men are subject to an ardent love and desire of glory : and according to the greek proverb , 't is the last shirt they put off . essay lxvii . tigellinus growing daily more powerful , and believing his wicked artifices , wherein his chiefest excellencies lay , would prove more acceptable , could he but engage the prince to be an accomplice with him in his crimes , he dives into his fears , and found that plantius and sylla were the objects of his terror . says d'ablancourt ; tigellinus grew more and more in credit every day ; and to render himself yet more considerable , he resolv'd to plunge nero deeper & deeper in vice , as being the only craft of which he was the absolute master . seeing therefore that the persons whom the prince most fear'd , were sylla and rubellius , he endeavour'd to render their exile suspected . rubellius plautus and cornelius sylla , were persons suspected and dreaded by nero the first , because he was descended from augustus by the mothers side , and in the same degree next of kin to nero ; besides that , he was vastly rich. the second , for that having espous'd antonia the daughter of claudius , and sister to octavia , nero's wife , he seem'd to have some right , or at least some pretension to the empire . for which reason he had procur'd their exilement , the one being banish'd into asia , and the other into gallia . but nero ( as it is the custome of bad princes to be prone to fears and jealousies ) had still the same suspitions of these two men , notwithstanding the distance of their consinement : wherefore tigellinus , who was not ignorant of the innate cruelty of his master , and understanding from whence his jealousies arose , infuses into his mind , that two persons of such illustrious extraction , had the ready opportunity to revenge themselves in their exile , where they were at hand to debauch both the eastern and german armies . that nero might secure himself from the contrivances of his enemies at rome , where his presence was sufficient to curb the growing insolencies of mutiny and disorder , but that it would be a difficult thing for him to put a stop to designs well laid in distant provinces . that the gaules already cast their eyes upon sylla , as a noble branch of the dictators family ; and that the hopes of asia were no less in the grandchild of drusus . that sylla's poverty was a sufficient incitement to push him forward in the prosecution of bold and daring attempts , and that he only affected a counterfeit supidity , till he met with an opportunity to shew his courage . on the other side , that plautus was a person of prodigious wealth , and so far from seemiog to love repose and quiet , that he took a pride in imitating the ancient romans , and in practising the maxims of the stoicks , a sect that teaches men to be arrogant , turbulent , and daring . these are the dangers that attend great personages : the flatterers tell the prince , that the excessive wealth of a subject , is fatal to domination ; that they are too high for the condition of a private person , and over-shadow the grandeur of a prince . and therefore it was , that the prince of conde made answer to a proposal that was made him , only to beg and have such a government as he should himself desire , that he had wealth and estate sufficient , to preserve himself by his good services and loyalty ; that if he had more , it would but render him justly suspected to the king , who could have no other reason to ruine him , but only because he was too great . if they are poor , then they are represented to the prince as malecontents , who study all opportunities to meliorate their fortunes at the expence of the public tranquillity ; that if they are not prevented , their misery will hurry 'em to despair ; and their despair to revolt ; and that therefore there is a necessity to hast'n their destruction . if they are persons of mean parts or little courage , those feeblenesses are interpreted to be refin'd policy and dissimulation . but if they are persons of courage and merit , then they are branded for dangerous persons , that will soon be their sovereign's masters , if once admitted to the helm of state. or if excluded , that they will meditate revenge , unless cropt in the budd of their resentment . tacitus tells us , that plautus led a retir'd life , went mean and plain , and kept his family in good order : but the more he conceal'd himself in privacy from the stratagems of envy , the more his reputation expos'd him . therefore that philosopher was in the right , who said , that great men were born to afford subjects for tragedies . essay . lxviii . after he found that all his crimes were applauded as egregious acts , he turns octavia out of doors , pretending sterility , and marries poppaea . says d'ablancourt ; the emperour finding that all his crimes were consecrated by the senate , divorc'd octavia , as being barren , and espouses poppaea . tacitus tells us , that when the head of plautus was brought to nero , he thus discours'd to himself ! what fear'st thou nero , now that plautus and sylla are dead ? why dost thou not forthwith espouse poppaea , and send octavia home again , tho' she be truly complaisant and modest , but yet a burthen to thee , for the sake of her father's memory , and the affection of the people ? nero dur'st not repudiate her while sylla her father-in-law was alive , and plautus her near kinsman , who might have reveng'd her quarrel . but so soon as these obstacles were remov'd , he never scrupl'd to dissolve a marriage that had advanc'd him to the empire . so true it is , that bad princes cannot endure the sight of those to whom they are too deeply oblig'd . now nero could not see octavia , without recalling to mind those obligations which he had receiv'd from her father , who had preferr'd him before britannicus his only son ; and therefore it was that the memory of claudius was offensive to his mind . moreover the marriage of nero with poppaea , is a clear demonstration , that when once a bad prince is rid of his fears , he lays aside his shame as soon . essay lxix . octavia is commanded to die — and to this , a scorn more hainous then the cruelty was added , that poppaea saw her head cut off , and brought into the city . for this , gifts were decreed to be offer'd to the temples of the gods : which i have on purpose deliver'd to posterity , that whoever shall read the story of those times , whether written by our selves , or any other author , may understand , that so often as any murther was commanded by the prince , thanks were return'd to the gods ; and those things which were formerly the signals of prosperous success and triumph , were now the concomitants of public desolation . says d'ablancourt ; he commanded octavia to die — and for an addition of cruelty , they cut off her head , to glut the greedy eyes of her rival . the senate for this ordain'd , that offerings should be made in the temples : which i mention'd to this end , that they who shall hereafter read this history , may understand , that as often as the prince had perpetrated any crime , so often thanks were return'd to the gods ; and that that which was formerly a mark of our triumphs , was become the witness of our miseries . essay lxx . but the child dying within fourth months , new flatteries repay'd that loss , while the senate decreed the infant the honour of a goddess , a cushion of state , a temple , and a preistess . says d'ablancourt ; the child dy'd four months after , which made 'em have recourse to new flatteries ; so that they decreed her a temple , with divine honours , and all things thereto belonging . nero having honour'd the infant with the title of augusta , upon the day of her birth , which was a thing for which there was no president before , the senate , according to the custome of flattery , which always strives to exceed , would also needs decree her divine honour , that had never yet been given to any infant . for when the prince himself opens the way to flattery , the contention then runs high among the croud of flatterers , who shall bear away the prize , especially when he is under the pangs of affliction : for that being the time , when tenderness and compassion softens the haughty humours of men , it affords the most proper opportunities to conquer their affections . essay lxxi . cerealis anicius , the consul elect , pronounc'd as his peculiar sentence , that a temple should be erected with all the speed imaginable , at the public charge , to divine nero. which he decreed him , as having surmounted human grandeur , and deserving now the adoration of men. which was afterwards number'd among inauspicious omens of his death ; for the honours due to the gods , were never attributed to the prince , till he ceas'd to live among men. says d'ablancourt ; anicius cerealis propounded the building him a temple at the publick charge , and in his proposal gave him the title of a god , meaning thereby , that he was exalted above human frailty , and deserv'd to be ador'd by men. but that was afterwards taken as an ill omen of his death , for that the emperors were never honour'd with that title , till they were departed out of this world. nero having escap'd a conspiracy , wherein were engag'd almost all the chief nobility of rome , and with them , persons of all sorts and conditions , and many women among the rest , the senate decreed thanksgivings and offerings to the gods , and particular honours to the sun , who had discover'd the enterprize , just as it was ready to have been put in execution ; and to salus or safety , out of whose temple the senator sevinus had taken the dagger , with which he was to have given the first stroke : all this was done in honour to the gods , and had been highly commendable , had not nero been so wicked a prince . but that there might be nothing wanting of addition to the public misfortune , ( for to use the words of tacitus , the gods , in preserving nero , plainly shew'd , that they design'd their vengeance , not their saving favour to the roman people ) one of the consuls propos'd the consecrating of a temple to nero the god , as if he meant the world should understand , that the emperor was beholden for his deliverance to his deify'd condition , which exalted him above all accidents of fortune , and render'd him immortal . certainly this was the utmost extent of human adulation , above which it was impossible for human wit to soar a higher strain . and if 't were fear which made the gods , a pagan might have been excus'd to deifie a prince , who after he had murther'd his brother britannicus , his mother , his wife , his tutor , seem'd only born to exterminate the race of human kind . but how shall we excuse those christians , who make profession of vertue in its purity , and particularly of evangelic simplicity , who abandon themselves to that degree of flattery , as to compare a temporal prince to the true god , ascribing to him those attributes which the sacred scripture only gives to the majesty of heaven . as if among so many famous and renowned actions with which the universe rings , they could not have found matter for the most noble panegyric in the world , without robbing god of that which incommunicably belongs to him , to give it to caesar . essay lxxii . hence the orators took occasion to spend all their studies upon panegyrics and encomiums in honour of the prince . the earth ( cry'd they ) produces not only her usual fruits , and gold confus'd with other metals , but as if infertiliz'd by thy rays with a new access of plenty , teems with unaccustom'd productions , while the gods throw down their obvious riches to encrease her store . with several other servile raptures , compos'd with no less eloquence then adulation , as being secure of the credulity of their hearers . says d'ablancourt ; the orators made choice of no other themes for their panegyrics , crying out , that the earth produc'd not only fruits and flowers , or metals within its bowels , but from her bosome discover'd new treasures , to augment the felicity of so flourishing a reign . with many other things of the same nature , which their own servile inclinations , and the prince's credulity , produc'd with as much eloquence as flattery . princes are the more easily induc'd to flatter themselves with the enjoyment of those successes with which adulation sooths their fancies , as being made believe that all things must be obedient to their fortune ; and that there is no contending with their fate . nero therefore , who naturally coveted things the most incredible , with ease gave credit to his own wishes ; and his courtiers were no less careful how they undeceiv'd him , seeing how lavish and profuse he was in his expences , in hopes of dido's pretended treasures . thus it is , that unwary princes are frequently abus'd and gull'd by their flatterers , impoverishing their treasures by immense profusions , while they feed 'em with vain expectations . for his expectancy of promis'd wealth , was one of the causes of publick poverty . 't is the course of flatterers still to be buzzing in the sovereign's ears , that princes should never mind good husbandry ; whereas they should have told 'em , they could not be well too thrifty , considering there is no end of their expences . the favourites of hen. 3. ( says mezeray in his life ) had instill'd into his mind , that all the estates of his subjects were absolutely at his disposal ; and that france was such an inexhaustible fountain of wealth , that no prodigality whatever could draw it dry . but this ill advice , and worse bad husbandry ( says he ) caus'd such scarcity of money , that many times there was not sufficient to defray the expences of the king's kitchin. essay lxxiii . some there were who admonish'd him to make caesar his heir of the greatest part of his estate , which would be the way to preserve the rest for his grand-children . which he refus'd to do , that he might not tarnish with servile condiscension a life that he had lead , the nearest that might be to liberty — and ( speaking of petronius ) neither would he flatter in his will either caesar , or tigellinus , or any of the great men then in favour . says d'ablancorut ; some advis'd him to leave the best part of his estate to the emperor , and to save the rest ; but he reply'd , that after he had liv'd so long in honour , he would not fully the end of his life with a servile act — nor would petronius flatter in his will , either nero , or tigellinus , or any other of the favourites , as most of those there that suffer'd had done . they who never committed any degenerate act in their life-time , are careful to preserve their reputation to the last gasp . nor can there be a smarter incentive to die like a man of honour , then to have always been so . therefore cocceius nerva , the best friend tiberius had , seeing that the emperor grew more vicious every day then other , while his health & estate were yet in a good condition , and his reputation unblemish'd , chose to die . and thrasea , whom tacitus calls the patern of true honour , made answer to those who advis'd him to delay his death , that he had nothing more to do but to die as he had liv'd ; that is to say , untainted , unpolluted , and imitating the glorious exit of those whom he had emulated in his life-time . for it is not enough for great personages to be distinguish'd from others by the magnificence of their funerals , unless at their deaths they likewise leave a distinct remembrance to posterity . essay lxxiv . truth was several ways ecclips'd and interrupted ; first through ignorance of public affairs , now mannag'd by a few ; then by the contagious lust of adulation , or else by the general hatred of those that were in power . so that what between those that were disgusted , and those that were obnoxious , there was no care taken of posterity . but 't is easie for thee to discry and ward off the flatteries of a historian ; tho' detraction and envy are heard with willing ears . for there is a kind of resemblance between the foul crime of servility and adulation , but in malignity , there seems to be some similitude of liberty . we cannot deny our preferment begun by vespasian , augmented by tiberius , and farther advanc'd by domitian ; but they that pretend to an inviolate fidelity , must never be sway'd by the affections either of love or hatred . truth , says d'ablancourt , was clouded and obscur'd through ignorance of public affairs , wherein few were concern'd ; and sophisticated either by flattery or hatred . the historians took no care of posterity , minding only their revenge or their preferment . but tho' flattery and obloquie both equally disguise the truth , it is more easie for a man to secure himself from the one which is odious to all the world , then from the other , which deceives us under the false shew of liberty . 't is true , i owe the first rise of my fortune to vespasian , and the progress of my advancement to his children . but when a man once goes about to write a history , he must forget favours as well as injuries . wherein d'ablancourt mistakes the words of tacitus , who says no such thing , but only that no historian should suffer himself to be byass'd , either by his love or by his hatred . were it absolutely necessary for a historian to understand not only the events of things , but also the reason and causes which produc'd those events ; it would be impossible for any man to be a good historian , that never had any share in the mannagement of public affairs . for the success and events of things are known to all the world , but the motives , the interests , the accidents , the springs , that enliven'd , mov'd , and ma●nag'd those affairs , and were the causes of their prosperous accomplishments or miscarriage , are only known to the contrivers and artificers themselves . and for that reason it is , that historians of republics have more advantage to write the truth of things , then the subjects of soveraign monarchs : where the secret lies lockt up in the breast or cabinet of the prince , so that they may be well call'd strangers to the government . the second thing which disguises and disfigures history is flattery , which in republics is but little practiz'd , where servility is incompatible with equality : but is of absolute use in monarchies , where it is hard to attain to honours and imployments , or long to enjoy 'em , but by gaining the favour of the ruling soveraign , by the customary and usual ways of assentation and obsequiousness . the third rock that shipwracs truth , is hatred ; which takes place of flattery , after the decease of the prince . so long as tiberius , caligula , claudius , and nero reign'd , says tacitus , fear disguis'd and ecclips'd the truth , but so soon as they were dead , hatred publish'd with aggravations , what fears suppress'd before . whence we may infer , that the histories of bad princes , are never faithfully written , neither when they are alive , as being dreaded then ; nor after their decease , when calumny takes her full swinge to disgrace their memories . when princes are hated , men are willing to believe whatever is reported of 'em , tho' never so hainous and horrid ; nay , many things too , which are altogether impossible . and for this reason it is , that tacitus desires of those that shall read his works , never to prefer vulgar reports and tales incredible , tho' greedily swallow'd , before plain and downright truths , not yet corrupted into miracle . there are some historians that seem to have no other design , then to abuse posterity , transmitting to future ages , things not to be believ'd . and some persons there are , so unjust and empty in their judgements , that no histories will please their appetite , but such as are stuff'd with scandals and absurdities . and this proneness of the one to credulity , and of the other to falshood it is , which is the occasion that all affairs of importance are communicated to our understandings , quite otherwise then as they were really transacted . add to this , that many times they who have been the mannagers of these affairs , and encourage the author of the story , having sometimes acted by the sway of bad principles , furnish the writer with memorials , so far from discovering the real truth , that they rather stifle it in those politic ambiguities , from whence it is impossible to disinvelop it . whence it comes to pass , that the historians themselves being first deceiv'd , the reputation of their fidelity serves only to delude others . moreover the severity of history is such , as not to suffer that her authors should discover the least resentment of injuries or favours ; she would be shown to the world without hatred or flattery ; without fear or hope ; without refin'd subtlety or affectation ; not to criticise , but to instruct ; nor to kindle any hatred against the men themselves , but a detestation of their vices . essay . lxxv . afelicity of the times but rarely known , when it was lawful to think what ever thou wouldst ; and what thy thoughts were , those to utter freely . says d'ablancourt , a subject more ample and less thornie , upon which a man might fearless utter whatsoe're he thought , which was no small happiness . court flatterers observe this for a certain maxime , never to speak what they think , but always to speak what they never think , or at least never intend . and thence it is , that princes being accustom'd to understand 'em , those persons that are sincere and real-hearted , are at a nonplus how to please their humours , and by consequence to make their fortunes . besides , 't is no such errour in princes , as generally the common sort believe , not always to favour and esteem those persons , who freely and frankly speak their own thoughts . for besides , that freedom of speech approaches too near forbidden licence , it is also no less subject to heighten into imprudent zeal , which frequently leaves behind most mortal stings in the nice breasts of princes . the simplicity of the dove at court signifies nothing , if it be not manag'd by the wisdom of the serpent . essay lxxvi prosperity and success , with sharper probes , explore the minds of men ; for miseries are endur'd , but we are corrupted by felicity . thou perhaps wilt retain thy fidelity , thy liberty , thy friendship , the chiefest blessings and perfections of the mind ; but others will endeavour to vitiate thy good nature by their flatteries . adulation , and glozing sycophantries , the most pernicious poyson of a vertuous inclination , while every one seeks his own profit and interest , will break in upon thee . thou and i discourse this day together with sincerity and cordial integrity , others more willingly address themselves to our fortune then to us . for to persuade a prince to what it behoves him to do , is a task of great difficulty . but to flatter any prince , there 's no affection requir'd . to be begotten or descend from princes is meerly fictitious , nor is valu'd any farther . nero will be also always wish'd for by the worst of men ; however it must be both our cares , that he be not wish'd for by the good and vertuous . but this is not a time to insist longer upon admonitions . the most profitable and the shortest method in the regulation of thy actions , is to consider what thou wouldst require , and what not , from another prince . for thou art now to govern a people that will not brook an absolute servitude , add will be as impatient of absolute liberty . says d'ablancourt , prosperity has more powerful incentives then adversity , for we give way to the one and resist the other . ( which words are more obscure then the text it self . ) tho' thy inclinations prompt thee to preserve thy vertue , they that have access to thee , will have lost their own . ( which is quite contrary to the sense of tacitus . ) there is nothing so easie as complaisance , and therefore all men are ready to make use of it . but there are few persons that advise princes what they ought to do , because it is a task of too great difficulty . ( here also is the sense of tacitus again mistaken . ) 't is by fortune that men are born sovereign princes . ( here again tacitus expresses himself more at large . ) only , do thou learn that the shortest way to govern well , is to consider what is to be approv'd , and what condemn'd in other princes ; to avoid the one , and follow the example of the other . ( which latter words are superfluous . ) never were more noble , nor more vniversal admonitions given to princes , to guard them-themselves from the contagion of flattery . here they are warn'd , that prosperity runs 'em headlong into more impieties then adver for that it usually plunges 'em into all manner of luxury , and all that tacitus calls the licence of regality . which was the reason of that saying of tiberius himself , that the more puissant he was , the more in danger he was of falling ; and that he could not have his authority , without diminishing the law. thus what galba says to piso , that the obsequious respect which all men would pay to his person would corrupt his vertue , is a wholesom admonition which he gives to all princes , not to confide in the constancy of their own resolutions , nor in their natural inclination to justice , in regard that if they bow their ears to their flatterers , adulation by vertue of her alluring blandishments , will glide at length through the ears into the heart , and tear from thence all shame , all moderation , docility , gratitude , clemency , and all other vertues whatever that harbours there . mezeray gives us a remarkable example of this , in the person of henry iii. his reign , saith he in his life , might be call'd the reign of favorites ( and consequently of flatterers ) they brought to perfection their design , and absolutely enervated whatever he had of constant resolution , and at length dissolv'd him into all voluptuousness . and that they might possess him wholly to themselves , they persuaded him not to shew himself so frequently and so publicly to his subjects as his predecessors had done , but to keep himself reserv'd and close like the eastern monarchs ; or if he did at any time appear among 'em , that it should be with all the dazling pomp and magnificence imaginable , or else to let 'em know him by the absoluteness of his commands ; but above all , to break the neck of that custom among the french of making remonstrances , and to make 'em understand that there was no other justice but his will. ( for according to the dictates of flattery , 't is but a precarious reign , and an acquiescence in single authority , which extends it self no farther , then only things permitted . ) with these flatteries they rais'd him to a high opinion of himself , and fill'd him with a conceit , that he was the greatest prince in the world : that all the politics of his very youth , were master pieces ; and that all the prudence of the most cunning artists in that profession , was but meer ignorance in comparison of his . nor is there any prince whatever , to whom at least some of their flatterers do not say as much : a sufficient demonstration that they speak not to the person , but the fortune of the prince , which is the sole object of their adorations . as for the advantage of being born a prince , galba tells piso 't was only an accident of fortune , to let him understand , that it was not an honour to be so highly glory'd in by princes , as being that which they receiv'd from another , and was no honour to 'em farther , then they gave it lustre by the brightness of their own vertue . they that told nero he needed no other rule whereby to govern himself then the examples of his ancestors , while they flatter'd him with the greatness of his birth , did but give him an oblique hint , that having augustus for his great grand-father , and germanicus for his grand-father , it best became him to derive his glory from the imitation of those two persons : for it is not nobility of extraction that makes a prince . caligula , claudius , and nero , were all illustrious by descent , but scandals to the empire and the family of the caesars . neither is it the vast extent of dominion that makes an emperour ; but on the contrary 't is rather a burthen , which only serves to display the weakness of the prince , and by consequence to render him contemptible , when he is found to be incapable of government . witness galba , who when he came to the empire , through his want of parts , lost all the reputation which he had acquir'd , while he was only governour of a province ; whom all men would have judg'd most fit for the imperial dignity , unless he had reign'd . a prince therefore is never to be accompted a great prince , unless the glory of his merit be equal to those of his fortune . historians , says matchiavel , gave greater applauses to hiero of syracuse , while he was but as yet a private person , then to perseus , when he was king of macedon ; for that hiero wanted nothing but a kingdom to be a prince , whereas the other had nothing in him of a king , but his kingdom . an argument , that posterity considers neither royal birth , nor royalty it self , as not deserving its esteem , but how the prince manag'd his affairs , and carry'd himself in so high and difficult an employment ▪ and in this sense it was , that tiberius pray'd the gods to grant him a quiet mind to the end of his life , and all necessary understanding of the law of god and man , that after his decease , his name and his actions might be honour'd with the remembrance and approbation of all his subjects . observe by the way , that in the same place he tells the senate , how highly honour'd should he deem himself , if posterity do him but that justice to acknowledge him for a prince worthy his ancestors , vigilant , resolute in dangers , and zealous for the public welfare , fearless of envy or hatred . to inform those who are born princes , that it ought to be their chiefest ambition to shew themselves worthy of their illustrious extraction , in performing glorious actions , deserving the remembrance of all succeeding ages . and this was that which octavius himself confirm'd , when his mother and his father in law dissuading him , to acknowledge himself heir to julius caesar , he rejected their counsel , affirming , 't would be a shame for him to think himself above a fortune that caesar thought him worthy of : to whose opinion he would rather stand then theirs , who understood not his worth. but to return to galba . nero , said he , will be always lamented and wish'd for by the wicked ; but it must be our duty so to behave our selves that good men too , may have no reason to lament his loss ; which certainly they will do , if we prove no better then he. this is an admonition so much the more necessary for princes , in regard that flatterers , by applauding their actions whether good or bad , and by infusing a conceit into their minds , that they surpass all their predecessors , make 'em sometimes worse then they , whose memories are become most odious . 't is a burdensom thing to succeed a vertuous prince , says pliny in his panegyric , in regard it is a difficult labour to gain that affection which he had done . which was the reason that the younger pliny told trajan , that no body would covet to succeed him , because no body could presume to equal him . but it is no less dangerous to succeed a bad prince ; for instead of this happy effect , that the vertue of a predecessor should serve to enflame the emulation of him that succeeds , it happens that while he fears to be despis'd or hated upon the neglect of his duty , the vices of the predecessor seem to authorise , or at least excuse the the miscarriages of the succeeding prince . whence it happens that the latter , not having any recent example of moderation to upbraid his liberties , and check his irregularities , he throws of his mask , and abandons himself to all manner of luxury and impiety , insomuch that his predecessor , though he had been very inordinate , is many times recall'd again in wishes for a good prince . thus the loss of tiberius was bewail'd in the reign of caligula , caligula in the reign of nero , and nero in the reign of domitius : so true it is , that wickedness finds out new rivals every day , especially among bad princes , that suffer themselves to be guided by their flatterers ; that bad examples can never stop their career , when once they have begun ; but that when once they are stray'd out of the high road , they never stop till they precipitate themselves into an abyss of all disorders . lastly , says galba , if thou wouldst know in short , what method is most proper to gain the esteem and love of the people over which thou art to rule , call to thy remembrance whatever has been applauded or condemn'd in the princes that have reign'd in thy time , and then do thou of thy own accord , as formerly mecaenas advis'd augustus , so manage the conduct of thy rule , as thou wouldst expect another prince should do , wert thou a subject to the same person . the younger pliny commends trajan for his observance of this precept . long hast thou liv'd among us ( said he ) and ventur'd with us through the same danger , and thereby thou giv'st us an apparent demonstration , that thou art not forgetful of the wishes and complaints which thou weret wont to make among us , for in thy sovereignty dost thou fulfil , whatever thou didst once desire so ardently , when a private subject ; only with this difference , that thou art more benign and clement toward us , then thou didst then desire the prince should be moderate toward thy self . and thence , whereas before we wisht for no other happiness , then to have a prince but somewhat better then the worst of all that ever we had ( speaking of domitian ) we are now , by thy means , become so nice and difficult , that we cannot endure any other then the best of emperors . and in several other parts of the same panegyric , thou mak'st the choice of thy friends , among the most vertuous ; and truly it is but just , that they should be belov'd hy a good , who have been hated by a wicked prince . thou know'st the difference between domination & supreme rule , which is the reason that they who are now most acceptable to the prince , have the greatest antipathy to a tyrannical master . thou know'st , that there can be no power so great conferr'd on any single person , but that liberty still is more desirable then masterless superiority . and yet so far art thou from triumphing over our patience , that thy triumphs are only o'er the pride of wicked princes . thou liv'st among us like a father with his children . 't is lawfull to approach thy presence , to accompany , and speak to thee . nor is it thy pride that puts a conclusion to the discourse , but a modest shame and fear of being too importunate . thou govern'st us , and we obey , but yet no othewise then we obey the laws . thou hast barr'd up the passage to thy ears against greedy sycophants , who excited thy predecessors to nothing but rapine and violence . and now there being no such prince that will afford a ready ear to pernicious counsels , there are none that now will undertake to give it . insomuch that being highly oblig'd to thee , for the integrity of thy manners , we are yet more engag'd to thy vertues , for the amendment of our own , which the servility of former times had so horribly perverted . so powerful is the example of a vertuous prince , whether out of that veneration which all men pay him , or the desire which we have to please him in our imitation . essay lxxvii . piso's oration was modest and civil ; nor did he want the favour of the father's ; many out of pure good will and affection ; more vehemently they that least desired it ; the middle sort , and the moderate party were the most , all meditating private interest , while obviously obsequious without care of the public . says d'ablancourt ; piso's oration was very modest , and receiv'd with applause by the flattery of some , and the affection of others . they who had the least desire , testify'd the most , and every one suffer'd himself to be busy'd by his particular interest , without any care of the republic . a new prince always occasions the growth of new interests , new expectations , and new sycophants . and flattery was the more excessive toward piso , while every one believ'd that sycophantry could not choose but be acceptable to a person who had always been the mark of adverse fortune . for there is nothing so lulling to the sences , as to be flatter'd , caress'd and honour'd , after a man has been a long time unfortunate . and for that reason it was that galba , putting him in mind of his former condition , hitherto ( said he ) thou hast only experimented the cruelties of fortune ; now she begins to look upon thee with a favourable eye : however be sure to stand upon thy guard , for it is more easie constantly to undergo adversity , as thou hast done , then to resist allurements of prosperity , so ingenious in depraving our inclinations . 't is not to be question'd but that thou art a person of great vertue , but if once thou giv'st admision to flattery , she will soon impair thy vertue . these and such like were galba's expressions ( says tacitus ) to piso , as to a private person , whom he was about to make an absolute prince , but all the rest he spoke as to a prince already enthron'd . to let us understand that galba spoke to the person of the prince , whereas sycophants make their addresses only to his fortune : that the first admonish'd him , as a father and a prince ; but that others flatter'd him , as the person that already was their lord and master : that subjects are only capable of flattery , because they only seek to please ; whereas the prince who makes his choice of a successor , bespeaks him cordially and sincerely , and gives him no other then only the best of counsel . essay lvxxiii . the most favour'd of his enfranchiz'd slaves , and other servants , laid before him the pomp of nero's court , his luxury , his adulteries , his divorces , and incestuous wedlocks , and all those other pleasures of imperial reign , all which he thirst'd after , and which if he had the courage , were his own ; but if he trifled away his opportunity , would be another's . his principal domestics , ( says d'ablancourt ) ceas'd not to lay before him the luxury and licence of princes , and to upbraid him secretly , for abandoning to another , that which was in his power to seize as his own . thus we see the gay allurements that sycophants make use of to provoke the appetites of princes , and incense 'em to luxury . this is that which they call , releasing kings from the subjection of wardship ; but indeed ( says mezeray ) is the putting them beside their sences and their reason . otho had spent his youth in debauchery , and had insinuated himself into nero's favour and confidence , by the imitation of his voluptuousness and vices . piso , on the other side , had always liv'd a sober life , and without scandal , but the severity of his manners , which pleas'd galba , displeas'd the old court , which nero had accustom'd to honour a voluptuous prince , no less then formerly they were wont to reverence a prudent and moderate sovereign . therefore it was that otho , who was of the same temper with nero , and as such a one , desir'd by all the courtiers , was so highly encourag'd by his domestics , and his friends , to take possession of the empire . for the looser and more extravagant sort of courtiers are afraid of nothing more then a vertuous and vigilant prince , because their interest is incompatible with his duty . the young king ( says mezeray , speaking of charles viii . ) was naturally enclin'd to the study of vertue , addicting himself , as much as his leisure would permit him , to the reading of good authors , and to converse with learned men. but the sycophant , to whose humour , a serious and prudent prince is a burthensom master , before the year was out , plung'd him again into the love of toys and women . i find moreover two or three things more to be observ'd upon the choice which galba made of piso to succeed him , rather then otho , who being the first who had declar'd himself for galba , was in hopes to have been adopted for his son. the first is , that galba rather chose to expose himself to otho's resentment , to whom he was so highly oblig'd , then to advance to the empire a person , who was guilty of all nero's vices ; considering , that would be of little benefit to the publick-weal to have escap'd nero's violencies , should it relapse under the power of his companion in debauchery . the second thing is , that vertuous princes make it their chiefest glory to choose a good successor ; whereas a bad prince en deavours to find a worse then himself , to the end he may be miss'd , when gone . augustus ( said galba to piso ) made choice of a successor out of his own family , but i choose mine out of the commonwealth : not that i am destitute either of kindred or friends , but because of all my own and thine , thou seem'st to me most worthy to be the heir of my fortune . my age permits me not to do the roman people any other kindness , but only to leave them a vertuous successor . but thou who art in the flower of thy youth , hast it within thy power to bless 'em with a vertuous prince and long tranquility . the younger pliny tells us , that nerva was belov'd and lamented by all good men , for that he had made such provision , that no body should have cause to miss him , and being a most worthy prince himself , he was not afraid to make choice of one that might exceed him . and in another place he says , that a good successor is a most evident mark of the divinity of the prince that makes the election . the last thing is , the difference between the advice which princes give to their successors , and that which sycophants give to princes . when a prince admonishes another , 't is his usual custom to tell him , that sovereignty is a weighty burthen , and a condition above all others most subject to the capriccio's of fortune : that the higher a man is exalted , the more in danger he stands of the precipice : that power is never truly secure , when excessive , and rarely longer permanent then the life of him that exercises it : that there is nothing in the world so unstable , or so difficult to preserve , as the fame of power that rests not on its proper foundation , of justice and reason : that it is impossible for a prince to know or act all things himself , and therefore had need of good counsel and assistance : that his ministers and he , transacting unanimously together , the public affairs will be better manag'd : that he ought not to study dominion over slaves , but equal government over children and subjects accustom'd to rational and not to blind obedience : that loyal subjects never grudge to pay taxes or impositions , but ill brook the violence , the cruelty and avarice of the officers : that a government cannot long subsist between unjust command and forc'd obedience . i do not interest my self , said tiberius , in in the choice of edils , pretors or consuls ; something greater and more sublime is expected from a prince ; nor do i make use of power , where i can act by law. then he goes on , that liberality , when excessive , proves pernicious , as forcing to repair by injustice , what extravagancy has dissipated ; that clemency advances the reputation of princes ; and that having all things at their command , there remains nothing for them to desire more , then only to eternize their happy memories . these are the temples , those the noble statues , said tiberius , that i desire to be erected in your minds ; for as for those that are built of stone , should i deserve the hatred of succeeding ages , they would be scorn'd , and soon defac'd . on the other side , sycophants infuse into the ears of princes , that they have not only an absolute power , but a universal understanding , and that their subjects can pretend to nothing but only the honour of a blind obedience : that the will and pleasure of a prince , is the rule of justice , and by consequence , that all the actions of kings are infallibly just : that a prince who governs according to laws , is only a precarious prince ; and that he who listens to the advice of his counsel , is a pupil : that all ways and means whatever which conduce to the preservation of authority , are honest and lawful , provided they be successful : that the impov'rishing of the people , and keeping the nobility low , are the main pillars of imperial power . that privileges , exemptions and moderate taxes serve only to render the people untractable and mutinous ; whereas they are supple , submiss and yielding , when they have nothing to lose : that luxury , adulteries , revelling and choice of women , are the rewards of principality : that it is of little importance to be belov'd , but of great moment to be fear'd ; for that fear is supported by the dread of punishment , which never ceases ; but that love is preserv'd only by a certain tie of complaisance , which men as often break , as fancy and humour inspire 'em : that clemency is a dangerous vertue , and modesty fitting only for a citizens wife . and lastly , that princes never need take any care what posterity says of 'em , as being no competent judge of the truth or falshood of those that applaud or discommend , since 't is the fate of historians , to be always suspected either of flattery or malice . essay lxxix . then from all parts of the city , as othonians met othonians , some augmented the general fears , others minc'd the truth , not then refraining from their wonted adulation . says d'ablancourt ; people crouded together from all parts of the city , some augmenting the danger , others lessening it as much , not forgetting their usual flattery even in that extremity . otho was proclaim'd emperor , and galba now no longer in possession of the sovereignty ; nevertheless there were some people that flatter'd the unfortunate prince , as if after he had lost the empire , he had something of higher advantage to lose . an evident proof , that sycophants never can find in their hearts to speak sincerely to princes ; and that princes are flatter'd , because 't is the mode , without the least anxiety for their good or ill success . sycophants never tell 'em any thing but what is grateful , tho' it be ne'er so prejudicial . they who sooth'd up galba at such a conjuncture , when the preservation of the imperial dignity , and his life lay at stake , were so much the more to blame , in regard they knew that galba was always desirous that the truth should be told him , as one that detested flattery ; and that his safety then depended upon true intelligence of the imminent danger . but in short , it is the fate of princes to be deluded , even to the last minute of their lives . mezeray tells us , that after the french had lost the castle of st. angelo , between padua and milaine the most prudent captains ( and particularly lewis de la tremouille ) were of opinion , that francis the first should raise his siege , laying before him , that his army was wasted a third part more then he was made believe it was ; that five thousand grisons had deserted him , under pretence of going to defend their own country against the milaneses , who perhaps with their connivance , had taken clavenna from them ; and that the enemies army , for want of pay , would certainly disband within fifteen days at farthest . but those reasons were not of force sufficient to alter his resolutions . the sycophantries of his favourites , over-rul'd the counsels of his experienc'd captains . and that was the reason that his enemies , not able any longer to keep their forces in a body resolv'd to give the king battel ; who was there taken prisoner , together with the chief nobility of the kingdom . so that it was held for prophetical , what a jester told the king , when he had concluded upon the war of italy : sir ( said he ) your counsellors seem to me , to be a company of fools . they say very true , that your majesty shall enter italy ; but they do not tell you how you shall get out again . essay lxxx . i shall not boast of my nobility or moderation ( said piso to the pretorians , ) nor is there any necesity for me to dispute my vertues in competition with otho . his vices , in which he only glories , ruin'd the empire , even then , when he acted nero's friend . says d'ablancourt ; there was no need for him to urge his vertues there , nor those of his ancestors , in comparison with otho's vices , which had ruin'd the empire , when he was no more then a private person . but this does not express the sense of tacitus ( cum amicum imperatinis agecet ) by which he plainly gives us to understand , that otho was nero's confident , and the pandar to his pleasures , and consequently the cause of the disorders of his reign . to be a good prince , 't is not sufficient for him to be only better then one that has been very vicious . otho had liv'd a life so licentious , while he was one of nero's courtiers , that piso , whose manners were without reproach , would have thought himself dishonour'd to have made a parallel between his deserts , and otho's vices . on the other side , sycophants observe this method , that when a prince is guilty of those miscarriages which are abhorr'd by all the world , they still amuse 'em with stories of the vices of his predecessors , or of such and such princes living at the same time ; which they aggravate to that degree , that his own seem peccadillo's and trifles in respect of their enormities . whence it comes to pass , that instead of amendment , he grows worse . and therefore if it were true that comines spoke those words to lewis xi . whose favourite he was , which he repeats in his memoire , we may suspect him to have been as much a sycophant as any of the rest . comines , says mezeray , represents him extremely prudent in adversity , on that penetrated to a miracle into the interests and thoughts of men , and then made a dextrous use of 'em to his own ends , ragingly suspitious and jealous of his power ; absolute in his will ; inexorable ; a terrible oppressor of his subjects , and yet one of the best princes of his time. certainly the rest were then most hainous criminals , or else comines was a great sycophant . as for what piso said , that otho had a mind to the empire in the reign of nero , whose chiefest confident he had been , for three or four years together , thereby we are instructed that sycophants ( for otho , while a private person , was his crafts-master in that goodly calling ) are the common pests of kingdoms , by reason of the pernicious counsels which they infuse into the ears of princes , which is the reason that tacitus calls 'em the corrupters of government , and pedagogues of tyranny . essay lxxxi . nor was it judgment or truth that sway'd their affections , but according to custom , licence of acclamation , and a habit of flattering any person whatsoever . says d'ablancourt , 't is neither affection nor judgment , but custom and flattery . far short of the author's sense . there are very few princes that are belov'd , or indeed that can escape irrational and bruitish hate : but they are all flatter'd without exception . for that flattery never makes its addresses to the person , generally the objects of it will , but to their fortune which is always ador'd ; galba was despis'd because of his old age , and hated for his severity , and his covetousness : nevertheless , both people and grandees could not forbear to flatter him , while they demanded otho's life , and the banishment of all his accomplices , so long as they thought the conspiracy would be crush'd before it got to a head . and when the report was spread abroad that otho was kill'd , they not only express'd their joy by public acclamations and congratulations , but a great number of the knights and senators who thought otho dead , crouded to the palace to congratulate him , bemoaning their hard fortune , that had rescu'd otho from their revenge . an evident example to teach us how little trust or heed there is to be given to the fair words or services of sycophants , and how unwary those princes are that put their confidence on such weak and failing support : they were therefore in the right , who to encourage flavius salinus to take up arms for his brother vespatian against vitellius , told him , that the people , who seem'd to love vitellius , would change both their opinions and their notes , so soon as he should declare himself ; and that all the flatteries , and acclamations , which the multitude hollow'd forth to vitellius , would as loudly fill the fire and honour of vespatian , so soon as they found the strength of his party . essay lxxxii . of menaces an undaunted contemner ; impenetrable to flattery . says d'ablancourt , invincible both to flattery and fear . the greatest part of princes make a much stouter resistance against fear then flattery . for menaces provoke their courage ; but adulation poysons the very mind , and depraves their inclinations ▪ menaces waken 'em , soft and soothing sycophantry lulls 'em asleep . and they lend an ear the more willingly to their sycophants , in regard that complaisance being one of the properties of love , they believe themselves to be belov'd by those that please their humour . cabrera tells us , that philip the second , king of spain , had a custom to interrupt his sycophants ▪ with this expression , dex ad esso , y de zid lo que importa : let this alone , and talk something to the purpose . words that become the lips of all princes , to whom their sycophants never prattle other then what is either prejudicial or unprofitable . besides , that if princes would not listen to their stories , but only to matters of importance , flatterers would have little or nothing then to say . essay lxxxiii . all throng'd in heaps to the camp , got before the next , strove to out-run the formost , upbraided galba , extoll'd the soldiers judgment , kiss'd otho's hand ; and the greater their dissimulation was , the more was the bustle and the ceremony . says d'ablancourt , every one made haste before his companion to get to the camp , where the curs'd galba , applauded the soldiers , and kiss'd otho's hand , redoubling their caresses , the more feign'd they were . what i have already observ'd in the iv. and lxxxi . articles may serve for an explanation of this , and therefore i shall add no more then one single reflection of particulars , which is , that flattery is for the most part attended by treachery . for in regard that sycophants adore the fortune only , not the person of the prince , they soon exchange their person , when the person exchanges once his fortune . witness their invectives against galba , meerly to reconcile themselves to otho , whose life they had demanded but some few hours before , for a sacrifice to their fury . so that tacitus might well say , that whoever had beheld those hurries , would never have believ'd but that they had been another gang of people , and quite another senate . which brings to my remembrance what a roman senator said to plancus , who was secretary to antonius , who accus'd his master and his benefactor of several crimes , after he had been one of his most obsequious flatterers . certainly , said he , antonius must have committed a world of wicked actions , the day before thou left'st him . thus it is with sycophants , while the prince's liberality and favours last , they deifie him ; but when he either grows weary of their company , or by any misfortune to be depriv'd of his grandeur , they are the first to render and leave his reputation . so true it is , that all sorts of friends never believe themselves to be any way concern'd in gratitude to those who are in adversity ; or that the fidelity of those that have receiv'd the greatest favours , is of any longer permanency then the good fortune of their benefactor . essay lxxxiv . the magistrates contend to outvie each other in adulation : the fathers flock in haste to the senate : the tribunitial power : the title of augustus , and all the rest of the imperial dignities , are decreed otho ; every one striving to bury in oblivion the scurrilous invectives and opprobrious language that had been promiscuosly bestowed upon his reputation before . says d'ablancourt ; the pretor assembl'd the senate , where the principal men strive to outvie each other in submission and flattery . they bequeath otho the tribunitial authority , the title of augustus , and all the rest of the imperial honours , in hopes he might forget the affront and injuries he had receiv'd . injuries done to princes , are always repair'd by excess of flatteries ; and that so much the rather , because that sort of reparation costs the sycophants nothing , who have neither honour nor shame to expend . and then again , the dread which terrifie the roman grandees , lest otho should revenge their former obloquies , and abusive scurrility , serves as a document to great personages to keep within the bounds of decency in season of turbulency and disorder , when the common people let loose the reigns of vulgar malice and contempt . the people are always exempted , by reason of their number . on the other side , the nobility are always expos'd , by reason of their wealth , which causes all their words and actions to be narrowly scann'd and pry'd into . the people however are over-joy'd when such ring-leaders once abet , encourage and accompany their insolence : tho' indeed , it should be the consideration of great personages , that the favour of the mobile , are no shelter against a prince's resentment . for to lay a foundation upon the multitudes ( says machiavil ) is to build upon the mud. essay lxxxv . vitellius , among the more prudent and ridgid sort , was thought to be a man of a poor and pitiful spirit ; which his favourers call'd his affability and mildness , as being a person that squander'd away his own , and was no less profuse of other mens , without either moderation or judgment : and thus they interpreted for vertues , most egregious vices , in greedy hopes to command their master . says d'ablancourt ; his readiness to give away both his own and the estates of other men , without rule or measure , was look'd upon as liberality and genorosity , tho' they that censur'd more severely , call'd it his weakness and prodigality . but the eager desire of dominion , made 'em disguise his vices under vertuous appellations . sycophants extol the vices of great men , because it is their interest to foment and cherish ' em . so that if princes had not their vices , at what a loss would flatterers be , who have only that sally-port open to creep into their favour , and only that same ignominious means to preserve what they have once attain'd ? the younger pliny says , that princes have no need of masters to instruct 'em to be wicked ; yet let 'em be ne'er so bad , yet they learn many things which else they never would have thought of , had not sycophants been their tutors . nor is there any vice to which a prince may be prone , which they more seduliously labour to foster and cherish , then his luxury and his prodigality , in regard they are persons that get the largest share of his profusions . henry iii. of france , was one of the best princes in the world , but francis d'o , one of his principal sycophants , and as an addition to the king's misfortune , super-intendent of his exchequer , made swift haste to corrupt and vitiate his good nature . he was a person ( says dlozeray ) entirely devoted to luxury , who every day persuaded the king to make new edicts , which were called bursal , and to go to the parliament , by his presence to force their confirmation . and this was one of the chief causes of the ruine of that prince , by his losing insensibly that respect and affection which the people had for him : nor did the heads of the leagve fail to make their advantage of it , by augmenting their contempt and aversion to his person . to which the insolency of his favourites did not a little contribute , who acted the parts of more then sovereign princes , and dispos'd of all things with an absolute will and pleasure . essay lxxxvi . a loud shout ensu'd and the acclamations of the people no less immoderate then dissembl'd : as if they had been pouring forth their wishes for the prosperity of caesar the dictator , or the emperor augustus ; with equal strife did they implore the gods for the prosperity of his expedition ; not out of fear or love , but an inflam'd desire of servitude . says d'ablancourt ; the oration was receiv'd with great applause , and attended by the feign'd and excessive praises , as if they had been to honour the departure of caesar augustus ; and this not for fear or affection , but by the instinct of custom and flattery . i have observ'd in several places , that flattery and love are incompatible , and never makes its addresses but only to the fortune of princes . so that altho' otho fell short of caesar's worth , or the merits of augustus , nevertheless the people pay'd him the same honours which they would have render'd to either of them , because he was exalted to the same dignity . for the people measure their reputation by the present grandeur of the prince , and not by his credit and reputation , of which they are not capable to judge . they despis'd galba , for that being old , his reign could be of no long endurance . on the other side , otho , far inferior to galba for his parts and integrity , was reverenc'd because his youth promis'd a long reign . essay . lxxxvii . otho was desirous of battel : and his brother titianus , and proculus the captain of his guards , as being persons of little experience in war urg'd him on ; assuring him that as fortune , the gods and otho's genius were present at his councils , so would they also assist his enterprises : a piece of flattery which they made use of , lest any one should oppose their advice . otho ( says d'ablancourt ) was willing to give battel , seconded by his brother , and the chief of the pretoriun countiers , who spunr'd him on for want of experience , and cry'd out , that the gods who had assisted otho in managing the design , would never abandon him in the execution of it ; adding flattery to impatience , lest any one should presume to oppose ' em . there is no sort of flattery so bad , as that which precipitates a prince to the rash and over-hasty execution of a design , where there can be no miscarriage twice committed . in the most important affairs of private persons , there is always some hope , or something of last remedy , to which he may have recourse ; so that a man with the absolute ruine of himself , may try a second fortune . but the affairs of princes , especially such as are advanc'd of a sudden from a private condition to absolute dominion , and whose unstable fortune is still upon the totter , are subject to so many accidents , and depend upon so many circumstances , that the smallest error is enough to unhinge the whole frame of their designs for ever . history furnishes us with a remarkable example of the fatality of sycophant advice in the person of francis duke of anjou , brother to henry iii. of france , who lost flanders and brabant by miscarrying in his design upon antwerp . they , by whom he was more particularly govern'd ( says mezeray ▪ ) were persons without honour or fidelity , among the rest quinsay his secretary , fervaques , and aurilly his son ▪ in-law , the son of a serjeant of la terte near blois , with his playing upon the lute , his voice , his dancing , and such other effeminate qualities , more proper for the affection of a young lady , then a great prince , had rais'd to the highest degree of his master's favour . these people keeping him still at defiance with the duke of montpensier , and other men of honour , spurr'd him on continually to make himself master of those towns and places of which he promis'd them the government . for the counsels of sycophants are always byass'd . and for that reason it is that all princes , who lay the foundations of great designs , ought seriously to deliberate , whether their intended enterprises will turn to their honour , and the benefit of the public ; whether the execution will be easie ; or at least , whether it be not beyond their strength and their industry ; and , whether they that advize 'em , have courage and fidelity enough to venture equal dangers with 'em and for 'em : for many times they happen to engage themselves in a war , of which they know not how to make an honourable end when they have begun it : in regard that if they repent , their coming fairly off is in the power of another . besides that , their own authority lessens , as the reputation of their generals encreases . therefore tiberius rather chose to terminate his differences by treaty , then by arms ; and always conceal'd his losses upon the frontiers of the empire , because he would not be oblig'd to give the command of his armies to persons that might find him work at home . there is not the same equality of prosperity and adversity ( said mucienus to vespatian ) between thee and me : for if we vanquish , i shall enjoy no more honour , then what thou wilt be willing to confer upon me . but if we fail in our enterprize , we shall share alike in our misfortune . all generals speak the same words ; but when once they become victors , they change their language , and many times their pretensions are too excessive , that their victory would prove a burthen to the prince and state , should they be gratify'd to the utmost of their demands . for , according to the saying of m. de la rochefoucauld , 't is a difficult thing for a man to contain himself within the limits of moderation , after the performance of great services , which inspire sublimer thoughts of rule and dominion into those that never think their merits rewarded to the full . then as to the point of giving battel ( says comines ) whoever he be , it is expedient for him to consider , before he hazards his kingdom upon a battel ; for the loss of a small number of men , dismays the courages of all the rest beyond belief ; and instead of terrifying the enemy , begets a contempt of the loser . and some few lines after , let it be how it will , a battel lost , draws a large train behind it , to the prejudice of whoever is vanquish'd . and in another place ( speaking of lewis xi . ) the king , said he , whatever could be said or argu'd to the contrary , was resolv'd he would not fight , as being resolv'd not to venture the fortune of a battel . and in my opinion , he took the most prudent course . to conclude , i shall only add one single reflexion more , and more remarkable then the former , out of the same comines , upon another usual piece of adulation which flatterers daily insinuate into the ears of princes , that they should rely upon their own good fortune , and despise their enemies . a notable example , says he , ( speaking of edward iv. king of england , who was driven out of his kingdom in fifteen days , ) for princes to take notice of , who pretend to be always fearless of their enemies , and to disdain and scorn an armed foe . 't is true , the chiefest part of their courtiers , uphold 'em in their vain conceits , to please their humours : and they think they are to be esteem'd and valu'd for it ; and that people will applaud 'em for their couragious advice . but the wiser sort look upon those rodomontadoes as meer folly ; since it is a vertue to fear with prudence , and provide against it . 't is a great treasure for a prince to have a wise man at his elbow , provided he believe him , and that he have permission to tell him the truth . for no person is more likely to ruine himself , then he that lays aside all fear , his security and confidence being generally the beginning of his destruction . essay lxxxviii . titianus and proculus being over-rul'd in their counsels , betook themselves to the prerogative of their generalship . says d'ablancourt , they seeing that they were vanquish'd by reason , fled to the authority and commands of the emperour . otho had in his army three , the most prudent and most experienc'd captains of that age , suetonius paulinus , annius gallus , and marius celsus , who were all three of a contrary opinion to titian and proculus , that it was not the safest course to give vitellius battel ; alledging that vitellius had all the reason in the world to be desirous of combat , and otho to spin out the time in delay ; for that the enemy had all the force he could make , as not being out of hopes of any succour from gallia , that began already to totter ; nor could they expect any recruits from the rhine , which would be then expos'd to the incursions of the barbarians ; that his supplies out of england had the seas to cross , and an enemy to oppose 'em already ; that spain had but few soldiers . that gallia narbonensis was sufficiently infested by otho's navy , and had not yet forgot the misfortune of their last engagement : that the army of vitellius lay enclos'd between the po , and the alpes , without any hopes of relief by sea , and could not subsist long in a country harrass'd as that had been , by the continual march of so many legions ; that if they could but spin out the war till summer , the very change of the climate would bring diseases among the germans , who were the most hardy soldiers among all the vitellians ; and that many armies who have driven all before 'em at first , had been forc'd to dissipate for want of meeting an enemy to fight with . on the other side , that otho had plenty of all things ; that pannonia , moesia , dalmatia , and all the east were at his devotion , with numerous succours ; and more then all this , that he had rome at his back , the seat and rudder of the whole empire ; together with the favour of the senate , whose majesty had been always held in veneration , tho' it might be for a time ecclips'd ; that the immense treasures which he had in his possession , would soon render him master of the whole ; in regard that money was far more prevalent in a civil war , then the edge of the sword ; that the soldiers were accustom'd to the heats of italy : that the river po was a sufficient stop to impead the farther march of the enemy , upon which he had several cities well fortifi'd and garrisons , which as he found already by the resistance that placentia had made , would with no less vigour and fidelity oppose the enemy : that therefore his business was to spin out the war , or at least to stay for the fourteenth legion , so highly esteem'd for their valour , together with the forces out of moesia , which were all expected within a few days : that then otho might again deliberate what he had to do , and if he thought it his wisest course then to give battel , he might do it much more to his advantage , with the assistance of that new reinforcement . these reasons were so convincing , that neither titianus nor proculus had any thing to reply . but in regard that otho was so extreamly desirous of battel , as one that was impatient of languishing so long between hope and fear , both titianus and proculus flatter'd him to his destruction , by telling him , that all things would give way to his fortune . a piece of sycophantism , that was one of the principal causes of his ruine ; whereas if they had listen'd to the wholesome advice of paulinus and his collegues , otho might have been persuaded to have chang'd his resolution . but that which is here most observable is this , that proculus ( as it is the custome of favourites , and sycophants ) had not only a particular antipathy against those three generals , to whom he was inferiour both in probity and understanding , but made it his business to calumniate , the high reputation of paulinus , celsus's vigour , and the accomplish'd experience of gallus ; so that being now mistrusted and suspected by their soveraign , they were only nominal generals , whose unhappiness and chief perplexity it was , to see their prudence made a cloak to cover the miscarriages and ignorance of others . a misfortune that happens too often in the courts of princes , that suffer themselves to be made a prey to the passions of their favourites . essay lxxxix . the death of otho being known , the senate presently decreed him all those honours that had been study'd in the longest reigns of preceding princes . a return of thanks was also order'd to the german armies , and commissioners were sent likewise to officiate their obsequious congratulations . says d'ablancourt , the senate heap'd upon the new emperour all the honours , which others had obtain'd during a long reign , and order'd thanks to the german legions , with a deputation to the prince , to congratulate his coming to the imperial crown . here are three things to be observ'd . first , that upon the first intelligence of otho's death , and that the soldiers had sworn allegiance to vitellius , at the instigation of the governour of the city , the people crown'd with flowers and lawrel garlands , carry'd the images of galba round the temples as it were in procession ; and passing by the place where he had spilt his blood , they cover'd it with a pyramid of garlands , as it were to erect him a monument . which was done to blacken otho's memory , who had wrested from him both the empire and his life ; and in honour to vitellius , who seem'd to be the avenger of his death . the second thing is , that when tidings were brought to rome of the revolt of the german legions , and the election of vitellius to the empire , the senate and people of rome openly declar'd the calamity of the commonwealth , which was fallen into the hands of two , the vilest and most infamous persons in the world. shall we repair to the temples cry'd they , to offer up our prayers for otho or vitellius ? certainly , most impious and detestable will be our devotions , either for the one or the other of those two rivals , of which two whoever proves the victor , will be still the worser nevertheless the same senate and people that curs'd otho and vitellius , as two subjects fatally elected the ruine of the empire , now decreed to vitellius those honours which were never given to augustus himself . so strangely do sycophants and flatterers differ from themselves , and so subject are they like bulrushes , to bend with every wind of the court. a third remark is this , that when the two armies that had proclaim'd these two emperours , came to understand how unfit they were to manage so high an employment , and consequently began to repent of the bad choice they had made so much to their dishonour , presently some time before otho's death , they fell to deliberate considerations about a reconciliation one among another , for the election of an emperour to the general satisfaction , and to restore peace and concord to the empire . for the senate therefore to give the german legions thanks for the choice which they had made of vitellius , the scorn and contempt of mankind , was one of the poorest and meanest condescensions imaginable . and thus you see there is nothing so vile and abject , which flattery will not stoop to . essay xc . but when the army importun'd him to honour with the dignity of knighthood his enfranchiz'd vassal asiaticus , he reprov'd their immodest flattery . says d'ablancourt ; but upon the request of the army , to make his enfranchiz'd slave a knight of rome , he put a stop to their flattery . 't is one of the meanest and the lowest condescensions of flatterers , to seek to ingratiate themselves with the prince , by soliciting the interests and aggrandizement of such as they know to be their favourites , tho' persons of never so base an extraction , without merit or honour . in the fifty fourth and fifty fifth principal heads , we have discours'd at large of all the servile flatteries , to which the senate stoop'd , while they labor'd to heap up honours upon the enfranchiz'd vassal of claudius . we courted satrius and pomponius ( said a roman knight to tiberius ) and we held it for an inestimable honour to be accounted then enfranchiz'd slaves and porters to sejanus . mezeray reports , that the cardinal chancellor de birague , had a greater esteem for one of his lacquies that was his favourite , then for all the laws of the kingdom : for it was his saying , that he was not the kingdoms , but the king's chancellor . an expression becoming an italian sycophant . as for vitellius , we are to observe , that after he he had refus'd to grant this favour at the request of his whole army , which was to bestow gold rings upon asiaticus , and thereby to dignifie him with the order of roman knighthood , yet he conferr'd the honour upon him afterwards at a great banquet . so difficult a thing it is for luxurious princes to withstand the force of flattery , and to guard themselves from the insinuating artifices of certain small officers that creep into their favour by unwarrantable means , as asiaticus did . therefore it was the saying of the younger pliny , that a prince who preferrs mean and abject people , can be no great prince himself . and in another place he thus addresses himsel to trajan . tho' thou bestow'st the marks of thy favour upon thy enfranchiz'd vassals , yet they are no other then such as are only convenient for their quality . thou form'st 'em so , and hast such an eye over 'em , that they dare not presume to measure themselves by thine , but by their own fortune . essay xci . being heard , they made use of justifications rather useful then seemly : for they acknowledg'd themselves guilty of treachery to otho , of their own accords ; as if they had design'd the long march of the army before the battel , the tiring of the othonians , and the pestering the battalions with carriages on purpose , and attributed to their own perfidiousness several fortuitous events , which only chance produc'd . thereupon vitellius seem'd to believe their perfidie , and absolv'd 'em from the crime of forfeited fidelity to otho . paulinus and proculus ( says d'ablancourt ) had audience , and defended themselves by excuses not so honest as necessary : for they ascrib'd to their own cunning the long march of the army before the battel , and the encumbrances of the baggage , with several other accidents of fortune , to make out their fidelity to vitellius by a suppos'd betraying of otho . behold an example of what i have in other places alledg'd , that flattery is always byass'd by interest . paulinus and proculus rather chose to be accounted traytors , then persons of honour . because their treason was a meritorious act , and advautagious to vitellius , and by consequence secur'd 'em from his indignation . another prince then vitellius , who had no sentiments of generosity , would have despis'd their submissions . for if traytors are odious to themselves , whose party they embrace , the suppos'd traytors , that is to say , they who to ingratiate themselves with the new prince , falsly accuse themselves to have betray'd his rival , are no less treacherous and criminal then others . and for that reason tacitus tells us , that the justifications of paulinus and proculus , were rather such as necessity requir'd , then honesty . for , for a man to boast himself a traytor , to the person to whom he had been faithful in his life-time , was an open acknowledgment , that he ne'er was faithful , but for his own interest ; and that he only study'd to enrich himself by opportunities of treachery . for that reason it was , that the consul marius celsus , who never stirr'd from galba's interest , frankly confessd before otho , that he had always adheard to galba's fortune ; and that if he liv'd longer , he would have serv'd him with an inviolable fidelity . and that with the same integrity he stuck to otho against vitellius , who nevertheless continu'd him in his consulship , for which another had offerr'd money . so highly is fidelity esteem'd by them , that have us'd all their endeavours themselves to vitiate it in another . and therefore tiberius not only acquitted a person that had the courage to acknowledge himself one of sejanus's friends , and caus'd his accusers to be punish'dd with either death or exilement . augustus had always a high esteem for asinius pollio , tho' he ne'er would attend him to the war of actium ; in excuse of which he gave him such a reason , as ever after afterwards excus'd him to his favour . the good services ( said he ) which i have done for anthony , are greater then the benefits which i have receiv'd from him ; but what he has done for me , is better known to the world , then what i did for him : and therefore i leave him to determin your differences , without declaring for the one or the other , resolving to be a prey to the victor . thus men of courage always abominate whatever has the least tincture of treason ; whereas flatterers , who are only the friends of fortune , believe themselves disingag'd from all obligations of loyalty or fidelity , to those whom she abandons . essay xcii . vitellius upon the coming of his brother , and preceptors of tyranny creeping into favour , became more lofty and more cruel . says d'ablancourt ; vitellius became more lofty and more cruel upon the coming of his brother , and the courtiers from rome , who taught him to act the the tyrant . not to act the prince , as the translator erroneously renders it ; for tacitus and the younger pliny always oppose domination to principality . i have already told you in several of the preceding principal heads , that sycophants are always of a cruel humor . which is the reason that princes who listen to their charms , cannot choose but be very sanguinary . nor need we crouds of examples in this place , to clear what has been sufficiently made out already . essay xciii . as vespasian came out of the bed-chamber , some few soldiers that waited in the next room , instead of saluting him , as the emperor's lieutenant , bid him all hail , by the title of emperor . then crouds of others press'd in , and heap'd upon him the titles of caesar and augustus , with all those appellations belonging to imperial sovereinty . says d'ablancourt ; as he came out of his chamber , the soldiers that were upon the guard , saluted him emperor ; whose examples others follow'd , that came running in shoals , and gave him the names of caesar and augustus , with all those other titles that are usually given to emperors themselves . what has been said already in the 4. 26. 44. 77. 14. & 89. articles , may serve as a commentary sufficient for explanation of this . i shall here add but only one reflexion of tacitus himself , that the first attempts of men aspiring to sovereign dominion , are full of dubious thoughts , and tottering resolutions ; but when they have once laid violent hands upon the throne , they shall not want for encouragement , counsel and assistance . essay xciv . vespasian in the infancy of his empire , not being so obstinate in licencing injustice , till his indulgent fortune , and the flatteries of his tutors taught him to dare more boldly . says d'ablancourt ; there were nothing but accusations of the rich , and confiscations of estates ; violences insupportable to the people , but excus'd through the necessity of the war. nevertheless vespasian corupted by his good fortune , and instructed by his evil tutors , practic'd the same oppression in peace toward the end of his reign , notwithstanding his reserv'dness at the beginning . avarice was a vice predominant in vespasian , equal but only for that ( says tacitus ) to the ancient roman captains . his flatterers fomented and cherish'd this same failing of his , which he had some thoughts of reforming at the beginning of his reign , at which time he carry'd himself with so much moderation , that it was said of him , that he was the only private person advanc'd to sovereignty , who ever chang'd for the better . but they that are always at the elbows of princes , make it their study to corrupt and enervate their vertuous intentions by the force of pleasure , which they strive no less to make habitual to 'em , that so they may have neither leisure , nor any desire to look after the publick affairs . if private men ( says the younger pliny ) change their manners and their conduct in so short a time , princes are more easily allur'd to the same effects of human frailty , how excellent soever their natural inclinations may be ; because there are so few that study to cultivate and improve those blooming excellencies , while all men rather labour on the other side , out of servile complaisance , to encourage and augment whatever they discover amiss or irregular in his disposition . francis i. ( says mazeray ) had been a most renowned prince in all particulars , had he not suffer'd himself sometimes to be led astray by the evil counsels of his ministers ▪ who to advance their own authority , screw'd up his prerogative beyond the anncient laws of the kingdom , to irregular domination . and that henry ii. who was greatly enclin'd to acts of justice , was the cause of all the mischief which they who govern'd him committed , in regard he never was the absolute master of himself . essay xcv . the multitude grew burthensom through the vast number of senators and knights that throng'd out of the city to meet him , some through fear , many out of adulation , the rest , and all by degrees , lest others going , they should remain behind . add to this ( says d'ablancourt ) the numerous train of the court , always proud and insolent ev'n under the best of princes , all the senators and knights , went out to meet him , some in honour to his person , others out of flattery , or for fear , and all at length , that they might not be seen to remain alone behind . the fourth article may serve as a sufficient commentary for this , to which i refer the reader , to avoid repetition . essay xcvi . the next day he made a long harangue in commendation of himself , wherein he extoll'd his industry and his temperance with high encomiums , tho' all that were present had been eye-witnesses of his debaucheries , and all italy , through which he had march'd , had seen himnotorious for his drousie luxury and gluttony . nevertheless the vulgar , unable to distinguish between truth and falshood , made a hideous noise with their acclamations and applauses , and clamour'd to him to accept the title of augustus , which he refus'd . the next day , says d'ablancourt , he made a harange to the people and senate , wherein he commended his industry and his temperance , as if he had spoken to strangers , and that all italy had not been able to testifie the contrary . the people however , who are accustom'd to flattery , void of all sentiments of honour , applauded his impertinences , and forc'd him to assume the title of augustus , which he had refus'd . when princes applaud themselves , 't is a sign they expect to be extoll'd and admir'd by those that hear ' em . and sycophants when they flatter out of custome , they never fail to magnifie a bad prince , who is so vain as to commend himself . some there are therefore who have stil'd sycophants the eccho of princes , and indeed it is a definition that properly befits 'em ; for they always speak whatever the princes say , and always repeat the princes own words . tacitus reports that caligula affected as much as in him lay , all the expressions of tiberius ; and then when nero sang upon the theatre , all the company , but more especially , the senators and roman ladies extoll'd his voice , observing the same time and measure in their acclamations that he kept in singing . essay xcvii . but neither had aponius written to him the whole truth , and his flattering sycophants made a more slight interpretation of his intelligence , as being only the mutiny of one legion , while all the rest of the armies continued in their obedience . says d'ablancourt , the first intelligence that vitellius receiv'd of vespasians revolt , was from aponius saturninus , who sent him word that the first legion had dedeclar'd for his enemy . but as one that was himself astonish'd at the action , he had not given him an account of all the particulars ; so that the emperour's favorites made slight of the news , assuring him that it was only thi revolt of a single legion , but that all the rest continu'd their fidelity to himself . this article is explain'd by the 79. article , where it is said , that princes are flatter'd , even in the most perillous conjunctures of their affairs . so far vitellius was well inform'd , that one legion was already revolted , but that other piece of intelligence , so absolutely necessary for him to have known , was suppress'd , that the legions of egypt , syria , and judea , had already elected and proclaim'd another emperour . they made him believe , and he himself had divulg'd it among his soldiers , that there was no fear of a civil war , and yet at the same time there was one already begun , while the empire was shar'd between two emperours . then he demanded succours from the germans , the english and the spaniards , and yet not one of those provinces made haste to send him any , in regard that through the pernicious councels of his flatterers , he dissembl'd the present necessity of his affairs . a piece of dissimulation which tacitus calls impertinent , while it delays the remedy instead of putting a stop to the distemper : 't is very probable , that portugal had still been subject to the crown of spain ▪ if the conde d'olivares , chief minister to philip the fourth , had had a better opinion of the courage of the portugueses ; and had put a higher value upon the prudence of the vice-queen margaret of savoy , dutches dowager of montoua , who adviss'd him several times to dispel the tempest , which she else foresaw would fall upon the spanish monarchy . but the duke was born to be an example , that the too great confidence which the grand ministers of state have of their abilities and their fortunes , is most commonly the foundation of their destruction ; and that god infatuates the counsels of princes , whom he designs to punish . essay xcviii . vitellius having made an oration to the senate full of pomp and ostentation , was applauded with all the most exquisite flatteries which the fathers could devise . says d'ablancourt , he made a most maguificent oration to the senate , which was receiv'd with no less pompous adulation . there needs no other explanation of this text , then what has been already said in the 96. article . essay xcix . vitellius enquiring the cause of so much light in a certain tower , word was brought him that several persons supp'd with laecina tuscus , among whom the most considerable for honour , was junius blesus ; at what time they that brought the news aggravated much more then it was , the splendor of the feast , and the dissolute riot of the guests : nor were there wanting some that accus'd tuscus himself and others , but blesus more hainously , for debauching so publickly when the prince was sick. says d'ablancourt , vitellius lay very ill in servilius's garden ; at what time he observ'd a great company of lights in a house adjoyning , and demanding the reason , he was told that tuscus cecina made a great entertainment for junius blesus , and several others of meaner condition . nor did they fail to give him an account of the magnificence of the banquet , and the excess of their debauchery , and to blame the master of the feast , but more especially junius blesus , for debauching so scandalously when the emperour lay sick. there can be nothing said more perhaps to this subject , then what tacitus himself repeats concerning the death of blesus . so soon , says he , as certain of the courtiers who make it their business to dive into the secret jealousies and disgusts of princes , perceiv'd that vitellius was exasperated , and that blesus might be made the victime to his indignation and their envy , they made their addresses to vitellius's brother , who out of a deprav'd emulation hated blesus , whose high reputation was an eyesoar to a person sully'd with all manner of infamy , and engag'd him to undertake the accusation of his rival . l. vitellius thereupon entring the emperour's chamber , took his little son in his arms , and throwing himself at his brothers feet , told him that the trouble he was in , and the supplications he made him with tears in his eyes , proceeded from no other cause , but his real good wishes for the welfare of the emperour and his children . that his most dange●ous enemy was not vespasian , whom so many faithful and couragious legions , and so many loyal provinces prevented from approaching italy ; but a person that rome fomented in her bosom , who boasted his descent from the family of the caesars , and a branch of the junius's and antonius's , and who daily corrupted the alegiance of the soldery , by his trayterous liberality and caresses . that all the world lookt upon him as already emperour , to the contempt of vitellius , who slighting equally both his friends and his enemies , suffer'd the fortune of a rival to grow great , who rejoyc'd to behold in the midst of a luxurious feast , his soveraign languishing upon the bed of sickness . and therefore it behov'd him to let him taste the sorrows of a sad and dismal night for his unseasonable jollity , that he might both understand and feel vitellius was alive and emperour , and had a son too to succeed him . and thus we see how sycophants envenome the most innocent actions of men , of whom the prince has once a jealousie , and spur their soveraigns on to cruelty and tyranny . and this example of blesus may serve to serve to admonish great personages , how much it behoves 'em to be careful of themselves , and to 'em understand the dangers to which their birth and fortune expose ' em . essay c. contrary to the opinions of the most experienc'd of the centurions who would have frankly given him their advice , might they have been consulted . but the favourites of vitellius would not permit 'em to come near him , besides that the ears of the prince were so possess'd , that all things profitable sounded harsh , and nothing would be admitted but what was grateful and destructive . says d'ablancourt , against the opinion of his most experienc'd captains who would have given him their advice , if he would have requir'd it : but he had been accustom'd for a long time to hear nothing but what was pleasing and prejudicial . sycophants understand so well to possess the ears of the most part of unwary princes , that in time they render 'em not much unlike vitellius ; there being very few that will endure to hear truth spoken without offence . therefore it was that one of the ancients resembl'd sycophants to thieves , who when they go about to break open a house in the night time , put out their candles for fear of being discover'd . for the first thing that flatterers do in the courts of princes , is to remove from about their persons all men of sharp and penetrating apprehensions , though bold and able to give wholesome advice to their soveraigns , and discover the artifices which they make use of , to the prejudice of the deluded prince . thus nero became a prey to his flatterers , when once they remov'd burrhus and seneca out of their way , who labour'd by consent , and made it their business to infuse into him sentiments becomming a vertuous and magnanimous governour . essay . ci. but envy lay conceal'd , and adulation practiz'd openly . says d'ablancourt , the senate conceal'd their sentiments , as well of hatred as envy , only their flattery shew'p it self openly . observe here in two words , the portraiture of the court , where hatred lurks in the heart , while the lips of men are full of adulation . the chief ministers who ever they be , are still flatter'd by reason of their high advancement , but envy'd always by reason of their power . it being the custom of men to behold with murmuring and repining , superiour authority in the hands of those that have been their equals . mucianus having written to the senate , the senate murmur'd in their private cabals . if mucianus be a private person , cry'd they , why does he write like a public minister ? had he had any thing to say to us , he might as well have stay'd till his return to rome , at what time he might have propos'd it himself in the senate . but when they were met in a body , then they strove who should most applaud what they had condemn'd in private , even to the decreeing triumphal ornaments to mucianus for a civil war , which he had kindl'd by inciting vespasian to revolt against vitellius . and this that the senate acted at rome in respect of mucianus , is no more then what is daily practiz'd in all the courts of the world , where the chief ministers and favourites hear nothing but encomiums of themselves , because all people fawn upon their present fortune . but they are much deceiv'd who judge by their own ears , of the inward sentiments of their outward adorers . essay cii . a certain person known to have been long blind , imploring with tears the cure of his blindness , besought the prince to rub his cheeks and the balls of his eyes with the excrement of his mouth . another lame of his hand , begg'd the favour that caesar would vouchsafe to tread upon him with his feet . vespasian at first refus'd and laugh'd at the petitions of both , as fearing the vain issue of such an attempt ; till tyr'd with the supplications of the afflicted people , and the encouragements of his adulators , he was induc'd to have a better conceit of himself . says d'ablancourt , one that was blind and well known by the people , besought him to rub his eyes with his spittle , as being the only means to recover his sight ; and another that was lame of one hand , implor'd him likewise but only to touch the part affected with the sole of his foot. the emperour rejected both their sollicitations at first with scorn and laughter , till press'd by their continual importunities , he enquir'd of the physitians whither such a thing were possible to be done , waving between the flatteries of his courtiers , and the fear of rendring himself ridiculous . tacitus makes the commentary upon this place himself . vespasian , says he , commanded the physitians to consult among themselves , whether humane remedies could surmount the nature of those two infirmities . the physitians after they had argu'd the point , concluded , that the blind man not having as yet quite lost his visual faculty , the sight of his eye not being utterly corroded away , his sight might be restor'd , provided the impediments were remov'd : and that the other's hand might be recover'd , so that the nerves that were shrunk , could be mollifi'd and stretch'd out to ther natural use : that the gods perhaps made choice of him to effect this great miracle : moreover , that the glory of the cure would redound to his immortal honour , whereas if it did not succeed , all the laughter and derision of the cure in vain attempted , would fall upon the credulity of those unfortunate persons . vespasian therefore believing all things would submit to his fortune , with a chearful air went on , and condescended to their supplications . thus princes at first withstand the corruptions of flattery , but sooner or later suffer themselves to be vanquish'd by its temptations . they may be modest , prudent , constant , resolute , politic , and judicious , yet flattery always finds a way to steal into their affections , and supplant those vertues which she meets with in their inclinations . essay ciii . when domitian read agricola'r will , wherein he left him coheir with the best of wives , and a most pious daughter , he rejoyc'd at it were to find so great an honour done his brother by so judicious a person . so blinded and corrupted was his judgment by continual adulations , as not to discern that a vertuous father never left a prince his heir , unless he were a bad one . says d'ablancourt , when domitian read agricola's last will and testament , and saw that he had left him his heir together with his wife and daughter , he took it for an honour ; being so infatuated by flattery , as not to apprehend that a bad prince was never the heir to one that was vertuous . princes that have a kindness for sycophants , are soon mistaken in their judgments , while the t'other make use of all their art and cunning , to disguise the truth of things . self-love it is indeed that blinds the greatest part of men. but they have a remedy which princes want , in regard that either their superiours or their equals , are not afraid to tell 'em truth , which is an easie step to reformation ; whereas princes having neither superiours nor companions , unless they please themselves ; all the world studies to please or rather to misguide ' em . whence it comes to pass that they delight in many things , which they would shun as the rocks of their reputation , and as eternal stains upon their memories , had they but faithful and uninterrested friends , who had the courage to discover what their sycophants conceal from their knowledge . i wish to heaven this little treatise may prove acceptable to others as perhaps it may be unpleasing to them , who raise their fortunes by adulation . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a62449-e320 * gracian in his 3d. dialogue of his 3d. part of his critioon . † in his ferdinand . the english school-master compleated containing several tables of common english words, from one, to six, seven, and eight syllables, both whole and divided, according to the rules of true spelling; with prayers, and graces both before and after meat, and rules for childrens behaviour at all times and places, with several other necessaries suitable to the capacities of children and youth. also brief and easie rules for the true and exact spelling, reading, and writing of english according to the present pronunciation thereof in the famous university of oxford, and city of london. to which is added, an appendix containing the principles of arithmetick, with an account of coins, weights, measure, time, &c. copies of letters, titles of honour, suitable for men of all degrees, and qualities, bills of parcels, bills of exchange, bills of debt, receipts, and several other rules and observations fit for a youths accomplishment in the way of trade. john hawkins school-master at st. georges church in southwark. hawkins, john, 17th cent. 1692 approx. 439 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 73 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43097 wing h1175 estc r213434 99825818 99825818 30209 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43097) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30209) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1794:20) the english school-master compleated containing several tables of common english words, from one, to six, seven, and eight syllables, both whole and divided, according to the rules of true spelling; with prayers, and graces both before and after meat, and rules for childrens behaviour at all times and places, with several other necessaries suitable to the capacities of children and youth. also brief and easie rules for the true and exact spelling, reading, and writing of english according to the present pronunciation thereof in the famous university of oxford, and city of london. to which is added, an appendix containing the principles of arithmetick, with an account of coins, weights, measure, time, &c. copies of letters, titles of honour, suitable for men of all degrees, and qualities, bills of parcels, bills of exchange, bills of debt, receipts, and several other rules and observations fit for a youths accomplishment in the way of trade. john hawkins school-master at st. georges church in southwark. hawkins, john, 17th cent. [6], 124 p., plates printed by a. and i. dawks for the company of stationers, london : 1692. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data 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some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mathematics -early works to 1800. spellers -early works to 1800. etiquette for children and teenagers -early works to 1800. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 amanda watson sampled and proofread 2004-04 amanda watson text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the english school-master compleated ; containing several tables of common english words , from one , to six , seven , and eight syllables , both whole and divided , according to the rules of true spelling ; with prayers , and graces both before and after meat , and rules for childrens behaviour at all times and places , with several other necessaries suitable to the capacities of children and youth . also brief and easie rules for the true and exact spelling , reading , and writing of english according to the present pronunciation thereof in the famous university of oxford , and city of london . to which is added , an appendix containing the principles of arithmetick , with an account of coins , weights , measure , time , &c. copies of letters , titles of honour , suitable for men of all degrees , and qualities , bills of parcels , bills of exchange , bills of debt , receipts , and several other rules and observations fit for a youths accomplishment in the way of trade . iohn hawkins school-master at st. georges church in southwark . london , printed by a. and i. dawks for the company of stationers . 1692. the education of children is 〈…〉 to be a thing of as weighty 〈…〉 commonwealth , as any othe● 〈…〉 ●amed , and by how much the greater 〈…〉 greater ought to be the care in the 〈…〉 the principles and elementary part of 〈…〉 ●ess of a childs education , for if the first 〈…〉 t●e superstructure cannot be so firm and perfect as ( 〈…〉 ●ight be otherwise expected , and as doctor newton well 〈…〉 elementary part of learning being but weakly performed , the ●rammatical doth too generally fail , and yet ( saith be ) it is the great diana of the ephesians , all other education of children being if not totally despised , yet too much neglected , when yt perhaps vpon maturer consideration it will be found that that is most neglected , which can ( in truth ) in the general be the worst sared ; it is our mother tongue that is likely in the practice to be most useful , nor is the preservation thereof in its own purity to be esteemed a small part of our countreys honour , since all the parts of philosophy , and mathematicks may be easily attained unto without the help of exotick languages , which are not gained but with excessive pains , and are quickly lost again without continual practice , it being a vulgar errour ( as mr. perkes saith in his preface to the art of spelling ) to think , that to learn over the grammar and some few latine books before a boy goes to a trade , are things so very necessary to his reading or writing true english , such a ●attering of latine being generally useless , and the time spent in it so much 〈…〉 used 〈…〉 ●hall recommend 〈…〉 , viz. it would 〈…〉 , that the master ●ad to the rest a leaf or 〈…〉 and so leisurely that they may 〈…〉 ●hey have done , he who read to 〈…〉 in each paper before they 〈…〉 ●●uld bring boys to take heed of 〈…〉 exercises ( after a good founda●●●● 〈…〉 trades may be brought to a 〈…〉 ●●●ding and writing . 〈…〉 pains herein may redound to the profit of many , the wh●le 〈…〉 which is humbly commended to the blessing of god , by him who earnestly desires to serve his generation to the uttermost of his ability . st. georges southwark , june 6. 1692. john hawkins . chap 6. examples of monosyllables beginning with three consonants . scr scrap scrape scrall scribe scrip scrole scratch scrub . shr shrank shred shrew shril shrimp shrine shrink shrub shrug . spl splay splatch splent splice split splint spleen . spr sprat sprang spread spring sprig spright sprout spruce . str strand strake strange strap strength stress stretch strew strickt stride strise strike string strip stripe strive stroke strond strong strove struck strung . thr thrall thread thresh threw thrice thri●t thrive throat throb throng throve through throw throws thrown thrums thrush thrust . thw thwack thwick thwart thwite . let the teacher be very careful that the scholar ●e perfect in spelling the foregoing examples ; it will likewise be necessary that he be well acquainted with the double consonants for the beginning of words , as in the two last chapters , viz. bl br ●l ●r &c. for it will be of great advantage to him when he comes to divide the syllables in the tenth and eleventh chapters following . let him likewise be made very perfect in the sound of the diphthongs in the following chapter ; for whatsoever is to be learnt afterwards will mostly depend upon the knowledge of this and the foregoing chapters . chap. 7. of diphthongs . ai pail bait hail nail pain rain gain wait rail sail quail pail trail train strain sprain grain twain plain . ay flay lay may nay pay ray say stay stray gray spay splay . ei height streight weight strein blein drein streight veil . ey hey key grey prey . au paul saul baulk baud haunt caul cause caught draught fault flaunt fraud fraught haunch hault mault naught paunch pause sauce . aw bawl brawl 〈◊〉 claw craw crawl draw drawn sawn flaw haw jaw law lawn maw paw pawn raw saw spaw spawl spawn straw . oi boil bois blois broid broil coil coin coit choice foil foin foist froise hoise noise joint loin moil poise soil spoil . oy joyn poynt toyl boyl clog foy hoy joy loyn moyl moyst soyl toy . eu ew feud lewd blew brew chew clew crew few flew glew grew hew jew jews lewd mew new pew sew shew slew spew stew stews screw strew . 〈◊〉 ou bounce bound bout count chouse doubt fought found foul gout ground hound house hour loud mount mouth noun pounce pound proud round rout sound slouch . ow clown crown crowd down fowl frown gown how howl now . improper diphthongs . ea bead beat beast breach bread break breast breath clean cream dread dream feast glean knead lead learn least mean stream . ee bees beef beer bleed breech breed creep deed deep feed feel free green greet keen keep leech leek leet meek meer meet need neer peep peer queen reed steed . ie brief chief field friend grief grieve liege pierce priest shield chief . eo feoffe george . oa boar boat boa●t bloat broach broad coach coast coat cloak croak doat foal ●loat goat hoan hoar hoarse hoast load loaf moat road roam roar roast shoar . oo book boom boot blood bloom brook broom choose c●ok cool coop crook door droop food fool foot floor good goose groom hood hook hoop hoot look loop loose mood moon moor nook noon poop poor proof proove rood roof rook room root shoot sloop smooth spoon stood stool stoop strook took tool tooth troop whoop wood wool wooe . ui bruise bruit build built fruit guide guile guilt guire guise juice suit . chap. 8. let the scholar be here taught that e or es at the end of a word doth cause that syllable to be pronounced long which without it would be short ; as in the following examples . a a ac ace ag age al ale ap ape ar are aps apes at ate b b bab babe bad bade bal bale ban bane b●ns banes bar bare bars bares bas base bat bate bats bates bid bide bids bides bil bile bils biles bit bite bits bites blad blade blads blades blam blame blot blote bon bone bons bones bor bore brib bribe brid bride brin brine c c cag cage cam came can cane car care cars cares cas case chaf chafe chap chape chid chide clos close cot cote col cole cor core con cone cran crane crans cranes cur cure d d dal dale dals dales dam dame dams dames din dine dot dote dots dotes dar dare dars dares f f fad fade fac face fam fame far fare fin fine fins fines fil file fils files flam flame flams flames fom fome fum fume fram frame frams frames g g gap gape gaps gapes gal gale gals gales gat gate gats gates gor gore grac grace grap grape grat grate grats grates grop grope h h hal hale har hare hat hate hast hast her here hid hide hids hides hir hire hol hole hols holes hom home hop hope hops hopes hug huge i i il ile ils iles ic ice k k kin kine kit kite knif knife l l lac lace lad lade lam lame lanc lance lans lanes lat late lic lice lif life lim lime lin line lins lines los lose m m mad made mac mace mal male mat mate met mete mit mite mir mire mol mole mor more mot mote mul mule mus muse mals males mits mites mols moles muls mules mak make n n nam name nams names net nete nets netes nin nine non none nos nose not note p p pal pale pals pales par pare pars pares pat pate pats pates pin pine pins pines pip pipe pips pipes pil pile pils piles plac place plan plane plans planes plat plate plats plates pol pole pols poles prid pride prun prune pur pure purg purge r r rac race rag rage rang range rar rare ras rase rat rate rid ride rip ripe ris rise rit rite rits rites rob robe robs robes rop rope rops ropes ros rose rud rude rul rule ruls rules s s saf safe sal sale sals sales sam same sat sate scal scale scals scales shad shade shads shades scrap scrape scrib scribe scribs scribes sham shame shap shape shaps shapes shar share shars shares shin shine shins shines shor shore shors shores sid side sids sides slid slide smot smote snar snare snars snares sol sole sols soles sop sope sor sore sors sores spit spite stal stale star stare stol stole ston stone stons stones stor store stors stores strang strange strif strife strip stripe strips stripes sur sure swin swine swar sware t t tal tale tals tales tam tame tar tare ther there thin thine thos those thron throne til tile tils tiles tir tire tor tore trad trade trads trades trip tripe trips tripes truc truce twin twine trib tribe tribs tribes trap trape traps trapes v v val vale vals vales vil vile vin vine vins vines urg urge us use w w wad wade war ware whal whale whil while whit white whor whore whos whose wid wide wif wife wil wile wils wiles win wine wins wines wip wipe wis wise wips wipes writ write wrot wrote chap. 9. containing examples of words of two syllables having one consonant in the middle thereof , both whole and divided . in this chapter let the scholar be taught that when a consonant is in the middle of a word between two vowels , such consonant ought in spelling to be joined to the latter syllable , as in the following examples . a a a-base abase a-bide abide a-bode abode a-bove above a-bound abound a-bout about a-buse abuse a-far afar a-gain again a-gainst against a-ges ages a-gon agon a-gue ague a-larm alarm a-las alas a-like alike a-live alive a-loft aloft a-lone alone a-long along a-loof aloof a-loud aloud a-men amen a-mend amend a-miss amiss a-mong among a-mongst amongst a-noint anoint a-right aright a-rise arise a-rose arose a-side aside a-venge avenge a-verse averse a-void avoid au-gust august a-wake awake a-ware aware a-way away au-tumn autumn a-maze amaze a-vouch avouch a-board aboard a-part apart b b ba-bel babel ba-ked baked ba-ker baker ba-kers bakers ba-keth baketh ba-nish banish ba-ser baser ba-son bason bea-con beacon bea-rer bearer beau-ty beauty be-came became be-come become be-cause because be-fall befall be-fel befel be-fore before be-gan began be-get beget be-gat begat be-got begot be-gin begin be-guile beguile be-gun begun be-half behalf be-have behave be-held beheld be-hold behold be-hind behind be-lieve believe be-lief belief be-long belong be-moan bemoan be-neath beneath be-reave bereave be-seech beseech be-side beside be-sought besought be-times betimes be-wail bewail be-ware beware be-yond beyond bla-med blamed bla-meth blameth ble-mish blemish bra-sen brasen broa-der broader broi-ler broiler broi-led broiled bro-ken broken brui-s●d bruised brui-ses bruises brui-sing bruising bru-tish brutish bu-sy busy c c ca-mel camel ca-mest camest ce-dar cedar cho-ler choler cho-sen chosen cau-ses causes cau-sest causest cau-sey causey cau-sing causing cea-seth ceaseth cha-sed chased cha-nel chanel che-rish cherish chi-ding chiding choi-cest choicest ci-ty city cla-mour clamour clo-sed closed clo-ser closer clo-set closet clou-dy cloudy clo-ven cloven clou-ted clouted coa-ches coaches co-lour colour co-meth cometh co-mets comets co-ming coming co-ver cover co-vers covers co-vet covet cou-rage courage cou-sin cousin cu-bit cubit cu-bits cubits cu-red cured cu-reth cureth d d da-mage damage dau-bed daubed dau-bing daubing day-ly dayly dea-con deacou de-bate debate de-base debase de-cay decay de-ceit deceit de-ceive deceive de-cent decent de-fame defame de-feat defeat de-fence defence de-fend defend de-fie defie de-file defile de-lay delay de-light delight de-mand demand de-ny deny de-part depart de-pose depose de-pend depend de-pute depute de-ride deride de-sart desart de-serve deserve de-sire desire de-tain detain de-test detest de-vise devise de-vote devote di-ned dined di-rect direct di-vers divers di-vide divide di-vine divine di-vorce divorce dra-gon dragon du-ty duty e e ea-ger eager ea-sie easie e-lect elect e-nough enough e-qual equal e-rect erect e-vent event e-ver ever e-vil evil eye-sight eyesight f f fa-ces faces fa-deth fadeth fa-mous famous fa-mine famine fa-vour favour fi-gure figure flou-rish flourish fre-quent frequent fro-ward froward fee-ble feeble fe-lons felons fe-male female fea-ver feaver fi-gures figures fi-nish finish fi-ner finer fi-nest finest fra-med framed fra-meth frameth free-dom freedom free-ly freely free-man freeman fre-quent frequent free-will freewill fro-zen frozen fu-ry fury g g ga-vest gavest ga-zing gazing gi-ven given gi-ver giver gi-vest givest gi-veth giveth glo-ry glory go-red gored go-vern govern gra-vel gravel gra-ven graven gra-ving graving gray-hound grayhound gree-dy greedy grie-vance grievance grie-veth grieveth grie-vous grievous gro-peth gropeth h h hai-nous hainous ha-bit habit hai-ry hairy ha-sel hasel ha-ted hated ha-ters haters ha-test hatest ha-teth hateth ha-ting hating ha-vock havock hea-dy heady hea-ved heaved hea-ven heaven hea-vens heavens hea-vy heavy hei-fer heifer he-rauld herauld hi-dest hidest hi-deth hideth hi-ding hiding hi-red hired hi-rest hirest hoa-ry hoary hoi-sed hoised ho-ly holy ho-nest honest hu-mour humour ho-ney honey ho-ped hoped ho-ping hoping ho-nour honour hou-ses houses i i i-dol idol i-mage image joy-ful joyful jea-lous jealous ju-ror juror ju-rors jurors l l la-bour labour la-den laden la-ding lading la-dy lady la-ment lament la-tin latin la-ver laver la-vish lavish le-per leper li-cense license li-ken liken li-king liking li-nage linage li-quor liquor li-ver liver lo-cust locust lo-cal local lo-seth loseth lo-sing losing lo-ver lover lo-vers lovers lo-ving loving lo-vest lovest lo-veth loveth li-zard lizard m m ma-dest madest ma-ker maker ma-kest makest ma-king making ma-lice malice ma-son mason mea-sure measure me-lon melon mo-ment moment mo-dest modest mo-ver mover mo-ving moving mu-sed mused mu-sing musing mu-sick musick n n na-ked naked na-med named na-tive native na-ture nature na-vel navel na-vy navy nee-dy needy ne-ver never no-ble noble noi-sed noised noi-som noisom no-ses noses nou-rish nourish o o o-bey obey o-dour odour o-dours odours o-live olive o-lives olives o-mer omer o-nix onix o-pen open o-ven oven o-ver over p p pa-ces paces pa-per paper pa-ved paved pe-ril peril pe-rish perish pi-lot pilot pi-ning pining pi-per piper pi-ty pity pla-ces places pla-net planet plea-sant pleasant plea-sed pleased plea-seth pleaseth plea-sing pleasing plea-sure pleasure plea-sures pleasures poi-son poison prai-sed praised prai-seth praiseth prai-sing praising pra-ting prating pre-cept precept pre-cepts precepts pre-fer prefer pre-pare prepare pre-sence presence pre-sent present pre-sume presume pre-tence pretence pre-vail prevail pre-vent prevent pri-son prison pri-vate private pro-ceed proceed pro-cess process pro-cure procure pro-duce produce pro-fane profane pro-fess profess pro-fit profit pro-found profound pro-long prolong pro-mise promise pro-mote promote pro-nounce pronounce pro-per proper pro-test protest pro-verb proverb pro-vide provide pro-vince province pro-voke provoke pru-dence prudence pru-dent prudent pru-ned pruned pru-ning pruning pu-nish punish q q qua-king quaking qua-keth quaketh qua-ked quaked qui-ver quiver que-ry query qua-ver quaver r r ra-ging raging rai-ment raiment ra-vish ravish rea-dy ready rea-son reason re-bel rebel re-buke rebuke re-ceive receive re-cord record re-count recount re-deem redeem re-fine refine re-fuge refuge re-gard regard re-ject reject re-joyce rejoyce re-lease release re-lieve relieve re-ly rely re main remain re-mit remit re-move remove re-new renew re-nounce renounce re-nown renown re-pair repair re-peat repeat ●ent repent re-port report re-quest request re-quire require re-quite requite re-sign resign re-serve reserve re-sist resist re-sort resort re-solve resolve re-tain retain re-tire retire re-turn return re-veal reveal re-venge revenge re-vile revile re-vive revive re-volt revolt re-ward reward ri-der rider ri-gour rigour ri-ver river ro-man roman ro-vers rovers ru-mour rumour ru-ler ruler s s sa-tan satan sa-lute salute sa-tyr satyr sa-ving saving sa-vour savour scra-ping scraping sea-son season se-duce seduce se-ver sever sha-dow shadow sha-dy shady sha-king shaking she-riff sheriff si-lent silent si-new sinew so-ber sober so-journ sojourn so-lace solace so-lemn solemn spo-ken spoken sta-tute statute sto-mach stomach sto-ny stony sto-ry story t t ta-lent talent te-nour tenour ti-dings tidings to-ken token tray-tor traytor tra-vel travel trea-son treason trea-sure treasure tri-bute tribute trou-ble trouble tru-ly truly tu-mult tumult tu-tor tutor twy-lights twylights ty-rant tyrant v v va-lour valour va-lue value va-nish vanish ve-nom venom vi-per viper vi-sage visage vi-sit visit u-nite unite vo-lume volume vo-mit vomit u-surp usurp use-ful useful w w wa-fer wafer wa-ges wages wa-king waking wa-ter water wa-ver waver wea-pon weapon wea-ry weary whore-dom whoredom wi-ping wiping whi-ter whiter whi-ting whiting wo-ful woful wo-man woman wa-gon wagon wea-sel weasel who-rish whorish wi-dow widow wi-ser wiser wi-zard wizard wo-ven woven wri-ter writer wri-test writest wri-teth writeth wri-ting writing y y yo-ked yoked yo-king yoking yo-keth yoketh z z zea-lous zealous zea-lot zealot chap. 10. containing examples of words of two syllables having two consonants at least in the middle thereof , which consonants are such as may be placed in the beginning of a word , both whole and divided . let the scholar be now taught that when two or three consonants that can begin a word , are placed in the middle thereof between two vowels , they must be joined to the latter syllable , as in the following examples . a a a-broad abroad a-bridg abridg a-fraid afraid a-fresh afresh a-gree agree a-pron apron a-scend ascend a-scribe ascribe a-sleep asleep a-stray astray au-stere austere au-thor author b b be-stead bestead be-stir bestir be-stow bestow be-think bethink be-tray betray be-tween between be-troth betroth be-twixt betwixt be-wray bewray bi-shop bishop bre-thren brethren bro-ther brother c c cha-sten chasten cha-stise chastise chry-stal chrystal d d day-spring dayspring day-star daystar de-clare declare de-cline decline de-cree decree de-creed decreed de-crees decrees de-fraud defraud de-fray defray de-gree degree de-grees degrees de-prave deprave de-scend descend de-coy decoy de-scribe describe de-scry descry de-spight despight de-stroy destroy dou-ble double dry-shod dryshod e e ea-gle eagle ea-gles eagles ei-ther either e-phod ephod e-scape escape e-schew eschew e-spy espy e-state estate e-states estates eye-brows eyebrows f f fa ther father fa-thers fathers fa-thom fathom fea-ther feather fee-ble feeble fee-bler feebler fire-brand firebrand free stone . freestone g g ga-ther gather h h ha-tred hatred hea-then heathen hea thens heathens he-brew hebrew hi-ther hither l l lea-ther leather lea thern leathern le-prous le prous m m ma-chine machine ma ster master ma-sters masters ma-tron matron ma trix matrix mo-ther mother mo-thers mothers n n nei-ther neither ne-phew nephew ne-ther nether no ble noble no-stril nostril no-thing nothing o o o ther other o-thers others ou-ches ouches p p peo-ple people pine-tree pinetree pla-ster plaster pro-phet prophet pro-phets prophets pro-tract protract r r ra-ther rather re-frain refrain re-fresh refresh re-proach reproach re-proof reproof re-scue rescue re-store restore re-strain restrain re-straint restraint re-trive retrive re-dress redress s s sa-cred sacred se cret secret se-clude seclude sa-phire saphire sta ble stable sta-blish stablish t t ta-blet tablet ta bret tabret ta bring tabring te-trearch tetrearch trou-bled troubled trou-bleth troubleth trou-bler troubler trou-blest troublest trou-bling troubling v v va-prest vaprest va-preth vapreth ve-sture vesture vi-prous viprous w w wa-treth watreth wa-tring watring wea-ther weather whe-ther whether whi-ther whither wi-ther wither chap. 11. containing words of two syllables having two consonants at least in the middle thereof , which consonants are such as cannot be in the beginning of a word , both whole and divided . let the scholar now be taught , that when such consonants come in the middle of a word as cannot be in the beginning , they are to be divided , as also is a double consonant . examples . a a ab-hor abhor ab-ject abject ab-sence absence ab-stain abstain ac-cept accept ac-cord accord ac-cess access ac-quit acquit ad-ded added ad-jure adjure af-flict afflict af-firm affirm af-fairs affairs af-fect affect al-lure allure al-mond almond al-most almost am-ber amber am-bush ambush an-cle ancle an-chor anchor an-gry angry an-guish anguish an-swer answer an-vil anvil ap-peal appeal ap-ply apply ap-point appoint ar-my army ar-mour armour as-sault assault as-sure assure as-sist assist at-tain attain at-tend attend at-tire attire aug-ment augment b b back-bone backbone back-slide backslide back-ward backward bad-ness badness bald-ness baldness ban-ded banded ban-ner banner ban-quet banquet bap-tize baptize bar-ber barber bar-ley barley bar-red barred bar-rel barrel bar-ren barren bas-ket basket bas-tard bastard bat-tel battel bat-ter batter beck-ned beckned bed-stead bedstead beg-gar beggar bel-low bellow bel-ly belly ber-ries berries bet-ter better bib-ber bibber bid-den bidden bil-lows billows bit-ten bitten bit-ter bitter bles-sing blessing bles-sed blessed blos-som blossom blot-ting blotting blot-teth blotteth bond-man bondman bond-maid bondmaid bon-net bonnet bor-row borrow bot-tom bottom bran-dish brandish braw-ler brawler braw-ling brawling bright-ness brightness brim-stone brimstone bub-ble bubble buc-ket bucket buck-ler buckler bud-ded budded buf-fet buffet bul-lock bullock bul-wark bulwark bur-den burden but-ter butter but-ler butler but-tock buttock c c cab-bin cabbin cal-dron caldron cal-led called cam-phire camphire can-not cannot cap-tive captive car-kass carkass car-ping car-ping car-nal car-nal cat-tel cattel cen-sure censure cer-tain certain cham-ber chamber chan-ced chanced chan-ged changed chap-man chapman chap-pel chappel char-ger charger chaf-fer chaffer chat-ter chatter cheek-bone cheekbone clap-ping clapping clean-sed cleansed clear-ly clearly clus-ter cluster cof-fer coffer cof-fin coffin col-lar collar col-ledge colledge col-lop collop com-mand command com-mit commit com-pare compare com-pel compel com-plain complain com-pound compound con-fer confer con-demn condemn con-cord concord con-clude conclude con-duct conduct con-firm confirm con-flict conflict con-quer conquer con-sent consent con-stant constant con-sume consume con-tain contain con-temn contemn con-tempt contempt con-test contest con-trite contrite con-vert convert con-verse converse con-vey convey con-voy convoy cop-per copper cor-ner corner cor-net cornet cor-rect correct cor-rupt corrupt cost-ly costly cot-tage cottage coun-sel counsel coun-cil council coun-try country crack-ling crackling crim-son crimson cum-bred cumbred cun-ning cunning cur-tain curtain cus-tom custom cut-teth cutteth cut-ting cutting cym-bal cymbal d d dag-ger dagger dain-ty dainty dan-cing dancing dand-led dandled dan-ger danger dark-ness darkness dar-ling darling daugh-ter daughter dear-ly dearly dif-fer differ dig-geth diggeth dim-ness dimness dis-charge discharge dis-close disclose dis-creet discreet dis-grace disgrace dis-guise disguise dis-patch dispatch dis-please displease dis-pute dispute dis-solve dissolve dis-tant distant dis-tress distress doc-tor doctor doc-trine doctrine doubt-ful doubtful doubt-less doubtless down-ward downward dread-ful dreadful dres-ser dresser drop-ped dropped drop-ping dropping drop-sy dropsy drun-kard drunkard drun-ken drunken dung-hil dunghil dung-port dungport dwel-ler dweller dwel-ling dwelling dwel-leth dwelleth dwel-lest dwellest e e eb-bing ebbing eb-beth ebbeth ear-ly early ear-nest earnest ef-fect ef-fect el-der elder el-dest eldest em-balm embalm em-pire empire em-ber ember em-ploy employ emp-ty empty en-camp encamp en-cline encline en-close enclose end-less endless en-joy enjoy en-joyn enjoyn en-large enlarge eng-land england en-ter enter en-tire entire en-tring entring en-try entry en-trance entrance er-rand errand er-red erred er-rour errour ex-ceed exceed ex-cel excel ex-cept except ex-cess excess ex-change exchange ex-clude exclude ex-pence expence ex-tream extream ex-pound expound ex-ploit exploit ex-hort exhort ex-pel expel ex-tinct extinct ex-tol extol ex-tream extream f f fac-tor factor faint-ness faintness faith-ful faithful faith-less faithless fal-lest fallest fal-leth falleth fals-ly falsly far-ther farther far-thing farthing fas-ter faster far-thest farthest fat-ling fatling fat-ter fatter fat-ted fatted fat-test fattest faul-ty faulty fear-ful fearful fel-ling felling fel-low fellow fen-ced fenced fer-ret ferret fer-vent fervent fet-ters fetters fif-teen fifteen fif-ty fifty fig-tree figtree fil-led filled fil-leth filleth fid-ler fidler fil-thy filthy fir-kin firkin fir-tree firtree fir-wood firwood fish-hook fishhook fish-pool fishpool fit-ly fitly fit-ted fitted flat-ter flatter flesh-ly fleshly flesh-pots fleshpots flin-ty flinty fol-low follow fol-ly folly foot-man footman foot-steps footsteps foot-stool footstool for-bare forbare for-bid forbid for-born forborn for-ced forced for-cing forcing for-get forget for-give forgive for-sake forsake for-sware forsware forth-with forthwith for-ty forty for-ward forward foun-tain fountain four-teen fourteen frag-ment fragment frank-ly frankly fret-ted fretted front-let frontlet fruit-ful fruitful ful-fil fulfil ful-ler fuller ful-ness fulness fur-long furlong fur-nace furnace fur-nish furnish fur-row furrow fur-ther further fun-nel funnel fur-bish furbish g g gad-ding gadding gain-say gainsay gal-lop gallop gar-den garden gar-lick garlick gar-ment garment gar-nish garnish gen-tile gentile gent-ly gently get-ting getting glad-ly gladly glad-ness gladness glas-ses glasses glis-ter glister glit-ter glitter glut-ton glutton god-head godhead god-ly godly gold-smith goldsmith good-ly goodly good-ness goodness gos-pel gospel got-ten gotten great-ly greatly great-ness greatness guil-ty guilty guilt-less guiltless gut-ter gutter gun-ner gunner gul-let gullet gul-led gulled gul-ling gulling h h hal-low hallow ham-mer hammer hand-ful handful hand-ling handling hand-maid handmaid hap-pen happen hap-ned hapned hap-py happy hard-ned hardned har-lot harlot harm-less harmless har-row harrow har-vest harvest has-ty hasty head-long headlong heark-ned hearkned hem-lock hemlock high-ly highly high-ness highness him-self himself hin-der hinder hid-den hidden his-sing hissing hol-low hollow host-ler hostler hor-net hornet hor-ses horses hot-ly hotly hous-hold houshold hum-bly humbly hun-dred hundred hun-ger hunger hun-ter hunter hun-ting hunting hun-gry hungry hur-ling hurling hurt-ful hurtful hus-band husband hys-sop hyssop i i jang-ling jangling jas-per jasper im-brace imbrace im-part impart im-pose impose im-pute impute in-cense incense in-crease increase in-fant infant in-flame inflame in-form inform in-fer infer in-side inside in-stant instant in-struct instruct in-tend intend in-tent intent in-treat intreat in-vade invade in-vent invent in-ward inward jour-ney journey judg-ment judgment jus-tice justice just-ly justly k k ker-nel kernel kid-ney kidney kil-led killed kil-lest killest kil-leth killeth kind-led kindled kind-leth kindleth kind-ly kindly kin-dred kindred king-dom kingdom king-ly kingly kins-folk kinsfolk kins-man kinsman kis-ses kisses kis-sed kissed kis-sing kissing know-ledge knowledge l l lad-der ladder lan-ces lances lan-guage language lan-guish languish land-man landman land-mark landmark lap-ping lapping lap-wing lapwing large-ness largeness lat-ter latter laugh-ter laughter law-ful lawful law-less lawless les-ser lesser let-ter letter lewd-ness lewdness lewd-ly lewdly light-ly lightly light-ning lightning light-ned lightned lil-ly lilly lil-lies lillies low-ly lowly low-ring lowring lof-ty lofty lus-ty lusty m m mad-man madman mad-ness madness main-tain maintain mal-low mallow mam-mon mammon man-ger manger man-ner manner man-hood manhood man-kind mankind mar-ket market mar-row marrow mar-shal marshal mar-tyr martyr mas-ter master mat-ter matter med-led medled med-leth medleth meek-ly meekly mem-ber member mer-chant merchant mer-cy mercy mer-ry merry mes-sage message mid-night midnight mid-wife midwife migh-ty mighty mil-ler miller mil-stone milstone mind-ful mindful min-strel minstrel mis-chief mischief min-gled mingled mis-sed missed mis-tress mistress mix-ture mixture mol-ten molten month-ly monthly mon-ster monster moun-tain mountain mourn-ful mournful muf-ler mufler mum-my mummy mur-der murder mur-mur murmur mur-rain murrain mut-ter mutter myr-tle myrtle n n nas-ty nasty need-ful needful neg-lect neglect neigh-bour neighbour net-work network new-ly newly new-ness newness noon-day noonday noon-tide noontide north-ward northward north-west northwest nur-ture nurture num-ber number num-bring numbring nur-sed nursed o o ob-ject object ob-scure obscure ob-struct obstruct of-fend offend of-fer offer of-fice office off-spring offspring of-ten often on-ward onward op-pose oppose op-press oppress or-dain ordain or-gan organ or-der order out-ward outward p p pain-ful painful pal-sie palsie par-cel parcel parch-ment parchment par-don pardon par-lour parlour part-ly partly part-ner partner part-tridge partridge pas-sage passage pas-sing passing pas-tor pastor pas-ture pasture pat-tern pattern pen-ny penny pen-knife penknife per-form perform per-fume perfume per-mit permit per-son person per-tain pertain per-vert pervert pic-ture picture pil-grim pilgrim pil-lar pillar pil-low pillow plat-ted platted plat-ter platter plen-ty plenty plot-ting plotting plow-men plowmen plum-met plummet pow-der powder pop-lar poplar por-ter porter pos-sess possess pot-tage pottage prin-ces princes pros-pect prospect pros-per prosper pros-trate prostrate proud-ly proudly pub-lick publick pub-lish publish puf-fed puffed puf-fing puffing pul-pit pulpit pur-chase purchase pur-port purport pur-pose purpose pur-ling purling pur-ses purses pur-sue pursue pur-suit pursuit put-teth putteth put-ting putting q q quar-rel quarrel quar-ter quarter quick-ly quickly quick-ned quickned quick-neth quickneth quick-ning quickning quick-sand quicksand quick-ness quickness r r rab-bi rabbi rain-bow rainbow ram-part rampart ran-som ransom ran-ger ranger ran-dom random rat-leth ratleth rat-ling ratling rec-kon reckon ram-bling rambling rem-nant remnant ren-der render ren-dred rendred res-pit respit red-ness redness rest-less restless rib-bon ribbon right-ly rightly rob-ber robber rob-bing robbing rub-bing rubbing rub-bers rubbers rub-bish rubbish rud-dy ruddy rum-bling rumbling rum-mer rummer rus-ty rusty s s sab-bath sabbath sack-but sackbut sack-cloth sackcloth sad-led sadled sad-ly sadly sad-ness sadness saf-fron saffron san-dals sandals scab-bed scabbed scaf-fold scaffold scep-ter scepter scorn-ful scornful scour-ged scourged scour-ging scourging scrip-ture scripture scur-vy scurvy scum-mer scummer sel-ler seller sen-ces sences sen-tence sentence ser-pent serpent ser-vant servant ser-ved served ser-vice service ser-vile servile set-ter setter set-ting setting sel-ler seller sel-ling selling set-led setled sharp-ly sharply sharp-ness sharpness shed-ding shedding sheep-skins sheepskins shel-ter shelter shep-herd shepherd shew-bread shewbread ship-man shipman ship-wrack shipwrack short-ly shortly shoul-der shoulder shut-ting shutting sick-ly sickly sick-ness sickness sig-net signet sig-nal signal sil-ly silly sin-ful sinful sin-ner sinner sin-ning sinning si-ster sister sit-ting sitting six-teen sixteen six-ty sixty skil-ful skilful skip-ping skipping slack-ness slackness slan-der slander sloth-ful slothful slug-gard sluggard slum-ber slumber smel-led smelled smel-ling smelling smit-ten smitten snuf-fers snuffers soc-ket socket sod-den sodden soft-ly softly sor-row sorrow sot-tish sottish sound-ness soundness south-ward southward span-ning spanning spar-row sparrow speech-less speechless spil-led spilled spit-ting spitting spot-ted spotted sprink-led sprinkled stag-ger stagger step-ping stepping stil-led stilled stif-fly stiffly stir-ring stirring stop-per stopper stor-my stormy stout-ness stoutness stran-ger stranger strang-led strangled streng-then strengthen stric-ken stricken strip-ling stripling strong-ly strongly stub-born stubborn stum-bled stumbled sub-due subdue sub-ject subject sub-mit submit sub-scribe subscribe sub-vert subvert suc-ceed succeed suc-cess success suc-cour succour suck-ling suckling sud-den sudden suf-fer suffer sum-mer summer sun-dry sundry sup-ped supped sup-per supper sup-ply supply sup-plant supplant sup-pose suppose sus-tain sustain swad-ling swadling swal-low swallow swel-ling swelling swift-ly swiftly swim-ming swimming t t tack-ling tackling tan-ner tanner tar-get target tap-ster tapster tar-dy tardy tar-ry tarry tart-ly tartly tat-ling tatling tem-per temper tem-pest tempest ten-der tender ter-rour terrour thank-ful thankful them-selves themselves thick-ness thickness third-ly thirdly thir-teen thirteen thir-ty thirty thir-sty thirsty threat-ning threatning through-ly throughly thun-der thunder til-lage tillage til-led tilled tim-ber timber tim-brel timbrel tor-ches torches tor-ment torment tor-ture torture tos-sed tossed tos-sing tossing traf-fick traffick trans-gress transgress tran-slate translate trem-bled trembled trem-bling trembling tres-pass trespass trim-mer trimmer trim-meth trimmeth trum-pet trumpet twen-ty twenty v v vain-ly vainly val-ley valley ven-ture venture ver-tue vertue ves-sel vessel vil-lage village vil-lain villain vin-tage vintage vir-gin virgin un-just unjust un-known unknown un-lade unlade un-less unless un-done undone un-loose unloose un-ripe unripe un-til until un-true untrue un-wise unwise up ▪ braid upbraid up-hold uphold up-per upper up-right upright up-start upstart up-roar uproar up-side upside up-ward upward ur-ged urged ur-gent urgent ut-most utmost ut-ter utter vul-can vulcan vul-ture vulture vul-gar vulgar w w wal-low wallow wan-der wander wan-ton wanton ward-robe wardrobe war-ring warring wash-pot washpot watch-ful watchful watch-man watchman weak-ness weakness weal-thy wealthy wed-ding wedding wed-lock wedlock weigh-ty weighty wel-fare welfare west-ward westward whirl-wind whirlwind whis-per whisper whol-some wholsome wic-ked wicked wil-ling willing wil-low willow wil-ful wilful win-dy windy win-dow window win-ner winner win-ter winter wis-dom wisdom wish-ful wishful with-draw withdraw with-hold withhold with-stand withstand wit-ness witness wit-ty witty won-der wonder work-man workman wor-ship worship wor-thy worthy world-ly worldly wrap-ped wrapped wrap-ping wrapping wrath-ful wrathful writ-ten written wrong-ful wrongful wrest-ling wrestling y y year-ly yearly yel-low yellow yel-led yelled yon-der yonder youth-ful youthful chap. 12. containing examples of words which end with le or les after a consonant . let the scholar here be taught to sound le or les in the end of a word coming after a consonant as if there were no e placed there at all . examples . a-ble able nm-ble amble ad-dle addle an-gle angle ap-ple apple an-cle ancle ba-ble bable bea-dle beadle bee-tle beetle bea-gle beagle bun-dle bundle brin-dle brindle bot-tle bottle bri-dle bridle brit-tle brittle bris-tle bristle buc-kle buckle can-dle candle cac-kle cackle ca-ble cable cas-tle castle cau-dle caudle cir-cle circle coc-kle cockle cob-ble cobble cou-ple couple crip-ple cripple dag-gle daggle dan-dle dandle da-zle dazle dou-ble double ea-gle eagle ea-gles eagles fa-ble fable fa-bles fables fee-ble feeble gar-gle gargle gen-tle gentle gir-dle girdle gir-dles girdles gob-ble gobble gog-gle goggle grum-ble grumble han-dle handle han-dles handles hig-gle higgle hob-ble hobble hum-ble humble jan-gle jangle i-dle idle jus-tle justle ket-tle kettle kin-dle kindle lit-tle little man-tle mantle man-tles mantles mar-ble marble med-dles meddles mid-dle middle min-gle mingle muf-fle muffle muz-zle muzzle myr-tle myrtle nee-dle needle no-ble noble net-tles nettles no-bles nobles pad-dle paddle peo-ple people pur-ple purple pim-ple pimple pim-ples pimples prat-tle prattle pud-dle puddle puz-zle puzzle rab-ble rabble rat-tle rattle rid-dle riddle rum-ble rumble sa-ble sable sad-dle saddle sad-dles saddles set-tle settle sham-ble shamble sham-bles shambles sim-ple simple sin-gle single shac-kle shackle shac-kles shackles spin-dle spindle spit-tle spittle sprin-kle sprinkle sta-ble stable sta-bles stables star-tle startle stop-ple stopple stub-ble stubble stum-ble stumble sup-ple supple ta-ble table ta-bles tables tat-tle tattle tem-ple temple this-tle thistle tin-gle tingle ti-tle title tram-ple trample trem-ble tremble tric-kle trickle tic-kle tickle tri-fle trifle trou-ble trouble trou-bles troubles truc-kle truckle tum-ble tumble tur-tle turtle tur-tles turtles un-cle uncle wat-tle wattle wres-tle wrestle wrin-kle wrinkle wrin-kles wrinkles chap. 13. containing examples of words wherein ti is placed before a vowel . let the scholar be here taught that ti before a vowel is pronouneed si , but otherwise ty . examples . ac-ti-on action ad-di-ti-on addition a-dop-ti-on adoption af-fec-ti-on affection af-flic-ti-on affliction at-ten-ti-on attention col-lec-ti-on collection com-mo-ti-on commotion con-di-ti-on condition con-sump-ti-on consumption con-ten-ti-on contention dam-na-ti-on damnation de-struc-ti-on destruction de-vo-ti-on devotion di-rec-ti-on direction dis-trac-ti-on distraction e-lec-ti-on election ex-tor-ti-on extortion foun-da-ti-on foundation fac-ti-on faction in-struc-ti-on instruction in-ven-ti-on invention mu-ni-ti-on munition na-ti-on nation ob-la-ti-on oblation o-ra-ti-on oration par-ti-ti-on partition por-ti-on portion re-demp-ti-on redemption sal-va-ti-on salvation sanc-ti-on sanction se-di-ti-on sedition tax-a-ti-on taxation temp-ta-ti-on temptation vex-a-ti-on vexation vo-ca-ti-on vocation chap. 14. containing words of three syllables both whole and divided , wherein the former directions are to be observed . a a a-ban-don abandon a-ba-ted abated ab-strac-ted abstracted a-bun-dance abundance ab-hor-ring abhorring a-but-ting abutting a-bu-ses abuses ac-cep-ted accepted ac-com-plish accomplish ac-cord-ing according ad-mo-nish admonish ac-ti-ons actions ad-van-tage advantage ad-ven-ture adventure af-fir-med affirmed af-fec-ted affected af-fright-ed affrighted af-ter-wards afterwards a-go-ny agony ag-gre-gate aggregate a-gree-ment agreement al-ledg-ed alledged al-li-gate alligate al-ter-nate alternate am-bas-sage ambassage an-ces-tors ancestors an-ci-ent ancient an-ti-pode antipode an-swe-red answered a-no-ther another a-po-stle apostle ap-ply-ed applyed a-po-state apostate ap-pre-hend apprehend ap-pro-ved approved a-ray-ed arayed ar-ri-ved arrived ar-ti-fice artifice ar-ti-choke artichoke ar-ti-cle article a-scen-ded ascended a-sha-med ashamed as-sem-ble assemble as-su-rance assurance as-sun-der assunder at-ten-tive attentive at-trac-tive attractive at-tri-bute attribute at-tai-ned attained a-vai-leth availeth a-vouch-ed avouched au-di-ence audience a-ver-ring averring a-wa-ked awaked a-wa-king awaking b b back-bi-ting backbiting back-sli-ding backsliding bal-lan-ced ballanced ba-nish-ment banishment ban-ter-ing bantering bar-ba-rous barbarous bar-ren-ness barrenness bal-der-dash balderdash bat-tle-dore battledore but-te-ry buttery bat-tle-ment battlement beau-ti-ful beautiful be-fore-hand beforehand be-got-ten begotten be-gin-ning beginning be-gui-led beguiled be-ha-ved behaved be-hol-ding beholding be-ho-ved behoved be-lo-ved beloved be-moa-ned bemoaned be-ne-fits benefits be-tray-ed betrayed bet-ter-ed bettered be-way-led bewayled bit-ter-ly bitterly bit-ter-ness bitterness blab-ber-ing blabbering ble-mish-ed blemished bles-sed-ness blessedness blood-thir-sty bloodthirsty bom-ba-sted bombasted bo-di-ly bodily bor-row-ed borrowed boi-ste-rous boisterous bond-wo-man bondwoman bot-tom-less bottomless boun-ti-ful bountiful bra-ve-ry bravery bran-dish-ing brandishing bri-be-ry bribery brick-lay-er bricklayer bri-gan-tine brigantine broi-de-red broidered bro-ther-ly brotherly bru-tish-ly brutishly bur-den-some burdensome bu-ri-al burial bu-si-ly busily bu-si-ness business but-te-ry buttery c c ca-ni-bal canibal car-bun-cle carbuncle ca-sti-gate castigate ca-te-chism catechism car-pen-ter carpenter car-ri-age carriage car-nal-ly carnally ce-le-brate celebrate cer-tain-ly certainly cer-ti-fie certifie cham-ber-lain chamberlain cham-pi-on champion charge-a-ble chargeable cheer-ful-ly cheerfully chur-lish-ly churlishly ci-vil-ly civilly clou-di-ness cloudiness cla-mo-rous clamorous cle-men-cy clemency co-lo-ny colony com-li-ness comliness com-men-cing commencing com-mand-ing commanding com-mit-ted committed com-mon-ly commonly com-pel-led compelled con-fes-sing confessing con-fu-ted confuted con-gre-gate congregate con-ju-red conjured con-stan-cy constancy con-stant-ly constantly con-tra-ry contrary con-tro-ler controler con-ver-sant conversant con-vey-ance conveyance con-vin-ced convinced cop-per-smith coppersmith cor-mo-rant cormorant cor-rup-ted corrupted cost-li-ness costliness craf-ti-ly craftily craf-ti-ness craftiness cre-a-ted created cre-a-ting creating cre-di-ble credible cre-di-tor creditor cru-ci-fie crucifie cru-di-ty crudity cru-el-ly cruelly cru-ci-ate cruciate cu-cum-ber cucumber cus-to-med customed cus-to-mer customer cum-ber-land cumberland cu-ri-ous curious cum-be-rance cumberance cu-sto-dy custody cur-sed-ly cursedly cum-min-seed cumminseed d d da-ma-ges damages dam-na-ble damnable dan-ge-rous dangerous dar-ken-ed darkened de-cay-ed decayed de-cay-ing decaying de-cla-red declared de-di-cate dedicate de-fen-sive defensive de-for-med deformed de-faul-ter defaulter de-gra-ded degraded de-lay-ing delaying de-lu-ding deluding de-ter-mine determine de-trac-ting detracting di-ges-ted digested di-mi-nish diminish di-rec-ted directed dif-fe-rence difference dig-ni-ty dignity di-li-gence diligence di-sci-ple disciple dis-dain-ed disdained dis-dain-ful disdainful dis-fi-gure disfigure dis-gui-sed disguised dis-sem-ble dissemble dis-tur-bance disturbance dis-man-tle dismantle dis-char-ged discharged di-vi-ding dividing di-vor-ced divorced do-me-stick domestick doc-tri-nal doctrinal do-ci-ble docible doubt-ful-ly doubtfully drun-ken-ness drunkenness drow-si-ly drowsily dread-ful-ly dreadfully dul-ci-mer dulcimer du-ra-ble durable du-ti-ful dutiful dun-ge-on dungeon e e ea-ger-ly eagerly e-di-fie edifie e-mi-nent eminent ear-nest-ly earnestly e-lo-quent eloquent em-bol-den embolden em-broi-der embroider em-ploy-ment employment e-ne-my enemy en-mi-ty enmity en-gage-ment engagement en-gra-ver engraver en-ligh-ten enlighten en-tice-ment enticement en-ter-tain entertain en-tan-gle entangle en-ter-prize enterprize en-trap-ping entrapping en-vi-ous envious en-vi-ron environ en-sna-red ensnared e-pis-tle epistle e-qual-ly equally e-qui-ty equity e-qui-nox equinox e-sca-ped escaped e-stran-ged estranged e-sta-blish establish e-spou-sed espoused e-sti-mate estimate e-ter-nal eternal e-ver-more evermore e-ve-ry every e-ven-ly evenly e-ven-ing evening e-vi-dence evidence e-vi-dent evident e-vil-ly evilly ex-ces-sive excessive ex-tream-ly extreamly ex-al-ted exalted ex-pel led expelled ex-am-ple example ex-pec ted expected ex-cel-lent excellent ex-clu-ded excluded ex-cu sed excused ex-pen-ces expences ex-pi red expired ex-po-sed exposed ex-pres-sed expressed ex-ten-ded extended ex-tol-led extolled ex-treamly extreamly f f fal-li-ble fallible fa-mous-ly famously fa-cul-ty faculty fa-m●-ly family faith ful-ly faithfully fa-ther-ly fatherly fa vou-rite favourite fear-ful-ly fearfully fee-ble-ness feebleness fel-low-ship fellowship fer-vent-ly fervently fer-men-ted fermented fil-thi-ly filthily fir-ma-ment firmament flat-te-ry flattery fra-ter-nal fraternal fra-grant-ly fragrantly f●a-gi-let f●agilet fruit-ful-ness fruitfulness for sa-ken forsaken for-mer-ly formerly for-ci-ble forcible for-tu-nate fortunate for-get-ful forgetful fur-mi-ty furmitive fu-gi-tive fugitive fur-ni-ture furniture fu-ri-ous furious ful-fil-ling fulfilling fur ther-more furthermore ful-mi-nate fulminate g g gad-ding-ly gaddingly gal-le-ry gallery gain-say ing gainsaying gar-di-ner gardiner gal-lant ly gallantly gau-di ly gaudily gar ri son garrison ga sing stock gasingstock ge ne-ral general gen-tle-ness gentleness ger-ma-ny germany glo-ri-ous glorious gloo-mi ness gloominess glo ri-fie glorifie glut-ton-ous gluttonous god-li-ness godliness good-li-ness goodliness gor-ge-ous gorgeous go-vern-ment government go ver-nour governour glut-to-ny gluttony gra-ci-o●s gracious gras-hop-per grashopper gra-vi-ty gravity gree di-ness greediness guil-ti-ness guiltiness guilt-les-ly guiltlesly h h hab-ber-dine habberdine hal-low-ed hallowed har mo-ny harmony ha-sti-ly hastily hand-ker-chief handkerchief hate-ful-ly hatefully har-bin-ger harbinger hand mai-den handmaiden hap-pi-ness happiness haugh-ti-ly haughtily hand-som-ly handsomly ha-zar-dous hazardous hear-ti-ly heartily hea-ven-ly heavenly he-re-sie heresie her-mi-tage hermitage he-ri-tage heritage hea-vi-ness heaviness ho-li-ness holiness ho-nou-red honoured home-li-ness homeliness hor-ri-ble horrible hum ble-ness humbleness hus-band-ry husbandry hy-po-crite hypocrite i i i dle-ness idleness ig-no-ble ignoble ig-no rant ignorant i-ma-ges images i-ma-gine imagine im-po tent impotent im-bra cing imbracing im-pu-ting imputing in-gen-der ingender in-cen sed incensed in-con-stant inconstant in-jus-tice injustice in-ju-ry injury in-fa-mous infamous in-fer-nal infernal in-te-stine intestine in-fi-nite infinite in-fla-ming inflaming in-for-ming informing in-he-rit inherit in no cent innocent in-stant ly instantly in struc ted instructed in-stru-ment instrument in-tan-gle intangle in-trea ted intreated in-ter-pret interpret in-tru-ding intruding in-va-ding invading in-vi-ted invited in-ward-ly inwardly jour-ney-ing journeying ju-bi-lee jubilee ju-sti-fie justifie joy-ful-ly joyfully i-vo-ry ivory k k kind-nes-ses kindnesses kins-wo-man kinswoman kna-vish-ly knavishly know-ing-ly knowingly l l la-bou-red laboured la-men-ted lamented la-bou-rer labourer law-ful-ly lawfully lear-ned-ly learnedly le-pro-sie leprosie li-be-ral liberal li-ber-ty liberty li-bel-ling libelling lu-sti-ness lustiness le-che-ry lechery li-mi-ted limited lof-ti-ness loftiness low-li-ness lowliness loy-te-ring loytering lu-na-cy lunacy lu-na-tick lunatick m m mag-da-len magdalen mag-ni-fie magnifie ma-je-sty majesty ma-ni-fest manifest ma-ni-fold manifold mar-ri-age marriage ma-ter-nal maternal ma-ri-ner mariner ma-ster-less masterless ma-scu-line masculine me-di-cine medicine mer-chan-dize merchandize me-di-tate meditate me-mo-ry memory men-ti-on mention mi-ni-ster minister migh-ti ly mightily mys-te-ry mystery mis-for tune misfortune mi-ra-cle miracle mi-ti-gate mitigate mil-li ons millions mo-de-rate moderate mo-de-sty modesty mo-nu-ment monument mor-tal-ly mortally mor-ti fie mortifie mourn-ful-ly mournfully mol-li-fie mollifie mul-ti-tude multitude mul-ti ply multiply mu-si-cal musical mut-te-ring muttering mu-tu-al mutual n n na-ked-ness nakedness na-tu-ral natural na-ti-on nation na-vi-gate navigate naugh ti-ness naughtiness na-sti-ness nastiness neg-li-gent negligent neigh-bour-ly neighbourly ne-ther most nethermost nig-gard ly niggardly nim ble ness nimbleness no mi nal nominal nor-ther-ly northerly nu-me-ral numeral nu-me-rous numerous nur-se-ry nursery no-vel-ty novelty num-ber-ing numbering nu-tri-ment nutriment o o o-bey-ed obeyed o-bey-ing obeying ob-ser-ved observed ob-ser-ver observer of-fen-sive offensive of-fe-ring offering ob-tai-ned obtained of-fen-ded offended ob-sti-nate obstinate o-pen-ly openly o-pe-rate operate of-ten-times oftentimes op-po sed opposed op-po-nent opponent op-pres-sor oppressor o-ra-cle oracle or-na-ment ornament or-dai-ned ordained or-der-ly orderly o-ver-come o●ercome o-ver-much overmuch o-ver-sight oversight o-ver-take overtake o-ver-ture overture o-ver-turn overturn or-di-nance ordinance out go-ing outgoing out-lan dish outlandish out-pas-sed outpassed out-ward-ly outwarly p p pa-ge-ant pageant pa-la-ces palaces pa-ter-nal paternal pa-ra-ble parable pa-ra-dice paradice pa-ra-mour paramour par-ta-ker partaker par-ti-al partial pas-sa-ges passages pas-sen-ger passenger pa-sto-ral pastoral pas-si-on passion pa-ti-ence patience pen-ti-on pention per-ti-nent pertinent pes-ter-ing pestering pe-sti-lence pestilence pe-ril-lous perillous per-for mance performance per-ma-nent permanent per-su-med persumed per-ju-ry perjury per-se-cute perse●ute per-mit-ted permitted per-swa-ding perswading pes-ti-lence pestilence phar-ma-cy pharmacy pi-e-ty piety pi-ti-ful pitiful plen-ti-ful plentiful plea-sant-ly pleasantly pro vi-dent provident pro-phe-sie prophesie pro-vi-dence providence pro-mul-gate promulgate pro-mi-sed promised pro-se-lite proselite pro-sti-tute prostitute pro-ven-der provender pub-lick-ly publickly pub-li-can publican pu-nish-ment punishment pur-cha-sed purchased pu-ri fie purifie pu-ri ty purity pur-po-sed purposed pur-su-ant pursuant q q qua li-ty quality quan-ti-ty quantity quar-ter-ly quarterly qua-king-ly quakingly qui-et-ness quietness qui-e-tude quietude que-sti-on question qui ve-ring quivering quar-rel some quarrelsome qua-ve-ring quavering r r ram-ping-ly rampingly ran-so-med ransomed ra-ve-nous ravenous ra-vi-shed ravished ra pi er rapier re-bel-led rebelled re-bu-ked rebuked re-cei-ving receiving re-cei-ver receiver re-com-mend recommend re-cor-der recorder re-co-ver recover re-con-cile reconcile re-for-med reformed re-for-mer reformer re-gi-on region re-gi-ster register re-gar-ded regarded re-hear-sal rehearsal re-gi-ment regiment re joi-ced rejoiced re-lea-sed released re-man-ded remanded re-mo-ved removed re mote-ly remotely re-mem-ber remember re-main-der remainder re-me-dy remedy re-mit-ted remitted re-pu-ted reputed re-por-ted reported re-pro-ved reproved re-pen-tance repentance re-ple-nish replenish re-pro-bate reprobate re-si-due residue re-sem-blance resemblance re-ser-ved reserved re-sol-ved resolved re-sto-red restored re-ti-red retired re-ven-ged revenged re-ve-nue revenue re-ver-sed reversed re-ve-rence reverence re-vi-ling reviling re-vi-ved revived re-vol-ted revolted ri-o-tous riotous ri-val-led rivalled ring-lea-der ringleader rot-ten-ness rottenness roy-al-ly royally roy-al-ty royalty ru-di-ments rudiments s s sa-cra-ment sacrament sa-cri-fice sacrifice sanc-ti-fie sanctifie sa-cri-ledge sacriledge sa-lu-ted saluted sa-tis-fie satisfie sa-tur-day saturday sa-vi-our saviour sa-vou-ry savoury se-du-lous sedulous sen-si-ble sensible sen-si-tive sensitive se-ni-or senior scor-pi-on scorpion se-du-ced seduced school-ma-ster schoolmaster se-na-tor senator sen-ten-ces sentences se-pa-rate separate se-pul-chre sepulchre ser-ge-ant sergeant ser-vi-tude servitude se-ven-ty seventy se-vere-ly severely se-ve-ral several shame-les-ly shamelesly sick-nes-ses sicknesses sin-cere-ly sincerely sin-gu-lar singular sin-cere-ness sincereness slan-de-rous slanderous scan-da-lous scandalous scar-ri-fie scarrifie slip-pe-ry slippery sloth-ful-ly slothfully slug-gish-ness sluggishness so-ber-ly soberly so-do-mite sodomite so-lemn-ly solemnly sor-ce-ry sorcery sooth-say-ing soothsaying spa-ring-ly sparingly spe-ci-fie specifie spe-ci-al special spee-di-ly speedily sor-row-ful sorrowful spite-ful-ly spitefully state-li-est stateliest sted-fast-ly stedfastly sto-ma-cher stomacher sto-mach-ful stomachful stub-born-ly stubbornly sub-du-ed subdued suc-cess-ful successful sub-mit-ted submitted sub-mis-sive submissive sub-or-ned suborned sub-scri-bed subscribed sub-sti-tute substitute sub-til-ly subtilly sub-til-ty subtilty suc-ces-sive successive sud-den-ly suddenly suf-fi-ceth sufficeth sul-len-ly sullenly sul-phu-rous sulphurous sump-tu-ous sumptuous sup-per-less supperless sup-pli-cate supplicate s●f-fo-cate snffocate sup-por-ted supported su-ste-nance sustenance sy-ca-more sycamore sy-na-gogue synagogue t t tar-ri-er tarrier ta-pi-stry tapistry task-ma-ster taskmaster tem-pe-rance temperance tem-pe-rate temperate tem-po-ral temporal ten-der-ly tenderly ter-ri-ble terrible ter-ri-fie terrifie te-sta-ment testament te-sti-fie testifie te-sta-tor testator thank-ful-ly thankfully to-ge-ther together tor-men-tor tormentor to-tal-ly totally thun-der-bolt thunderbolt tor-tu-red tortured trans-fer-red transferred trans-mi-grate transmigrate trans-gres-sed transgressed tran-spa-rent transparent tran-sla-ted translated tra-vel-ler traveller trea-che-rous treacherous trea-su-ry treasury tres-pas-ses trespasses tu-na-ble tunable ty-ran-ny tyranny tym-pa-ny tympany v v va-ga-bond vagabond va-li-ant valiant va-ni-ty vanity va-ri-ance variance ve-he-ment vehement ve-ne-mous venemous ve-ri-ty verity ver-tu-ous vertuous ve-ri-ly verily ve-ni-son venison vic-to-ry victory vice-ge-rent vicegerent vi-li-fie vilifie vic-tu-als victuals vi-gi-lant vigilant vi-go-rous vigorous vil-la-ny villany vo-lu-ble voluble vi-ne-gar vinegar vi-o-lent violent vi-o-late violate vir-ti-go virtigo vi-si-on vision vi-si-ble visible vi-si-ted visited un-be-lief unbelief un-a-ble unable un-der-stand understand un-e-qual unequal un-clean-ly uncleanly un-cer-tain uncertain un-come-ly uncomely un-co-ver uncover un-faith-ful unfaithful un-fruit-ful unfruitful un-god-ly ungodly un-ho-ly unholy u-ni-ted united un-just-ly unjustly un-sta-ble unstable un-law-ful unlawful un-mind-ful unmindful un-ru-ly unruly un-thank-ful unthankful un-time-ly untimely un-skil-ful unskilful un-seem-ly unseemly un-wor-thy unworthy vo-mi-ting vomiting up-right-ly uprightly u-sur-per usurper ut-ter-ly utterly w w wal-low-ing wallowing wan-ton-ness wantonness war-ri-our warriour wa-ter-brooks waterbrooks wa-ter-course watercourse wa-ter-flood waterflood wa-ter-house waterhouse wan-ton-ly wantonly wil-ling-ly willingly wil-ful-ly wilfully wea-ri-ness weariness wea-ri-some wearisome whis-per-ing whispering wic-ked-ness wickedness wil-der-ness wilderness wit-nes-ses witnesses wit-nes-sing witnessing won-der-ful wonderful wo-ful-ly wofully wor-ship-ping worshipping wor-ship-per worshipper wor-thi-ly worthily wil-ling-ly willingly wil-ling-ness willingness wrath-ful-ly wrathfully wrong-ful-ly wrongfully wret-ched-ness wretchedness wret-ched-ly wretchedly y y yes-ter-day yesterday yes-ter-night yesternight yoke-fel-low yokefellow youth-ful-ly youthfully youth-ful-ness youthfulness z z zea-lous-ly zealously chap. 15. containing words of four syllables , both whole and divided , wherein the former rules are to be observed . a a a-ban-do-ned abandoned a-bi-li-ty ability a-bo-li-shed abolished a-bo-mi-nate abominate a-bun-dant-ly abundantly ac-cep-ta-ble acceptable ac-com-plish-ed accomplished ac-cor-ding-ly accordingly ab-so-lute-ly absolutely ac-cus-to-med accustomed ac-cep-ta-bly acceptably ac-ti-vi-ty activity a-da-man-tine adamantine ad-di-ti-on addition ad-mi-ni-stred administred a-dop-ti-on adoption ad-ver-sa-ry adversary ad-ven-tu-red adventured ad-ver-si-ty adversity a-dul-te-ry adultery af-fec-ti-on affection af-fi-ni-ty affinity af-flic-ti-on affliction ag-gre-ga-ted aggregated al-le-go-ry allegory a-li-e-nate alienate al-to-ge-ther altogether an-swe-ra-ble answerable a-mi-a-ble amiable an-ti-qui-ty antiquity an-ti-pa-thy antipathy ap-pa-rent-ly apparently ap-per-tain-ed appertained ap-pa-rel-led apparelled ap-pre-hen-ded apprehended ar-ro-gan-cy arrogancy ar-ro-gant-ly arrogantly ar-ti-fi-cer artificer ar-til-le-ry artillery as-su-red-ly assuredly as-sump-ti-on assumption a-sto-ni-shed astonished a-sto-nish-ment astonishment a-stro-lo-gy astrology a-stro-man-cy astromancy a-stro-no-my astronomy at-ten-tive-ly attentively as-si-du-ous assiduous au-tho-ri-ty authority b b ba-by-lo-nish babylonish bar-ba-ri-an barbarian bar-ri-ca-do barricado ba-sti-na-do bastinado be-a-ti-tude beatitude be-ne-vo-lence benevolence be-nig-ni-ty benignity boun-ti-ful-ly bountifully boun-ti-ful-ness bountifulness c c ca-la-mi-ty calamity cap-ti-vi-ty captivity ca-sti-ga-ted castigated ca-ter-pil-lar caterpillar ce-les-ti-al celestial ca-te-chi-sed catechised ca-tas-tro-phe catastrophe ce-le-bra-ted celebrated cen-tu-ri-on centurion ce-re-mo-nies ceremonies cer-ti-fi-cate certificate cha-ri-ta-ble charitable cir-cum-ci-sed circumcised col-lec-ti-on collection col-le-gi-ate collegiate col-la-te-ral collateral com-for-ta-bly comfortably com-mis-si-on commission com-mu-ni-on communion com-pa-ni-on companion com-mi-se-rate commiserate com-pas-si-on compassion con-ten-ted-ly contentedly con-cep-ti-on conception con-clu-si-on conclusion con-di-ti-on condition con-fes-si-on confession con-fe-de-rate confederate con-fu-si-on confusion con-fi-dent-ly confidently con-gra-tu-late congratulate con-gre-ga-ted congregated con-sump-ti-on consumption con-se-cra-ted consecrated con-si-de-rate considerate con-spi-ra-cy conspiracy con-temp-ti-ble contemptible con-ten-ti-on contention con-ti-nu-al continual con-ta-mi-nate contaminate con-tra-dic-ted contradicted con-tra-ri-ly contrarily con-tro-ver-sie controversie con-tu-ma-cy contumacy con-ve-ni-ent convenient con-ven-ti-on convention con-ver-si-on conversion cor-rec-ti-on correction cor-rup-ti-on corruption co-ve-nan-ted covenanted cru-di-li-ty crudility cur-te-ous-ly curteously cre-a-ti-on creation cre-du-lous-ly credulously cri-ti-cal-ly critically cu-ri-ous-ly curiously cru-ci-fi-ed crucified d d dai-ry-wo-man dairywoman dal-li-an-ces dalliances da-mage-a-ble damageable dam-na-ti-on damnation dam-ni-fi-ed damnified dan-de-li-on dandelion de-bi-li-tate debilitate de-ceit-ful-ness deceitfulness de-di-ca-ted dedicated de-bate-ful-ly debatefully de-bo-nair-ly debonairly de-ci-phe-ring deciphering de-clai-ming-ly declaimingly de-col-la-ted decollated de-coc-ti-on decoction de-duc-ti-on deduction de-fa-ti-gate defatigate de-fec-ti-on defection de-fen-so-ry defensory de-fi-ni-tive definitive de-for-med-ly deformedly de-for-mi-ty deformity de-ge-ne-rate degenerate de-gra-ding-ly degradingly de-jec-ted-ly dejectedly de-light-ful-ly delightfully de-li-ne-ate delineate de-li-ve-red delivered de-mi-ca-non demicanon de-mo-cra-cy democracy de-no-mi-nate denominate de-pen-den-cy dependency de-po-pu-late depopulate de-po-si-ted deposited de-pres-si-on depression de-ri-va-tive derivative de-ro-ga-ting derogating de-scrip-ti-on description de-spai-ring-ly despairingly de-spite-ful-ly despitefully de-ter-mi-nate determinate de-ter-mi-ned determined de-tri-men-tal detrimental de-vi-a-ting deviating de-vi-lish-ly devilishly dex-te-ri-ty dexterity di-a-me-ter diameter di-a-go-nal diagonal dif-fi-cul-ty difficulty dif-fi-cult-ly difficultly di-ge-sti-on digestion dis-com-fi-ture discomfiture dis-con-so-late disconsolate dis-cour-te-ous discourteous dis-ho-nou-red dishonoured dis-in-ga-ged disingaged dis-lo-ca-ted dislocated dis-tri-bu-ted distributed di-ver-si-ty diversity dog-ma-ti-cal dogmatical do-mi-ni-on dominion dor-mi-to-ry dormitory e e e-di-fi-ed edified e-du-ca-ted educated ef-fec-tu-al effectual ef-fe-mi-nate effeminate ef-fi-ca-cy efficacy ef-fi-ci-ent efficient ef-fu-si-on effusion e-gre-gi-ous egregious e-gre-mo-ny egremony e-la-bo-rate elaborate e-le-cam-pane elecampane e-lec-tor-ship electorship e-le-gant-ly elegantly e-le-va-ted elevated e-li-za-beth elizabeth e-lo-quent-ly eloquently e-ma-nu-el emanuel em-broi-de-rer embroiderer e-mi-nent-ly eminently e-mu-la-ting emulating e-na-mou-red enamoured en-cou-ra-ging encouraging en-da-ma-ged endamaged e-ner-va-ted enervated en-ter-tai-ned entertained en-ve-no-med envenomed e-qua-li-zed equalized e-qui-ta-ble equitable e-qui-vo-cate equivocate e-ra-di-cate eradicate es-sen-ti-al essential e-sta-bli-shed established e-sti-ma-ted estimated e-ver-la-sting everlasting e-vi-den-ces evidences eu-ro-pe-an european e-va-cu-ate evacuate ex-a-mi-ned examined ex-a-spe-rate exasperate ex-em-pli-fie exemplifie ex-ces-sive-ly excessively ex-cee-ding-ly exceedingly ex-cel-lent-ly excellently ex-cu-sa-ble excusable ex-e-cu-ted executed ex-er-ci-sed exercised ex-hi-bi-ted exhibited ex-hi-le-rate exhilerate ex-or-bi-tant exorbitant ex-pe-ri-ence experience ex-pe-ri-ment experiment ex-po-stu-late expostulate ex-te-nu-ate extenuate ex-ter-mi-nate exterminate ex-ter-nal-ly externally ex-pul-si-on expulsion ex-tir-pa-ted extirpated f f fa-bri-ca-ted fabricated fac-ti-ous-ly factiously fal-la-ci-ous fallacious fa-mi-li-ar familiar fan-ta-sti-cal fantastical fa-tal-li-ty fatallity fa-ther-li-ness fatherliness fa-vou-ra-bly favourably fi-de-li-ty fidelity flat-ter-ing-ly flatteringly for-ma-li-ty formality for-ti-fi-ed fortified for-ni-ca-tor fornicator for-tu-nate-ly fortunately foun-da-ti-on foundation fra-gi-li-ty fragility fra-ter-ni-ty fraternity fu-mi-ga-ted fumigated fun-da-men-tal fundamental fu-ri-ous-ly furiously fu-mi-to-ry fumitory g g ge-ne-ra-ted generated gen-ti-li-ty gentility ge-o-gra-phy geography ge-o-me-try geometry gil-li-flow-er gilliflower glis-te-ring-ly glisteringly glo-ri-fi-ed glorified glo-ri-ous-ly gloriously gor-ge-ous-ly gorgeously gra-ci-ous-ly graciously gram-ma-ri-an grammarian gra-ti-fi-ed gratified h h hal-le-lu-jah hallelujah har-mo-ni-ous harmonious ha-zar-dous-ly hazardously he-re-ti-cal heretical hy-po-cri-sie hypocrisie his-to-ri-an historian ho-nou-ra-ble honourable hor-ri-ble-ness horribleness ho-spi-ta-ble hospitable ho-sti-li-ty hostility how-so-e-ver howsoever hu-ma-ni-ty humanity hu-mi-di-ty humidity hu-mi-li-ty humility hy-po-cri-sie hypocrisie hy-po-the-sis hypothesis i i je-o-par-dy jeopardy ig-no-mi-ny ignominy ig-no-rant-ly ignorantly il-le-gal-ly illegally il-li-te-rate illiterate il-lu-mi-nate illuminate i-mi-ta-ble imitable im-men-si-ty immensity im-mo-de-rate immoderate im-per-ti-nent impertinent im-pe-ri-al imperial im-pi-ous-ly impiously im-per-ti-nence impertinence im-pla-ca-ble implacable im-por-tu-nate importunate im-pos-si-ble impossible im-pri-son-ing imprisoning im-pru-dent-ly imprudently im-pu-ri-ty impurity in-ca-pa-ble incapable in-com-pas-sing incompassing in-cu-ra-ble incurable in-dea-vou-red indeavoured in-dem-ni-fie indemnifie in-dif-fe-rent indifferent in-dig-ni-ty indignity in-du-ra-ble indurable in-dus-tri-ous industrious in-fal-li-ble infallible in-fe-ri-our inferiour in-flic-ti-on infliction in-fi-nite-ly infinitely in-for-tu-nate infortunate in-ge-ni-ous ingenious in-glo-ri-ous inglorious in-gre-di-ent ingredient in-ha-bi-tant inhabitant in-hu-mane-ly inhumanely in-ju-ri-ous injurious in-no-cen-cy innocency in-qui-si-tor inquisitor in-sa-ti-ate insatiate in-scrip-ti-on inscription in-so-len-cy insolency in-spec-ti-on inspection in-struc-ti-on instruction in-ti-ma-ted intimated in-tri-ca-cy intricacy in-tro-du-ced introduced in-va-si-on invasion in-ven-ti-on invention in-ve-te-rate inveterate in-vin-ci-ble invincible in-vi-si-ble invisible jo-vi-al-ly jovially ir-ra-di-cate irradicate ir-re-gu-lar irregular ir-rup-ti-on irruption i-ta-li-an italian ju-di-ca-ture judicature ju-di-ci-al judicial jus-ti-fi-ed justified l l la-bo-ri-ous laborious la-men-ta-ble lamentable la-men-ta-bly lamentably lan-gui-shed-ly languishedly la-sci-vi-ous lascivious la-va-to-ry lavatory lea-che-rous-ly leacherously le-gi-ti-mate legitimate le-thar-gi-cal lethargical le-vi-ti-cal levitical le-vi-a-than leviathan li-be-ral-ly liberally li-bi-di-nous libidinous li-cen-ti-ate licentiate li-co-rish-ness licorishness lo-qua-ci-ty loquacity lu-gu-bri-ous lugubrious lu-shi-ous-ly lushiously m m ma-ce-ra-ted macerated ma-gi-ci-an magician mag-ni-fi-ed magnified mag-ni-fi-cent magnificent mag-ni-fy-ing mag-ni-fy-ing ma-la-pert-ly malapertly ma-le-vo-lence malevolence ma-lig-nant-ly malignantly ma-le-fac-tor malefactor ma-ni-fest-ly manifestly ma-nu-fac-ture manufacture mar-chi-o-ness marchioness mar-ti-a-list martialist ma-tri-cu-late matriculate ma-tu-ri-ty maturity me-cha-ni-cal mechanical me-di-ci-nal medicinal me-di-a-tor mediator me-di-ta-ting meditating me-lan-cho-ly melancholy me-lo-di-ous melodious mer-ci-ful-ly mercifully me-ri-di-an meridian me-tho-di-cal methodical mi-li-ta-ry military mi-li-ti-a militia mi-no-ri-ty minority mi-ra-cu-lous miraculous mis-go-ver-ned misgoverned mis-pri-si-on misprision mi-ti-ga-ted mitigated mo-de-rate-ly moderately mol-li-fi-ed mollified mo-ra-li-zed moralized mor-ta-li-ty mortality mul-ti-pli-ed multiplied mun-di-fy-ing mundifying mu-ni-ti-on munition n n nar-ra-ti-on narration na-ti-vi-ty nativity na-tu-ral-ly naturally na-ti-o-nal national na-vi-ga-ble navigable ne-ces-sa-ry necessary ne-ces-si-ty necessity ne-cro-man-cy necromancy neg-li-gent-ly negligently ne-go-ti-ate negotiate ne-gro-man-cer negromancer ne-ver-the-less nevertheless nig-gard-li-ness niggardliness no-mi-na-ted nominated no-bi-li-ty nobility no-to-ri-ous notorious no-ti-o-nal notional nu-me-ra-ry numerary nu-me-ra-ble numerable nu-me-rous-ly numerously o o o-be-di-ence obedience ob-jec-ti-on objection ob-la-ti-on oblation ob-li-qui-ty obliquity ob-scu-ri-ty obscurity ob-vi-ous-ly obviously oc-ca-si-on occasion o-di-ous-ly odiously of-fer-to-ry offertory of-fi-ci-ous officious ob-sti-nate-ly obstinately om-ni-po-tent omnipotent o-pe-ra-tor operator o-pi-ni-on opinion op-por-tune-ly opportunely op-pres-si-on oppression o-pu-lent-ly opulently o-ra-ti-on oration or-di-na-ry ordinary or-di-nan-ces ordinances or-tho-gra-phy orthography o-ver-char-ged overcharged o-ver-thwart-ly overthwartly o-ver-co-ming overcoming o-ver-flow-ing overflowing p p pa-ci-fi-ed pacified p●-la-ta-ble p●latable par-ti-cu-lar particular par-ti-ti-on partition pa ro-chi al parochial pa-ti-ent-ly patiently pas-si-o-nate passionate pa-tri-mo-ny patrimony pas-tu-ra-ble pasturable pa-ter-nal ly paternally pa-ti ent-ly patiently pa-the-ti cal pathetical pe ti-ti-on petition pe-cu li-ar peculiar per-cep ti-ble perceptible per-ti-nent-ly pertinently per-di-ti-on perdition per-so-nal ly personally pe-ni-tent-ly penitently per-fec-ti-on perfection pen-si-o ner pensioner per-mis-si-on permission pe-remp-to-ry peremptory per-pe-tu-al perpetual per-ni-ci-ous pernicious per-se-cu-ted persecuted per-spi-cu-ous perspicuous phy-si ci-an physician phi-lo-so-pher philosopher plen-ti-ful-ly plentifully pi-ti ful-ly pitifully plen-te-ous-ness plenteousness pol-lu-ti-on pollution po-pu-lar-ly popularly pos-ses-si-on possession po-ste-ri-ty posterity po-ste ri our posteriour pre-de-sti-nate predestinate pre-ju-di-cate prejudicate pre me-di-tate premeditate pre-ci-ous-ly preciously pre-sump-ti-on presumption pre-cau-ti-on precaution pre-va-ri-cate prevaricate pre-ven-ti-on prevention pro-fes-si-on profession pro-fi-ta-ble profitable pro-ces-si-on procession pro-mo-ti on promotion pro phe-cy-ing prophecying pro-pri-e-ty propriety pro-por-ti-on proportion pro spe-ri-ty prosperity pro-sti-tu-ting prostituting pro-tec ti-on protection pro-ver-bi-al proverbial pro-vi-si-on provision pu-is-sant-ly puissantly pu-ri-fi-ed purified pu-ni-sha-ble punishable punc-tu-al-ly punctually pur-ga-to-ry purgatory pu-ri-fy-ing purifying py-ra-mi dal pyramidal q q qua-li-fi-ed qualified quar-rel-som-ly quarrelsomly que-sti-o-ned questioned que-sti-on-less questionless quin-ti-li-an quintilian r r ra-di-cal-ly radically ra-pa-ci-ty rapacity ra-ri fi-ed rarified ra-sca-li-ty rascality re-bel-li-on rebellion rea so-na-ble reasonable re-demp-ti-on redemption ra ti-o-nal rational re-co-ver-ing recovering re-cre-a-ted recreated rec-ti-fi-ed rectified re-flec-ti-on reflection re-fri-ge-rate refrigerate re-la-ti-on relation re-len ting-ly relentingly re-li-gi-ous religious re-lin-quish-ed relinquished re-mem-ber-ing remembering re-mu-ne-rate remunerate re-mis-si on remission re-mit-ta-ble remittable re-no va-ted renovated re-pai-ra-ble repairable re-pen-ting-ly repentingly re-pro-ba-ting reprobating re-pro-va-ble reprovable re-pu di ate repudiate re-pug-nant-ly repugnantly re-sol ved-ly resolvedly re-so-lute-ly resolutely re-spec-tive-ly respectively re-spon si-ble responsible re-sto-ra tive restorative re-stric-ti-on restriction re-ti-red ly retiredly re ti-red-ness retiredness re-trac-ti on retraction re-tri-bu-ted retributed re-ver-be-rate reverberate re ve-rent-ly reverently re-ver-si-on reversion re u-ni on reunion re-vi-ling-ly revilingly re-vo-ca-ble revocable re-vul-si-on revulsion ri di-cu-lous ridiculous righ-te-ous-ly righteously ro-tun-di-ty rotundity ruf-fi-an-ly ruffianly ru-mi-na-ting ruminating ru-sti-cal-ly rustically ru-sti-ci-ty rusticity s s sa-cer-do-tal sacerdotal sa-cra-men-tal sacramental sa-cri-fi-ced sacrificed sa-ga-ci-ous sagacious sa-git-ta-ry sagittary sa-la-man-der salamander sal-va-ti-on salvation sanc-ti-fi-ed sanctified sanc-tu-a-ry sanctuary san-gui-na-ry sanguinary sa-ti-a-ted satiated sa-tis-fi-ed satisfied sa-ty-ri-cal satyrical se-cu-ri-ty security se-di-ti-on sedition scan-da-lous-ly scandalously sca-ri-fy-ing scarifying schis-ma-ti-cal schismatical scho-las-ti-cal scholastical scru-pu-lous-ly scrupulously se-du-li-ty sedulity se-mi-na-ry seminary sen-si-ble-ness sensibleness sen-ten-ti-ous sententious se-pa-ra-ted separated se-ra-phi-cal seraphical se-ri-ous-ly seriously se-ve-ri-ty severity ser-vice-a-ble serviceable se-ve-ral-ly severally shame-fa-ced-ly shamefacedly sig-ni-fy-ing signifying si-mi-li-tude similitude sim-pli-ci-ty simplicity sin-ce-ri-ty sincerity sin gu-lar-ly singularly slan-de-rous-ly slanderously si-tu-a-ted situated so-bri-e ty sobriety so-lem-ni ty solemnity so-li-ci-ted solicited so-li-ta-ry solitary suf-fi-ci-ent sufficient sump-tu-ous-ly sumptuously t t to-bac-co-pipe tobaccopipe ta-ber-na-cle tabernacle tar-ta ri an tartarian tau-to-lo-gy tautology tem-pe-rate-ly temperately tem-pe-stu-ous tempestuous te-me-ri-ty temerity tem-po-ri-ser temporiser temp-ta-ti-on temptation ter-mi-na-ted terminated ter-re-stri al terrestrial ter-ri-fi-ed terrified tes-ti-fi-ed testified tes-ti-mo-ny testimony the-o-lo-gy theology ti-me-rous-ly timerously to-le-ra-ble tolerable to-le-ra-bly tolerably to-ta-li-ty totality to-ward-li-ness towardliness trac-ta-ble-ness tractableness tra-di-ti on tradition tran-qui-li-ty tranquility trans-ac-ti-on transaction tran scrip-tion transcription trans-fi-gu-red transfigured trans-gres-si-on transgression trans-la-ti-on translation tri bu-ta-ry tributary tri-um-phant-ly triumphantly trou-ble-som-ly troublesomly tu-mul-tu-ous tumultuous tu-te-la-ry tutelary ty-ran-nous-ly tyrannously v v va-ca-ti-on vacation va-cu-i-ty vacuity vain-glo-ri-ous vainglorious va-li-ant-ly valiantly va-lu-a-ble valuable va-ri-a-ble variable va-ri e-ty variety ve-ge-ta-ble vegetable ve-he-ment-ly vehemently ve-ne-ra-ble venerable ve-ne-re-ous venereous ve-ne-mous-ly venemously ven-tu-rous-ly venturously ver-tu-ous-ly vertuously vi-ci-ni-ty vicinity vic-to-ri-ous victorious vi-gi-lan-cy vigilancy vi-o-la-ted violated vi-o-lent-ly violently vi-go-rous-ly vigorously vin-di-ca-ted vindicated vir-gi-ni-ty virginity vi-ti ous-ly vitiously un-ac-cu-stom unaccustom u-na-ni-mous unanimous un cer-tain-ty uncertainty un-ces-sant-ly uncessantly un bu-ri-ed unburied un-ca-pa-ble uncapable un-com-li-ness uncomliness un-con-dem-ned uncondemned un-con-su-med unconsumed un-cor-rec-ted uncorrected un-cor-rup-ted uncorrupted un-de-fi-led undefiled un-co-ve-red uncovered un-der-mi-ned undermined un-der-ta-ken undertaken un-de-ser-ved undeserved un-di-ge-sted undigested un-der-ta-king undertaking un-de-cei-ved undeceived un-de-cei-ving undeceiving un-e-qual-ly unequally un-faith-ful-ly unfaithfully un-fruit-ful-ly unfruitfully un-feign-ed-ly unfeignedly un-god-li-ness ungodliness un-go-ver-ned ungoverned un-lea-ve-ned unleavened un-pu-ni-shed unpunished un-wit-ting-ly unwittingly vo-ca-ti-on vocation vo-lun-ta-ry voluntary vo-lup-tu ous voluptuous w w wal-low-ing-ly wallowingly wa-te-rish-ness waterishness wa-ter-cour-ses watercourses wea-ri som-ness wearisomness well-be-lo-ved wellbeloved what-so-e-ver whatsoever where-so-e-ver wheresoever white-li-ve-red whitelivered whom-so-e-ver whomsoever who-so-e-ver whosoever won-der-ful-ly wonderfully won-de-rous-ly wonderously wor-ship-ful ly worshipfully chap. 16. containing words of five syllables , both whole and divided , wherein the foregoing rules are principally to be observed . a a ab-bre-vi-a-ted abbreviated abo-mi-na-ble abominable a-bro ga-ti-on abrogation ab so lu-ti-on absolution a-ca-de-mi-an academian ac-ci-den-tal-ly accidentally ac-co-mo-da-ted accomodated ac-com-pa-ni-ed accompanied ac-cu-mu-la-ted accumulated ac-cu-sa-ti-on accusation ac-cu-sto-med accustomed ad-mi-ni stra-tor administrator af fa-bi-li-ty affability af fir-ma-ti-on affirmation ag-gra-va-ti-on aggravation a-li-e-na ted alienated al-le-go-ri cal allegorical al-ter-na ti-on alternation am bi-gu-ous ly ambiguously am-pu-ta-ti-on amputation am-mu-ni-ti-on ammunition a-ni-mo-si-ty animosity an-ni-hi-la-ted annihilated a-po-sto-li-cal apostolical ap-pre-hen-sive-ly apprehensively ar-bi-tra-ti-on arbitration a-rith-me-ti-cal arithmetical as-sas-si-nate assassinate aug-men-ta-ti-on augmentation b b bac-cha-na-li-an bacchanalian bar-ri-ca-do-ed barricadoed be-a-ti-fi-cal beatifical be-ne-dic-ti-on benediction be-ne-fi-ci-al beneficial blas-phe-ma-to-ry blasphematory brag-ga-do-chi-o braggadochio bre-vi-a-ti-on breviation c c ca-ba-li-sti-cal cabalistical cal-ci-na-ti-on calcination ca-lum-ni-a-ted calumniated ca-no-ni-cal-ly canonically ca-pi-tu-la-ting capitulating ca-pri-ci-ous-ly capriciously ca-sti-ga-ti-on castigation ca-te-go-ri-cal categorical ce-le-bra-ti-on celebration ce-re-mo-ni-al ceremonial cha-rac-te-ri-zed characterized cho-ro-gra-phi-cal chorographical chri-sti-a-ni-ty christianity chro-no-lo-gi-cal-ly chronologically cir-cum-stan-ti-al circumstantial co-a-gu-la-ted coagulated co-es-sen-ti-al coessential co-gi-ta-ti-on cogitation com-bi-na-ti-on combination com-me-mo-ra-ble commemorable com-men-da-ti-on commendation com-mi-sera-ted commiserated com-mo-di-ous-ly commodiously com-pas-si-o-nate compassionate com-pre-hen-si-ble comprehensible con-fe-de-ra-cy confederacy con-fir-ma-ti-on confirmation con-se-cra-ti-on consecration con-sum-ma-ti-on consummation con-tra-dic-ti-on contradiction con-tu-ma-ci-ous contumacious con-ver-sa-ti-on conversation co-ro-na-ti-on coronation cou-ra-gi-ous-ly couragiously . d d de-bi-li-ta-ted debilitated de-cla-ma-ti-on declamation de-cla-ra-ti-on declaration de-fa-ti-ga-ting defatigating de-ge-ne-ra-ted degenerated de-li-be-rate-ly deliberately de-li-ci-ous-ly deliciously de-mon-stra-ti-on demonstration de-no-mi-na-ted denominated de-po-pu-la-ting depopulating de-ro-ga-to-ry derogatory de-so-la-ti-on desolation de-ter-mi-nate-ly determinately di-a-bo-li-cal diabolical dic-ti-o-na-ry dictionary di-la-ce-ra-ting dilacerating di-mi-nu-ti-on diminution dis-ad-van-ta-gi-ous disadvantagious dis-com-mo-di-ty discommodity dis-ho-nou-ra-ble dishonourable dis-lo-ca-ti-on dislocation dis-pen-sa-ti-on dispensation dis-pro-por-ti-on disproportion di-vi-na-ti-on divination do-me-sti-cal-ly domestically e e e-bu-li-ti-on ebulition e-du-ca-ti-on education ef-fec-tu-al-ly effectually ef-fe-mi-na-cy effeminacy e-gre-gi-ous-ly egregiously e-lec-tu-a-ry electuary e-le-men-ta-ry elementary e-le-va-ti-on elevation en-da-mage-a-ble endamageable e-nig-ma-ti-cal enigmatical en-ter-change-a-ble enterchangeable e-pi-de-mi-cal epidemical e-qui-la-te-ral equilateral e-qui-noc-ti-al equinoctial e-qui-vo-ca-ting equivocating e-ra-di-ca-ted eradicated er-ro-ne-ous-ly erroneously e-sti-ma-ti-on estimation e-thi-o-pi-an ethiopian e-ver-la-sting-ly everlastingly ex-com-mu-ni-cate excommunicate ex-hor-ta-ti-on exhortation ex-po-si-ti-on exposition ex-tra-va-gan-cy extravagancy f f fa-bri-ca-ti-on fabrication fa-ce-ti-ous-ly facetiously fa-ci-li-ta-ted facilitated fal-la-ci-ous-ly fallaciously fa-mi-li-ar-ly familiarly fan-ta-sti-cal-ly fantastically fel-lo-ni-ous-ly felloniously fi-gu-ra-tive-ly figuratively fer-men-ta-ti-on fermentation for-ni-ca-ti-on fornication ful-mi-na-to-ry fulminatory fu-mi-ga-ti-on fumigation fun-da-men-tal-ly fundamentally g g ge-ne-a-lo-gy genealogy ge-ne-ra-li-ty generality ge-ne-ra-ti-on generation ge-ne-ro-si-ty generosity ge-o-gra-phi-cal geographical ge-o-me-tri-cal geometrical gram-ma-ti-cal-ly grammatically gra-tu-la-ti-on gratulation h h ha-bi-ta-ti-on habitation ha-bi-tu-al-ly habitually har-mo-ni-ous-ly harmoniously he-re-di-ta-ry hereditary hi-e-ro-gly-phicks hieroglyphicks his-to-ri-cal-ly historically ho-mo-ge-ne-al homogeneal ho-mo-ge-ne-ous homogeneous ho-spi-ta-li-ty hospitality hu-mec-ta-ti-on humectation hy-dro-gra-phi-cal hydrographical hy-po-chon-dri-ack hypochondriack hy-po-cri-ti-cal hypocritical hy-po-the-ti-cal hypothetical i i ig-no-mi-ni-ous ignominious il-le-ga-li-ty illegality il-le-gi-ti-mate illegitimate il-lu-mi-na-ted illuminated il-lu-stra-ti-on illustration im-me-di-ate-ly immediately im-mo-de-rate-ly immoderately im-mor-ta-li-ty immortality im-par-ti-al-ly impartially im-pe-ni-tra-ble impenitrable im-pe-ri-ous-ly imperiously im-per-ti-nent-ly impertinently im-pe-tu-o-si-ty impetuosity im-plan-ta-ti-on implantation im-por-tu-nate-ly importunately im-por-tu-ni-ty importunity im-po-si-ti-on imposition im-po-stu-ma-ted impostumated im-po-ve-rish-ment impoverishment im-pre-ca-ti-on imprecation im-pro-vi-dent-ly improvidently im-pu-ta-ti-on imputation in-ad-ver-ten-cy inadvertency in-ca-pa-ci-tate incapacitate in-car-na-ti-on incarnation in-com-pa-ra-ble incomparable in-con-gru-i-ty incongruity in-con-si-de-rate inconsiderate in-con-ti-nent-ly incontinently in-cor-rup-ti-ble incorruptible in-cre-di-ble-ness incredibleness in-cre-du-li-ty incredulity in-de-cli-na-ble indeclinable in-de-fi-nite-ly indefinitely in-dem-ni-fi-ed indemnified in-dig-na-ti-on indignation in-di-vi-du-al individual in-du-stri-ous-ly industriously in-e-sti-ma-ble inestimable in-ex-pli-ca-ble inexplicable in-flam-ma-ti-on inflammation in-ge-nu-i-ty ingenuity in-ha-bi-ta-ble inhabitable in-hu-ma-ni-ty inhumanity in-ju-ri-ous-ly injuriously in-na-vi-ga-ble innavigable in-nu-me-ra-ble innumerable in-spi-ra-ti-on inspiration in-sti-ga-ti-on instigation in-sti-tu-ti-on iustitution in-suf-fi-ci-ent insufficient in-sur-rec-ti-on insurrection in-tel-lec-tu-al intellectual in-tem-pe-rate-ly intemperately in-ter-ces-si-on intercession in-ter-ro-ga-ted interrogated in-to-le-ra-bly intolerably in-tro-duc-ti-on introduction in-vi-o-la-ble inviolable in-vi-ta-ti-on invitation i-ro-ni-cal-ly ironically ir-re-gu-lar-ly irregularly ir-re-ve-rent-ly irreverently ir-re-vo-ca-ble irrevocable ju-di-ci-al-ly judicially l l las-ci-vi-ous-ly lasciviously la-men-ta-ti-on lamentation le-gi-ti-mate-ly legitimately li-be-ra-li-ty liberality li-cen-ti-ous-ly licentiously lu-cu-bra-ti-on lucubration lux-u-ri-ous-ly luxuriously m m ma-ce-ra-ti-on maceration ma-chi-na-ti-on machination mag-na-ni-mi-ty magnanimity mag-ni-fi-cent-ly magnificently ma-je-sti-cal-ly majestically ma-le-dic-ti-on malediction ma-li-ci-ous-ly maliciously ma-nu-duc-ti-on manuduction mar-ri-age-a-ble marriageable ma-the-ma-ti-cal mathematical ma-tri-mo-ni-al matrimonial me-cha-ni-cal-ly mechanically me-di-ci-na-ble medicinable me-di-ta-ti-on meditation me-lo-di-ous-ly melodiously me-ri-di-o-nal meridional me-ri-to-ri-ous meritorious me-tho-di-cal-ly methodically mi-ni-stra-ti-on ministration mi-ra-cu-lous-ly miraculously mi-ti-ga-ti-on mitigation mo-de-ra-ti-on moderation mol-li-fi-a-ble mollifiable mul-ti-pli-ci-ty multiplicity mun-di-fi-ca-tive mundificative my-ste-ri-ous-ly mysteriously n n na-tu-ra-li-zed naturalized na-vi-ga-ti-on navigation ne-ces-sa-ri-ly necessarily ne-ces-si-ta-ted necessitated ne-fa-ri-ous-ly nefariously no-mi-na-ti-on nomination no-to-ri-ous-ly notoriously nun-cu-pa-to-ry nuncupatory o o ob-du-ra-ti-on obduration o-be-di-ent-ly obediently ob-jur-ga-ti-on objurgation ob-li-ga-ti-on obligation ob-li-te-ra-ted obliterated oc-ca-si-o-nal occasional oc-cu-pa-ti-on occupation o-do-ri-fe-rous odoriferous of-fi-ci-ous-ly officiously om-ni-po-ten-cy omnipotency o-pe-ra-ti-on operation op-por-tu-ni-ty opportunity op-po-si-ti-on opposition op-pug-na-ti-on oppugnation or-bi-cu-lar-ly orbicularly or-di-na-ti-on ordination or-di-na-ri-ly ordinarily o-ri-gi-nal-ly originally o-ver-sha-dow-ed overshadowed out-ra-gi-ous-ly outragiously p p pal-pi-ta-ti-on palpitation par-ci-mo-ni-ous parcimonious par-ti-a-li-ty partiality par-ti-cu-lar-ly particularly pas-si-o-nate-ly passionately pa-the-ti-cal-ly pathetically pe-cu-li-ar-ly peculiarly pe-cu-ni-a-ry pecuniary pe-remp-to-ri-ly peremptorily per-fi-di-ous-ly perfidiously per-fo-ra-ti-on perforation per-mu-ta-ti-on permutation per-ni-ci-ous-ly perniciously per-pen-di-cu-lar perpendicular per-pe-tu-al-ly perpetually per-se-cu-ti-on persecution per-spi-cu-i-ty perspicuity per-tur-ba-ti-on perturbation phan-ta-sti-cal-ly phantastically phy-si-og-no-my physiognomy pla-ca-bi-li-ty placability po-e-ti-cal-ly poetically pon-ti-fi-ci-al pontificial po-pu-la-ri-ty popularity po-stu-la-ti-on postulation pre-de-sti-na-ted predestinated pre-ju-di-ci-al prejudicial pre-me-di-ta-ting premeditating pre-pa-ra-ti-on preparation pre-sen-ta-ti-on presentation pre-ser-va-ti-on preservation pre-sump-tu-ous-ly presumptuously pro-cla-ma-ti-on proclamation pro-cre-a-ti-on procreation pro-cu-ra-ti-on procuration pro-di-ga-li-ty prodigality pro-di-gi-ous-ly prodigiously pro-mis-cu-ous-ly promiscuously pro-mul-ga-ti-on promulgation pro-pa-ga-ti-on propagation pro-pha-na-ti-on prophanation pro-por-ti-on-ed proportioned pro-po-si-ti-on proposition pub-li-ca-ti-on publication pu-tri-fac-ti-on putrifaction q q qua-dran-gu-lar-ly quadrangularly qua-dri-par-tite-ly quadripartitely r r ra-di-a-ti-on radiation ra-pa-ci-ous-ly rapaciously re-bel-li-ous-ly rebelliously re-can-ta-ti-on recantation re-ci-pro-cal-ly reciprocally re-com-men-da-ble recommendable re-cre-a-ti-on recreation re-e-sta-bli-shed reestablished re-for-ma-ti-on reformation re-fu-ta-ti-on refutation re-ge-ne-ra-ted regenerated re-li-ga-ti-on religation re-li-gi-ous-ly religiously re-no-va-ti-on renovation re-pa-ra-ti-on reparation re-pe-ti-ti-on repetition re-po-si-to-ry repository re-pro-ba-ti-on reprobation re-pu-ta-ti-on reputation re-qui-si-ti-on requisition re-ser-va-ti-on reservation re-so-lu-ti-on resolution re-spi-ra-ti-on respiration re-sti-tu-ti-on restitution re-sur-rec-ti-on resurrection re-tri-bu-ti-on retribution re-vo-lu-ti-on revolution rhe-to-ri-ci-an rhetorician ri-di-cu-lously ridiculously s s sa-cra-men tal-ly sacramentally sa-cri-le-gi-ous sacrilegious sa-lu-ta-ti-on salutation sa-tis-fac-ti-on satisfaction sa-ty-ri-cal-ly satyrically scho-la-sti-cal-ly scholastically sea-so-na-ble-ness seasonableness se-con-da-ri-ly secondarily se-di-ti-ous-ly seditiously sen-si-bi-li-ty sensibility se-pa-ra-ti-on separation sig-ni-fi-cant-ly significantly si-tu-a-ti-on situation spe-cu-la-ti-on speculation spi-ri-tu-al ly spiritually se-di-ti-ous-ly seditiously sub-stan-ti-al-ly substantially sub-sti-tu-ti-on substitution suf-fo-ca-ti-on suffocation suf-fi-ci-ent-ly sufficiently su-per-scrip-ti-on superscription su-per-sti-ti-on superstition sup-pli-ca-ti on supplication t t ta-ci-tur-ni-ty taciturnity tem-pe-stu-ous-ly tempestuously the-o-lo-gi-cal theological ti-til-la-ti-on titillation to-le-ra-ti-on toleration trans-for-ma-ti-on transformation trans-mi-gra-ti-on transmigration trans-mu-ta-ti-on transmutation trans-pi-ra-ti-on transpiration trans-plan-ta-ti-on transplantation trans-por-ta-ti-on transportation tre-pi-da-tion trepidation tri-bu-la-ti-on tribulation v v va-cil-la-ti-on vacillation va le-dic-ti-on valediction va-lu-a-ti-on valuation va-ri-a-ti on variation ve-gi-ta-ti-on vegitation ve-ne-ra-ti-on veneration vic-to-ri-ous ly victoriously vin-di-ca-ti on vindication vi-o-la-ti-on violation u-na-ni-mi-ty unanimity un cha-ri-ta-ble uncharitable un-cir-cum-ci-sed uncircumcised un-cir-cum-spect-ly uncircumspectly un-com-for-ta-ble uncomfortable un-com-mo-di-ous uncommodious un-com-poun-ded-ness uncompoundedness un-con-cei-va-ble unconceivable un con-que-ra-ble unconquerable un-con-se-quent-ly unconsequently un-con-ve-ni-ent unconvenient un-cor-po-re-al uncorporeal u-ni-for-mi-ty uniformity u-ni-ver-sal-ly universally u-ni-ver-si-ty university un-man-ner-li-ness unmannerliness un-mea-su-ra-ble unmeasurable un-mer-ci-ful-ly unmercifully un-na-tu-ral-ly unnaturally un-ne ces-sa-ry unnecessary un-pas-si-o nate unpassionate un-per-cei-va-ble unperceivable un-pow-er-ful ly unpowerfully un-pro-fi-ta-ble unprofitable un-pro-spe-rous-ly unprosperously un-rea-so-na-ble unreasonable un-re-com-pen-sed unrecompensed un-re-mit-ta-ble unremittable un-righ-te-ous-ly unrighteously un-re-tur-na-ble unreturnable un-sa-ti-a-ble unsatiable un suf-fe-ra-ble unsufferable un-sup-por-ta-ble unsupportable un-tem-pe-rate-ly untemperately un-trac-ta-ble-ness untractableness un-va-ri-a-ble unvariable un-wea-ri-a ble unweariable vo-lun-ta-ri-ly voluntarily vo-lup-tu-ous-ly voluptuously u-sur-pa-ti-on usurpation w w what-man-so-e-ver whatmansoever whi-ther-so-e-ver whithersoever chap. 17. containing words of six , seven and eight syllable● both whole and divided , wherein the foregoing rules are principally to be observed . a a a-bo-mi-na-ti-on abomination ac-ce-le-ra-ti-on acceleration ac-com-mo da-ti-on accomodation ac-cu-mu-la-ti on accumulation ac-cu-sto-ma-rily accustomarily ad-mi-ni-stra-ti-on administration ad-van-ta-gi-ous-ly advantagiously a-li-e-na-ti on alienation al-le-go-ri-cal-ly allegorically am-pli-fi-ca-ti-on amplification a-na-the-ma-ti-zed anathematized a-ni-mad-ver-si-on animadversion an-ni-hi-la-ti-on annihilation an-nun-ci-a-ti-on annunciation an-ni-ver-sa-ri-ly anniversarily a-po-sto-li-cal-ly apostolically a-rith-me-ti-cal-ly arithmetically a rith-me-ti-ci-an arithmetician a-stro-no-mi-cal-ly astronomically as-sas-si-na-ti-on assa ssination as-so-ci-a-ti-on association b b be-a-ti-fi-cal-ly beatifically be-ne-fi-ci-a-ry beneficiary be-ne-fi ci-al-ly beneficially c c ca-no-ni-za-ti-on canonization ca-pi-tu-la-ti-on capitulation ca-te-go-ri-cal-ly categorically cau-te-ri-za-ti-on cauterization ce-re-mo-ni-ous-ly ceremoniously cer-ti-fi-ca-ti-on certification cir-cum-lo-cu-ti-on circumlocution cir-cum-stan-ti-al-ly circumstantially cir-cum-vo-lu-ti-on circumvolution co-a-gu-la-ti-on coagulation co-es-sen-ti-al-ly coessentially com-me-mo-ra-ti-on commemoration co-mi se-ra-ti-on comiseration com-mu-ni-ca-ti-on communication com-pas-si-o-nate-ly compassionately com-pa-ti-bi-li-ty compatibility con-ca-ti-na-ti-on concatination con-fe-de-ra-ti on confederation con-gra-tu-la-ti-on congratulation con-si-de-ra-ti-on consideration con so-li-da-ti-on consolidation con-ta-mi-na-ti-on contamination con-tu-ma-ci-ous-ly contumaciously cor-ro-be-ra ti-on corroberation d d de-fa-ti-ga-ti-on defatigation de-bi li ta-ti on debilitation de ge-ne-ra-ti-on degeneration de-li-be-ra-ti-on deliberation de-no-mi-na-ti-on denomination de po-pu la-ti-on depopulation de-ter-mi-na-ti-on determination di-a-bo-li-cal-ly diabolically di la-ce-ra-ti-on dilaceration dis-ad van ta-gi ous-ly disadvantagiously dis-com-men-da-ti-on discommendation dis-con-ti-nu-a ti-on discontinuation dis-in-ge ni-ous-ly disingeniously dis-pro-por-ti-o-ned disproportioned dis si-mu-la-ti-on dissimulation e e ec-cle-si-a-sti-cal ecclesiastical ec cle-si-a-sti-cal-ly ecclesiastically e di-fi-ca-ti-on edification e-le-e-mo sy-na-ry eleemosynary e-nig-ma-ti-cal-ly enigmatically e-nu-cle-a-ti-on enucleation e-nu-me-ra-ti-on enumeration e qui-vo-ca-ti-on equivocation e-ra-di-ca-ti-on eradication e-va-cu-a-tion evacuation e-va-po-ra-ti-on evaporation ex-a-mi-na-ti-on examination ex-com-mu-ni-ca-ti-on excommunication ex-tra-or-di-na-ry extraordinary ex-tra-or-di-na-ri-ly extraordinarily ex-o-ne-ra-ti-on exoneration ex-ter-mi-na-ti-on extermination f f fa-mi-li-a-ri-ty familiarity for-ti-fi-ca-ti-on fortification fruc-ti-fi-ca-ti-on fructification g g gra-ti-fi-ca-ti-on gratification ge-ne-ra-lis-si-mo generalissimo ge-o-gra-phi-cal-ly geographically ge-o-me-tri-cal-ly geometrically glo-ri-fi-ca-ti-on glorification gra-ti-fi-ca-ti-on gratification h h hy-po-cri-ti-cal-ly hypocritically hu-mi-li-a-ti-on humiliation hy-po-chon-dri-a-cal hypochondriacal hy-po-chon-dri-a-cal-ly hypochondriacally hy-po-cri-ti-cal-ly hypocritically i i ig-no-mi-ni-ous-ly ignominiously il-le-gi-ti-mate-ly illegitimately il-le-gi-ti-ma-ti-on illegitimation il-lu-mi-na-ti-on illumination im-mo-de-ra-ti-on immoderation im-par-ti-a-li-ty impartiality im-pos-si-bi-li-ty impossibility im-pro-ba-bi-li-ty improbability im-pro-pri-a-ti-on impropriation in-au-gu-ra-ti-on inauguration in-com-men-su-ra-ble incommensurable in-com-men-su-ra-bi-li-ty incommensurability in-com-pas-si-o-nate incompassionate in-com-pas-si-o-nate-ly incompassionately in-com-mo-di-ous-ly incommodiously in-com-mu-ni-ca-ble incommunicable in-com-mu-ni-ca-bi-li-ty incommunicability in-com-pre-hen-si-bi-li-ty incomprehensibility in-com-pre-hen-si-ble incomprehensible in-com-pre-hen-si-ble-ness incomprehensibleness in-com-pa-ti-bi-li-ty incompatibility in-con-si-de-rate-ly inconsiderately in-con-si-de-rate-ness inconsiderateness in-con-ve-ni-ent-ly inconveniently in-con-ve-ni-en-cy inconveniency in-cor-rup-ti-bi-li-ty incorruptibility in-de-fa-ti-ga-ble indefatigable in-de-ter-mi-nate-ly indeterminately in-dis-po-si-ti-on indisposition in-di-vi-du-al-ly individually in-fal-li-bi-li-ty infallibility in-sa-ti-a-ble-ness insatiableness in-suf-fi-ci-en-cy insufficiency in-suf-fi-ci-ent-ly insufficiently in-ter-change-a-ble-ness interchangeableness in-ter-lo-cu-to-ry interlocutory in-ter-me-di-ate-ly intermediately in-ter-pel-la-ti-on interpellation in-ter-po-si-ti-on interposition in-ter-pre-ta-ti-on interpretation in-ter-ro-ga-to-ry interrogatory in-vi-o-la-ble-ness inviolableness ir-ra-di-a-ti-on irradiation ir-re-con-cile-a-ble irreconcileable ir-re-con-ci-li-a-ti-on irreconciliation ir-re-gu-la-ri-ty irregularity ir-re-pre-hen-si-ble irreprehensible ju-di-ci-a-ri-ly judiciarily l l le-gi-ti-ma-ti-on legitimation m m ma-the-ma-ti-cal-ly mathematically ma-the-ma-ti-ci-an mathematician me-di-ter-ra-ne-an mediterranean me-ri-di-o-nal-ly meridionally me-ta-pho-ri-cal-ly metaphorically mis-in-ter-pre-ta-ti-on misinterpretation mo-di-fi-ca-ti-on modification mol-li-fi-ca-ti-on mollification mor-ti-fi-ca-ti-on mortification mul-ti-pli-ca-ti-on multiplication mun-di-fi-ca-ti-on mundification n n na-tu-ra-li-za-ti-on naturalization ne-go-ti-a-ti-on negotiation no-ti-fi-ca-ti-on notification o o ob-li-te-ra-ti-on obliteration oc-ca-si-o-nal-ly occasionally o-pi-ni-o-na-tive-ly opinionatively p p pa-ci-fi-ca-ti-on pacification par-ci-mo-ni-ous-ly parcimoniously per-am-bu-la-ti-on perambulation pe-re-gri-na-ti-on peregrination per-pen-di-cu-lar-ly perpendicularly per-pe-tu-a-ti-on perpetuation phi-lo-so-phi-cal-ly philosophically pre-de-sti-na-ti-on predestination pre-ju-di-ca-ti-on prejudication pre-me-di-ta-ti-on premeditation pre-oc-cu-pa-ti-on preoccupation pro-ble-ma-ti-cal-ly problematically pro-cra-sti-na-ti-on procrastination prog-no-sti-ca-ti-on prognostication pro-nun-ci-a-ti-on pronunciation pro-pi-ti-a-ti-on propitiation pro-por-ti-o-na-bly proportionably pu-ri-fi-ca-ti-on purification pu-tri-fi-ca-ti-on putrification q q qua-dru-pli-ca-ti-on quadruplication qua-li-fi-ca-ti-on qualification r r ra-ti-fi-ca-ti-on ratification ra-ti-o-ci-na-ti-on ratiocination re-ca-pi-tu-la-ti-on recapitulation re-ci-pro-ca-ti-on reciprocation re-com-men-da-ti-on recommendation re-con-ci-li-a-ti-on reconciliation rec-ti-fi-ca-ti-on rectification re-fri-ge-ra-ti-on refrigeration re-ge-ne-ra-ti-on regeneration re-i-te-ra-ti-on reiteration re-mu-ne-ra-ti-on remuneration re-pre-sen-ta-ti-on representation re-ver-be-ra-ti-on reverberation s s sa-cri-fi-ca-to-ry sacrificatory sa-cri-le-gi-ous-ly sacrilegiously sanc-ti-fi-ca-ti-on sanctification sca-ri-fi-ca-ti-on scarification sig-ni-fi-ca-ti-on signification so-lem-ni-za-ti-on solemnization stu-pi-fi-ca-ti-on stupification sub-rep-ti-ti-ous-ly subreptitiously sub-si-di-a-ri-ly subsidiarily su-per-nu-me-ra-ry supernumerary su-per-e-ro-ga-ti-on supererogation su-per-fi-ci-al-ly superficially su-per-sti-ti-ous-ly superstitiously sur-rep-ti-ti-ous-ly surreptitiously t t ter-gi-ver-sa-ti-on tergiversation the-o-lo-gi-cal-ly theologically te-sti-fi-ca-ti-on testification trans-fi-gu-ra-ti-on transfiguration tran-sub-stan-ti-a-ti-on transubstantiation v v ve-ri-fi-ca-ti-on verification un-ac-com-pa-ni-a-ble unaccompaniable un-ac-cu-sto-med-ness unaccustomedness un-a-li-e-na-ble unalienable un-cir-cum-ci-si-on uncircumcision un-com-for-ta-ble-ness uncomfortableness un-com-mo-di-ous-ly uncommodiously un-com-mu-ni-ca-ble uncommunicable un-com-pa-ni-a-ble uncompaniable un-con-sci-o-na-ble unconscionable un-con-cei-va-ble-ness unconceivableness un-con-ta-mi-na-ted uncontaminated un-i-ma-gi-na-ble unimaginable u-ni-ver-sa-li-ty universality un-pas-si-o-nate-ly unpassionately un-pre-me-di-ta-ted unpremeditated un-pro-fi-ta-ble-ness unprofitableness un-que-sti-o-na-ble unquestionable un-rea-son-a-ble-ness unreasonableness un-re-me-di-a-ble unremediable un-sa-ti-a-ble-ness unsatiableness un-sea-son-a-ble-ness unseasonableness vo-ci-fe-ra-ti-on vociferation chap. 18. the learner being perfect in spelling the examples contained in the several tables of the foregoing chapters , let him now learn to read and say by heart the lords prayer , the creed , and the ten commandments , as follow . the lord's prayer . our father which art in heaven . hallowed be thy name . thy kingdom come . thy will be done on ●rth as it is in heaven . give us this day , our daily bread. and forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . and lead us not into temptation , but deliver us from evil. for thine is the kingdom , the power , and the glory for ever and ever . amen . the creed . i believe in god the father almighty , maker of heaven and faith : and in jesus christ his only son our lord , who was conceived by the holy ghost , born of the virgin mary 〈◊〉 under pontius pilate , was crucified , dead and buried he descended into hell ; the third day he rose again from the 〈◊〉 , he ascended into heaven , and sitteth on the right hand of god the father almighty ; from thence he shall come 〈◊〉 judge both the quick and the dead i believe in the holy ghost , the holy catholick church ; the communion of 〈◊〉 the forgiveness of sins : the resurrection of the body , and the life everlasting . amen . the ten commandments . god spake these words and said , i am the lord thy 〈◊〉 which brought thee out of the land of egypt , out of 〈◊〉 house of bondage . i. thou shalt have no other gods but me . ii. thou shalt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to thy self any graven image , nor the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above , or in the earth beneath , or in the waters under the earth ; thou shalt not bow down to them , nor worship them , for i the lord thy god am a jealous god , visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children , unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me , and shew mercy un●o thousands of them that love me , and keep my commandments iii. thou shalt not take the name of the lord thy god in vain , for the lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain . iv. remember that thou keep holy the sabbath day ; six days shalt thou labour , and do all that thou hast to do ; but the seventh day is the sabbath of the lord thy god ; in it thou shalt do no manner of work , thou , and thy son , and thy daughter , thy man-servant , and thy maid servant , thy cattel , and the stranger that is within thy gates . for in six days the lord made heaven and earth , the sea , and all that in them is , and rested the seventh day ; wherefore the lord blessed the seventh day and hallowed it . v. honour thy father and thy mother , that thy days may be long in the land which the lord thy god giveth thee . vi. thou shalt do no murther . vii . thou shalt not commit adultery . viii . thou shalt not steal . ix . thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour . x. thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his servant ; nor his maid , nor his ox , nor his ass , nor any thing that is his . chap. 19. prayers and graces fit for children to get by heart . a prayer for the morning . o most glorious lord god , in whom i live , move , and have my being , thou wast pleased to take me from the womb wherein i was conceived , and hast ever since preserved me to this very day ; ever blessed and praised be thy name , o god , for all thy mercies bestowed upon me ; for securing and preserving me from the perils 〈◊〉 dangers of the night past ; and suffering me to enjoy the glorious light of another day , protect me ( i beseech thee ) this day , and all the days of my life by thy holy spirit , from all sin and wickedness , and let me be so armed with faith in jesus christ , that i may powerfully resist the temptations of the world , the flesh , and the devil ; let thy blessing be upon my endeavours this day , that i may profit both in religion and learning , bless my parents , friends , and relations , and be a comfort to all in distress , and grant that when this mortal life shall have an end , i may joyfully hear my blessed saviour say , come ye blessed of my father , inherit the kingdom prepared for you . grant these my requests for jesus christ his sake , in whose name and words thou hast taught me to pray , saying ▪ our father which art in heaven , &c. a prayer for the evening . ever blessed and glorious lord god , i a poor sinner most humbly prostrate my self before the throne of thy divine majesty this evening , beseeching thee to pardon all my sins and iniquities , which are many and very great , preserve me , o god , from evil this night , watch over me , and bless me this night , let me lye down in thy fear , and rise in thy favour , bless my parents and friends that they may instruct me in thy truth , so that i may not be taken in the snares and temptations of satan ; these and whatever else i may stand in need of , i humbly beg for jesus christ his sake , in whose name and words thou hast taught me to pray , saying . our father , &c. a family prayer for the morning . o most merciful and glorious lord god , we bless and praise thy holy name for all the benefits of this life , and heartily thank thee for the comfortable rest which thou had been pleased to give us in the night past , for saving and defending us from all dangers of our enemies both ghostly and bodily , and that thou hast been graciously pleased to let us see the glorious light of another day , grant we beseech thee , that we may dedicate this , and all the rest of the days of our lives to thy service , and give us grace so to walk warily among the snares of our mortal enemies , the world , th● flesh , and the devil , that all our thoughts , words , an● deeds may redound to the honour and glory of thy hol● name , and the good and comfort of our precious and immortal souls ; and as thou hast been graciously pleased to preserve and keep us under thy mighty protection from the beginning of our lives unto this day , so we beseech thee to receive us this and all the remainder of our lives into thy tuition , ruling and governing of us by thy holy spirit , to the utter destruction of sin in us . we confess that we have every minute of our lives committed great and manifold sins against thy divine majesty , therefore we humbly beseech thee through jesus christ our saviour , and for his sake to forgive us , and let our consciences be certified of the remission and forgiveness thereof , by thy holy spirit . grant we beseech thee these our prayers , and whatsoever else we stand in need of either relating to this life , or the life to come , for jesus christ his sake , who hath taught us to pray , saying , our father , &c. a family prayer for the evening . o eternal and glorious lord god , we beseech thee look down from heaven thy dwelling place , upon us poor sinful creatures , dust and ashes , and visit us with thy mercy , grace , and salvation , we confess thy fatherly goodness towards us through the whole course and progress of our lives , and therefore we bless and praise thy holy name . we beseech thee , o lord , to continue thy mercies unto us , bless us in our down lying and in our up rising , let thy holy angels pitch their tents about us to save and deferd us this night and ever hereafter from all our enemies both ghostly and bodily , give our bodies rest and quietness , but let our souls be continually watching unto , and waiting , and thinking upon thee , and thy holy commandments , that whensoever our lord and saviour jesus christ shall come he may find us like wise virgins with oyl in our lamps , ready prepared to receive him ; bless us with the light of thy countenance in the joyful appearance of another day , that we being whole both in body and soul may rise again with thankful hearts unto thee our god , and diligently walk in our vocations to our own comfort , and the praise , and glory of thy most holy name , through jesus christ our lord and saviour , who hath taught us when we pray to ●y , our father , &c. grace before meat . most glorious lord god ▪ we beseech thee to look upon us with an eye 〈◊〉 , and forgive us all our sins , sanctifie these thy good creatures to our use , make them healthful for our nourishment , and us truly thankful to thee for these and all other thy mercies for jesus christ his sake , amen . grace after meat . the god of all majesty , power , and glory , who hath created , redeemed , and at this time plentifully fed us , his most holy name be blessed and praised both now and for evermore . amen . grace before meat . o eternal and glorious lord god , we beseech thee bless these thy good creatures which thou hast been pleased to provide for us , and help us by thine especial grace so to improve every mercy that we receive from thee , as that all may be to the praise and glory of thy holy name through jesus christ our lord. amen . grace after meat . most glorious lord god , we bless and praise thy holy name for all the mercies which thou hast been pleased to bestow upon us , especially for feeding our weak and frail bodies at this time with thy good creatures . lord teach us so to make use of thy mercies , that they may be to the eternal comfort and salvation of our souls , through jesus christ our lord and saviour . amen . god sa●e his church , the king and queen's majesties , and thi● realm , and send us peace through iesus christ. amen . chap. 20. directions for a childs behaviour at all times and places . first in the morning when thou dost awake to god for his grace thy petition make , some heavenly prayer use daily to sa● ▪ and the god of heaven will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and when ●ou hast prayed to god for his grace , observe these directions in every place . down from thy chamber when as thou shalt go , thy parents salute and the houshold also . thy hands see thou wash , thy head also comb , keep clean thy apparel both abroad and at home . this done , thy satchel , and thy books take , and unto the school see that thou haste make . in thy going to school . in going your way and passing the street , thy hat being off , salute those you meet . when unto the school that thou dost resort , thy master salute i do thee exhort : thy fellows also in token of love , lest of unkindness they do thee reprove . learn now in thy youth for it is too true , it will be too late when age doth ensue . if somewhat thou doubt , desire to be told , to learn is no shame , be thou never so old . and when from the school thou takest the way , make haste to thy home , and stay not to play . then entring the house in parents presence , them humbly salute with due reverence . at the table . when down to the table thy parents shall sit , be ready in place for purpose most fit . be meek in thy carriage , stare none in the face , first hold up thy hands , and then say thy grace . the grace being said if able thou be , to serve at the table it will become thee . if thou canst not wait presume in no case , but in sitting down to betters give place . then suffer each man first served to . be , for it is a point of great courtesie . thy tongue suffer not at table to walk , and do not of any thing jangle or talk ; for cato doth say that in old and young , the first step to vertue is bridling the tongue . in the church . vvhen unto the church thou shalt take the way ▪ kneeling or standing to god humbly pray . a heart that is contrite he will not despise , but doth account it a sweet sacrifice . unto him thy sins see that thou confess , for them asking pardon and forgiveness . then ask thou in faith not doubting to have , and thou shalt receive what e're thou dost crave . he is fuller of mercy than tongue can express , the author and giver of grace and goodness . thy self in the church most comely behave , sober in carriage , with countenance grave . the lord doth it call the house of prayer , and must not be used like market or fair. chap. 21. solomon's precepts . my son hear the instruction of thy father , and forsake not the law of thy mother , prov. ● . 8. my son for get not the law ; but let thine heart keep my commandments , prov. 3. 1. hear ye children the instruction of a ●er , and attend to know understanding , prov. 4. ● . hear o my son and receive my sayings : and the years of thy life shall be many , prov. ● . 10. hear me now therefore o ye children , and depart not from the words of my mouth , prov. ● 7. a wise son maketh a glad father ; but a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother , prov. 10. 1. a wise son heareth his fathers instruction , but a scorner heareth not rebuke , prov. 13. 1. he that spareth his rod hateth his son : but he that loveth him ●hasteneth him betimes , prov. 1. 2. a fool despiseth his fathers instruction , but he that regardeth reproof is prudent , prov. 15. a wise son maketh a glad father : but a foolish man despiseth his mother , prov. 1 ▪ 20. a wise servant shall have rule over a son that causeth shame ; and shall have part of the inheritance among the brethren , prov. 17. 2. a foolish son is a grief to his father , and bitterness to her that bare him , prov. ●7 . 25. a foolish son is the calamity of his father , prov. 19. 13. cease my son , to hear the instruction that causeth to err from the words of knowledge , prov. 1. 27. even a child is known by his doing , whether his work be pure , and whether it be right , prov. 20. 11. whoso curseth his father or his mother , his lamp shall be put out in obscur e darkness , prov. 20 ▪ 2. train up a child in the way he should go ; and when he is old , he will not depart from it , prov. 2. 6. withhold not correction from the child : for if thou beatest him with the rod he shall not die . thou shalt beat him with the rod , and shalt deliver his soul from hell , prov. 23. 13 , 14. hearken unto thy father that begat thee , and despise not thy mother when she is old , prov. 2. 22. thy father and thy mother shall be glad , and she that bare thee shall rejoice , prov. 23. 25. my son fear thou the lord and the king ; and meddle not with them that are given to change , prov ▪ 24. 21. the rod and reproof give wisdom , but a child left to himself , bringeth his mother to shame , prov. 29 ▪ 15. correct thy son and he shall give thee rest : yea he shall give delight unto thy soul , prov. 29. 17. the eye that mocketh at his father , and despiseth to obey his mother , the ravens of the valley shall pick it out , and the young eagles shall eat it , prov. 30. 17. better is a poor and wise child , than an old and foolish king , eccles. ● . 13. rejoice o young man , in thy youth , and let thy heart chear thee in the days of thy youth , and walk in the ways of thy heart , and in the sight of thine eyes : but know thou that for all these things , god will bring thee into iudgment , eccl. 11. 9. chap. 2. english proverbs alphabetically placed ▪ a a cat may look on a king. a fools bolt is soon shot . a friend is not known but in time of need . a good tale is spoil'd by ill telling . a good beginning makes a good ending . a groaning horse and a grunting wife never fail their master . a fool and his money is soon parted . after dinner sit a while , after supper walk a mile . a lark is better than a kite . after a storm cometh a calm . after meat comes mustard . a little pot is soon hot . a living dog is better than a dead lion. a long harvest of a little corn. a low hedge is easily leaped over . all is not gold that glisters . an hasty man never wants woe . all covet all lose . a proud horse that will not bear his own provender . a short horse is soon curried . a traveller may lye with authority . a wonder lasteth but nine days . all is well that ends well . an ill cook that cannot lick his own fingers . an inch breaks no square . as good play for nothing as work for nothing . ask my companion if i be a thief . as they brew so let them bake . b batchellors wives and maids children are well taught . be it better , be it worse , be rul'd by him that bears the purse . beggars must not he chusers . better be envied than pitied . better eye out than always ake . better fed than taught . better sit still than rise and fall . better half a loaf than no bread. better late than never . better leave than lack . better to bend than break . better unborn than untaught . between two stools the breech goes to the ground . birds of a feather flock together . blind men must not judge of colours . better at the end of a feast than the beginning of a fray . burnt child dreads the fire . buy not a pig in a poke ▪ c cat after kind . change of pasture makes fat calves . children and fools tell truth . christmas comes but once a year . curst cows have short horns . cut your coat according to your cloth. d dear bought and far fetched are good for ladies . dinner cannot be long where dainties want . do well , and have well . e enough is as good as a feast . ever drunk , ever a dry . even reckoning makes long friends . every cock will crow on his own dunghil . every one as he likes , quoth the man when he kist his cow. every man can rule a shrew but he that has her . every man for himself and god for us all . every little makes a mickle . f faint heart never won fair lady . fair and softly goes far . fast bind fast find . few words to the wise are sufficient . fine feathers make fine birds . first come first serv'd . fools have ●ortune . fools are pleased with fair words . foul water will quench fire as soon as fair . fore-warn'd fore-arm'd . g god never sends mouths but he sends meat . good wine needs no bush. good to have two strings to a bow. good to be merry and wise . great boast , small roast . great cry and little wool . h haste makes waste . he must needs go if the devil drives . he goes far that never turns . he that fears every grass must not piss in a meadow . he must needs swim that is held up by the chin. he that has an ill name is half hang'd . he that is born to be hang'd shall never be drown'd . he that killeth a man when he is drunk must be hang'd when he is sober . he that will not when he may , when he will he shall have nay . hold fast when vou have it . home is home though never so homely . hope well and have well . hot love is soon cold . how should the foal amble , when the horse and mare trot . hunger will break stone walls . hungry dogs will eat dirty puddings . i if every man would mend one , all would soon be mended . ill gotten goods never prosper . ill weeds grow apace . in space cometh grace . it is an ill bird that bewrayeth his own nest. it is an ill wind that bloweth no body profit . it is a good horse that never stumbles . it is better to kiss a knave than be troubled with him . it is good fishing in troubled waters . it is good to beware of other mens harms . it is good to be merry and wise . it is good sleeping in a whole skin . it is hard halting before a cripple . it is hard striving against the stream . it is better coming at the end of a feast than the beginning of a fray. it is merry in hall , when beards wag all . it is merry when knaves meet . it must needs be true that every man saith . ill news comes too soon . ioan is as good as my lady in the dark . k ka me and i will ka thee . kissing goes by favour . kill two birds with one stone . kind as a kite . l leave is light . learn to creep before you go . let him laugh that wins . light gains makes a heavy purse . like to like quoth the devil to the collier . little pot soon hot . look ere you leap. like master like man. look not too high left a chip fall in thine eye . love cometh in at the windows and goes out at the door . love is blind . love me little , and love me long . love me and love my dog. love will creep where it cannot go . m many hands make light work . many kinsfolk , few friends . many kiss the child , for the nurses sake . many stumble at a straw and leap over a block . might overcomes right . more afraid than hurt . money makes the mare to go . make hay while the sun shines . most haste the worst speed . n naught is never in danger . necessity has no law. need makes the old wife trot . never pleasure without repentance . no man loves his fetters though made of gold. no penny no pater noster . nothing has no savour . nothing venture nothing have . no longer pipe no longer dance . nothing so certain as death . new lords new laws . none so proud as an enricht beggar . no carrion will kill a crow . o. one scabby sheep will infect a whole flock . one swallow makes no summer . one bird in hand is worth two in the bush. one ill word begetteth another . one good turn deserves another . out of sight out of mind . out of gods blessing into the warm sun. out of debt out of danger . one may see day through a little hole . p penny wise pound foolish . poor and proud , fye , fye . pride will have a fall . pride goes before and shame comes after . proffered service stinks . prove thy friend before thou have need . put not a sword into a mad mans hand . q quality not quantity bears the bell. quick at meat quick at work. r riches have wings . reckon not without your host. rome was not built on a day . rob peter to pay paul. s. saying and doing are two things . seldom comes a better . seldom seen soon forgotten . self do self have . set a knave to catch a knave . shameful asking must have shameful nay . set a beggar on horseback and he will soon ride him out of breath . small pitchers have wide ears . soft fire makes sweet malt. something is better than nothing . soon gotten soon spent . soon hot soon cold . soon ripe soon rotten . spare to speak spare to speed . store is no sore . such a father such a son. strike while the iron is hot . sue a beggar and get a louse . such a carpenter such chips . sweet meat must have sour sauce . still sow eats all the draff . t tales of robin hood are fit for fools . teach your grandam to suck eggs. that which one will not another will. that the eye seeth not , the heart never grieveth at . the beggar may sing before the thief . the best is best cheap . the blind eat many a fly. the blind lead the blind , and both fall into the ditch . the cat would eat fish but dares not wet his feet . the crow thinks her own birds the fairest : tell truth and shame the devil . the more the merrier the fewer the better chear . the fox fa●es well when he is curst . the greatest talkers are the least doers . the highest tree has the greatest fall . the best may mend . the keys hang not all at one mans girdle . the longest east the shortest west . the longest day will have an end . the more knave the better luck . the masters eye makes the horse fat . the more haste the worst speed . the more you stir a turd the worse it will slink . the eye is bigger than the belly . the new broom sweeps clean . the nearer the church the farther from god. the old woman would not have looked in the oven for her daughter if she had not been there her self . the priest forgetteth that ever he was clark. the pitcher goes not so often to the well but it comes home broken at last . take pepper in the nose . the rouling stone gathers no moss . they that are bound must obey . the stable robs more than a thief . time and tide stays for no man. threatned folks live long . too much familiarity breeds contempt . the young cock croweth after the old one . there are more ways to the wood than one . there is difference between staring and stark mad . there is no fool like the old one . there is no smoke but some fire . the weakest goes to the wall. three may keep counsel if two be away . time past cannot be recalled . touch a gall'd horse on the back and he 'll wince ▪ tread on a worm and he 'll turn again . trim tram like master like man. two heads are better than one . two hungry meals make the third a glutton . v vertue never waxeth old . under the rose be it spoken . w we can have no more of a cat than her skin . what is gotten over the devils back is spent under his belly . when the fox preacheth beware of the geese . when the belly is full the bones would be at rest . what is bred in the bone will never out of the flesh. when the sky falls we shall catch larks . when the steed is stolen shut the stable door . were it not for hope the heart would break . when thy neighbours house is on fire take care of thine own . when thieves fall out true men hear of their goods . where nothing is to be had the king must lose his right . while the grass grows the steed starves . who is worse shod than the shoemakers wife . who so deaf as he that will not hear . who wait for dead mens shoes may go barefoot . wishers and woulders are no good housholders ▪ wit is never good till 't is bought . y you cannot hide an eel in a sack ▪ young saint old devil . you cannot fare well but you must cry roast-meat . you cannot see the wood for trees . you cannot eat your cake and have your cake . you must not look a given horse in the mouth . chap. 23. some few examples of gods punishment upon sinners for breach of the several commandments . our duty towards god , is to beli● in him , to fear him , and to love him with all our hearts , 〈◊〉 our minds , with all our souls , and with all our strength ; to worship him , and him only , to give him thanks , to put our whole tr●st in hi● , to call upon him , to honour his holy name and his word , and to serve him truely all the days of ●ur lives . therefore is atheism , the worshipping of false gods ▪ or the want of a true knowledge , faith , fear , and love of the true god a breach of this commandment . many examples we have in scripture of gods vengeance upon those who have worshipped strange gods. nadab and abihu the sons of aaron for offering strange fire before the lord in the wilderness , contrary to his express commandment , were miserably consumed by fire from heaven , lev. 10. 1 , 2. the children of israel being enticed by the moabites , to offer sacrifice to their gods , joined themselves to baal peor , and therefore the anger of the lord being kindled against them , their princes were hanged , and twenty four thousand men were slain , amongst whom were zimri and cosbi , numb 25. and many other examples of the like nature there are in scripture . pherecydes a philosopher boasted impudently amongst his scholars , of his prosperity , learning and wisdom , saying , that though he served not god , yet he led a more quiet and prosperous life than those that were addicted to religion , and therefore he passed not for any such vanity , but soon after his impiety was justly punished , for the lord struck ▪ him with such a strong disease , that out of his body issued such a slimy and filthy sweat , and ingendred such a number of lice and worms , that his bowels being consumed by them , he most miserably died. idolatry the breach of the second commandment . amongst the many examples we have in scripture of gods punishment upon sinners for idolatrous worship take these two , viz. about three thousand of the israelites were slain in the wilderness for making to themselves , and idolizing the golden calf which aaro● made , exod. 32. ahaziah the son of ahab king of israel for serving and worshipping of baalzebub the god of ekron was made an example of gods wrath , and died , according to the word of the lord by the prophet elijah , 2 kings 1. many other such examples there are in the books of the kings , and the chronicles . for as a king will not suffer another to bear the title in his realm , so god will not permit any other in the world to be honoured but himself only . per●ury the breach of the third commandment . the eternal god hath commanded that we should so bridle and govern our tongue , that whatsoever we speak may be to his honour and glory , and not that we should rashly bind our selves by his most holy name with oaths and execrations , or abuse him by any other imp●ous means in va● m●tters , for he hath threatned condign punishment to thos● that sh●ll so prophane his most holy name . the son of shelomith the israelitish woman , when he had blasphemed the name of the lord with oaths and curses , was by all the people , and by the immediate command of god stoned to death . whosoever curseth his god shall bear his sin , and he that blasphemeth the name of the lord ▪ he shall surely be put to death , and all the congregation shall certainly stone him ; as well the stranger , as he that is born in the land , when he blasphemeth the name of the lord , shall be put to death , levit. 24. see matth. 5. 33 , &c. a certain nobleman being at a market town at play , and having lost a great sum of money , in great passion commands his servant to get the horses ready in order to go out of town , in the mean time bel●hing out most horrible and abominable oaths , and execrations , his servant disswades him from going home , telling him that it would be dangerous travelling in the night , because of the uncouthness of the way , and the dangerous waters that they must pass by ; but he fell into a greater passion , swearing and cursing more and more , and commanded his servant to be obedient to what he said , the servant obeyeth , and having mounted their horses , they depart the ●own , being in all three of them ▪ they had not gone far , but a great company of horsemen being hellish apparitions , came to them , and making a most horrible noise seized upon the said nobleman in the middle of them , and flung him violently from his horse , being senseless , but there being with him ( besides his servant ) ▪ a young man of very great courage , relying upon god and the integrity of his own good conscience , run couragiously into the midst of this devilis● cavalry and rescued his lord , setting him again upon his horse , but having lost their way they wandred up and down all night , and still as they rode along they could hear the troublesome noise of these infernal troopers , but god preserved the said young man that they had no power to hurt him ▪ and in the morning they brought the nobleman to a monastery , where he languished three days and died . such is the end of those that prophane the holy name of god by horrible oaths and imprecations . there was a ten years truce concluded between ladislaus king of hungary , and amurath the emperor of the turks , which was confirmed by an oath between them ; but ladislaus having a fair opportunity , by the instigation of pope eugenius , breaks the league , thereby violating his oath , and raiseth a great army against amurath , and with very great speed marches through walachia , and bulgaria , to a town called varna where amurath met and engaged him , the battel was very fierce and doubtful , none perceiving for a great while which way it would incline ; at last amurath finding the battel like to go against him ▪ lift up his hands and eyes towards heaven , and said , behold o iesus christ ! these are the articles which thy christians have made with me , swearing by thy name to observe and keep them , and by this their perjury they deny thee to be their god , wherefore if thou art a god as they say thou art , revenge this injury done to me , and to thy holy name ; and immediately the scale turned , amurath gained the victory , ladislaus is slain , and with him eleven thousand christians . sabbath-breaking a breach of the fourth commandment . god has commanded to set apart a time for his more publick worship , though our whole life should be a serving of him , yet some time is requisite to be set apart , and observed , for an unanimous , solemn , and publick serving , and this time must be a set time , and a seventh part of our time , which we call the sabbath ; and god has threatned vengeance to those that by their impiety shall violate this his holy commandment . verily , saith the lord , my sabhath ye shall keep , for it is a sign between me and you throughout your generations , that you may know that i am the lord that sanctifieth you . ye shall keep the sabbath therefore ; for it is holy unto you , every one that defileth it shall be surely put to death , for whosoever doth any work therein , that soul shall be cut off from amongst his people , exod. 31. 13 , 14. a sad example of gods displeasure for the breach of this commandment we have in the fifteenth of numbers , where an 〈◊〉 being found gathering of sticks upon the sabbath day ▪ was by the immediate command of god stoned to death by the people . the history of the kings of iudah and israel contain many examples of the almighties punishment upon those who have not feared , to contemn his word , and to prophane his holy sabbath . and the histories of latter times are not wanting in their examples of gods punishment of sabbath-breakers . in the year of our salvation 1553. in a city in switzerland about three miles distant from lucerne , three gamesters playing at dice upon a bench in the fields near the walls of the city upon a sabbath day , whereof one when he had lost a considerable sum of money , while he was yet provoking the almighty with oaths and curses he chanced to have a fortunate throw according to his wish , and being thereat incouraged , he swore that if the dice run against him again he would fling or strike his dagger as far as he could into the very body of god. the dice fail him , and forthwith he draws his dagger , and taking it by the point he throws it with all his might towards heaven ; the dagger vanished in the air , and was never more seen , and five drops of blood fell upon the bench where they were playing , and immediately the devil seized upon him , and carried him away with that violence and noise that it affrighted the whole city into a tumult . the other two were extreamly affrighted , and endeavoured to wipe the blood from off the bench , but in vain , for the more they endeavoured to clean it , the more plain did the purple colour of the blood appear ; the whole city being filled with the noise of this wickedness , and every own crowds towards the place , where they find the two players that were left , endeavouring in vain to clean the bench of the said five drops of blood with water ; and being examined , the magistrates decree them to be immediately bound , and cast under the walls of the city , and as they were carrying them through the gate , one of them fell down , being deprived of strength , and such a company of worms and lice came from him , that they devoured him , and he died in that very place , a foul and miserable death ; which the people seeing , without any more ado immediately destroyed the other . that part of the bench whereon the blood sell , was cut off , and remains to this day a testimony and monument of this great and abominable 〈◊〉 . disobedience to parents a breach of the fifth commandment . this is the first commandment that hath a promise annexed to it , whereby the eternal god promiseth to those that are obedient thereunto benediction , prosperity , and long life . and the scripture is very plentiful of examples of gods punishments upon those that have been guilty of the breach thereof . ham the youngest son of noah , seeing his fathers nakedness when he was overcome with wine , called to his brethren that were without and told them thereof ▪ scoffing , and making a laughing-stock of his father , insulting over his vice and imbecility , for which he and his posterity were accursed , and became a servant of servants to his brethren , gen. 9. absalom being in rebellion against his father king david , and pursued by his fathers servants , was taken from his mule by the boughs of an oak under which he rode , and was hanged to death , 2 sam. 18. 9. a poor and ancient man being grievously oppressed with poverty , went to his son who was very opulent , and wealthy , praying him not to despise his poverty , but to relieve him in his great necessity , but the son thinking it would be a great disgrace to him , to have it publickly known that he was dedescended of such poor parentage , and therefore ordered his servants to give him harsh and threatning language , and set him gone , the poor old man departs grieving , and weeping extreamly at the unkindness , and undutifulness of his son. but behold the justice of god overtook him , for the old man was no sooner gone but his son fell mad , and so died . murder the breach of the sixth commandment . cain the first murderer that ever was , run headlong into extream desperation , having no certain place of abode , wandring up and down upon the earth , having his head and heart filled with fear and despair . and the lord said unto cain , what hast thou done ? the voice of thy brothers blood cryeth unto me from the ground , now therefore art thou cursed from the earth , which hath opened her mouth to r●ceive thy brothers blood , from thy hand . when thou tillest the ground it shall not henceforth vield unto thee her strength ; a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth , gen. 4. a bakers servant at v●enna in austria knowing his master to be very rich , having good store of money by him , left his service , not without a design to come another time and rob him , and a few days afterwards he breaks privily ( in the night time ) into the house , and finding that he had disturbed the man-servant , lays wait for him , and kills him , and after that the maid-servant likewise , and being now fully resolved to destroy all the family , enters with this bloody resolution into the bakers lodging chamber , and murdered him and his wife in their beds , and not being satisfied with the blood of these four , must needs murder a little girl which was their daughter , the child seeing his intentions , or at least fearing that he would serve her as he had her father and mother , cryed out , o paul , paul , save me , and i will give you all my play-things , but he would not hear the little child , but murdered it . and when he had done all this , he broke open the chest wherein the money was , took it out , and went away with his booty , and made his escape to ratisbon . the neighbours admiring to see the shop shut up all the next day , at last by authority broke open the doors , where they found the murdered bodies to their great horrour and amazement . the murderer was in a short time after taken at ratisbon , and brought from thence to vienna , where he took his tryal , and he confessed his charge , and was condemned to be hanged alive in chains , which was accordingly performed ; he said nothing troubled him more than the cries of the child , offering him her play-things to save her life , which he said , he continually heard , and could by no means put it out of his mind . the bloody and ▪ deceitful men shall not live out half their day● psal. 55. 23. adultery the breach of the seventh commandment . the punishment of david for his committing of adultery with bathsheba the wife of uriah , was very great , as also was his repentance , 2 sam. 1● . 12. the wife of a certain nobleman having more than ordinary familiarity with another besides her husband , her lord being absent , she having written two letters at one time , the one to her husband , and the other to her familiar friend , she chanced to superscribe them both wrong ; viz. that which was for her husband , to her sweet heart , and that which was for her sweet-heart she superscribed to her husband , by which he discovered her unfaithfulness to his bed , and went home and killed her with his own hand . an honest citizen of ulm in germany having a very lewd wife , had often admonished her to mend her sinful course of life , but in vain ; and at last being resolved to make a positive proof of her chastity ▪ he gave out that he would take a journey into the countrey for two days at least , and away he went in the morning , but returned at night , and ( undiscovered by his wife ) got into the house , and hid himself in some convenient place where he might easily perceive how passages were , and found the servants ( who were privy to their mistresses lewd course of life , ) making great preparations for a splendid entertainment , by and by in comes the adulterer , who was kindly received , and made very welcome ; the good man observing what passed , was highly provoked , but yet bore all very patiently ; soon after supper was ended they go to bed , which the good man perceiving , run in great passion from the place where he lay undiscovered , and first ki●ed the adulterer , and then his wife ; for this he was called to answer , but the magistrate thinking his provocation great , and revenge just , exempted him from punishment . marriage is honourable in all , and the bed undefiled ; but whoremongers and adulterers god will judge , heb. 13. 4. theft the breach of the eighth commandment . we have many examples both in sacred writ and other histories , of almighty gods high resentment of the breach of this commandment . but amongst them none more famous than that of achan the son of carmi , of the tribe of iudah , who was found guilty of the accursed thing , in privily stealing a babylonish garment , two hundred shekels of silver , and a wedge of gold of fifty shekels , and hid them in the earth in the midst of his tent , but the lord discovered his theft , and brought him to condign punishment , for he was stoned to death , and his sons , and his daughters , his oxen , and his asses , his sheep , his tent , and all that he had were burnt with fire , iosh. 7. it is recorded by martin luther , that a very wicked but young thief , was taken in the town of belkig in germany , where being tryed for his life , he was found guilty ; but in consideration of his youth , and in hopes , and by his promise , of a reformation for the future , he was pardoned and set at liberty ; but in a very little time he fell to his old trade of thieving and stealing , and professed himself an utter enemy to the said town of belkig , and set it on fire , and burnt several houses in it , at length he was taken again by the brandenburghers , and being asked how he durst be so wicked as to set fire to that town that had been so kind to him as to give him his life ? he answered , ( and no other answer could they get from him , but ) that he had there received an unjust sentence for his thievery , for they ought not to have let him go , but to have hang'd him . no less famous is gods vengeance upon urracha queen of spain , for her sacriledge , for being necessitated for money in her wars which she had with her son alphonsus , she went into the church of st. isidore , and commanded her souldiers to seize upon the riches thereof , but they being fearful to lay hands on the holy treasure , refused to obey her , wherefore she pulled it to pieces with her own hand , but behold the justice of god overtook her immediately , for as she was going out of the church she was struck dead in the very place . hell and destruction are never full , so the eyes of man are never satisfied . false-witness a breach of the ninth commandment . we have many examples of gods judgment upon sinners for the breach of this commandment ; one of thae most famous in holy writ is that of ahab and iezabel , for procuring false witness against naboth , and thereby taking away his life , on purpose that ahab might have his vineyard which he had long coveted , 1 kings 21. it is recorded in the chronicles of scotland how that one campbel a fryar by falsly accusing of one hamilton , caused him to be burnt to death , but hamilton being in the fire ready to be executed , cited or summoned the said fryar to appear ( betwixt that and such a day which he then named ) before the most high god , the righteous judge of all men , to answer to the innocency of his death , and whether his accusation were just or not ; now behold the just hand of god , for before the day nominated by the said hamilton came , the fryar died miserably without any remorse of conscience . these six things doth the lord hate ; yea seven are an abomination unto him : a proud look , a lying tongue , and hands that shed innocent blood , an heart that deviseth wicked imaginations , feet that be swift in running to mischief , a false witness that speaketh lies , and him that soweth discord among brethren , prov. 6. 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. covetousness a breach of the tenth commandment . the jews when they had forsaken the law of the lord , were miserably afflicted , for there were slain of iudah in one day , by pe●ah the son of ramaliah an hundred and twenty thousand ; and afterwards the children of israel took of their brethren of the house of iudah two hundred thousand women , sons and daughters , and a vast deal of treasure , and carried it to samaria , but they were severely reproved by the prophet obed , who denounced the heavy anger of the lord against them , and they returned their captives and prey into iudea . as you may see at large , 2 chron. 28. king zedekiah is reprehended as a violator of this commandment , for grievously oppressing his subjects , by building stately and magnificent structures , at the charge and labour of the poor ; as you may see in ierem. 22. the sons of samuel being covetously minded took bribes , and perverted judgment , which made the children of israel desirous to change their present government into a kingdom , 1 sam. 8. king ahab coveting naboth's vineyard , and being naboth would not sell it him because it was the inheritance of his fathers ; by the counsel , advice , or instigation of his wife iezabel witnesses are suborned falsly to accuse him , and naboth is stoned to death , so that now ahab may have the vineyard at his pleasure ; but behold the hand of god in revenging his covetousness and false accusation , fell upon all his posterity , 1 kings 21. w● to them that devise iniquity , and work evil upon their beds : when the morning is light they practise it , because it is in the power of their hands . and they covet fields , and take them by violence ; and houses , and take them away : so they oppress a man and his house evon a man and his heritage . therefore thus saith the lord , behold against this family do i devise an evil , from which ye shall not remove your necks , neither shall ye go haughtily : for this time is evil. chap. 24. the names and order of the books of the old and new testament , with the number of chapters contained in each of them . the books of the old testament . genesis hath chapters 50 exodus 40 leviticus 27 numbers 36 deuteronomy 34 ioshua 24 iudges 21 ruth 4 i samuel 31 ii samuel 24 i kings 22 ii kings 25 i chronicles 29 ii chronicles 36 ezra 10 nehemiah 13 esther 1 iob 42 psalms 150 proverbs 31 ecclesiasies 12 the song of solomon 8 isaiah 66 ieremiah 52 lamentations 5 ezekiel 48 daniel 12 hosea 14 ioel 3 amos 9 obàdiah 1 ionah 4 micah 7 nahum 3 habakkuk 3 zephaniah 3 haggai 2 zechariah 14 malachi 4 the books of the new testament . matthew hath chapters 28 mark 16 luke 24 iohu 21 the acts of the apostles 28 the epistle to the romans 16 i corinthians 16 ii corinthians 13 galatians 〈◊〉 ephesians 6 philippians 4 colossians 4 i thessalonians 5 ii thessalonians 3 i timothy 6 ii timothy 4 titus 3 philemon 1 to the hebrews 13 the epistle of iames 5 i peter 5 ii peter 3 i iohn 5 ii iohn 1 iii iohn 1 iude 1 revelations 22 chap. 25. the penmen of the holy scriptures . of the old testament . moses the son of amram , the son of levi , when he was full forty years old , was called of god to be the leader of the children of israel : he wrote the book of genesis , about eight hundred years after the flood : he spake by a large measure of gods spirit , of sundry things that were done two thousand four hundred and fourteen years before he was born : he also wrote the books of exodus , leviticus , num● and deuteronomy . ioshua and eleazer the high-priest , are supposed to have penned the book of ioshua , who governed israel victoriously seventeen years , and died in the hundred and tenth year of his age. samuel is supposed to have penned the books of iudges and ruth . the first and second books of samuel were written by samuel the seer . the first and second books of kings , were penned by nathan the prophet , ahiah the shilonite , iddo the seer , iehu the prophet , and semeia . the book of ezra , was written by ezra the priest. he also wrote the book of nehemiah , and therefore in the hebrew they are put both together . the book of esther was written by the chronicler of king ahasue●us , and it was taken out of the records of the medes and persians . iob was of kin to abraham , and out-lived moses , for he lived one hundred and forty years , after his temptation . but the penman of the book of iob is not exactly recorded . the psalms were penned by divers , as david , moses , asaph , and others , and they were collected by esdras . the proverbs , ecclesiastes , and solomons song , were written by solomon , after his conversion . isaiah the son of amos , prophesied in the days of uzziah , iotham , ahaz , hezekiah , and manasses . ieremiah the son of hilkiah the priest , prophesied in the days of iosias , iehojakim , and zedekiah . ezekiel was a priest in babilon five years of iehojakims captivity . daniel was a captive in babilon , and prophesied under nebuchadnezzar , evil meroduck , and belshazzer . hosea prophesied in the days of uzziah , iotham , ahaz , and hezekiah kings of iudah . joel prophesied in the days of uzziah , and ieroboam . amos was a poor simple shepherd , and prophesied at the same time with ioel. obadiah prophesied against edom , at that time the palace of the temple , and city was set on fire . ionah prophesied in the days of amaziah and ieroboam . micah prophesied in the days of ●otham , ahaz , and hezekiah kings of iudah . nahum prophesied in the days of hezekiah king of iudah , uzziah king of israel , and of salmanazer king of assyria . habakkuk prophesied about the same time . zephaniah prophesied in the days of iosiah the son of amon. haggai , zachariah , and malachi the prophets were appointed after the captivity to comfort the people , and wrote all about the same time . of the new testament . st. matthew wrote his gospel eight years after christs ascention . st. mark wrote ten years after christs ascention . st. luke wrote fifteen years after christs ascention . st. iohn wrote thirty two years after christs ascention . the acts of the apostles were written by st. luke . the epistle to the romans was written by st. paul , as also the two to the corinthians , and those to the galatians , ephesians , philippians , colossians , timothy , titus , philemon , and the hebrews , as the learned do generally allow . ●ames the son of alpheus , the brother of iude , called also the brother of our lord , wrote his epistle . st. peter one of the chief of the apostles wrote two epistles . st. iohn , the son of zebedee , beloved of christ , wrote three epistles , and the revelation . st. iude one of the apostles wrote his epistle . chap. 26. directions for true spelling and writing of english. all speech or language is composed of words , and every word is composed of syllables , except it be a monosyllable , and every syllable is composed of one or more letters . the letters are in number twenty four , as followeth , viz. a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u w x y z , to which may be added j and v which make up the number twenty six . these letters are divided into vowels and consonants . the vowels are a e i o u and y after a consonant . the consonants are b c d f g h k l m n p q r s t w x z and y when it comes before a vowel in the same syllable , as in youth , young , yonder , also j and v are consonants where-ever found . no syllable can be spelt without a vowel , and sometimes the vowels alone make a syllable , as a-gainst , e-ve-ry , i-vo-ry , o-ver , usury . and as no syllable can be without a vowel , so no syllable hath more than one vowel , as di-vi-si-on , except when two have one sound , which we call dipthongs , as au-tho-ri-ty , soon , pro-ceed , neu-ter . and e or es in the end of a word , which for distinction sake may aptly be called e final , as hence , since , con-fute , names , bones . or in compound words , as safe-guard , not sa-fe-guard , there-fore , not the-refore , &c. wherefore when any word is given to be divided into syllables , consider how many vowels and dipthongs are therein , so many syllables must there be , except as before excepted . and to divide your syllables exactly take the following rules . i. when two vowels come together in a word , being no diphthong , but having each his full sound , then must they in spelling be divided as mu-tu-al , tri-umph , tri-en-ni-al . ii. when a double consonant is in the middle of a word , then is it likewise in spelling to be divided , as war-rant , common ; spel-ling , ne-ces-sa-ry . iii. when a consonant is in the middle of a word between two vowels or dipthongs , then must that consonant be joined to the latter vowel or dipthong , as di-li-gent , re-ve-la-ti-on , de-li-ve-rance , sau-ci-ly , co-ve-tous . iv. when two or more consonants , being such as can begin a word follow a vowel , such consonants must generally be joined to the latter syllable , as mi-ni stra-ti-on , mi-ni ster , de-tract , de-spise , de-clare . see more examples of this rule in the 10th chapter . v. when two or more consonants being such as cannot begin a word , come between two vowels then must they be divided , one to the former , and the other to the latter vowel , as ab-sence , a●-ter , al-mond , con-tra-ry , con-strain , where note that when three or four consonants are in the middle of a word between two vowels , such of them as can begin a word must be joined to the latter syllable , as con-tra-ry , where you see ntr cannot begin a word , but tr may , wherefore is n joined to the first , and tr to the latter syllable . so in con strain , ●str cannot begin a word but str may , &c. from the foregoing general rules there are these following exceptions , viz. from the third rule there are two exceptions . 1. when x followeth a vowel it must be always joined with the vowel before it , as wax eth , fix-ed , ex am-ple , not wa-xeth , fi-xed , e xam p e , for the letter x hath the sound of two consonants , viz. c and s , which cannot begin a word , but if instead of x you would use c and s , then it would come under the fifth rule , as for wax-eth , wac-seth , &c. 2 when e is in the end of a word you ought not to stop at the vowel before it , as lame , not la-me , con-sume , not consu-me , &c. from the third and fourth rules are excepted all words that begin with these prepositions , viz. abs , ob , in , un , dis , mis , per , sub , and such as end with these terminations , ly , less , ness , ler , as ab-la-tive , ob-la-ti-on , in-a-bi-li-ty , in-au gu-rate , un-able , dis-a-ble , dis-trust , mis-place , mis-take , per am-bu-late , suborn , sub-lime , ug-ly , help-less , co ve-tous-ness , bab-ler . for these prepositions and terminations must have their full sound , and pronunciation . a syllable is either long or short . a syllable is said to be long when it is pronounced by a longer time than ordinary , and a syllable is said to be short , when it is pronounced by a short time . there are three things which make a syllable long , viz. 1. when e is placed at the end of a word , it always makes the last syllable long , as made , bare , cane , note , tune , whereas if the e were neglected , it would be sounded short , as mad , bar , &c. 2. secondly a dipthong maketh a syllable long , as train , cool , caul , feel , &c. where note that e ought never to be written at the end of a word if the last syllable have a diphthong in it , as con-strain , un seen , not con straine , unseene . except when s follows the diphthong , soft th , and c and g , as hoise , noise , seeth , voice , choice , siege . 3. thirdly , gh after a vowel in the end of a word makes the syllable long , as high , night , thigh , sight . there are likewise three things which make a syllable short . 1. first many consonants joined together , as first , durst , distrust , contemptible . 2. secondly , the doubling of a consonant , as pil-low , billow , stag-ger , stam-mer . 3. thirdly , when e is left out at the end of a word , as if from fare , bare , mate , you take away e the syllable will be short , as far , bar , mat , also bed , quit , knit , &c. words of one short syllable need never have the last consonant doubled , to shorten its sound , as met , trip , flip , at , top , gut , except in some few words where custom has prevailed to make a distinction from other words of the same sound but of different significations , as ann , cann , butt , inn , interr . chap. 27. some observations of the several letters of the alphabet . a a being placed before l and after a consonant , is sounded broad and long like the diphthong au , as call , shall , ball , bald , shalt , s●ald , malt , mall . therefore when the diphthong au is sounded before l , it is most commonly written with an a only , except in paul , brawl , caul , assault , fault , bawl . a is seldom or never sounded after e or o in the same syllable , that is in the improper diphthongs ea and oa , as goat , great , re peal , gr●an , except in heart , hear-ken , where the e loseth its sound , also the a is scarce sounded in mar-ri-age , car-ri-age , par-li a-ment , these words being sounded marridg , carridg , parliment . likewise in some words taken from the hebrew , where it is either placed before its self or before o , as in isaac , canaan , pharaoh , &c. which words are sounded isac , canan , pharo . b b loseth its sound when it happens in the end of a word after m , or before t , as in womb , climb , thumb , dumb , lamb , limb , doubt , doubtful , debt , subtil , &c. c c is sounded like k when it comes before a , o , and u , as camp , come , count , cool , cure , except in some words taken from the latin where e follows it , thereby making the latin diphthong ae or ae as caesar or caesar. and c being placed before e , i , and y , is sounded like s , as in place , ice , mice , city , certain , cypress , exceed . likewise when c comes before l or r , it is always sounded like k , as clout , cream , clear , croud . ch in words which are purely english hath a peculiar sound , whether placed before or after a vowel , first before a vowel , as child , chance , cheap , chuse , chosen , churl ; secondly after a vowel , as reach , teach , such , touch , preach , breech , rich , roch . but where you find ch , in some few words that are of an hebrew , or greek derivation , it is for the most part sounded like k , as christ , christopher , chorus , character , achan , lachish , malchus . and when s is written before it , as scheme , scholar , &c. except when a consonant follows c● , as in archbishop , archdeacon , &c. c when written between a vowel and k is not at all pronounced , as black , stick , sick , thick , beck , block , suck . also when sc comes before e or i , then c loseth its sound , as science , descent , conscience . but before a , o , or u , it keeps its sound , as scarce , score , fourscore , scul , scumin . and here note by the way that c is never placed between n and k , as thank , think , brink , not thanck , thinck , brinck , &c. d in all words where g follows d , there is d very scarcely if at all sounded , as badge , badger , bedge , bridge , dodge , budge . e when an e is found in the end of a pure english word it is very seldom sounded , only it serves either to prolong the syllable , as bare , care , fare spare , cure , cole , which without e would be short , as bar , car , far , spar , cur , col . also when s follows it in the end of a word it serves to prolong the last syllable , as sumes , consumes , names , robes . except me , ye , he , be , we , the. or when it follows c , or g , it serves to soften their pronunciation , as rage , race , stage , scarce . when it follows l , or r , it is to be sounded deeply as if it went rather before them , as cable , able , noble , candle , acre , tygre . e loseth its sound in george , tuesday , scrivener , beauty . also it is generally added for beauties sake in the end of words after o , and u , as roe , due . and here note that e must never be written at the end of a short syllable , as art , defend , convert , not arte , defende , converte . except in a few short syllables which are customarily written with an e after them , as come , some , done , gone , behove , shove , glove , live , love , give , above , move . also e must never be written at the end of a word after a double consonant , as bless , goodness , not blesse , goodnesse ; except when another syllable is thereby added to the word , as 〈◊〉 . likewise when a syllable is added to a word that endeth in 〈◊〉 , then shall e be left out , as grace , gracious , shame , shaming , blame , blaming . except the syllable added thereto beginneth with a consonant , for then must e be continued , as grace , graceful , not gracful , shame , shameful , not shamful . except also when ge , and ce , come before the termination able , as charge , chargeable , not chargable , peace , peaceable , not ●acable . except likewise words that are compounded of there , here , where , as therein , therefore , hereafter , heretofore , wherein , wherefore . e is commonly sounded in the end of such words as are derived from the greek or latin , as phebe , epitome , premunire , &c. also many english words that have the sound of e in the end thereof , are written with ey , as countrey , valley , barley , parsley . f is always sounded or pronounced alike . g g is never sounded when it precedes m or n in the same syllable , as phl●gm , sign , reign , design , sovereign , gnaw . g before e , i , and y , is commonly sounded soft , as ge-ne-ra-ti-on , gi-ant , gyp-sie , spun-gy . except give , gift , to-ge-ther , be-gin , gir-dle , gird , girl , girt , tar-get , gil-bert . g before a , 〈◊〉 , and u , or before its self or any consonant in the same syllable is always sounded , or pronounced hard , as gave , go-vern , gum , glass , grass , dig-geth , big-ness . when n goes before g , it is likewise pronounced hard , as ●ang , sing , ring , long , fin-ger , an-ger . except e follows g in the same syllable , as range , singe , &c. the sound of gh is various , as , 1. if it be in the beginning of a word is sounded like g hard , as ghost , ghostly , &c. 2. when gh is found in the end of many words it is pronounced like f , as laugh , enough , cough , tough , rough , hough , &c. 3. in some words it is not sounded at all , but only serves to make the syllable long , as through , dough , night , might , sight . 4. but when two syllables are parted according to rule between g , and h , then is g sounded hard , as hog-beard , &c. h h is generally defined to be no letter but only a note of ●spiration , or breathing . h in the beginning of words after g , or r , is not at all sounded , as ghost , ghostly , rheum , rhe-to-rick , rhe-nish , thomas , scholar , scheme . i i is not sounded many times when it follows u in the same syllable , as juice , fruit , bruit , suit , bruise , re-cruit . likewise its sound is neglected in the improper diphthong ei , either , neighbour , neither , &c. also in adieu , cousin , fashion . when i comes before r , it is commonly sounded like 〈◊〉 , as frst , thirst , irk-some , third , fir , bird , thir-ty sir , firm . except when it begins a word , as ir-ra-ti-o-nal , ir-re-ve-rent , &c. or when e follows it at the end of a word , as con-spire , de-sire , fire . k when c hard is pronounced hefore e , i , or n , that word must be written with k , as ken-nel , kill , know , knowledge , &c. but when c hard is sounded before a , o , and u , that word must be written with c , and not with k , as co-ver , can-dle , custome ; not kover , kandle , kustome . l l very often loseth its sound when it comes between a and f , and a and k , as calf , half , stalk , walk , balk . also it loseth its sound in balm , calm , salve , alms , sal-mon , fal-con , lin-coln , bris-tol , hol-born , folks . when a monosyllable ends with l , it is commonly doubled , as call , shall , bill , shell , well , will ; except a diphthong precede it , as boil , fail ; but if a consonant be added to the end , then it loseth an l , as shalt , wilt , &c. and if a word of more than one syllable ends with l , it must never be double , as gospel , not gospell , principal , not principall . m in what word soever m is found , it is never neglected , but always pronounced . n when n follows m at the end of a word it is seldom or never sounded , as condemn , contemn , solemn , autumn , hymn , limn ▪ o o is variously sounded , viz. sometimes short , as not , got , s●t ; and sometimes long , as know , tow , bestow , go , to● , wo , so , &c sometimes like u , as smother , brother . and in some words it is not sounded at all , as youth , courage , courtesie , double , trouble , dou●let , people . and many times it must be written before n in the end of 〈◊〉 word , when it is not pronounced , as apron , iron , &c. p ph whether it is in the beginning , middle , or end of a word , is sounded like f , as phi-lo so pher , phi lip , or-phan , tri-umph . except in some few words where the syllables are divided between p , and h , as shep-herd , up-hold , clap-ha● . when p comes between m and t in the end of a word , then p loseth its sound , as contempt , exempt ; also in symptom , redemption ; also in psalm , psaltery , &c. q q is never written without u , as queen , quill , que-sti-on , quar-rel . sometimes qu is sounded like k , as ob-lique , pub-lique , relique , ex-che-quer , liquor , &c. r r is always sounded , but never variously wheresoever it is found ; as fa-ther , ra-ther , &c. s the letter s is either long or short , which are always to be observed in their places , viz. long s must be always written in the beginning and the middle of words , as such , some , con-sume , con-spire . and short s or little s is always in the end of a word , as sins , sons , hands . also if there be a double ss , the last ought to be a short s , as assurance , sessions , good-ness . s is sometimes pronounced hard , and sometimes soft , hard , as con-se-quence , se-date , con-sume , and soft like z , as bars , sons , sins . in some words it is not sounded at all , as isle , viscount , island , which are to be read i le , vicount , iland . t ti before a vowel is generally sounded like si , as in redemption , nation , salvation , satiate , patience . except s , r , or n , go before it , as question , christian , combustion , courtier , voluntier , frontier , antioch . except also when a syllable beginning with a vowel is annexed to a word ending in ty , then shall ty be changed into ti keeping its sound , as mighty , mightier , lusty , lustier , 〈◊〉 , pitious , lofty , loftier . u u is sounded sometimes short , as full , dull , but , and sometimes long , as ru-ral , bu ri al , and sometimes it is sounded like w , as an-guish , lan-guish , lan-guage . when u comes between g and another vowel , it is seldom or never sounded , as plague , tongue , guide , guard , gui●t , catalogue , prologue , &c. note that u is never in the end of a word except e be after it , as ver-tue , is-sue , con-strue . w w after o , is not sounded , as in grow , sha dow , win-dow ; except in vow , bow , sow , cow , &c. also when w comes before r in the beginning of words , as wrath , wrought , wre-st●e , wretch , write , wran-gle , &c. x x is a letter compounded of c and s , and like them it is always sounded where-ever it is found , as wax , like wacs , ax , like acs , &c. y y before a vowel is a consonant , and is to be sounded , as yet , you , youth , yon-der , york . but when it follows a consonant then it is accounted a vowel , as migh-ty , lof-ty , beau-ty . z z is generally pronounced like soft s , as zeal , zi-on , a-zimuth , &c. j when j consonant comes before a vowel , as it always does , then it is pronounced like soft g when it comes before e , i , or y , as jea-lous , joy-ful , joy , judge , e-li-jah , &c. and wheresoever it is found it is to be so pronounced , and its shape as well as pronounciation differs from i vowel , being always writted thus j. v v consonant is always placed before a vowel , and hath a sound peculiar to its self , as in vertue , vile , vain , verily , vice , saviour ; likewise v consonant differs in shape from ● vowel , as well as in sound , it being always made thus v. concerning the diphthongs read the seventh chapter . chap. 28. of the use of great letters , commonly called capitals . the capitals in writing are of very great use , and are to be used according to the followng directions . i. all proper names , whether of men or women , as adam , iames , iohn , mary , and also the sirnames of men. likewise the proper names of countreys , cities , towns , arts , sciences , dignities , titles of honour , offices , days , months , winds , places , heathenish gods , and goddesses , ●ivers and islands . ii. every sentence beginning after a period is to be begin with a capital , and in poetry every verse or line must begin with a capital . also every book , chapter , verse , paragraph , and section . iii. when the words of another is quoted , they ought to begin with a great letter , as matth. 2. 8. and he sent them to bethlehem , and said , go and search diligently for the young child , &c. iv. the titles of books , as the holy bible , and many times very remarkable sentences are written with great letters , as rev. 17. 5. and upon her forehead was a name written , mystery , babilon the great , the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth . also the numeral letters are written with great letters , as the date of the present year is mdcxcii . chap. 29. of the points , or pauses , and marks . in reading or writing you are always to observe the points or stops , for they give great life , and light to the understanding in reading . and they be these which follow , viz. a comma marked thus ( , ) a semicolon thus ( ; ) a colon thus ( : ) a period or full stop thus ( . ) an interrogation noted thus ( ? ) and a note of exclamation or admiration noted thus ( ! ) and a parenthesis which is noted thus ( ) with two semicircles . a comma is a stop of the smallest time , and requires but very little breathing ; as for example , but ye are a chosen generation , a royal priesthood , an holy nation , a peculiar people , &c. a semicolon is of somewhat longer time than a comma ; as in this example , his very countenance begat in me a trembling ; his words were terrible as thunder ; his rage is sufficient to compleat my ruin . a colon is a middle pause between a comma and a period , and is generally in the middle of a sentence . example , if i hold my tongue , i can expect no relief : and if i speak , i fear i shall be rejected : unless by some powerful expressions , i can make her really sensible of what i truly feel . a period is the longest pause , or breathing time , and is always put at the end of a compleat sentence . example , eternity is an undeterminable circle , wherein the persons of all ages , shall be encompassed in endless weal or woe . an interrogation or interrogative point is always placed after a question . example , whither can i fly for redress ? or to whom shall i apply myself for relief ? a note of admiration is always put after a sentence wherein something is exclaimed against or admired at ; as , oh the vain pleasures of the world ! oh that ever man should be charged with the guilt of his own ruin ! a parenthesis is when a sentence is inserted in the middle of another sentence between two semicircles , which if wholly neglected or omitted , the sense would not be spoiled . as , i shall in a few words ( because many would be too tedious ) give you an information of the whole matter . here if these words because many would be too tedious , were left out , yet the sense would be perfect . there are also many other marks which you will meet with in reading , as sometimes when a vowel is left out in a word , you will find this mark over its place , viz. ( ' ) which is called ap●strophus , as th' intent for the intent , consum'd for consumed , i 'll for i will , &c. in compound words you shall find a short line made between them , which is called an hyphen , as self-denial , time-servers , will-worship ; and likewise when you have not room to write the whole word in the line , you ought to make the same mark at the end , to signifie the rest of the word to be in the other line . and you will find such marks as these in the bible and other books , viz. ( * ) ( † ) and ( ‖ ) which are called notes of reference , and do serve to refer or direct the readers to look for some proof , note , or observation , which you will find at the same mark in the margin . and sometimes the letters of the alphabet are inserted in a smaller character for the same purpose . when another author is quoted in his own words , commonly the beginning of each line of the same is distinguisht from the rest by a double comma reversed , thus ( " ) when in writing any word or sentence is forgotten , then must it be written over the line , and this mark ( ⁁ ) called a caret must be made under the line pointing between the words where the said word or sentence must come in . likewise at the beginning of a new head or section , there is by most authors set this mark § . an appendix to the english school-master compleated , containing the principles of arithmetick , with an account of coins , weights and measures , time , &c. copies of letters , and titles of honour , suitable for men of all degrees and qualities , bills of parcels ▪ bills of exchange , bills of debt , receipts , and several other rules and observations fi● for a youths accomplishment in the way of trade the principles of arithmetick . all number is expressed by nine figures and a cypher , which are thus charactered , viz. 1 one , 2 two , 3 three , 4 four , 5 five , 6 six , ● seven , 8 eight , 9 nine , 0 a cypher when any number is given whose value you would know , you are to consider that the first figure to the right hand signifies but its own single value , the second is ten times its value , as if it be 4 it signifies forty ; the third is an hundred times its own value , as if it be 4 it signifies four hundred , according to the following table . first place 1 units . second place 2 tens . third place 3 hundreds . fourth place 4 thousands . fifth place 5 x of thousands . sixth place 6 c of thousands . seventh place 7 millions . eighth place 8 x of millions . ninth place 9 c of millions . to value this or any other number , begin at the 1 saying , units , tens , hundreds , thousands , &c. but to read it you must begin at the 9 saying , nine hundred eighty seven millions , six hundred fifty four thousand , three hundred twenty one. in like manner this number , viz. 507 is five hundred and seven , and 3426 is three thousand four hundred twenty six . addition of integers . addition teacheth to add divers numbers together , and to bring them to one total sum. when two or more numbers are given to be added together you are to place them units under units , tens under tens , hundreds under hundreds , &c. then add up the first row in the place of units , and if they be under ten set down what they come to , but if it come to ten , or more than ten , or twenty , or thirty , &c. then set down the excess ; and for every ten carry an unite to the next row , and proceed in the same manner with every row till you come to the last , and whatever that comes to you must set it all down . example , let it be required to find the sum of 234 and 341 and 923 ; first i put them one under another as followeth . 234   341   923   1498 sum. then i begin at the units , saying 3 and 1 and 4 make 8 , which i put under the line , then to the next row , saying 2 and 4 and 3 make 9 , which i also set down under its row , then to the next row , saying 9 and 3 and 2 make 1● , which i set down , and the work is done , and i find the sum of these three numbers to be 1●9 . again let it be required to find the sum of 796 , ●87 , 479 , and 316 ; first i set them down in order , as you see in the margent . 796   587   479   316   2178 sum. then i begin with the row of units , and find it to come to 28 , wherefore i place the 8 under the line , and carry 2 to the next row for the two tens , and i find that row to come to 27 , wherefore i put the 7 under the line and carry 2 to the next row , then i add up the third row and find it to come to 21 , all which i set down because it is the last row , and so i find the sum of these 4 given numbers to be 2178. more examples for exercise follow . 6548 57432 4246 5807 3721 438 372 2134 4063 7962 486 369 792 431 592 481 413 876 34 234 576 43 7 75 16113 67182 5737 9100 addition of money . note that 4 farthings is one penny , 12 pence is on● shilling , and 20 shillings is a pound sterling , or english money . the character of pounds is l. of shillings is ● . of pence d. and of farthings q. when it is required to add pounds , shillings , pence and farthings together , you are to place them in rows one under another , viz pounds under pounds , shillings under shillings , pence under pence , and farthings under farthings , and under all draw a line . example , let it be required to add these two sums of money together , viz. 195 l. 17 s. 10 d. 3 q. and 86 l. 15 s. 09 d. 2 q. first i place the given sums one under the other and draw a line , as you see in the margent . l. s. d. q. 195 17. 10. 3. 86 15 09 2 2●2 13 08 1 then i begin with the farthings , saying 2 and 3 is 5 farthings , which is 1 peny and a farthing , wherefore i make a dot at the ● for the peny , and put the 1 farthing under the line , then i go to the row of pence , saying 1 that i carry and 9 is 10 and 10 is 20 pence , which is 1 shilling 8 pence , wherefore i put a dot at 10 for the shilling , and put the 8 pence under the line , and carry 1 for the dot to the shillings , and say 1 that i carry and 15 is 16 and 17 is 33 shillings , which is 1 pound 13 shillings , wherefore i make a dot at the 17 for the 1 pound , and put the 13 shillings under the line , then i proceed to add up the pounds , saying 1 that i carry and 6 is 7 , and 5 is 12 , wherefore i put down 2 and carry 1 to the next row , &c. so that i find the sum to be 282 l. 13 s. 08 d. 1 q. other examples for exercise follow . l. s. d. q. 374 17. 09. ● . 297 16. 10 3 3●2 14 1 1. 462 1● . 04. 2 695 12. 08 3. 83 11 10. 2 2257 12 07 1 l. s. d. q. 892 12 04 1 437 16. 10. 3. 198 09 11. 1 ●76 12. 07. 0 358 10. 09 3. 84 14 11. 2 2●18 17 06 2 the like is to be understood in all additions , whether of measure , weight , time , &c. observing how many of the lesser denominations go to make one of the greater . subtraction of integers . subtraction teacheth to take a lesser number from a greater , and gives the remainder or difference . example . let it be required to subtract 2234 from 4678 , here must i place the lesser number under the greater in such manner as if they were to be added together , and draw a line under them , as you see in the margent . 4678   2234   2444 rem . then i begin at the units , saying 4 out of 8 and there remains 4 , which i place under the line , and go to the next , saying 3 out of 7 and there rests 4 , which i also put under the line , and go to the next , saying 2 out of 6 and there rests 4 , which i also put under the line , and proceed to the next , saying 2 out of 4 and there remains 2 , which i put also under the line , and the work is done , and i find the remainder to be 2●44 . but if in the work of this nature , the undermost figure chance to be greater than that which you are to subtract it from , which is the uppermost , then must you borrow 10 and add to the uppermost , and subtract the undermost from their sum , but then for what you borrowed , you must remember to add 1 to the next lowermost figure , as in this example , let it be required to subtract 3578 from 8495 , first i place them as is before directed , and as you see in the margent with a line drawn under them , then i begin at the place of units , saying 8 from ● i cannot , wherefore i add 10 to the ● , and it makes 1● , wherefore i say 8 from 1● and there remains ● , which i put under the line , then i proceed to the next figure , saying ● that i borrowed and 7 is 8 out of 9 and there rests 1 which i put down , and proceed , saying 5 out of 4 i cannot , but 5 out of 14 and there remains 9 , which i put under the line , and proceed , saying 1 that i borrowed and 3 is 4 out of 8 and there remains 4 , which i put under the line in its place , and the work is done , and i find the remainder to be 49●7 . the like is to be understood of any other . 8495 3578 4917 examples for exercise follow . 4735 304● 9706 576418 918 5●8 3907 82443 3●17 2524 5799 49●975 subtraction of money . you must place the given numbers one under the other as you were directed in addition , but with this caution , in subtraction put always the lesser number undermost , and under all draw a little line , and begin your subtraction at the right hand , with the least denomination . but if the lower number of any denomination is greater than the uppermost , then borrow 1 of the next greater denomination , and from that subtract the lowermost , and what remains add to the uppermost , and set their sum under the line , and for that you borrowed add 1 to the next denomination , and proceed , &c. example . let it be required to subtract 346 l. 08 s. 07 d. 2 q. from 723 l. 4 s. 10 d. 1 q. first i set them down as you see in the margent , and begin at the farthings , saying 2 farthings from 1 i cannot , wherefore i borrow 1 peny of the next denomination which is 4 farthings , and say 2 from 4 and there remains 2 , which i add to the 1 farthing and they make 3 , wherefore i put 3 under the line in the place of farthings , then i proceed to the pence , saying 1 that i borrowed and 7 is 8 , from 10 and there remains 2 , which i put under the line , and proceed to the shillings , saying 8 from ● i cannot , wherefore i borrow 1 of the next denomination which is 20 shillings , and say 8 from 20 and there remains 12 , which being added to the uppermost figure 4 makes 16 , which i put under the line , and proceed , saying 1 that i carried and 6 is 7 , out of 3 i cannot , but 7 out of 13 and there remains 6 , &c. so when the work is finished i find the remainder to be 35 l. 16 s. 02 d 3 q. and the like is to be understood of any other . l. s. d. q. ●23 04 10 1 ▪ 36● 0● 07 2 35● ●6 ●2 3 examples for further exercise follow .   l. s. d. q. l. s. d. q. from 794 13 08 0 462 15 00 1 subtract 84 17 10 2 75 11 07 3 remains 709 15 09 2 387 ●3 04 2 if there be a sum of money lent , and part thereof received at several payments , and you would know how much remains unpaid ; add the several payments into one sum , which must be subtracted from the sum lent , and the remainder will give you what remains due . as in the following example .   l. s. d. q. borrowed 7.0 00 00 0   124 17 09. 2   48 16. 11. 0 paid at several times 34 0● . 09 ● .   68 14 10. 1   38 12. 05. 2.   97 09 08 2 paid in all 412 19 06 2 rests due 287 00 05 2 the like is to be understood of other denominations , as weight , measure , time , &c. i might proceed to the other rules of arithmetick , but that being more fit for a large volume than this small treatise , i shall therefore wave it , and content my self with giving you the several tables of coins , weights , measure , time , &c. a table of english coin. 4 farthings   a peny . 4 pence   a groat . 12 pence   a shilling . 2 shillings six pence   half a crown . 5 shillings make a crown . 6 shillings eight pence   a noble . 2 nobles or 13 s. 4 d.   a mark. 3 nobles or 20 shillings   a pound sterling . troy weight . the original weight used in england is deduced from : grain of wheat gathered out of the middle of the ear and well dried , and this weight is called a grain , from whence is deduced the following table . 2● grains   a peny weight . 20 peny weight make an ounce . 12 ounces   a pound . with the foregoing weights are weighed bread , gold , silver , jewels , and electuaries . apothecaries weights . the weights used by apothecaries are no other than troy weight , only the pound is otherwise subdivided , according to the following table . 20 grains   a scruple   ℈ 3 scruples make a dram thus marked ʒ 8 drams   an ounce   ℥ 12 ounces   a pound   lb averdupois weight . 16 drams   an ounce . 16 ounces   a pound . 28 pounds make a quarter of an hundred . 4 quarters   an 100 weight , consisting of 112 l. 20 hundred   a tun weight . by this weight is weighed all grocery wares , butter , cheese , flesh , wax , pitch , rosin , tallow , hemp , lead , iron , copper , tin , and all other commodities from whence there may issue a waste . all measure whether of longitude or capacity are deduced from a barley corn , whence comes the following table . of long measure . 3 barley-corns   an inch. 12 inches   a foot. ● foot   a yard . 3 foot 9 inches make an ell english. 6 foot   a fathom 5 yards and an half   a pole or perch . 〈◊〉 poles or perches   a furlong . 8 furlongs   an english mile . by the foregoing table you may understand that 5 yards and an half , which is 16 foot and an half make a pole or perch , from whence is deduced the following table . of land measure . 4● square perches or poles make a rood , or quarter of an acre . 4 roods   an acre of land. liquid measure , ( by which is sold beer , ale , and other liquors , ) i● by the statute in this manner setled , viz. the beer gallon to contain 282 cubick inches , each inch being a solid like a dye , each side of which is an inch in length , viz. its length , breadth and thickness an inch. and the gallon is customarily subdivided into pottles , quarts and pints , whence is deduced the following table . of liquid measure . 2 pints   a quart. 2 quarts   a pottle . 2 pottles   a gallon of 282 solid inches . 8 gallons make a firkin of ale , soap , herring ▪ 9 gallons   a firkin of beer . 10 gallons and an half   a firkin of salmon , or eels , 2 firkins   a kilderkin . 2 kilderkins   a barrel of beer or ale. but wine measure hath by the same statute 231 cubick inches to the gallon , which is likewise subdivided into pottles , quarts , and pints , as beer measure is , from whence cometh the following table . of wine measure . 2 pints   a quart. 2 quarts   a pottle . 2 pottles   a gal. of 23● solid inches ▪ 42 gallons make a tierce of wine . 63 gallons   a hogshead . 2 hogsheads or 3 tierces   a pipe or butt . 2 pipes , or butts , or 6 tierces   a tun of wine . wheat , barley , and other grain , salt , coals , sand , all dry goods , and such as have substance in them are measure ▪ by dry measure , the least of which is a pint , according to the following table . of dry measure . 2 pints   a quart. 2 quarts   a pottle . 2 pottles   a gall. 2 gallons   a peck . 4 pecks make a bushel land measure . 5 pecks   a bushel water measure . 8 bushels   a quarter 4 quarters   a chaldron . 5 quarters   a weigh . of time. the original measure of time is a year , which is the time where in the sun performs his natural motion or course , through the ecliptick , beginning at aries , and so going through the 12 signs of the zodiack , till he return again to the first scruple of aries , which he performs in 365 days , and almost 6 hours , and the 6 hours are reckoned only every fourth year , and then there is a day extraordinary added to the year making in all 366 days , which day is added to february , and that year is called leap-year ; and according to the foresaid measure is the year divided and subdivided , as in the following table of time. 60 seconds   a minute . 60 minutes   an hour . 24 hours   a day natural . 7 days make a week . 4 weeks   a month. 13 months , 1 day and 6 hours   a year . but the year is most commonly divided into 12 unequal calendar months , whose names and the number of days contained in each take as followeth .   days ianuary 31 february 28 march 31 april 30 may 31 iune 30 iuly 31 august 31 september 30 october 31 november 30 december 31 but they are more briefly sum'd up for the memory in the four following old verses . thirty days hath september , april , iune , and november , but february ▪ hath twenty eight alone , and all the rest have thirty one . titles of honour for superscription , or appellations in letters . to the king , sir , or may it please your majesty , sacred sir , dread sovereign . to the queen , madam , or may it please your majesty . to the princess , madam , or may it please your royal highness . to a duke , my lord , or may it please your grace . to a dutchess , madam , or may it please your grace . to a marquess , my lord , or may it please your lordship . to a marchioness , madam , or may it please your ladiship . to an earl , my lord , or right honourable . to a countess , madam , or right honourable . the same to a viscount , or viscountess . to a baron . my lord , or may it please your lordship . to a baroness , madam , or may it please your ladiship . to all ladies and gentlewomen indifferently , madam . to a baronet , or knight , sir , or right worshipful . to an esquire , may it please your worship . to a gentleman , sir , or much honoured . to the ●lergy , reverend sir , the archbishop of canterbury ▪ having the stile of grace , and the other bishops the stile of right reverend . several examples of letters , bills of exchange , bills , of parcels , receipts , &c. a letter from a youth at the writing school in london , to his father in the country . honoured father , london , march 11. 1692. my humble duty presented to you , and to my mother , and i return you hearty thanks for all your kindnesses shewed to me ; i make bold to present you with these few lines , being the first fruits of my endeavours in this kind , and i hope you will please to pardon the imperfections of my performance , and i doubt not but in a short time to ●e so well accomplished as to give you a better account of the expence of your money , and my own time , wherefore at present let me crave your acceptance of this from . to his honoured father mr. gardner at southampton . these your dutiful son thomas gardner . a letter from one lately gone from school to his school-fellow there . loving school-fellow , london , may 12. 1692. i return you many thanks for all the kindnesses which you have been pleased formerly to shew me , and i now heartily wish when too lat● , that while i had the opportunity which you now enjoy , i had made a better improvement of those precious moments , which i then too much slighted and neglected , therefore i advise you as a friend , to beware of that harm which i am now too sensible of , and know that the greatest time you can spend in learning will be too little to gain perfection in those most exquisite arts which you are now labouring after ; your parents are in health , as are all other friends who desire to be remembred to you , i pray as you proceed let me have now and then a line or two from you , and you will much oblige to his loving friend mr. thomas swingler . these your loving school fellow iohn clark. a letter from a young man newly out of his apprenticeship , to his friend for correspondence . respected sir , london , may 10th . 1692. i have now finished my seven years apprenticeship , and am by the assistance of god and my friends , just entring into the world for an imployment , and being conscious to my self that my trade depends upon acquaintance , makes me thus bold to renew our former intimacy ; sir , if it lyes in your power to be serviceable to me in the way of my trade , either by your self or other friends , i shall not only thankfully acknowledge your kindness , but to the uttermost of my power approve my self as i am , to mr. lucas at lambeth . these your friend and servant iames dendy . a letter from a shopkeeper to another for goods which he wanteth . sir , whitchurch , march 12. 1692. i am credibly informed by a friend , both of yours and mine , that you are very well provided and stockt with sundry parcels of wares , such as i have at present some occasion for , wherefore i am willing to essay a trade with you , and would pray you for the present to send me about ten pounds worth for a sample , and if i find they are for my turn , i shall immediately give you order for forty or fifty pounds worth more , send them , and the lowest price of them by the first opportunity , and i shall be punctual in making payment according to order , in the mean time i remain to mr. sherbrook in london . these . yours to command tho. wickstead . the answer . sir , london , march 20. 1692. yours of the 12th inst●nt i received , and according to your order have sent you ( by john jones the carrier ) a parcel of goods , which come to 10 l. 7 s. 6 d. the particulars whereof , together with their prizes are inserted in a bill of parcels herein inclosed , for the payment whereof , i shall give d● order in my next , in the mean time i hope they will prove to your satisfaction , and be the foundation of a further acquaintance and dealing with you , and assur● your self , that whatsoever you shall intrust to my charge shall be performed and managed with the greatest candour and fidelity imaginable , and if there happen any miscarriage in packing or ordering of wares before they come to your hands , upon notice given thereof it shall be amended or allowed for , to your own content , in the mean time i take leave , and subscribe my self to mr. tho. wickstead at whitchurch these . your friend and servant tho. sherbroo● ▪ a servants letter to his master . sir , taunton , april 4th 1692 yours of the 28th past i received , and shall be as careful in the management of your affairs as if they were immediately my ow● concerns , my diligence shall always supply your room in your absence i have discoursed mr. gilbert concerning your affair , and he seem very inclinable to have an accommodation therein , and intends speedily to write to you himself concerning it ; as for those goods which 〈◊〉 ordered me to send you , i find them not for your turn ; but mr. burgi● has some excellent perpetuana's , which if you approve of , i shall send you by the first opportunity after order ; i have inclosed som● samples with their prices : thus with my humble service to yourself , &c. i remain your faithful servant to my power iohn patteso● forms of bills of exchange . a copy of an inland bill . london , march 14th . 1692. at 10 days sight of this my only bill of exchange , pay to mr. john brewer of salop , or his order , the sum of fifty pounds , currant money , for the value received here of joseph pebworth , make good payment , and place it to the accompt of to mr. william compton of salop this. your obliged friend william costin ▪ when the bill is accepted , and day of payment cometh , the receiver gives a discharge for the same on the out side of the bill , as followeth . march 27 ▪ 16. 2. received then the full contents of the within written bill of exchange ; i say received by me john brewer . a copy of an out-land bill , the first . london , march 14 , 1692. for 3● l. sterling , at 3● shillings 8 d. flemish . at double usance , pay this my first bill of exchange unto hendrick coopman , or order , three hundred pound sterling , at thirty four shillings eight pe●ce flemish per l. sterling , for the value of john pennington , and place it to the account , as per advice from yours iames goodman . to mr. tho. corbet merchant in amsterdam . a copy of the second out-land bill . london , march 14. 1692. for 300 l. sterling , at 34 shillings 8 pence flemish . at double usance pay this my second bill of exchange , my first not paid , unto hendrick coopman , or order , three hundred pounds sterling , at thirty four shillings eight pence flemish per l. sterling , for the value of john pennington , and place it to account , as per advice from yours iames goodman . for mr. tho. corbet merchant in amsterdam . a copy of the third bill of exchange . london , march 14. 1692. for 300 l. sterling , at 34 shillings 8 pence flemish . at double usance pay this my third bill of exchange , my first and second not being paid , unto hendrick coopman , or order , three hundred pounds sterling , at thirty four shillings eight pence flemish per l. sterling , for the value of john pennington , and place it to the account , as per advice from yours iames goodman . for mr. tho. corbett merchant in amsterdam . it is customary with merchants and others , when they have sold goods to the shop-keeper upon delivery thereof to give in a bill of parcels , the form whereof take as followeth . a bill of parcels . sold may 14. 1692. to tho. gardner per john burgis , viz.   l. s. d. 164 ells of holland cloth at 4 s. 4 d. 35 09 08 236 pieces of fine lawns at 11 s. 6 d. 135 1● 00 286 ells of green bays at 2 s. 4 d. 33 07 04 41● ells of linnen cloth at 2 s. 9 d. 57 04 0● 518 ells of dyed canvas at 1 s. 4 d. 34 10 08 358 pieces of dyed fus●ians at 18 s. 6 d. 331 03 00 290 pieces of white ditto at 17 s. 246 10 00 total sum 873 18 08 a shop-keepers bill sold to robert carpenter of horsham .   l. s. d ▪ march 27. 2 barrels of raisons 06 06 08 april 10. a box of cinamon 07 09 0● may 8. 120 l. of pepper at 2 s. 12 00 00 20. 144 l. of tobacco at 20 d. 12 00 00 iune 12. a box of sugar candy 64 l. 3 07 06 30. a box of fine sugar 240 l. at 6 d. 6 00 00 total sum 47 03 04 workmens bills . when any bill is paid it is customary to give a receipt for the same on the back-side of the bill , viz. july 20. 1692. received the full contents of the within written bill , per me l. s. d. 47 03 04 john burgis . a carpenters bill . mr. thompson his bill for work and materials .   l. s. d. for 20 load of oak at 44 s. per load 44 00 00 for 30 load of firr at 36 s per load 54 00 00 for 360 foot of oak plank at 3 d. 04 10 00 for 20 thousand 10 d. nails at 6 s. the thous . 06 00 00 for ●5 thousand 6 d. nails at 4 s. 4 d. per thous . 0● 08 04 for 9 thousand of double tens at 10 s. 04 10 00 for 40 l. of large spikes at 4 d. per l. 00 13 04 for 10●0 of deals at 6 l. 10 s. per hundred 65 00 00 for 94 days work for my self at 3 s. ●4 02 00 for 116 days work for my man at 2 s. 6 d. 14 10 00 for 64 days for another servant at 2 s. 6 d. 08 00 00 total sum 220 13 08 a bricklayers bill . mr. johnson his bill for work and materials .   l. s. d. for 8 thousand bricks at 13 s. a thousand 05 04 00 for 10 thousand of tyles at 17 s. a thousand 06 10 00 for 4 thousand of pan tyles at 20 s. a thous . 04 00 00 for 800 of 10 inch tyles at 12 s. a hundred 04 16 00 for 160 ridg tyles at 2 d. per tyle 01 06 08 for 18 hundred of lime at 14 s. 6 d. 13 01 00 for 14 load of sand at 4 s. 10 d. 03 07 08 for 28 days for my self at 3 s. 04 04 00 for 34 days for my man at 2 s. 6 d. 04 0● 00 for a labourer 30 days at 20 d. 02 10 00 total sum 49 04 04 a receipt in part of a bill . received the 17th of march 1692. in part of the within written bill the sum of twenty nine pounds four shillings and four pence ; i say received l. s. d. 29 04 0● per me jeremiah platton a receipt in part for rent . received july 26. 1692. of james thompson the sum of four pounds ten shillings in part of a quarters rent for his dwelling house due at midsummer last , i say received l. s. d ▪ 04 10 0● per me theophilus johnson an acq●ittance from one that receives rent by vertue of an order from the landlord . received the 14th of april 1692. of richard powel the sum of eight pounds five shillings for a quarters rent for his dwelling house , due at lady-day last , isa● received for the use and by the special order and appointment of my master , john robinson esq. l. s. d ▪ 03 05 0● per me stephen steward . a copy of a full discharge . received the ●th of december 1692. of mr. james farringdon the sum of twenty six pounds , fourteen shillings , and ten pence , being so much due upon accompt , and is in full of all reckonings , dues , debts , accompts , claims and demands what soever , to the day of the date hereof , i say received l. s. 〈◊〉 26 14 1● per me thomas trumplin . or thus . may 18th 1692. received then of henry halfgood the sum of thirty four pounds , seven shillings , and six ●ence , being for goods sold him at sundry times , and is in full of all accompts , reckonings , bonds , bills , debts , dues , claims , and demands whatsoever to the day of the date hereof , i say received l. s. d ▪ 34 07 06 per me thomas mercer . a copy of a general release . know all men by these presents , that i ionathan webster of bridgnorth in the county of salop , mercer , have remised , released , and for ever quit claim , and by these presents do , for me , my heirs , executors , and administrators , remise , release , and for ever absolutely quit claim unto ionathan hawley of claverley in the county aforesaid , shoemaker , his heirs , executors and administrators , all , and all manner of actions , suits , bills , bonds , writings obligatory , debts , dues , duties , accompts , sum , and sums of money , judgments , executions , extents , quarrels , controversies , trespasses , damages , and demands whatsoever both in law and equity , or otherwise howsoever which against the said ionathan hawley i ever had , now have , or which i , my heirs , executors , or administrators shall , or may have , claim , challenge , or demand , for , or by reason of any matter , cause , or thing whatsoever , from the beginning of the world unto the day of the date of these presents . in witness whereof i have here unto set my hand and seal this twentieth day of iune , anno domini 1692. ionathan webster . sealed and delivered in the presence of simon howland , john thornton . a short bill of debt . received and borrowed the 24th of iune 1692. of mr. edward eveling the sum of twenty pounds of lawful money of england , which i promise to pay upon demand . witness my hand and seal the day and year above written . iohn iones teste george lovelace . another of the same . know all men by these presents that i nehemiah nonesuch of kingston in the county of surry , taylor , do owe , and am firmly indebted to nathaniel nameless of london , mercer , in the sum of forty pounds , of lawful money of england ; all which i promise to pay to him or his order on the twenty fourth day of august next ensuing the date hereof ; in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and seal this seventeenth day of may , anno domini 1692. sealed and delivered in the presence of james careless , john hunt. nehemiah non such . a bill of debt with a penalty . know all men by these presents that i nehemiah nonesuch of kingston in the county of surry , taylor , do owe , and am firmly indebted to nathanael nameless citizen and mercer of london in the sum of forty pounds of lawful money of england ; all which i promise to pay to him or his order on the twenty fourth day of august next ensuing the date hereof ; and that the same may be well and truly paid , i bind me , my heirs , executors , and administrators , in the penal sum of eighty pounds of the like lawful money of england . in witness whereof i have hereunto set my hand and seal this seventeenth day of may , anno domini 1692. sealed and delivered in the presence of james careless , john hunt. nehemiah nonesuch . a bond for the same sum in english. know all men by these presents that i nehemiah nonesuch of kingston in the count● of surry , taylor , am holden , and firmly do stand bound unto nathanael nameless citizen and mercer of london , in the sum of eighty pounds of good and lawful money of england , to be paid unto the said nathanael nameless , or to his certain attorney , his heirs , executors , administrators , or assigns . to the which payment well and truly to be made i bind my self , my heirs , executors and administrator● firmly by these presents . sealed with my seal , dated the seventeenth day of may in the fourth year of the reign of our sovereign lord and lady william and mary , by the grace of god of england , scotland , france , and ireland king and queen , defenders of the faith , &c. annoque domini 1692. the condition of this obligation is such , that if the above-bounden nehemiah nonesuch , his heirs , executors , or administrators , or any of them do well and truly pay , or cause to be paid unto the above-named nathanael nameless , his heirs , executors , administrators , or assigns , the just sum of forty pounds of like lawful money of england upon or before the four and twentieth day of august next ensuing the date hereof , without fraud or further delay , that then this present obligation to be void and of none effect , but otherwise to be and remain in full power , force and vertue . sealed and delivered in the presenc● of james careless , john hunt. nehemiah nonesuch . o a table of some words as are alike in sound but different in signification . a abel , adams son. a bell , that rings . able , sufficient . accidence , introduction to grammar . accidents , chances . accompt , reckoning . account , esteem . aims , he levels at . alms , given to the poor . ale , drink made of malt. ail , as what ails you . b bail , surety . 〈◊〉 bale , a pack . bair , cloth so called . bayes , of the bay-tree . bacon , swines flesh . beacon , on a hill. beckon , to nod at one . ●all , to play with . ●aal , an idol . ●awl , to make a noise . c ●all , to name , or call any one . ●aul , that covers the bowels . ●aul , for the head. ●arrier , one that carries . ●ariere , full speed . ●ease , to leave off . ●eize , to lay hold on . ●ize , bigness , or to gild with . ●hair , to sit in . d dam , to stop water . damn , to condemn . dame , a mistress . dear , beloved , of great price . deer , venison . defer , to put off . differ , to vary . e ear , that you hear with . year , twelve months . e●re , before . farly , betimes . yearly , year by year . earn , to deserve . yearn , to compassionate : yarn , woollen thread . f fain , to have a mind to . feign , to counterfeit . fair , beautiful . fare , to feed . fear , trouble . felon , a thief . fellon , a sore on the finger . g garden , where herbs grow . guardian , a trustee . gentle , mild . gentile , like a gentleman . gentiles , heathens . gentles , maggots . grass , that groweth . grase , to eat grass . h hair , on the head. hare , a wild beast . are , as we are , ye are . air , the element so called . heir , to an estate . i idle , lazy . idol , a false god. imply , to signifie . imploy , business . incite , to stir up . infight , understanding . k keel , the bottom of a ship. kill , to bereave of life . kiln , to put fire under . kin , related . ken , within sight . keen , sharp . l latine , speech . latten , tin. lines , in writing . loins , part of the body . league , a covenant . leg , that you stand on . m male , the he creature . mail , a coat of mail. major , a field officer . mayor , of a city , or town . manure , to till ground . mannour , a lordship , n naught , bad , nought , nothing . neather , lower . neither , none of them . o oar , to row with . ore , unrefined metal . our , belonging to us . ●our , of time . p pail , a vessel . pale , colour , or wa● . pale , bounds . pare , to cut off . pair , a couple . q queen , the kings wife . quean , a base woman . quarry , of glass . query , a question . quench , to put out fire , or thirst quince , a fruit so called . r rase , to demolish , blot out . race , strife in running . raise , to lift up . rays , of the sun. rake , to scrape together . wrack , ruin . s sale , to be sold. sail , of a ship. salve , for wounds . save , to preserve or defend . same , the same thing . psalm , a spiritual song . t tail of a beast . tale of robin hood . time of the day . thyme , the herb so called . tears of the eyes . tares , a sort of grain . v vacation , time of leisure . vocation , employment . vain , to no end . vane on the main top-mast . w walls of a garrison . wales of a ship. wait , to attend . weight , heavy . usual christian names of men with their original significations . a aaron , a teacher . adam , man earthly . alexander , helper of man. ambrose , divine , immortal . andrew , manly . anthony , flourishing . arthur , a bear. augustine , majestical . b barnabas , son of comfort . bartholomew , son of the wanes . benjamin , son of the right hand . brian , shril voice . bernard , lord of many children . c charles , couragious . christopher , christ carrier . cornelius , an horn. constantine , fast , firm . d david , beloved of god. daniel , the judgment of god. dennis , divine mind . e edmond , blessed , pure . edward , happy keeper . enoch , taught or dedicated . ezekiel , seeking the lord. f ferdinando , pure peace . francis , free . frederick , peaceable reign . george , husbandman . gervas , all sure and firm . gerrard , well reported . gilbert , bright pledge . gregory , watching . guy , guide or leader . h henry , rich lord , hier●me , holy name . hugh , comfort . i iacob , a supplanter . iames , a maintainer . iohn , gracious . ioseph , increase of the lord. ioshua , a saviour . iosiah , fire of the lord. isaac , laughter . k kenhelm , defence of his kindred . l leonard , lion-like disposition . lawrence , flourishing . lewis , refuge of the people . lodowick , famous warriour . m mark , high. matthew , gods gift . michael , who is like god. maurice , moor. n nathanael , the gift of god. nehemiah , comfort of the lord. nicholas , conqueror of the people . o oliver , the peace bringing olive . owen , noble , well-born . p paul , little , humble . peter , a stone , or rock . philip , a lover of horses . r ralph , help . randal , fair help . richard , rich lord. robert , famous in counsel . roger , strong counsel . s sampson , there the second time . simon , obedien● , listening . solomon , peaceable . stephen , a crown . t theodore , gods gift . theophilus , a lover of god. thomàs , bottomless deep o● twin . timothy , honouring god. v vincent , victorious . w walter , a pilgrim , or general . william , defence to many . z. zachary , the memory of the lord. usual christian names of women with their original significations . a abigail , the fathers . alice , noble . agnes , chaste . b barbara , strange . beatrix , blessed . blanch , white , fair . c catherine , pure , chaste . constance , constant , firm . cicely , gray-ey'd . d dousabel , sweet , fair . dido , a man-like woman . dorothy , the gift of god. e elianor , pitiful . elizabith , peace of the lord. emme , a good nurse . f frances , free . g gertrude , all true , amiable . h helena , pitiful . i iane , gracious . ioan , gracious . iudith , praising , confessing . m magdalen , majestical . margaret , pearl , precious . mary , exalted . p phebe , clear , bright . priscilla , ancient . r rachel , a sheep . rebecka , fat and full . s sarah , lady , dame. susannab , lilly , or rose . u ursula , a little bear. w winifred , win , get peace . finis . galateo espagnol, or, the spanish gallant instructing thee in that which thou must doe, and take heed of in thyusuall cariage, to be well esteemed, and loved of the people. written in spanish by lucas gracian de antisco servant to his majesty. and done into english by w.s. of the inner temple esquire. full of variety, and delight, and very necessary to be perused, not only of the generous youth of this kingdom, but also of all such as are exercised in their gentile education. galateo español. english gracián dantisco, lucas. 1640 approx. 271 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 124 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02000 stc 12145 estc s103359 99839115 99839115 3514 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02000) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 3514) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 959:06) galateo espagnol, or, the spanish gallant instructing thee in that which thou must doe, and take heed of in thyusuall cariage, to be well esteemed, and loved of the people. written in spanish by lucas gracian de antisco servant to his majesty. and done into english by w.s. of the inner temple esquire. full of variety, and delight, and very necessary to be perused, not only of the generous youth of this kingdom, but also of all such as are exercised in their gentile education. galateo español. english gracián dantisco, lucas. style, william, 1603-1679. della casa, giovanni, 1503-1556. galateo. cross, thomas, fl. 1632-1682, engraver. [24], 72, 63-86, 83-209, [5] p. : ill. printed by e. g[riffin] for william lee, at the turkes head in fleete-streete, neere to the miter taverne, london : 1640. w.s. = william style. based on: della casa, giovanni. galateo. printer's name from stc. the engraved frontispiece is signed: tho: crosse fecit. with a final contents leaf preceded by a blank leaf. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early 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medieval -early works to 1800. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2007-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion galateo espanol an o dō 1640 tho : crosse fecit reader stopp heere , first fix thine eye , on this quainte spaniards gallantrye : then reade his booke , where thou shalt finde hee 's farr less braue in cloathes , then minde . w. s. galateo espagnol , or , the spanish gallant , instrvcting thee in that which thou must doe , and take heed of in thy usuall cariage , to be well esteemed , and loved of the people . written in spanish by lucas gracian de antisco servant to his majesty . and done into english by w. s. of the inner temple esquire . full of variety , and delight , and very necessary to be perused , not only of the generous youth of this kingdom , but also of all such as are exercised in their gentile education . london , printed by e. g. for william lee , at the turkes head in fleete-streete , neere to the miter taverne . 1640. to the high , noble , and most illustrious : charles , prince of wales , &c. sir , let the strength of my desires to serve you , obtaine your pardon , for this my triviall dedication . yet if the title of this booke bee true , ( which is not mine , but the first authors ) it may prove worthy your inspection ; if not , your perusall . for , the few rules therein conteyned , ( if he may be credited ) being well observed , will gaine you the love of all men ; and ( consequently ) command their obedience . two things , which princes , above others , have greatest neede of , and wherein they become most happy , being made thereby , more absolute , then either by rigor of lawes , or force of armes . it is ( i confesse ) most true , that the great deedes , and heroick actions of princes , are of highest esteeme : yet are they not ( therefore ) to bee altogether regardlesse , even of their ordinary behaviour , and usuall cariage . for as by them , they become most powerfull , and renouned : so by these , ( if pleasing , and gracefull ) they grow more endeered , in the peopls affections . this treatise was first penned by a courtyer . therefore if it bee not well translated , no marvaile , for how should a plodding lawyer , make a neate construction , of a quaint and polite gallants meaning ? rude as it is , i hope your highnesse will be pleased to accept of it , not casting your eye so much upon the course visage , of the present , as upon the faire intentions of the presenter . i confesse there be no dainties in it , fit for your curious palate , yet ( i beseech you ) bee pleased to tast of it , that others , for whom such course fare is farre more proper , may thereby bee brought , to relish it the better . all i will say in its commendation , is this : it is but briefe , and is full of variety . inner temple the 28 of march , 1640. sir , i am your highnesses in all duty and observance to be commanded , william style . the approbation . i brother augustine arbole presentado , reader of divinity in the monastery of our father s. augustine , of barcelona , by the commandement of the illustrious , and right reverend lord , micer onofre pablo celleres , doctor of law , and cannon in the church of this city , officiall , and vicar generall , for the right illustrious , and reverend lord , don iuan dymas loris , bishop of barcelona , have seen , and examined , the galateo espanol , & i find nothing in it , which contradicts , the faith , but is very profitable , and helpful to the good instruction , and education of youth . dated in this monastery of s. augustins , the 16 of may , 1594. brother augustine arbole , vt . celeres , vic . gen. the approbation . i peter torrens , doctr of divinity , by the commission of the illustrious , and right reverend lord , gabriel marquet , officiall , and vicar generall of tarraconensis , have read this booke , intituled the galateo espanoll , and i have found nothing in it , repugnant to the catholique faith , and unto good manners . in witnesse wherof , i here subscribe my selfe , p. torrens . vt . marquet . vic. generalis . to the right illustrious lord , micer francisco bonnet , viceroy of catalunna , and counsellour of barcelona . right reverend sir , being of opinion , that the subject of this booke , intituled the galateo espanol , is of great importance , and of much furtherance , to know how , and in what manner , men ought ( ordinarily ) to carry themselves , so that they be not only not ill thought of , and hated of others , but very acceptable , and pleasing to all : and considering on the other side , that for want of copies thereof , the common wealth looseth this so great a good . i determined to print it at my owne charge . because that it is not now in my power , or ability , to doe things of greater importance , i have ( at least ) done what i could in this little : and as much as my skill would reach unto . afterward taking it into my consideration unto whom i were best to dedicate it , as the custome is to doe , in the like impressions of bookes ; my phansy then gave me , that i could not better dedicate it , to any body then your honour , who with greater zeale and thought , desireth , & procureth , the good of this same common wealth then any other , ( as all doe well see , & confesse ) as well in the charge of a counsellour , as in that of a deputy , which your honour houlds , at the present , and doth order , and governe there in with so great diligence . therefore i trust , that your honour will bee pleased , to receive it under your protection : and although the service bee not such , as is fit for the person of your honour , yet receive the heart and good will , with which it is offered , together with the desire i have , to serve your honour , and the common wealth , ( dayly ) more and more , in matters of greater consequence : for by this favour , and reward , i recover more heart , and vigour , to undertake , and finish a greater worke . god keepe your lordship . right illustrious sir , bernat cusana kisses your honours hands . to the right illustrious lord , goncales argeto de molina , provinciall , and grand iusticiar , for his majesty , for the holy brotherhood , of andalusia : lord of the townes , of veros , and dagancuelo : and of the castle of gildolid . alderman of civill , &c. the great and particular friendship , which antonio gratian , my brother , that is in heaven , counsellour of his majesty , and secretary to his royall person , did finde with your honour , obliges mee , to acknowledge it , and to accompt of it , as all the good wits of this age doe : behoulding in your honour , those testimonies , which you have afforded us in armes , government , and writings , of his much vertue , great courage and cleare understanding . for having at thirteene yeares old , begun to serve his majesty in the warrs , and not forgetting the exercise of learning , as we may perceive by the pledges , which spaine enjoyes , and expects from your honours wisdome , in the governing of the holy brother-hood , of andaluzia : which your honour takes charge of : he hath shewed his worth , so that in one yeere wherein he served , by condemning a great number to death and the gallies , he hath secured this province , which was so wasted with robbers ; and i am confident the divine , and humane majesty , will grant your honour , the reward which such workes deserve , which my galateo did rightly consider , in beseeching of your honour , to accept of it , with the same affection , it is offered . our lord preserve the right renouned person , of your honour , many dayes , with as much increase of wealth as is possible . from madrid the 10. of ianuary , 1582. much renowned sir , your servant lucas gratian dantisco , kisses your honourable hands . to the reader . having seene ( by experience ) in the passage of my life , all the rules of this book , i was of opinion , that i should doe more good , if i did translate , out of the italian galateo , these things , which ought to be considered of , in the time of our youth , and to adde other stories , and things , tending to this purpose , which i have seene , and heard : which might be insteed of dainties , and sweete language , to make us passable , without an ill savour : the guilded pills of a loving reprehension , which are conteyned in this booke , though they bee cloathed in tales , and jestes , doe not cease to profit any that stands in neede of these admonitions : if his mouth bee not so bitter , and his tast so distempered , that nothing can please him ; but for others , that are not such , as are deciphered , in this table , they may tast much of their owne neatnesse , and good judgement , and if any tittle of this , concerne them , they may bee admonished thereby , and amend their fault , without any trouble of any , with the bare reading , and observation of this treatise . i know well , that some will say , that i have ill acquitted my selfe , by these instructions , though i make my selfe master of them : but i answer with the same galateo , where he sayth , that the rather , as one that takes warning from faltring in them , doe i now set them forth , that others may not fall so unadvisedly as i have done , and so i am excused ; alleadging for my principall discharge to admonish thereby , to a matter so proper for me , and at such a time as it cannot be taken for a reproofe , but an admonition . for that when i come of discretion , i consider i shall receive content , in that i have bin admonished ; for although i have procured others to to live respected of all , yet might i have bin more wary of my selfe . this i offer to the curious reader , but my intention is to serve him , subjecting my selfe , to receive with love , what reproofe he can give me . a sonet of galves de montalvo , on the booke . in genious nature voyd of art is like a flint where fire 's conceal'd . art is the steele that makes to dart , the sparks unto our eyes reveal'd . if any of these remaine alone : they both prove beggarly and bare ; but joynd more rich then gem or stone , each houlds his proper friendly share ; none is by nature learn'd or quaint . and therefore voyd of good advise , like birds for want of ayre we faint : lye still and cannot make our rise . the rudest clowne is comly made , by looking in this crystall glasse ; which galate and gratian had , but now afford it thee to grace . a sonet of doctor francisco de campusana . what fish to th' bared hooke will come and there loose liberty , and life ? but bayted , all throng to their doome : easing the angler of his strife . if profit be with sweetnesse mixt , it must be well receiv'd of all : the pleasure that unto it s fixt , more then the gaine doth mē inthral . good counsell , as nizander saith , doth seise on us , like the bare hooke : but lucas so it bayted hath , he catcheth all men by the booke . a sonet of lope de vega to the author . a blessed news , and happy day descends from heaven , in rich array : reward i aske , my boone i crave , from you that hope this news to have . you that search and hope to finde , perfect court-ship , neate addresse : know , heere comes wisht to thy mind , of winning carriage , chiefe princesse : a glasse to live by , image rare , for common profit , aad advise is offered heere unto thy care : accept it freely , be not nice . the courtier that this gēme doth bring if thou desire his name to have , is quaint , neat , fresh and glittering , gratian , and galateo brave . a sonet to the author . the faire & comly cariage , being daughter of the court of kings : is found in galateo sage , whose great renowne , & valour rings . i suck from hence , the courtly milke , of faire , sweet , gentle , lordly port : hither may th' quaintest cloath'd in silk , for counsell come , and hav 't in short . heere he presents in patterns rare , instructions for thee to receive , that without paine , thou mayst take care , thy selfe from errors to relieve . a sonet of lycenciado gaspar de morales . a happy lot , a blessed day , an age that 's full of sweet content is here discovered , and this ray , shewes thee a wit most excellent . the powerfull heaven , with open hand , powres valour , wisdom , courtship down , gives grave discretion , brave command to him that nature fram'd a clowne . the foole from hence become th wise , the rustick swain can passe in court , the learners to perfection rise , if in this glasse they le but disport . the author directeth this work , to one of his brothers : advising him what hee ought to doe , and what he ought to shun , in his ordinary carriage , to be well esteemed , and beloved of the people . seing it is certaine , that thou art to begin that journey which ( for the most part of my youth ) i wasted , in this mortall life : for the love i beare thee , i determined with my selfe , to shew thee the steps , in which i walked , and am experienced in : that when thou passest in them , thou mayest know how to leave that , which is ill , and to choose the good in the right way of thy salvation . and because thy tender age is not sufficient , nor apt to receive these rules and counsells , ( reserving them for their time ) i may perchance begin to treate of those , which some may thinke to be of little moment ; and this is that , which i am of opinion must bee performed : so that in conversing and dealing with the people thou mayest get a good habit and observe an affable , and acceptable demeanour , and cariage : which is no lesse then virtue it selfe , or very like her : as it is to be liberall , constant , or magnanimous , so is it to know the manner , and way how to governe thy selfe , in thy words and behaviour . and this pleasing behaviour , is of force to stirre up and gaine in thy prayse , and esteeme , the affection and good will of those with whom thou must converse , and live with all . and on the contrary : thou must avoyde a rude , and carelesse cariage : which may procure thee hatred ill will and dispraise . and grant there be no punishment by law , for them that are harsh , and clownish , in their conversation , ( because the fault is not accompted haynous ) yet it is enough , they are punished by making themselves ill esteemed , of all people : so that , ( in truth ) as men are affraid of fierce , wild beasts , but make no accompt of some little creatures , as waspes and flyes , which they feare not , yet for the continuall trouble and vexation , which they receive by them , they oftner complaine of them , then of the other great ones . and so it happens , that most men complaine as ill , of these troublesome men , by reason of their carelesse cariage , as upon those that are full of mischiefe , and naughtinesse . and therefore none can doubt : but that he that frames himselfe to live , be it not in hermitages : or other solitary places ; but in cities and courts amongst much people , to him i say it is a very profitable thing , to know how to bee pleasing , and acceptable in his manners : and that he so temper his behaviour , and dealings , that they content not so much his owne will , and liking as they be acceptable , and pleasing , to them with whom we converse withall . i know well , that in thy first age , thou must passe through the beaten path of infancy , passing it over in simplicity , and childish exercises , yet seneca , that was so wise ( as he was frō his youth ) passed not them so over , but they report of him , that two romane embassadors , who held him wise went to cordova of whence they say he was , to see him , and as they saw him playing at chesse with other youthes of the same age , they wondred much how ( being so wise ) he could do so and not believing it was he , they went unto him , and asked him ; what dost thou young man ? seneca lifted up his head and answered them acutely , i am heere bestowing upon time , that which is its own . they stood astonished , looking each upon the other and durst question him no further . let every age therefore observe his owne puntillioes ; according to this rule should i doe ill , to draw thee from thy course : indeed i am of a contrary opinion from it : for it becomes not well a young man to be like an old man , and no lesse for an old man , to behave himselfe like a young man : but that in every age a man yield , and observe what is due to it . but let this relish well to thee , that from the time that thou beginnest to make use of thy reason , and to enter into the state of youth , thou observe , and reade these things , that so thou be not lothsome , but mayst understand , to give content ; and this must be done moderately , for he that takes pleasure to doe things one upon the neck of another , to please him that observes his doings , may bee accompted a jugler , or perchance a flatterer , rather then a modest gentleman : as he that takes no care , either to please , or displease him that heares him , may bee rightly called a clowne . first thou must marke what belongs to thy office thou art in , before thou come to quaintnesse . presuppose therefore that first before all other things men must take heede of the office , charge , and place wherein they are , & whence they have their lively-hood , and to know well how to mannage an estate , for in this a man is much esteemed . for without this , there is none that will accompt of these rules and instructions . now to be well esteemed and loved of men i will begin in giving thee this advise from what befell a discreete citizen , who treating of a marriage for one of his daughters , who was accounted rich and faire , first of all they informed him that the man proposed to him was a gentleman of good parts , spiritefull , gratious , discreete , and very well esteemed of , and finally such a one as i intend to decipher in this treatise , who ( after he had attentively listened unto all his good qualities ) sayd unto them , my lords all this is very good : and it will be as necessary for him to dine and sup after this also , but you tell me not in what office hee lives and gaines his living : what profit can be made of his person , or what neede can we have of it only ? and so they were at a stand , with all the virtues and good parts they had reckoned up . and so now at length under this supposition , in that which concerneth policy , i say that our manner of conversation , is more pleasing in taking heede how others relish us , then in our owne proper conceipt & esteeme of our selves . 1. what things we must shun . and if we desire to finde out what those things be , which doe generally please most men ; and what those which offend them , we may easily find in this treatise , what things we must avoyd in our conversation , and what things we are to make choyce of , we say now , that every act , which is troublesome , or offensive to any of the sences , namely that doth distast us and offer it selfe in any ill manner to the phansy & things that are beastly , and loathsome , ought not only not be done of us in the presence of the people ▪ but also not to be named , nor called to minde , by any motion or outward exercise . 2. ill properties which are accustomed to be done for want of taking heede . from whence we may take notice , that it is an ill quality of those , that whilst they are talking with you , doe so gaze and fix their eyes on your face , as if they were to view some strange thing , and i have seene some who whilst they are talking with one , they cling so close unto him , that they breath in his face ; and it is certain all doe loath to be breathed upon , by others , though they find noe ill savour come from them : what will it be then , if such a man that doth so have a stinking breath , or sputters as he speakes , as some doe ? and so doth sputter upon all that stand about him ? i say , this is a sufficient cause , to make a man abhorred . and i have seene some so puffe and blow so vehemently in relating a discourse , that they alwayes driveled before they could speak any thing . 3. in like manner it is ill for any to hide his hands under his coate or cloake , in the presence of any , that thou art not well acquainted withall ; but thou must be carefull , to let them be uncovered , especially amongst persons of quality . 4. as unseemely a thing is it , that walking with others , in the streete , ( as it is a usuall thing to doe ) and seeing any deade dog , or any loathsome thing , that thou shouldest turne to thy companion , and shew it him , asking him , whether hee saw ( as he passed by ) that dog , but that he take heede he be not the first occasion that those that walke with him doe either see , or receive a loathing from it . 5. this is also an ill custome , when ( by reason of thy full feeding , or couldnesse of stomack , thou hast a provocation to rasp wind ) for thee to doe it so carelessely , and with such a noise , that all must take notice of it : but it ought to be done so privately that it may not be perceived , and some are so civill , that when they yawne or raspe winde , they smooth their hand over their faces , as if they were smoothing their beardes , and at the same time , doe cover their mouthes , so that you cannot perceive them . he did cleane contrary to this , who rasped wind with a great noise , and said it was all for his health , because it was the evacuation of the ayre , and the coldnes of his body , & thus commending himselfe in this manner as being for his health , one of the company answered him , sir your worship may live in health , and yet may continue to bee a swine . 6. it also is plaine , that it is very ill , to be carelesse concerning thy nostrils , for there be some that breath very loud through them , and at times wipe them with their hands and then rub one hand against the other , at other times they thrust their fingers into their nostrils , and make pellets of that they picke out , even before every body , that is present : as in like manner , some are wont to make cakes of the waxe , which they picke out of their eyes , and into this carelesenesse and slovenlinesse we have observed many to fall . and much lesse ought any to use to take any thing in his hand , that smels ill , or may give a loathing , and to put it to anothers nose , that hee may smell how it stinkes : saying to him , as you love your life , doe but try how ill this smelleth ; but thou oughtest rather to endeavour he may not see it . 7. now even as all these , and many other things of this sort , doe offend the sence of smelling and of tasting , together with the sence of seeing , so the gnashing of the teeth , and the grinding of hard stones , one against another , and scouring of iron , doe offend the eares , and set the teeth on edge , and a man ought as much as may be to take heede of them . 8. a man of quality must also take heede he sing not ( especially alone ) if he have not a good and a tunable voyce , of which thing few take any heede , but it seemes , that ( naturally ) those that have the worst voyces , are least carefull of this , and are wont to commend such men that sing much though very ill , these are like those that make such a noyse in coughing and sneesing , that they offend all that are present . 9. others there be that spit aloft in the ayre , who by undiscreetly behaving themselves in such actions , doe sprinkell the faces of those that stand about them , and we may finde in like sort some of them , who in yawning make a great noyse like the noyse of a beast , for that with their mouthes wide open , they utter this voyce , or to speake more properly make a noyse like a dumbe man in the middest of their speech or discourse , if they be talking of any thing , so that they cannot be understood , but are an offence to all that heare them . but a well behaved man must avoyd much yawning , as much as he can , ( and by consequence of the things before mentioned ) because he that so yawnes seemes to bee discontented , and to wish himselfe else where out of that company , and that the discourse and manner of it doth not like him ; and though it be true that you thinke it is not in any ones power to leave yawning ; yet notwithstanding all this , if the thought be busy upon any thing , be it in matter of delight , or otherwise , we never yawne because we never mind it , but if it be idle then it thinkes on it , and thus it comes to passe , ( as we have seene it often fall out ) that when any one yawnes in the presence of those that be idle , all of them will presently yawne , and there is as it were a certaine agreement in gaping , which appeares like a pastime amongst fooles which might have bin avoided , if one of them had not called it to minde : and to conclude , for one to yawne is as much as to say , he is transported , or without memory : it is requisite then for any one to shun this custome that is so unpleasing to the sight and to the hearing of others : for in using it , it is a token , that we are of a sleepy and sluggish disposition , which may make us to bee ill beloved of those with whom we converse . 10. in like manner there is another ill custome to be taken notice of , in some that doe blow their noses , very hard , and doe in the presence of all , make a pawse , to looke into their hankerchiefs , upon that they have blowed out , as if that which were there were pearles , or dyamonds that come out of their braynes . 11. it is also an ill custome , for any to put his nose in the platter , or bowle of wine , or over the meate which another is to eate , in taking occasion to smell unto it , or to looke upon it , to give his opinion , and i approve not that he tast more of it , then he is himselfe only to drinke , or eate : for somthing may fall from his nose , which may cause a loathing to another , although nothing ( in truth ) doe fall . and to phansy a thing though it be not so , is a great matter : much lesse oughtest thou to give another drinke in the same cup , wherein thou hast drunke thy selfe , except he be thy very familiar or thy servant , nor to give any a peare or an apple , of which thou hast bitten , for in not taking good heed of these things ( though they seeme to be very triuiall ) they become reproachfull , even like little stroakes or wounds , which if they be often given or repeated , may at last cause death unto thee . 12. i can now tell you of a thing to this purpose which happened in verona a city in italy , where was a very wise bishop , as well for his learning , as policy , who was called don juan matheo gilbert , who amongst other his laudable customes , was very curteous , and bountifull , doing honour to gentlemen travellers , by entertayning of them , with such provision as was fitting for his quality , and so it fortuned that a noble knight , called count richardo passing by that way , aboad a few dayes with the bishop , and his family , who were all of them , curious , neate and of excellent behaviour , and because they found the count , both in his behaviour , and his discourse to be a discreete gentleman and a most noble courtyer , they did much value and esteeme him , only they found a small defect in his behaviour , ( which the bishop and his servants had presently espied . ) and so he consulted carefully with them , how they might tell and give him notice of it in such a way , that he might take no distast at them , so the count being to depart the next day , when he had taken his leave , and giving the bishop thankes for his curtesy afforded him , the bishop call'd to him a discreete servant of his , named galateo , ( of whom this booke tooke its name , ) and bad him take horse and accompany the count on his way , and that when hee was on the way with him and saw his opportunity that he should in very smooth language tell him of the defect he had , the servant took the businesse upon him , and as he accompanied him , being now ready to take his leave of him , with a very cheerefull countenance did thus bespeake him , my lord , the bishop my master , commanded me , on his behalfe , to thanke your lordship , for your thankfulnesse , which you shewed him , for endevouring to doe you service at your being at his house , and in recompence of this your curtesy , commanded mee to make you a present ( and i humbly beseech you it may be acceptable to you . ) the present is this , my lord you are the most discreete , gallant , and most sweete conditioned cavaleere i ever saw or conversed with , so that having seriously observed your excellent manner of behaviour , i found nothing in you that is not exceeding worthy of commendation , but only one thing , namely an untunable smack which you use with your lipps , & mouth in eating your meate , which is very offensive , and i am sent to beseech you to receive this friendly reproofe and admonition from him , instead of a present , and i assure you there is none other in the world but hee that can present you with so good a present as this . the count that never observed this defect in himselfe till now , and remembring how he had commended him , hearing him reprove him thus , blushed a little , yet like a brave man , recovering his courage , 〈…〉 the bishop , that if all mens presents that they make one to the other were like his , they would bee farre richer then they are , and give him ( from mee ) infinite thankes , for his so great curtesy and bounty shewed me , assuring him , that from henceforth i will take heede to avoyd this my blemish , and so he took his leave of him . 13. now then what shall we thinke that the bishop would have sayd , and his noble family , to those that we see having the hicket in their eating , sit fixt at the table , never looking up , or moving their eyes , much lesse their hands from off the meate , with both their cheekes stuffed like a trumpetters , or as if they were blowing the fire : surely this is gluttony and not eating , who besmearing their hands even up to the wrists , make their napkins in such a pickle , that had they wiped their trenchers with them , they could not bee more foule , and are not ashamed oftentimes to wipe off their sweat with them , which with greedinesse of eating runs downe their foreheads and faces , and round their necks , and after this , doe also wipe their noses : these surely doe not merit not only not to be receaved , into this bishops neate house which we have spoken of , but even ought to bee expelled all civill mens company . that there may be no swinishnesse committed in our eating . 14. thou shalt not make thy selfe lothsome at meates and festivalls , as some doe , who accompt it a vertue to doe unbeseeming things , in tumbling up and down the meate , and drinke , measuring others stomacks by their owne , for which ( although others laugh , and like it well enough ) they cause themselves to bee accused of slovenlinesse and clownishnesse , and amongst civill and neate people , it shewes ill . and the curious waiters and servants , that are busy in attendance of the table , may not by any meanes scratch their heades nor any part of their bodies , before their masters , especially at time of meales , nor cover their hands in their bosoms pockets or else where , but they must bee uncovered : and so cleane , that they shew not the least token of slovenlinesse . this they that wait must take heede of . and those that attend the trenchers or cups to drinke in , must at that time forbeare to spit , or cough , and much more to sneese , for such actions are as bad , and the suspition of them doth as much offend their masters , as if it were very true , they had thereby committed some incivility . 16. and if thou have layd peares or apples to roast or bread to toast upon the coales , thou must not blow the ashes off , that shall bee upon them , for it is a saying , that there can bee no winde , without water , but thou must either shake it ( lightly ) over the trencher , or by some other such like way , to get off the ashes . the like fals out to them , that to clense away any little straw , or other thing , blow in the wine , their friends are to drink , and it is an usuall thing , with some too stand blowing of a thing that is too hot , to allay the heate , but if it be not a mans wife , ( or some body else that we cannot take any dislike for doing it ) it is a rash part . 17. thou mayst not offer any one thy handkercher , for him to wipe withall ( let it be never so cleane washed , because hee thou offerest it unto , knowes not so much , and it may procure a dislike in him . 18. wee must shun all ill customes , and qualities , and any other that beare but a resemblance of thē , wherby wee may at all offend the sences of those we converse withall , as i have before sayd . chapter . 2. of other things , contrary to the phansy and good liking . now wee will mention such things , which without offence of any sence , doe give distast to most men , in whose presence we use them . first you must know , that men naturally desire and have an inclination to divers things , so that some seeke to satisfie their anger , some their belly , some their senses , some their covetousnesse , and finally , some to satisfy one , some another passion , and desire : to correct which there are many remedies in our holy religion , and every one putting his hand into his owne bosome , shall perceive which of those desires is most powerfull , that so hee may there make the greatest resistance against that , that doth assault him with the greatest fury . 1. it seemes now , that men cove that which may afford unto them the act of communication , and to converse one with another ; and this may be , love , honour , and recreation , or any thing that hath affinity with these : so that we ought not to speake , nor doe any thing , in which wee may give a token , to another , that we doe little love or esteeme him . 2. and therefore it is a very unseemely custome , that many use . namely to sleepe where a civill society and company are talking of any thing ; by carelesse doing of this , they seeme to disparage the company , and set light by such discourse . it is farther to bee considered , that hee that is a sleepe , is so farre from care , and knowledge , of that hee doth , that hee uses , ( oftentimes ) to snort , or doe some other displeasing thing to bee heard , or to bee seene , and very often you shall finde him sweating , and his mouth open , with much filth in it . it is also an ill custome , to rise and stand upright , where others are sitting , and discoursing , or at such a time , to passe through the roome ; for they are like those , which move up and down , and stand skipping and yawning and stretching themselves , turning themselves from one side to the other , that you would thinke , at the very instant they were troubled with an ague or palsy . 3. they doe as ill in like manner : who being in such company , doe draw a letter , or bill out of their pockets , or bosome , and set themselves to read it before them . 4. but they doe worse , that with sisers , or with a knife , prepare , to cut , or scrape their nailes : which is as much , as if they esteemed nothing of the company , and that they must finde other businesse to passe away the time . 5. nor should we ( as little ) use the manner , that some accustome themselves unto , to wit , to sing between the teeth , or to play with the fingers , nor to shake our legges , for hee that doth so , may be thought to regard the company but little . 6. neither ought a man , so to turne himselfe , in his seate , or standing , that hee turne his back to another , nor to lay one legge upon another , so high ; that the part which our garment should cover , bee seene . especially if hee bee a divine ; but much more ought women to take heede of this , whom stilnesse doth best become , and not to shuffle their feete up and downe , nor to move or handle their knees . 7. nor ought any ( as little ) to leane upon his elbowes at the table , nor to make much noise by knocking his heeles against the seate hee sits on , for such actions are not to be used , but by such persons , which shew no respect to any one . it is true , that if a master , doe it before his servants , or if it bee done in the presence of a friend , that is of meaner quality then himselfe : he shewes no pride in it , but love , and friendship . 8. a man ought to keepe himselfe upright , and not to rest or leane upon another , and when hee speakes to any one , hee must not thrust him , with his hand , or with his elbow , as many use to doe at every word , saying is it not true that i say ? doe you heare mee ? and all the while they continue jogging them , with laying their hands on their breasts , or playing with their buttons ; and i saw one , that used this in such sort , that he unbuttoned al he talked with . to conclude , you shall have some , that will alwayes sit upon your coate or cloake , or some other part of your cloathes , that you may listen to them , and are never still , nor can speake quietly . so that you may say , when you have got out of their hands , that you are as if you had bin ground or stamped in a fulling mill . how we ought to be clothed . 9. every one ought to goe well clad , according to his estate , and age : for to doe otherwise , it seemes that in seeking to be taken notice of , hee despises the nation , where he is , and therefore , the citizens of padua run out of their houses , in meriment , when they see any venetian gentlemen walke through the streete in a jerkin . 10. and a man ought not onely to cloathe himselfe in fine cloath , silke or stuffe , but to strive to come as neere as hee can ) to the generall fashion : and to submit to custome , though ( perchance ) hee suppose it lesse usefull , or handsome then the old fashion ; and if through the city it bee the fashion to weare the hayre very short , thou must not were a peruque , nor when others weare great beards , thou must not bee shaven , for this is to contradict others , and we must not thwart use , and custome , but in case of necessity , as we shall tell you hereafter : for this may make us hatefull to the people , more then any other ill custome . 11. none must , ( at any time ) oppose , or contradict , a commune usage in such things , doe not thou therefore alone weare in the streetes a long robe downe to the feete , when every body else weares one very short , but a little below the girdle : least it fall out nether better , nor worse unto thee , then to him that hath a crabbed countenance and rigid face , whose disposition is so unsavory , that every body turnes to looke upon him , as upon a wonder . it is the same thing with them , which weare their cloathes out of the fashion , sutable to their owne humour and pleasure : or doe weare long hayre , and a great beard , or extreame short and shaven , contrary to the custome : or who ( being a young man ) doth weare his cap very flat and broad , or a low crowned hat like a wives , or his ruffe and cuffes of his shirt of too unseeming a greatnesse and proportion . for at all such every body stands gasing , and doe point at them : whilst they themselves are much pleased with this , being those , ( in their owne conceites ) who have sought to break a common custome , against all liking of the multitude . 12. their apparrell then must bee very fit , and becoming their persons , because those that weare rich , and noble apparrell , but ill shapen , and deformed , are not thought to have had them made for their bodies , and doth demonstrate , one of these two things , either that they are carelesse of themselves , or that they are ignorant , what belonges to a good esteeme , modesty or the complement which is used amongst men . 13. as little good is it on the contrary , to bee so extremely curious , in this , that wee should spend the most of the time in adorning and tricking of our selves . and some there bee of such an humour , that they place all their pleasure , happinesse , and study , upon their cloathes and outward fashion ; and for ought else , are cold and unprofitable , and of little substance in their cariage , and conversation . they serve but for gazing stockes , and to bee pointed at in the streetes , and at meetings : so that others laugh and make sport and are discomposed at their trappings : as is used to bee done at a maygame , or other like pastime ; they are so punctually grave , and setled in their cariage , as if they were meere statues , curiously painted and set forth . and some of them are so selfe conceited , and well pleased with themselves , that if they did see themselves in the water , as they doe in their glasses , they could not be kept from drowning themselves like narcissus . these doe also so martyr their bodies , in pinching , and sweesing themselves , that wee have seene some that would not sit all day , that they might not ruffle their breeches , and goe so pent up , that they are so galled , that at night , when they goe to bed , they are as weary as if they had bin all day in a combate . 14. at the time when the fashion came up of wearing trunck-hose , some young men used so to stuffe them with ragges , and other like things : so that you might finde some that used such inventions , to extend them in compasse , with as great eagernesse , as some women doe ( at this day ) take pleasure , to weare great and stately verdingales , which matter i will not medle withall , because it is so large , and hath so many croniclers of it , that it is every day spoken of ; i will onely say that the warinesse that the women were wont to observe in concealing of their feete is suddenly passed to their necks , and by custome they have changed the place . so that now if you enter to see a lady who perchance is unready , or in a carelesse fashion , if you finde her without the starched , and set ruffe , which women use to weare , ( although you may see her feete ) by reason of her verdingall , shee will first lay hand to cover her neck , before shee will stirre to cover her feete , whereas heretofore , they did not onely not cover them in their houses , but did goe abroad bare necked , and bare brested , another extreame cleane contrary , to what is now used : but let us returne to the masculine verdingalls , which is the pompe and the bayes of their verdingall-breeches . 15. i will here tell you what happened to one , that thought hee excelled so much in this fashion , that he stuffed a follado of velvet that he did weare with branne , and being set in seemely manner amongst some ladyes , to whom he desired to shew his bravery , and neatnesse , as hee was talking merrily , of something that pleased him , hee was so exceedingly taken with delight that possessed him , that hee could not take notice , of a small rent , which was made , with a nayle of the chaire hee sat upon , in one of his two pockets , of branne , ( who , though the harme was but in his hose yet hee found it after in his hart ) for as he was moving , and stroaking himselfe ( with much gallantry ) the bran begun to drop out by little and little without his perceiving of it , but the ladies that sat over against him , and saw it ( it being by his motion like meale comming from the mill as it grindeth ) laughed much at it and looked one upon another , and the gallant , supposing , that his good behaviour , mirth , and sporting , was pleasing to them , laughed with the ladies for company , and it so much pleased him , that the more he strove to delight the company , the more his mill did grind forth the branne . the laughter by little and little encreased , and hee appeared as confident as a man that hath shed much blood by a wound , untill he espyed the heape of branne , which came out of his hose , and then hee begun to recall himselfe , and dissembling his shame , hee tooke his leave , and departed , to mend the mischiefe that lay in ambush for him , as the proverb goes , you may find out blood by the foot-steps . 16. better profit then this did a prisoner make of the lynings of his breeches , who being to goe before the judge for a certaine cause hee was accused of , it being at that time when the law was in force against wearing bayes stuffed in their breeches , and he then having stuffed his breeches very full , the judges tould him , that hee did weare his breeches contrary to the law : who began to excuse himselfe of the offence , and endeavouring by little and little to discharge himselfe , of that which he did weare within them , he drew out of his breeches , a paire of sheetes , two table cloathes , ten napkins , foure shirts , a brush , a glasse , and a combe , night-caps , and other things of use , saying , ( all the hall being now strewed with this furniture ) your highnesse may understand , that because i have no safer a store-house , these pockets doe serve me for a roome to lay up my goods in , and though it be a straight prison , yet it is a store-house big enough for them , for i have many things more of value yet within it . and so his discharge was accepted and well laughed at , and they commanded him , that he should not alter the furniture of his store-house , but that he should rid the hall of his stuffe and keepe them as it pleased him . 17. but returning to the customes , i say that there are some so wedded to their wils , who though they much displease others , in the fashion of their cloathes , and may ( according to their yeares ) goe more fashionable , they cannot bee brought unto it , because they will not conforme themselves to the common , and ordinary custome . and to this purpose , they tell a story of a neighbour of salamanca , who being a man of great meanes went clad in an antick fashion , and he carried under his armes cloath and new silks to make cloathes of , by which men might see that he did it not out of lavishnesse or to spoile them , ( for hee caried his expences along with him , but to see who kept their fashion . for at that time the fashions rid post . these are men very remarkable , and utterly opposing policy and credit , and good court-ship . 18. it behoveth then that thy garments bee sutable to the custome of the people of thy yeares , and manner of calling , for we have no power to alter custome , at our pleasure and desire , so that wee must move with the time . it is very true that it may fall out , that wee may take liberty , not to habit our selves , ( punctually ) according to the fashion : as when a man hath very great legs , or very small , or extraordinary fat , in that case a man may enlarge , or streighten his garments , a little more , then ordinary : and in like manner , if any be crooked or mishapen he ought not to weare cloathes of a very remarkeable colour , that others be not thereby invited , to behould his imperfections : neither ought a practised , and neate courtier , to weare extraordinay gawdy cloathes , nor too old and carelesse . nor is it good at any time , to labour to be remarkeable in his apparrell , to the end hee may bee distinguished from the rest , but that every one appeare conformable to his condition : therefore a schollar should not goe like a souldier , nor a souldier like a scholler . 19. being in rome with lodowick de bavere , castrucio , the duke of luca and senator of rome , they reported , that for gallantry and royalty , hee sent to have a robe made for him , of crimson tabee , and that there should be written upon the brest of it , a motto ( in letters of gold , ) in this manner : it is as good wils it , and behind , upon the shoulders , another in these words , and it shall bee , as god will have it . this was a robe , ( in my opinion ) better suting to his trumpetor , then to castrucio himselfe , for potentates ought not to make such robes , though they bee exempted from all rules . nor doe i commend king manfred , for going alwayes clad in greene , because we ought ( alwayes ) to esteeme of that , which is in use , without causing any to speake of , or to admire us . even as a discreete embassador did , who being to goe embassador , to a strange kingdome , and where it was sayd , they did weare many rude garments , he sent before where they were to procure his lodging to one of the stewards of his house to get him some apparrell and houshould stuffe fashioned according to the custome of the land : and to see if pack-sadles were in use , and if they were , to buy one for him of the better sort , for that in such manner , embassadors have bin seene , to goe of embassies , to forreine kingdomes , and when they first entred therein , to cloath themselves after the fashion of that land. for this is the way to obtaine better favour , and better trafficke for his master . and so i conclude this treatise of clothing : that these that make little reckoning , how they goe clad , are ill accepted of , and gaine little love , in their conversations . chapter . 3. of those that are unsavoury in their deedes and actions . we formerly spake of those that make themselves contrary to the most , and are different in their apparrell : and wee have spoken ( purposely ) of the ill , that extremes beget , but yet there are others , that exceede all this , whose suspitious deeds , and workes are such , that no man can endure them : or converse with them : but by reason of their ill condition , they thinke all that they heare , or see , to be naught : and doe coole all society , and the delight of those , that esteeme well of it ; and for the most part doe overthrow all . and like to these , are such who when they are joyned in society , and set at the table , to eate : after they have washed their hands , or it may bee when the meate is upon the table , doe make all the rest to wait for them , by either beginning to write some letter , or finding some other triviall businesse , or doe walke a little , saying , it is time enough , they may stay a little , what hast is there yet , &c. and make all the company displeased with them , as such that respect nothing , but their owne will : never considering how displeasing this is to the rest of the company there . 1. the surpassing all the rest are such who setting themselves in the best places , and being served first before the rest , yet nothing contents them , but that which themselves , either speak , or doe , making mouthes and faces at any thing else . 2. some others are so strange , and so averse from restrayning their owne wils , that nothing may be done which is not according to their manner : and doe alwayes make answer with a soure countenance , to all is spoken , and doe never leave chiding , and brawling , threatning their servants , and pages , and in this manner doe perpetually disturb all the company ( speaking in this or the like sort ) you called mee at a sweete time this morning , see how cleane you have washed this . why did you not goe to church with mee , you rogue , beast , how can i forbeare to breake thy head ? all these are very uncivill manners , to be used before any body . and such , that though a man be in deede very humble , and doe not out of malice use this custome , but for want of taking notice of it in himselfe , or by reason of an ill custome , yet for all this yet hee seemes to bee proud in these outward actions : and is ill thought of by the people , for pride is nothing else but to esteem himselfe better then another , for so it is , that every one ought to bee esteemed of , and courteously used according as wee esteeme him to bee worthy of it . 3. as little ought wee to doe any thing before others whom we desire to give content unto , which may savour more of command , then friendship : but we ought to manifest , that wee beare a reverence , and an accompt of the company , with whom we converse . 4. for this cause it is esteemed a reprochfull thing , to brawle and give ill language to ones servants , much more to buffet them with our fists , or to beate them with a cudgell , which is ( in a sort ) to seeke to exercise ones power , and authority : which we ought not to doe , in their presence , whom wee ought to respect . because it gives them distast , and doth much dash the company , especially if it be at the table , which should be a place of mirth , and not of offence , and therefore we ought not to be there in choler . and if by chance one be displeased , hee ought not to shew it , or make his trouble to be knowne , especially if you have strangers for your guests , for having brought them thither to serve them , and to give them content , in thus doing , they doe torment them , which is as if one were eating some very tart , or bitter meate , which we see makes those that stand looking on , to shew ill favoured actions , and 〈◊〉 faces , so to see another troubled doth trouble and vex us . 5. we may in like manner say , that they are crookedly made up , that are contrary to others in all things : and so you may see , that all contrariety is ill , for those that desire to gaine the affection of others , and labour to bee well esteemed ; for to persevere only in contradiction , and to thwart every mans pleasure , is not the behaviour of a friend , but of an enemy . therefore let every one labour to rid himselfe of this vice , especially those that desire to gaine the peoples love , for insteed of gayning love , they will bee hated and have ill will , but rather should wee subject our selves to anothers pleasure , that no disgrace may arise to our selves by the contrary . 6. nor ought any to shew himselfe rude or harsh , but mild and affable , and wee must know that he is sayd to be courteous , whose conversation , and conditions are such , ( in his common use and custome ) that he useth his friends like friends , not accusing or finding fault with their actions , or with their words , but he must beare with the infirmities they are subject unto , and make as if he saw them not , for he that carries himselfe strangely , or leave the comcompany , is counted uncivill and rude , on the contrary mild and affable men , are so good courtiers , that where ever they goe , you would thinke they were amongst their acquaintance , and that they were every bodies friend , gaining much applause by their civill carriage , and sweete behaviour : we must therefore salute men with a pleasing gesture and good language , and answer in a sweete manner , as if every one were his countryman , or acquaintance . 7. some act this part very ill , who are so sad , and of so setled a countenance , that they cannot shew any body a good looke , and doe answer all questions , with no such as these cannot receive the honour , acceptance , nor endeerment that others procure , and are so rude that they are not to bee visited , nor doe give any content , nor are stirred , or delighted with any discourse , or matters of pleasure , but doe refuse all offers , and if any be sent unto them , to let them know that such a lord commanded him to salute and visite him , they answer , what care i for his visits , or salutes : or if he tell them such a one sent mee to see how you doe , hee will answer let him come and feele my pulse : such as these deserve little love of any body . of punctualities and neatnesse . 8. nor is it good for any to bee melancholy , and sad , nor to shew any signe of it , to those we converse , and communicate withall , because this is fitting only for some students and contemplative men , that are conversant in the studies of some of the liberall sciences , and therefore they doe contrive to passe their sadnesse alone by themselves . 9. much lesse should a man be so curious , and so apt to finde fault , that men must as they say , walke alwayes in print : for to keepe company with such , is rather a torment then a society , and many of these are so britle as it were , and punctuall , that they will stand strictly considering , what title you gave them : and if you bee never so little negligent towards them then there ariseth quarrells , and wranglings , saying , you called mee not sir , nor worshipfull , nor did you at the table , give mee place according to my desart , and that was fit for me . you came not to visit me at my lodging , after i had bin at yours : you should not doe thus , to a man of my quality , and many such like speeches , that no man can suffer or indure . for they so excessively love themselves , that they have no leisure nor place to regard others : and so they easily and for very trifles , spoile all their friendship , making it like to friendship that is covered with a most curious vaile , whereby it cannot be pleasing , but very unacceptable : which tender delicatnesse , and behaviour , should be left to women , i meane to some , who are so nice , and full of fault finding that they place all their reputation , in punctillio's , and spend more time to make good their fooleries , then is needfull , by reason of the jelousy , and little reckoning they make one of another . i speak this without prejudice to the most who are of a better behaviour , and of so sweete a conversation , that we should doe exceeding well , to learn to imitate them . chapter . 4. how wee ought to speake . we may erre in our speech , many , and sundry wayes : and first in the matter we propose , which ought not to be frozen , or of no substance , nor base and vile , least they that heare us , insteed of receiving pleasure , doe scoffe both at us and at our discourse also . 1. nor in civill conversation , ought a man to shew himselfe very subtill , or curious , in his discourse : because so doing , hee will make himselfe hardly to be understood of the most : and hee that is to speake , ought to take good heede , that his speech bee not such , nor his carriage , that any by stander be made ashamed therewith , nor made to blush , or to receive any gird , or affront thereby . 2. much lesse ought one to speake beastly , or silthily , though the auditory seeme pleased with it : for it is not sit , for civill persons , to study to give others content , but in honest and decent things . that men ought to speake with reverence in things appertayning unto god. 3 much more ought every one take heede , that in such meetings , hee speake not inconsiderately , of holy things , nor to make jests , and sport of them , for such use belonges to ill mannered men , and wee shall finde many so discreete , that they will presently depart such company that they heare to speake of such things unadvisedly , and without reverence . 4. and we ought , not only to speak holily , and with much reverence , and consideration , in things concerning god , but a curious man ought , in all his discourse , to provide that his words may give a testimony , of his life and workes . 5. for if when we bee in the company of people of quality and those that be curious , wee endevour that we may not erre in our discourse nor to give due precepts , and advise , but more especially when wee are before our parents , or powerfull friends , to whom we owe respect , and doe tie our selves , to a decent behaviour , and an humble carriage , because we may be their creatures , and favourites : how much greater care , and vigilancy , ought wee to use in the church , and holy places , especially at the time when any religious office is doing there ? this is a thing that every body well knowes , therefore i neede not to speake much of it : yet that we may doe that , which behoves us so much , let us have gods word alwaies in our hands , out of which the preachers , and ministers , doe propose examples unto us . consider therefore onely what gravity is there required , though it seeme to bee but policy , so to behave thy selfe in the church that no body may take notice of thee . hence wee may gather how ill they doe , that are talking and are unquiet in such places and at such holy exercises : nor ought any there to make legges , and complements , with such noise , as if they were at the court , nor to depart the holy table with a light cariage , but shewing modesty , and humility , nor ought any to behave himselfe so , that hee may draw mens eyes upon him ; nor to lie lolling on one side or curiously to gase upon those that are entring into , or are in the church . nor to make antick gestures , and strange faces , when thou prayest , as many use to doe , often lifting up their hands , above their heads , and flinging abroad their armes and stretching themselves , as those doe that are newly awakened out of sleep : kissing their fingers , and using such other exterior actions , and gestures , which trouble them , that are neere them , by drawing all their eyes upon them . but god is better served , with the heart , then with outward shewes : therefore to conclude , shew thy selfe there rather like the poore publican , then the proud pharisee . 6. and if there be any thing there , that may procure laughter , yet let it not hinder thy devotion ; it is true , that sometimes , there fall out things in the church , that would require us to settle our countenances , and doe even cast those off the hookes ( as they say ) that see , or heare them : to this purpose i cannot omit , though it be from the subject , to relate some impertinencies , which have happened in this kinde , as of an old woman , who every time the priest sayd dominus vobiscum , or the lord be with you , thinking the words to bee obispos , which signifyes in the spanish tongue , bishops : alwayes prayed , that the bishops , patriarchs , and cardinals , would be her helpers : and to the same purpose , i have bin credibly enformed , that such a pratling woman as this , recommending to god , the good estate of her family , amongst other things , that she required , prayed thus , i beseech thee my lord jesus christ , that for such a one my daughter , thou grant mee a rich and wise husband , a gentleman , no gamster , whoremonger , nor given to any vice , and a thousand like impertinencies : and at last , when shee could not remember , what more to pray for , shee prayed that whilst shee was thus praying , her pot might not burne to , or boyle over , and that shee might finde it , at her returne , well boyled , and seasoned . no doubt any that heares such impertinencies , can hardly forbeare to laugh , and must either depart , to another place , or marre his devotion , with these or the like things : wherefore if by chance , any heare , or see things , that force him to laugh , let it be so wary , that those that are neere him , may not perceive it . 7. let us now returne , ( with our galatheo ) to consider , what we ought to doe , in our conversation . i have sayd that it is very blame worthy , to talke of things , which are much thwarting the times , and the persons , that heare us . ( also in feasts , and at meales , wee ought not to move sad discourses . ) but men ought to speake of such things , which are proper for the persons , and place , and are well liked of . and therefore in meriments , and at feasts , melancholick storyes , are not to be tould , as of sicknesses , and deaths , misfortunes , pestilence , or the like : nor to call to minde , or mention , any mournfull matter , but if any fall upon such discourse , wee ought in a merry , and sweete manner , to divert him , from such talke , and offer other subjects , to talke of , more convenient , and cheerefull . i have heard say of an old philosopher , that he affirmed , that for the preservation of mans life , it is necessary , that there be a time to weepe , as well as to laugh . and that for that reason , he sayd , that of old , those sad fables , which they called tragedyes , were invented , by acting of which , upon the stage , ( as was then usuall to doe ) they might make those shed teares who had neede so to doe , and by such weeping , they might be cured of their infirmities . but for that which concernes us , it becomes us not , to make sad the mindes of those wee discourse with , but should rather labour to solace , and delight them . for if it were true , that any should be sick for lack of weeping , it would be a small matter , to cure that disease , either with a little strong mustard , or by enduring a little smoake . and so must we as it is sayd at such times , avoyd melancholy discourses . 8. we ought also , to interrupt him , that talkes impertinently , and wastes much time , and talke , only for their pleasure . like some , that even fattened with the love they beare their little children , doe talke of nothing but of them , and their nurses , in this manner , this is so pretty a child , and makes me alwayes so merry that you cannot imagine it . my little girle , is very delightfull to mee , shee speakes already mum , dad , and many other such words . and they suppose that as they themselves are pleased with this , and doe spend their time therein , so must they , that heare them , take the like pastime : although for certaine , no man can bee so much taken heerewith , that hee can bee delighted , to spend his time , alwayes in hearing the same things , especially when the fathers doe bring in such discourse , by the head and shoulders as we use to say . chapter , 5. of those that set themselves to tell their dreames . they doe ill that make a setled discourse , in the punctuall relating of their dreames , in such earnest , and so wondring at them , that the telling of them becomes a torment to the hearer of them , except hee that tels them do finde some wonder indeede in them , or at least so much witty conceit , in some of them , that he knowes that the humours of them that heare him being prepared for such discourse , they will finde pastime in them . and though some wise men of old , did leave bookes behind them , written of dreames , and those composed with great understanding , and acutenesse of wit , yet we in our ordinary conversation , ought not to discourse of them . a dreame of example : 1. and of all the dreames i ever heard related , ( though i have heard but few , and given credit to none ) that me thinkes was the best which they report , that one micer flaminio a gentleman of rome did dreame , which me thinkes was very materiall and of much consideration . hee thought in his sleepe , that he was sitting in a ritch apothecaryes shop , that was his neighbour , and not knowing the reason , he saw that all the people , with great tumult tooke away all that was in it , and one tooke an electuary , another tooke away sweet meates , one , one thing , another , another , and then they fell of eating , in such a manner , that there was neither box , glasse , pot , or viall , but it was quite emptyed , and amongst them there was a little viall glasse , full of a cleere liquour , which all smelt unto , but none of them did eate it ; and it was not long , but he saw a man of a great stature , being ancient , and of a venerable countenance , who beholding the pots , and glasses , and finding one crackt , another overturned , and most part of them broken , hee cast his eye , upon the little viall-glasse , i spake of : and setting it to his mouth , he drunke out all the liquour not leaving one drop , and then went out , as the rest had done before him ; at which micer flaminio seemed to wonder much , and turning to the apothecary , he asked him , sir what thing is this , and why hath this honorable old man , drunke up so savourly , the water in the little viall , which the others refused . to whom the apothecary answered : sonne this venerable man , is our lord , and the water which hee ( alone of all the rest ) did drinke up , ( which you saw was refused ) is the discretion , to judge rightly of things , the which men doe not seeke to preserve , in any thing in this world. 2. such dreames as this may well be told , and be excused , because they rather seeme to bee good thoughts , of a man awake , then a vision of a troubled phansy . but for other dreames , voyd of sence , or probability , as for the most part , even learned men ( themselves ) doe dreame , as well as the unlearned , wee ought not to spend our time , in telling of them . chapter , 6. of lyars . though wee may thinke , that there is nothing of lesse moment , then dreames : yet for all this , wee see other things that are worse , and more idle , and vaine : as namely lyes , or false tales , for of that which a man hath seene in his dreame , may be sayd something , because all a mans life is but as it were a certaine dream , or phansy , but a man never dreamt a lye . therefore wee ought lesse to trouble the eares , and understandings , of those that hate lying , with lyes then with dreames . because although they being but jests , yet this danger is in them , that sometimes , they are taken for truth ; yet amongst good conditioned people , lyars doe receive this reward , that becoming first reckoned , but as jesters , they are afterwards people of no credit , and their discourse is scarce excusable , as being frothy words , without substance . and it is neither more nor lesse , then as if when such a one speakes , as if he sayd nothing : or as if he did but draw , and breath out the ayre . and you must know , that you may talke with some that love lying so well , that they will lye , though it be to no end , nor profit to them : but onely , because a lye of their owne , doth much please them . even as a drunkard , that often drinketh , not for thirst , or neede he hath , but only for the love of the drinke , and they are so besotted in telling lyes , that though they tell impossibilities , they thinke they must be believed . as i once heard tell of a lyar , that related of himselfe that hee one day , being very thirsty , and being a very good markes-man , shot a pellet at a pitcher of water , that stood in a garret window , and made a round hole in it , and that presently from thence , there came to him a conduit-pipe with water , to which he set his mouth , and drunke his fill . and when he perceived , that he had hitherto given content to the company , he continued his discourse , in this manner : that afterward , hee shot at the same pitcher another bullet that was somewhat bigger , and hit it so just in the same place that he stopped the hole so tite , that on drop of water could not come out , & though the lye were well laughed at , yet one that stood by , knowing it to be a very vaine glorious humour in him , and it being tedious to him , answered him , sir your worship spends your time in vaine , and you tire us all , and he that thinkes hee can make us believe this , must either take us for fooles , or his enemies . another answered him thus , sir i have seene lyars before , but your worship may bee the kings lyer , better then any i ever yet saw or heard of . 1. some others doe lie onely for vaine glory , relating what wonders they have done , and to bee thought great souldiers , and statesmen , and strive to entertaine men , with things so incredible , that one may smell the lye , a league off : and so can gaine no credit from their auditory , except they bring witnesse to prove all they say . that we may see how they come infected with the plague of vaine glory , those i meane that bely their deedes and works , you may understand . 2. men may as well lye in concealing themselves ( to wit ) in their workes , and actions from every one , like some that being but of an ordinary quality , in respect of their persons , and places , do pretend they are much more , and use such ceremonies , and doe so lord it , in their manner of cariage , as if they were dukes , and earles . these doe set themselves to speake with such state , as if they were speaking from the bench , going in such a posture , that they would be thought to be the head , whereas they are but the feete : labouring in their actions , to imitate men of great ranke , and in the furniture of their houses , that it is a torment to see , how ignorant they are of their weakenesse , and that they cannot let their heads blood of these vanities . 3. there are some others that lie in this manner , who wearing but meane cloathes , doe gild themselves over with chaines , and ringes , and medalls , which they fasten heere , and there about them : that you would thinke they carryed them about , rather to sell them then to make themselves gallant ; and you may see their pride and vanity a mile off , that place their worth onely , in the back or outward appearance : which are things displeasing , and much disconsonant to reason , and good fashion . 4. and you must know that in many and ( those ) the best cities , it is not suffered , that any ritch man be seene much distinguished from a poore man , in the alteration of his fashion , because the poore men thinke they receive reproach , especially if they be honorable , or well borne : when others make such difference in their cloathing from them . chapter , 7. of gaming . and before we proceede , we will heere ( by the by ) speake of that , the doing whereof , is ill spending the time , yea the worst spent , and sometimes more hurtfull , then either telling of dreames , or lyes , namely that which we spend in gaming . 1. and therefore he that would be accompted a gallant courtyer , must not play for coveteousnesse to win : especially at cards , or dice : for it is plainely seene , that he that spends his time , and meanes in gaming , hath no leasure , for court-ship , or sweet and pleasing cariage , and behaviour , sutable to the drift , that this treatise aimes at . for if he play for much , you may understand , that his intent is no other , but a greedy desire to encrease his estate , by his friends losse : and so play , doth by this meanes loose the proper name it signifyes , which is sport , or jest and not earnest , nor to be so serious a thing as it may seeme to be by those that make it their whole businesse . and in effect they make a vice of that , which may be vertuous , for in using it onely as play , and keeping a moderation in that we play for , and the time wee spend in it , it is a converse , to passe away our idle time , without prejudice , or hurt to any : especially for those that have no offices nor charges to employ themselves in , but are idle and want businesse , and have not to doe but to phansy chymeraes in their braines . those that play for pastime , must play for little , and that with their friends , and acquaintance : and at such games , as are fit , for civill people , but having no skill in play , thou oughtest not to bet , though it be never so little , nor to play with those , that are cholerick , and ill conditioned , but with those , thou mayest be merry , and pleasant withall ; for there are some , that are so quick , that they grow in choler , and chafe like mad men , and beate the cards against the table , and give ill language , tending to ill wishings , and reproach : and yet these gamesters , doe ordinarily say , when they loose , that they are not so impatient , for losse of their monies , but for their ill luck . 2. the truth is , that let the game be never so small we play at , it troubles us too much to loose : and such as these , if at first , we know their humour , it is best not to play with them the second time . heere then i will make an end of this matter , and that with a jest , that a certaine cavalleere broke upon some , that were , playing at primero , and it was this : it happened , there being certaine discontents , amongst the gamesters , he asked them , why they were so offended , and one of them answered , sir because we are heere playing at foolery , if you play at that game sayd hee , you may vie it without feare , and make large stakes , for you have all enough of that , left to loose : and in this merry way they were contented to be jeered , and so will i leave them , to proceed with my quaint galateo . chapter , 8. of boasting . as little ought a discreete man , and one of quality to fall suddenly into a discourse of his nobility , and discent , nor of his honour , and riches , much lesse to commend himselfe for his former valourous acts : or to draw them into his discourse , upon every occasion : as many are wont to doe , seeming thereby , to make comparisons , with every one that stands neere them , by which meanes , if ( peradventure ) they be of meane condition , they doe as it were vilify them , and hit them in the teeth , with their mistortunes , and poore estate . which is a thing much displeasing unto every one . and into this fault , we see them fall , that have but very little spirit : and the little goodnesse they have , is not very eminent in their bodies . 1. and for this reason , a man ought not , either to abase , or to exalt himselfe , beyond reason , and should rather let some of his merits vanish as the ayre , then to shew any arrogancy in his words , for even the good which may bee found in this case , when it is much stood upon contenteth not ; being but vaine glory , cloaked with humility : on the other side , wee must understand , that those who ( by words ) doe without measure , either extoll their owne worth , or dispraise it , and seeme to destroy those honours , which doe manifestly belong unto them , shew more pride therein , then those that doe usurpe such honours , that they never merited . and therefore some will say that ( by chance ) the wise giotto , did not deserve the title of master , which was given him , because hee refused it , for you must know , that at that time he was not onely a master , but the most famous master of all others . and therefore it is certaine , that hee that shunneth to bee called by the title that hee deserveth , and that which all of his condition , doe challenge to themselves , shewes also that he undervalues all the rest . and so in like manner to set light by the honour , and renoume , which is so much set by , is a kinde of bosting and extolling himselfe , above others ; for it is true , that none of sound judgement will refuse things so well liked , and are obteyned by a mans virtue and study , except hee , that holds them to bee very idle , and superfluous . nor ought wee to bee vaine glorious , of our wealth , and riches , like some who are so well pleased with them , that with a little applause of those that are about them , doe make circles on the ground , and markes with their swordes , or some other thing , very seriously deciphering out , their purchases , and wealth , and making representations , of townes , and armies , and that ( most usually ) before those that never knew what belonged to warre . like some , that frame such like discourse as this , that followes ; heere is ( sirs ) the fort , the enemy aproached on this side , and our men marched there , i marched in the van , &c : of bablers . it is accounted but a sport to heare men talke thus , to those which frequent , and devote themselves to tavernes , and tipling houses ; and are very loosely given : who when they bee well loden with wine doe grow enraged , and adding fuell ( thereby ) to their naturall inclinations , they thinke they are able to command all the world : and when such a talkative fellow as this , considers in what accompt hee is , amongst his companions , there is no more to be sayd , for hee must onely controule and governe all ; and then you shall see him frame himselfe , to bable thus , sir the world is all naught , there is nothing cottens , i wonder by the faith of a king , the mores doe not breake in upon us , and even come into our houses : if i had the governement in my hands , i would make the cock crow otherwise : and so he prepares himselfe for another full cup. 2. i cannot omit , ( heere ) to tell what i once ( my selfe ) did see , in vallodolid having my lodging next the market place , and where was ( usually ) a taverne , and an ordinary for those that came thither , to runne races , where out of a dyning roome , that overlooked the sayd taverne , i could heare , and see all the passages were done there . at that time , one sacamuellas castromocho , a learned man , and one that then knew well , how to bang the pitcher , was president , who being there with others of his kindred , and camarades one day after dinner , when they had well filled their bellies , one began to make a doubt , and to move this question . tell mee now my lord castromocho , and you other brave cavalleeres heere present , which is the purest plant which is at this day to be found in the world : one sayd the lily , another the july-flower , a third named the tulip : and so in this manner , were many reckoned up , every one giving the best reason hee could for his opinion . but castromocho putting forth his hand and commanding silence , sayd unto them . now surely none of you come neere the matter , therefore confesse you are conquered . and know , that the purest plant , that is in the world , is the nettle , for whereas all the rest may bee made foule , and you may take them in your hand and doe what you will with them ; the nettle you cannot , for it defends it selfe against you . all the company yielded to it , but when the matter was ended , sacomuelas called for wine , and so did all the rest : and the most of them tooke such refreshinges , so voyd of water , that it appeared very pleasing to their eyes , to be beheld in the glasse . and then another of the company asked of another difficulty in this manner . tell mee now my lord castromocho , and all your honours , whither the soule goes to rest , when it goes out of the body . castromocho answered , let every one else , first tell his opinion , and then at the last , i will determine the question ; and then some sayd into heaven , others said into hell , and a third into purgatory , according to every ones opinion , but castromucho concluded with his declaration , saying , give attention , you must know that the soule going out of the body , goes directly to s. iames of galicia , alwayes excepted , that if he weare not a drawer , for that they would not goe that way , but a worse ; and with this conclusion , and with other noise that hee made , he fell asleepe , to spend his drunken humour ; and so concluded this illustrious society . but let us leave him sleeping , till hee may be awakened , peradventure then hee will bee of another opinion , then he was formerly , and let us returne to them that weare blacke cloakes , of whom we have purposely dealt withall concerning boasting . i say that every one should bee silent in things that concerne his owne praises , as much as he may , but if by chance any occasion , or opportunity , enforce any of us , to speake any thing of them , it is a commendable custome to speake the truth , mildly and softly , and in a certaine carelesse manner , without using much restraint : and for this reason , they that take pleasure , in quaint courtship , ought to abstaine from this , which some accustome themselves unto , namely to deliver their opinions so resolutely , upon any thing , giving a definitive sentence , to heare whom it is irksome ; but exspect what they would say , is more torment to utter in vaine preambles of their good education . 3. such are those men , that speak nothing but preambles , to shew their manners , as if they should say , sir i beseech your worship , to pardon me : if perchance i am ignorant , how to make your worship conceive me , because i speake so rudely , according to my little knowledge , i am sure your worship , will laugh at me , yet to obey you , i will not forbeare to speake that you command me : and so they stand so long in such circumstances , that any question how hard soever , may be determined with fewer words , then they wast in such circumloquutions . 4. in like manner , are they very troublesome and tedious , in the over-acting of their cariage , or in taking their places , shewing themselves mean , and humble , and setting themselves in the lowest , whereas the first and chiefest place is due unto them ; and they alwayes strive , to be one of the last , which is a great trouble , to see , so much time spent , to make them goe before , and oftentimes they will stand hearing a discourse or some other thing , with much pleasure , and attention : and so whilst the gentleman is giving you testimony of his good breeding by going on foote , he is troublesome to you in making you waite for his comming , and so they strive vainegloriously to bee thought humble , by meanes of their feigned hypocrisy . so that the more you call them , the more doe they draw back , getting behind by little and little , and are like starting horses that cannot be gotten forward ; and therefore those that are used to good manners finding the inconvenience that ariseth from this troublesomenesse , that they may not breake the thread of society , hould it lesse inconvenient , to take the place , or seate is offered them , though it bee better then they should have , rather then give occasion to this tumult , that may be occasioned by them , in doing otherwise . and when men enter or depart such societies , the experienced courtiers , hould it for better breeding , to doe nothing , but readily to come in , and readily to goe out , yea even without putting off your hat , or taking leave , rather then to use endlesse ceremonies , as many use to doe . chapter , 9. of ceremonies . by that which we have sayd , you may understand that superfluous ceremonies , are to be avoyded , which were of lesse use , amongst the ancients , then now they are ; and this vaine use of them , seems like to the lyes , and dreames , which i have before spoken of , for the much vanity is in them , and wee doe improperly call them ceremonies . for of old , ceremonies were taken , for that solemnity , that the priests did use at the altars , in their divine offices , belonging to holy things , that concerned gods worship . but now that name hath bin usurped upon , ever since men began , to reverence one another , bowing , and wreathing themselves in their congies , in an artificiall manner , in token of their observance vailing their bonnets , and calling men lords , and giving them other extraordinary titles , kissing their hands , as if they were hallowed : and some seeing this custome so new , and of such importance amongst men , called it ceremonie , by a new phrase , or manner of speaking , as in like manner we call , eating , and making merry , ( in a jeering way ) a triumph . 1. ceremonies then if we looke at the intentions of those that use them , are a certaine vaine expression , of honour , and respect toward him unto whom we doe give reverence , and it consisteth , as well in the countenance , and gesture , as it doth in our words , stuft with great titles , and high expressions . and i call it vaine , because wee honour to the eye and in outward apperance , those that in our hart we honnour not , and wee neverthelesse use this ceremony towards them that we may not be out of the fashion ; and we call one illustrious , or such an one my most noble lord : and doe professe our selves their servants , and creatures , when wee never intend any service unto them . and so such ceremony , may not only be accompted for lyes : but a certaine falshood , and treachery , and such men as these , doe so proceede in these illustrious titles , and other ceremonies ( which wee formerly spoken of ) that never regarding the merits , nobility , estate or quality of the person , they doe give them to any one , what ever hee bee , so that oftentimes you cannot distinguish mechanick people , from the nobility , and men of quality , by the manner of converse , and ceremonies , that men use towards them . and as it is true , that anciently , there were set , and distinct titles , appointed for every one , as a pope , an emperour , and the like , which men could not omit , without being uncivill to him that had such title ; so could they as little bee given to them to whom they belonged not , without disgrace unto them . but now ( in our age , ) we see that such titles , and expressions of honour may bee used more freely . because custome is a most powerfull commander , and now it gives us a larger priviledge to use them . 2. that custome which seemes good without , is within idle , and consistes in shewes , without substance , and in words without signification : and yet , we may not alter them , but must imitate them , for it is not our fault , but the fault of the age we live in , yet we must doe it discreetly ; in which we are to consider , that ceremonies , and compliments , are performed in three manners , namely for profit , for vanity , for obligation . first ceremonie for profit . 3. for profit , we intend every lye that is spoken , for the particular interest , and profit of him that speakes it , and this is a sinfull fraud , and a dishonest thing , for a man cannot lye honestly , and this sinne doe flatterers commit , who ( as it is reported of the chameleon , that hee changeth himselfe into the colour of that place they put him in ) so in like manner , transforme themselves into the shape of friends , and are conformable to every bodies humour , be it what it will , not to please us , but to gaine something by us , not to give us content , but to cosen us , and though this by chance may seeme a pleasing vice , unto those , that are vaine gloriously given , get for all this , it is ( in it selfe considered ) abominable , and damnable : and therefore a well fashioned man ought not to use it , for if such ceremonies , as these , be but lyes , and flatteryes , when ever we use them for our owne profit , then surely we doe so often act the parts of naughty , and false-hearted men , and therefore no such ceremonies should be used . secondly , ceremonie for vanity . the second ceremonie , ( which we sayd men used for vanity ) is ( as we have formerly sayd ) when to make our selves be thought to have bin well educated , ( although wee ayme at nothing but vaine glory therein ) we give unto any , greater titles then their due , and wee offend thus by giving too much , that they may doe the like to us : and these , are plaine and noted flatteryes , so that they that speake , and use them , to this end , besides that they are so ill in themselves , are offensive , and troublesome to others : being so contrary to all truth . thirdly , ceremonie for obligation . the third manner of ceremonies , are such as are done for obligation or for desart , and are not to be omitted , and therefore they that forbeare to use them , doe not onely displease , but doe an injury , and oftentimes it fals out , that by this meanes , hee that is thus negligent comes to be reprehended , and to gaine envy , especially when one citizen , ceases to give such honour to another , as the use is to doe , as in not putting off the hat , nor speaking civilly , in which he doth very ill . for the force of custome , is very great , and in such cases , ought to be observed , like a law : and so he that calleth to another by his name being not farre better then he is , doth undervalue him , and commits an uncivill act in naming him , for hee knowes that in such language , men call unto workemen , and labourers , and although in this place heretofore , and in other countries , even at this day men may use such meane titles , without undervaluing of any one : yet wee must not disobey the moderne fashion : but are bound to observe it , as a law ; and therefore it is necessary for us , that we diligently learne , the actions and words , which are at present in use , to give , and receive , by way of salutation , or speaking to any , even in that country where wee live . and though in the time of don pedro of arragon , the admirall was many times called , his majesty , because it was the custome of that time , so to doe , yet we ought not , ( for all this ) to call our king on this manner : if we were now either to speake or to write unto him . for such use as our age observes , such also must we doe . and these i call due ceremonies , because they proceede not from our free will , and pleasure , but because they are become a law , and common custome . but if by chance they may bee left : one ought not to be so singular , as to oppose , that which is accompted good behaviour : like some unpleasing men , that thinke , that every one owes them respect , and know not themselves how to returne any one a good word , and doe take pleasure to be taken notice of , for these extremities . on the contrary to these , there are others , so excessively abounding in good manners , that we may say , they have as much too much , as those others have too little , and they spend all their times , in compliments , to shew their good breeding , and other like impertinencies . and they dwell so long upon things , ( which in themselves are nothing ) to make them pleasing to others , that it becomes troublesome , these are made of meere ceremonies , speaking after this manner . your honour hath shewed me so much favour , that , i hould my selfe most obliged to serve you , as long as i live . if god please to grant me time for it , i shall bee most prodigall , to spend it in your honours service , and such like stuffe as this . a certaine bishops chaplaine , did purposely use such returning of thankes , as these : the bishop his master , having bestowed certaine benefices , and pensions , upon certaine of his servants : to this chaplaine though he had served him long time , he gave the least benefice : not being worth above eighty ducates a yeare and that will cure . but when the rest were to give thankes for their pensions , and rewards , some to the value of five hundred duckats , others to the value of three hundred , and some to the value of foure hundred duckats : it fell out , that hee that had that but of eighty duckats , gave the greatest thankes , shewing greater content then all the rest , at which the bishop ( marvailing somewhat ) asked him why he gave the largest thankes , this reward which he had bestowed upon him , being the least , and of so little value . hee answered , that he esteemed it more then if hee had given him one of a thousand duckates , it being so sutable to his necessities : he being ( as he was by nature , so cholerick , that no master could beare with him ; nor indeed was there any servant that he could beare withall , and so that living not being enough to keepe a boy , and too much for him to remaine with his lordship ( it being with cure of soules ) therefore he gave him so great thankes , for both freeing him from a master , and also from a man. i say therefore some use too many , and some too few ceremonies . of kissing the handes . 1. and although kissing in signe of reverence , is most properly used amongst us , in holy things , as the kissing of reliques , and dead mens bones , yet in our country also , we have a custome , to say , i kisse your honours hands : i beseech your honour , to accompt mee for your servant ; and though we shun to speake it usually , yet in saluting , and taking leave , and in our letters , and epistles , that we write , wee must use it , and it being growne a custome , we ought not to tie our selves to the old way , nor to wonder at it , like some inconsiderate , and weake men , that speake in this manner , doe you see , who i must call my lord , and what lord is he i pray ? perchance it is the curate of the parish , that i am thus bound to give the besar las manos unto , &c. but it is manifest , that another , that is not used to say my lord , nor to be called so , may thinke that thou dost it , to affront , or disgrace him : and when thy estate , and quality is not much above anothers , thou shalt doe ill , if in acting a cavallero , and a lord , thou shalt labour to be vaine-glorious , in undervaluing him , skruing thankes from him by farre fetcht speeches , saying , my lord , such an one , will doe this very well : and some there are that will goe farther , making their voyce to bee heard : and confident to gaine it , if they can make it passe , like a guilded pill , with such words as these ; my lord doe this for love of mee , and sometimes with a feigned laughter , and giving them a clap on the shoulder , entreat them they will sing by turne , saying by the faith of an honest man , you have taken mee much , and all these are but stratagems of vaine-glory . 2. some also are so studious in these ceremonies , that they have found out a way , to distinguish betweene thou , and you : and her , and shee , and your worship , making sixe degrees of courtship , so that no nation did ever advance so farre , for if we marke it , the french make use of ●os , or you , to all degrees , and qualities . and i cannot now treate of all that might bee sayd from the title of worshipfull above sayd , nor of the greater titles , for this would draw us into a great labyrinth . it sufficeth that though ( heretofore ) there were a great deale : yet now the ordinary sort or common people have raised it and filled it up with the titles of the nobility : and that with such might and combination , that the gentry , and nobility , magnificoes , and grandes , that used to have these titles , are now robbed of them , and banished from their ancient country , and nation . and so , the noble cavalleres , and people of quality , seeing this , have profited so farre , as to advance a degree , or two higher , then ordinary , to bee distinguished ( especially in their letters ) from this generation , that robbes them of their titles . 3. i will heere tell you what happened , ( to this purpose , ) to a gentleman that was a courtier , who writing a letter to a private man , with the title of most magnificent lord , which was the title that belonged to himselfe , according to his condition , he answered him , that hee thought it no courtship , to put such a title upon him . to which the courtyer replying , in his letter , he left a blanck for his complement , saying , sir write ( your selfe ) that complement , in the voyd place , in my letter , that likes you best , for which purpose i have sent it blanck unto you subscribed with my name . 4. there are some others that to shew themselves humble , paint themselves out for fooles , and seeke to shew so much extremity of good behaviour , that you can perceive little understanding in them , and though they speake many tongues , yet are they never the wiser , nor can give any content with them : like one that was newly married , that writ to his wife a letter of many concepts , and concluded , placing for his complement , at the foote of his letter , such an one the meanest husband of your ladyship kisseth your hands . 5. some others there are that by meere carelesnesse , make greater faults in writing , and give either two or three titles more , ( whether they be right or wrong ) then is needfull , especially when they need any thing , and call them most illustrious , most renonced , &c. of the title serenissimo . this is an appellation belonging unto princes . except when it is sometime used in sport ; as a cavallere did , who because his sonne walked in the night , called him serenissimo : and being asked the reason , made answer , that being such a lover of the evening dewes ( which are called in spanish sereno ) there had so much of this sereno , ( by this time ) fallen upon his head : that hee could not be now called , lesse then serenissimo . this title of serenissimo , was no lesse offensive , to a certaine citizen ; whom a lord governour of estate , whō all called serenissimo , had much vexed . it fell out , that as he was one evening talking with some of his friends , concerning the troubles , the governour had put him to , they bidding that he should goe out of the dew , that was falling ( which in spanish they call sereno ) because it would doe him hurt , answered , sirs you say true , if then the sereno , will doe me hurt , what thinke you the serenissimo will doe . 6. returning now to our purpose . i say , that even as the ceremonies , which are in extremities , are to be avoyded , so ought we not , ( on the contrary ) so wholly to omit them , that wee should returne to the old custome , for it will shew very ill , to doe like some rustick people , who would have , that those who write to kings , and great lords , should begin in this manner , if thou and thy sonne bee well , it is well , i am also in good health : affirming , that in such manner , the latine philosophers , did begin their letters , which they usually writ from rome . 7. we must then know , and observe , some instructions , and rules , that we may not erre in such things , as these : and first , we must consider the country wherein wee live : for every custome , is not alike good in every place . for wee may speake in that manner in italy , as ( perchance ) the neapolitanes doe use to doe , whose city is full of men of quality , and of great estate , which notwithstanding , will not sute well , with the luqueses , and florentines , who are ( for the most part ) merchants , and meane men , and having no princes , marquesses , nor barons amongst them , and although the venetian gentlemen , use much curtesy , one to another , and flatter one another , by reason of their offices , yet will it not shew well that the common people of ro●igo , and the citizens of assoli should observe this solemnity , to give such respect one to another , upon all occasions . for this is the custome of the seigniory of venice : and every one doth in conclusion , of his owne accord , follow the steps of his lord , and ancient country , although he knoweth no reason wherefore . we ought also in spaine , no lesse to consider of this solemnity , yet with this caution , that amongst the common people , and poore places , that consist most of labouring people , it is not fit to observe the same style , in our ceremonies , which is used in the great assemblies , especially in the kings palace , which would bee to strike the people with admiration . as they report of a lord of quality , of this kingdome , that held it for a custome , when he called for drinke , if it were in the night , that five or six of his servants , should march before the cup , with two lighted torches ; but as he did this in a poore village , a man that was but simple , that was there , when hee saw them come towards him , bareheaded , and with such ceremony , he fell downe on his knees and began to adore the cup , beating upon his breast , with great devotion . the lord and they that were with him , bid him rise , and asked him why he did such reverence , who answered : that seeing them ( so solemnly ) performe this ceremony , hee could not but kneele downe , supposing , that they brought the holy sacrament , or at least some sacred reliques , and so the lord was warned , by another mans ignorance , no more to use this ceremony , amongst such ordinary people . 8. moreover , we ought ( as well ) to regard the time , as also the age , and condition , of the person , to whom we use these ceremonies : as well as to consider the place , as also to consider our owne age , and condition . and with poore and meane qualitied people , to be very briefe in our expressions , or at the least to contract them somewhat and not to expresse them to the full , which is well done in the court of rome . but in some other places they are accompted very tedious , especially to those that have much businesse , who wast much time in them . bee covered sir saith the judge , that is much perplexed , and is scanted of time , to dispatch his many businesses . and hee makes answer to him , that speakes to him , ( after all his cringes , and scrapes , ) ( with much gravity ) in this manner , my lord i was very well before . and the other addressing himselfe , to presse the judge , that is all this time was covered wreathing his body , first on one side , then on the other , and crowching even to the ground , with much vanity , and ostentation , makes this answer . i beseech you permit me , thus to doe my duty to you , for i am obliged unto it , and this combate lastes so long , and so much of the stock of time is wasted , that there is scarce left any time for businesse . so that those that visit judges , and ministers of publick offices , that are intangled in government , should use brevity , cutting off all compliments , and ceremonies , especially if they be lords , or persons of quality , to whom we cannot speake so freely , as to others , who are at leasure and voyd of businesse . but it often falls out , that poore suiters , must long wait their turnes , before their businesses can be heard , waiting at distance , numbring the words spoken , and with a desire they may be seene , stand observing the impertinencies , and meane while cursing them a thousand times , for anger to see how they spend the time , and make them loose their meetings ; and so are forced to returne home , disconslate , and with losse of their labours . and some there are so dull , and so incircumspect , that they cannot perceive the signes , that they might take notice of in such officers , whom they thus keepe from businesse , that they are troublesome to them : as in observing , how carelessely they answer their questions , and that they make no apologies to them , or give them that applause , which they would give them , if they did much relish them , or were at leasure . and if ( perchance ) they tell them , that they must give them leave to finish their businesses in hand , ( though they speake this to them , very civily , and plainlly ) they goe from them grumbling , saying that they are growne proud of their offices , and have buried all friendship , and doe shew themselves , to be harsh and ill conditioned men . 9. nor doe such ceremonies , be fit young men , which old and grave men may use : nor must meane , and poore people , use such ceremonies , one to another , as lords , and people of great quality , doe use . and therefore , vertuous , and well bred persons , doe strive to avoyd them , as ( much as may be , ) as being distastfull : for spending all their time , and studies in such vanities . neither ought officers , of mechanick offices , or persons of meane condition , to use solemne ceremonies , with lords , and people of great quality : but ought to approach to , and answer with humility , and plainenesse , unto that , wherein the lord hath occasion to use them in , for there seemes more obedience then honour to be required from such mens hands . and therefore , that servant was in an errour , that offered his service to his lord , when as it was his duty , to bee alwayes ready , at his command , nor is it fitting , when a lord stands bare-headed , for thee to bid him bee covered : nor if he be standing or walking , within dores , is it fit for thee to bee so bould , as to goe abroad or to sit downe , although hee bid thee : if thou bee of a meaner condition , then he . but when a great lord , is pleased to set thee above him , to doe thee honour , thou must not bee so bould , to refuse the favour he doth thee . 10. now i say , that amongst persons of equall ranke or who are but a little distinguished , in their persons , or places : this manner of good compliment , and good cariage , may be used more freely , because , ( oftentimes ) that which wee doe to performe our duty , is received as due and little honour is of us given unto him that deserves it , therefore he that doth a little exceed in that which he istyed to doe , seemes to bestow a guist more then can be challenged , and doth gaine love thereby and is accounted free-minded and liberall . and so was a certaine grave greciā wont to say , that he that knowes , how to converse with , & to endeere great men , drives a great trade : and therefore those that are pleased in courtship , doe ( at this day ) use thus to speake . my lord such an one , when he speakes to his friends , that are better then himselfe , but especially when they talke with ladies , that are married , or with the daughters of their equalls , they will say my lady , and this way make they themselves acceptable , and gaine the good will of all . 11. thou must then use ceremonies , as a good tayler doth his cloath , which he cuts out to make garments that makes them rather too long and too large , then too short , and scanty , but he makes them not so bigge , that in cutting out a paire of breeches , you may mistake them for a sack , or a cloake-bag . and if thou shalt use a little tolerable largenesse in thy ceremonies , towards them that are somewhat meaner then thy self , thou mayst bee accompted courteous , but much more , if the person be somewhat better then thy selfe , thou shalt bee held for a well fashioned and pleasing gentleman . but he that shall extend them in an unreasonable sort , shall but make sport with them , and be accompted for a vaine fellow : and this is the manner of ceremony which we formerly spake of , which proceeds from our owne will , and not from custome , but naturally we may passe our lives without ceremonies , and in them we may plainely see , that all that is not in use , is superfluous , and of those which are received by custome , wee may say , that they are lawfull jestes or lyes , and wee may also call them vanities , and to noble mindes , that are not pleased with such arrant vanities , it is an odious , and unpleasing thing , to deale in them . therefore great ones ought to bee more honoured , by their owne workes , then by an others words . 12. it is storyed to this purpose , that a certaine king , called edipo , being banished his country , put himselfe under the protection , of king theosio in athens , to free himselfe from the fury , of his persecuting enemies : and being brought before theosio , hee heard a young daughter of his speake , who knowing her by her voyce only , ( hee being blinde for age ) did not addresse himselfe to salute theosio , but overcome with the affection of a father , went presently to make much of his daughter , and having a little remayned so doing , hee besought theosio to excuse him , and besought his pardon for his neglect . the good , and wise king , forbare not to answer him , but sayd unto him , be of good cheere , edipo , for i honour not my life , with other mens words , but with mine owne actions . a saying befitting a wise man , and one , that esteemed not fawning , and flattery . wherefore the flatterer shewes plainely , that he that is pleased with his flattery , is vaine , and arrogant , simple , and of little understanding , by suffering himselfe to be overcome , & vanquished by so light a thing . and vaine and superfluous ceremonies , are plaine and knowne flatteries , so that they that speake , and use them , for profits sake ( besides that they be so bad in themselves , having their foundations in false , and forged words ) they remaine troublesome , and distastfull , for being so opposite to all truth . 13. there are others , besides these , which also consist in fayned actions , and meere apparances , so that whatsoever they make aparent to you , is a lie , and although their adorning seeme naturall , yet in it selfe it is not so , but onely to delude the sight : as those that being leane make themselves seeme fat , and being low , to seeme very tall . this is the fault we now see , for the most part to bee in women , who doe , if not all , yet the most of them thus dissemble . this made a traveller say , that in spaine ( almost ) all the women , were tall , faire , and ruddy , either by nature , or by art . some others have sayd , that the spaniard lay all their grounds , or principles , in bare compliments , and apparances . therefore , if ( by chance ) they give thee , a faire good complexioned , and well proportioned wife , yet will shee prove no more then halfe a wife and without any hayre , so that at the wedding night , it may be perceived , that halfe of her was made of guilded corke , and though they put her into the bed , yet the other part of the woman which is without the sheetes will be found in the morning tawny , yellow , bald , and ill complexioned , and so is hee thus cosened in halfe of his wife . but they will say , shee was seene , as shee was , and that shee hath found her selfe deceived , having discovered , far more defects in her husband , then was in her selfe : that he was farre lesse , and black , then shee tooke him for . as i have heard tell of one such as these who having married her selfe for advancement and for coveteousnesse of her husbands wealth , observed , when her husband went to bed , that hee pulled off a counterfet nose hee wore , and a glove wherewith hee fastened on an artificiall hand , and last of all , putting his hand to his mouth , pulled out thence a set of artificiall teeth , and so in this pastime , of her disorderly coveteousnesse , both the lovers remayned discontented . 14. but to returne to our purpose , there is yet another sort of ceremonious people , that make an art , and trade of it , and keepe a booke of accompt of their ceremonies namely when you speake to such manner of persons , how your complement must be passed , or your ground traversed , with a little closing of the eyes , and the head a little cast down ; and when you speake to such an one , you must speake smilingly , a little also bowing your head , and how these of greatest quality , must bee placed , in a chayre with armes , and he that is of a little meaner rank , in plaine back-chayre , and inferiors upon a bench , although it bee true , that such a punctuall distinction , of giving honour as this , is accompted very offensive , and therefore , none ought to be judge , to determine , who is more and who lesse noble then another . 15. as little fitting is it , that ceremonies , or endeerements , bee sold to any to pay with them the debts we owe unto them , as some lords doe with their servants , or inferiours to whom they owe mony , whom they pay with ceremonies , giving them leave to stand covered before then , paying them the wages they owe them , with familiarity , and favour . by this we may well presume , that those who take pleasure , in using these outward ceremonies , doe it for pompe , and vanity , if they exceed the common use , and manner used in them . 16. there are others also that are so fruitlesly ceremonious , that without speaking any thing of substance , doe never leave talking , and that very idlely , and yet with much courtship , and so much , that it is an obligation , for them to excuse you from hearing them , of these spake hee that summed up the life of mithridato the court babler in these verses . that day hee s placed by your side , he makes you melt with scorching heate of the sharpe torment you abide , in hearing of his cariage neate . 17. these then , place all their diligence , and thought , to order their clappering tongues , and tediousnesse of such their impertinencies : hammering the people , ( as it were ) with their words : with which by reason of their education they can make a reasonable shew or flourish ; but in grave matters , or things of moment , they can shew no wit : and they labour that all their converse be spent , in outward apparances . and if any discourse of good judgement bee moved , they nor relish , nor understand it . and of these impertinent men , there are an infinite number , that at first sight deceive men , and at the second doe tire them , for then is their sillinesse discovered . 18. one of these mitridatos was ushering a lady , and being to goe through a narrow passage , hee stood urging her , that shee would goe first , thinking it to bee good manners for him so to doe . the lady made a stop , desiring him to goe first , because it was his place , who a while refused it , but at last he went on : saying , i had rather bee thought ignorant then to be too troublesome . to whom the lady readily retorted thus : goe sir , for both wayes you may rightly challenge the first place , and so shee answered him as hee well deserved . 19. and to conclude this matter of ceremonies , i say there are some others , that are alwayes full of complementall words , and courteous deeds , thereby to supply the defect of their small meanes , supposing , that because there is little substance or profit in their deeds , ( if they should also want words and compliments ) no body would ever endure them , by reason whereof , they so much exceede in superfluous ceremonies , that ( generally ) they weary those that have good judgements : but for all this , every one desires to live , according to his owne pleasure , namely with liberty ; which is more esteemed of , then any other thing whatsoever . chapter . 10. of affected words , that in our common talke , we ought not to use latine , or other words of another tongue . 1. affectation , and extremes ought to bee avoyded , in our cariage , and ceremonies , and much more , in our words : and especially ought every one , to beware , of mixing latine , or other strange words , in our discourse , though they bee not latine , to those that understand them not , into this errour doe they much fall into that having a little studyed the grammar , thrust latine words , into all their discourses , but so improperly , that they disagree much from the propriety of our castilian language , and they sound so ill , that there are none doth respect them : and men of good judgments doe but laugh at them , and make but a pastime thereof . one being in company with many others , asked this question of one of them , did you ( sir ) observe the last eclipse , me thought it continued long ( using the latine word mora , for continuance , or tarrying : which in the spanish tongue signifyes , a mulbery ) the other in way of merriment answered him in the same manner . i observed no mora meaning the mulbery , for by applying this medicine they use to cure adahalas of his head-ach . 2. much like to this , i have known some use solemnly some words , spoken ( as they thought ) very elegantly , which did onely satisfy those that used them , but the hearers of them doe but jeere and make a sport at them , of those who insteed of speaking elegantly doe speake nonsense . to this purpose a certaine beneficed man , in a village , that tooke upon him to be very elegant , inviting to dinner to him two students of his acquaintance , which at that time were passing by , spoke to them in this manner , gentlemen , it were good that for the present wee decapitate choller . for i greatly desire a scindill with so good society . to whom , one of them answered ; beneficed sir , you have in conceipt spoken very elegantly , and with this answer hee was much pleased , and satisfyed for his eloquence . 3. like to this , i will tell you heere a jest ( that fell out in alcala ) of a certaine doctor , and though some say , to excuse him , it was spoken of him but in jest and mirth ( as we use to doe ) yet it is true it so befell him . and thus it was , as he stood looking upon a map of the world , which was drawne in a great round figure , a nurse that dwelt with him , came to him , and sayd , good sir what is that , that is so round ? he answered her , sister , you must know , that it is the orbe , which is also called tho planisphere , the card of the world , or the globe . if you understand none of these termes , then know that it is the whole world. but shee with more curiosity , being much astonished , that shee had seene the whole world , asked him , but good sir , where is the place where i now stand ? the doctor answered , heere you see it inclusively : if not , behold it heere intensively , what cannot be expressed extensively , and to conclude , you may see it heere vertually , and so the nurse was as wise as before , and the doctor as ignorant to expresse his meaning , in the castilian language . 4. hee was also a bould rethoritian , who when he should have sayd , i cannot inlarge my selfe : because i want inke ; sayd , i end because my horny vessell furnisheth not my goose-quill , with ethiopian liquour : true it is , that this mingling of latin words , is wont to be ( sometimes , ) for necessity sake , as it fell out to a spaniard whom i knew , who by remayning in flaunders from a youth in the university of lovaine , and living there till he was old , and not being able neither to speake good latine , nor good castilian , nor greeke , nor good french , did one day amongst many other pleasing medlyes , which he spake , insteed of saying , no veys la gente de guerra come viene assentar su real entre las matas de los escobares , sayd in this manner , ola no veys los armigeros y catafractos como se vienen a castramentar entre las miricas . therefore wee must take great heed that when wee speake castilian , wee doe not speake latine , as a monk who insteed of saying , that they should make him a picture of s. peter , repenting , for denying his master : sayd thus , sir such a one i entreate you , that you paint me a very good flevit amare which is in english , he wept bitterly . as ill shewes it , on the contrary , if when we are to speake latine , we mixe castilian , as a masse priest did , in certaine prayers , who when hee was to goe out singing in latine ecce lumen christi ( in english , behould the light of christ ) were it that hee could not hit on it in latine , or hee had forgotten what to say , went forth , holding the candle aloft , and singing , behold this burning taper , in spanish y aqui el cirio encendido . let these few examples admonish us , to avoyd improper , and affected words , which are not sutable , to the matter in hand , alwayes considering the time , place , and occasion , and those that heare us , that wee may not erre , nor give them occasion , to say any thing against us . chapter 11. of amplifications . 1. noe lesse then affectations are wont to bee ill taken , are amplifications ill accepted of and hard to gaine credit , and in our common discourse , ought to be omitted , and left to poets , & makers of fables . there are some , that doe so amplify , and enlarge themselves , in their words and dealings , that they are accompted happy who are in favour with them , for they will extoll them to the clouds , as in like manner , those that are out of favour with them , shall be extremely vilifyed by their tongues . and so , they runne altogether in extremes , with great hazard of their owne credits , as you may perceive , when i have told you , what i my selfe have heard from one of them , at a certaine meeting : where dilating upon the beauty of a lady there , hee sayd that shee was so wonderfull faire , that not to disparage the other beauties of the nation , they were not worthy of her presence , or company , nor to live in the same streete , shee dwelt in ; and that her confessor , had charged her , to goe to masse either very early in the morning , or else close vailed , that shee might not discompose the people , with her presence . and a painter that was to draw her picture , did confesse , and report , that her beauty was so admirable , that hee was in despaire ever to be able to represent any likenesse or shadow of it . such as these doe transport the people with their enlargements , but they usually receive this pay for their paines , that be the thing as faire as it will that they magnify , it seemes not so ( when it is seene ) as they have set it forth to be , and they are accompted for busy men , and of little worth . that wee ought as little to speake ill of any , nor ought our jesting , and jeeres to bee biting . 2. we must as little ( in our conversation ) speake ill of any , nor of his family , ( though we thinke that those that heare us , are pleased therewith , and are willing to harken to us . ) which vice usually happens , by meanes of the envy which ( for the most part , ) we beare , to one anothers wealth , and honour , but at last let every one beware of the kicking horse . and therefore understanding persons doe flye from ill tongues , considering , that they that will tell us such things , of others , will tell others as much of us : and as it is sayd , flye from him , that reporteth such novelties , for he is the man that invented them ; and those that oppose contradict , and withstand all manner of discourse they meete with , give a testimony that they doe not well understand the nature of men , and that every one loves to conquer , and hates to be overcome , no lesse in words then in workes : how much more for one man ( voluntarily ) to oppose and contradict another , is it accompted a worke of envy , and not of friendship ? therefore he that desires to be pleasing in his cariage , and converse : ought not to be so armed alwayes in his discourse as to say , this you sayd was not so : but as i tell it you : nor ought wee to lay wagers of it , but in triviall things , we ought to bend our selves , to incline to other mens opinions , for the victory in such things proves but our losse : for it is very true , that by gayning the conquest , in a frivolous question , and a matter of noe value , we oftentimes displease a deere friend . of domineerers and confident people . and these domineerers are so offensive to all people , that they dare not converse with them : for feare of falling every houre into wranglings , without profit , even to be at daggers drawing ; but if ( at any time ) it fall out , that any bee drawn on to dispute , hee must doe it in a mild fashion , and must not lash out with delight to overcome : or seeke to order all the matter , and to have all the honour , attributed to himselfe : but hee must leave every body his share : and in contending whether it bee reason , or not , that every one alledgeth , he must leave it to the judgment of the most , and if there shall bee any excessively confident : let him leave the matter to them , quitting the plaine field , for them to contend , to sweate and toyle themselves . for these are manners hatefull to men that are modest and of good behaviour . besides this , wee cannot get the victory without hatred , and envy ; and because for the most part all people by nature , seeke to attribute glory to themselves , and doe undervalue and dispraise other mens opinions , that they may every one shew himselfe wise , valiant and of much understāding , therfore it falls out that many doe advise , reprehend , dispute , and defend themselves , with rapier , and poniard , as they say , against all men , and will incline themselves to no mans opinion , but stand to their owne : and are so blind , and obstinate in their owne way , that no reason is forcible enough , to alter them from it : and though these doe not finde fault with the opinion of their friends , yet will they not leave their owne errors . fortune-tellers . 3. there are others , that if you fall into discourse with them , at that time when you come into their company to refresh your selfe , from your labours , can never get out from some lamentable discourse , and misfortunes , and ill presages , that threaten the people , for the time to come : and when they heare of any victory , or good successe , they spoile all , with the love they beare to ill omens , and their owne only opinions , which doe with meere phansy , and vaine glory , make themselves melancholy . supposing by this their unsavory humor , the more to give credit , to their foolish condition ; and some , to whom , and their yeares rest , and quiet is due , yet doe nothing but talke lamentably , never altering their discourse , saying that in their dayes , the men were more valiant , and not as they are now , that there is not a man left worth a button , and the like . 4. it is also blame worthy , and that with great reason , for any , that is in company with others , to whisper ; so that all cannot heare what he sayth , but especially for two , or three , to separate themselves , from the rest , and to stand laughing , and looking upon the rest , or to desire to be covered , or muffled when the rest are not , for this is after a sort a betraying of him of whom we speake , and in all reason they must offend many , that use it : especially any one that is suspicious or jealous . there are others , of such a condition , that if they bee not talking , they stand in such a study , that never regarding what they doe , they have their eyes fixed upon another , laughing at their owne phansyes , and never thinking of him they looke upon , and thence must necessarily arise suspition , as an author saith . if any looke me in the face , yet mindes some other thing ▪ he seemes in giving that the place , me with contempt to sting . 5. they must then be admonished that are in publique , and in company , that they be not so carelesse , that they stand with fixed eyes , on any side , and be wholly taken up with their owne thoughts . 6. nor is it fit , that when wee are in such company , wee should draw out a booke , or to settle our selves to reade to our selves to passe away the time , though we take as much pleasure in reading , as one collegiall trilingue of alcala did , that did verify he tooke so much pleasure in reading of martiall , that being desired to goe to gadalajaca ( foure leagues off ) he put on his gowne he used to weare in his house , and bid them saddle martiall for him , and with that he went , reading step by step , never thinking on the wearisomnesse of the way . of those that are alwayes giving counsell . 7. thou mayst not offer thy advise to him , that requires it not , for that ●s nothing else , but to shew thy selfe wiser then him to whom thou givest thy advise , and to cast his little understanding in his teeth ; and to accompt him for an ignorant man , therefore no acquaintance may enboulden thee to doe this to another , except they be also our very intimate friends , or bee such , that wee have the tuition of or that we doe see them in any apparant danger , whom wee thus counsell or give advise unto . but in our ordinary dealing , a man ought to abstaine from counselling much . into which error many doe fall , but more often , those that know little themselves , for to men of grosse understandings , few things come into their heades , that others have neede of . and ( certainely ) there are some , that so much esteeme of their owne knowledge , that if others doe not follow their opinion , they are offended , and complaine of those that refuse it , as if they should say . it is well , a poore mans advise cannot be admitted , such an one , will doe as hee listeth , and will not heare me : and other things of this nature , and to this tune . as if pretending another ought to obey thy counsell , were not a greater arrogancy , then for thee to follow thine owne minde . 8. a like fault are they guilty of , that finde fault with other mens imperfections , giving a definitive sentence , touching every thing ; and prescribing rules , and lawes , to every one , whosoever hee bee . this ought not to bee , as for example , to speake thus , you spake so , but it was not well spoken , take heede of sleeping at such an houre : the wine you drunke is not good for you , you should drinke claret , you should use such a kinde of bath , and not such as you doe : and thus are they alwayes reproving , and are like those that are alwayes weeding another mans garden , and never consider , that their owne is overgrowne with nettles , and brambles : and therefore we should leave this worke , to fathers and masters . of contemning others . 9. wee ought not to despise any body , nor to set light by him , though he be our enemy , for it is a greater signe of disgrace , to deride one , then to doe him a shrewd turne , for of him that we doe an injury to , wee make some reckoning : but him that we despise we make far lesse esteeme of , yea often none at all , therefore to scorne , or deride , is a pleasure we take to shame another , without any profit at all to our selves . and therefore in our common converse , and dealings with men , those that would bee curious , ought to forbeare , to flout any body : and therefore they doe ill , that are ever sifting out , and retorting other mens defects upon them , ( although they have such faults ) for this is not a good way , to rid them of them , and understanding and well fashioned persons , doe avoyd such a reprocher as they would the divell : but there are some , that when they cannot give ill language will grumble , and inveigh aganist the defects of others , by often smiling , and other exteriour acts : and sometimes , they make jests , and solace themselves and make sport with the imperfections and miseries of others , whereas they should rather mourne , and grieve for them . it may well be , ( as a certaine courtier was wont to say ) that the sharpenesse of the tongue , may relish well , and please the appetite much , in mēs acceptance therof , yet this tartnes must not be done to endanger or much disturbe the sweete love , and friendship , which is mainteyned without any hazard on either side : so then the jeere which any receaves from thee must be light , that hee who receaves it may without shame be excused . and although these jeeres and quips of wit bee but a laughing , and jesting at the faults , and oversights of him that receives them , yet for all this , they are esteemed , and liked in him that knows how to speake them , well , because we know his intention to bee very farre from wronging of any therby . and therefore without doubt , those that can talke merrily , yet in a friendly manner , and without prejudice : are better liked then those that know not how to doe it , and are received with open armes , and esteemed , and regarded of all men . as on the contrary they are ill thought of , that seeke to follow this vaine without all discretion , not observing any rules or good manners therein , and therefore , hee that will doe this , must bee a very able man , for he must take many things into his consideration . but in effect ( as i have sayd ) this jeering is but to make sport with the defects , and errors of those that we ought to love and respect . of those that take offence at words . 10. on the other side , jests can hardly be distinguished , from wrongs , especially by some persons , who are so captious , that they take all jests , and quips , for affronts , and are so unsavory , and so voyd of understanding , that insteed of being pleased , or delighted therewith , they grow into choller , so that none can jest or meddle with them : and there are some , that suppose you should beare with their necessities and troublesomenesse , and if you say any thing to them , how slight so ever it bee : they are of such a disposition , that they are presently off of the hookes , and are so offensively disquiet , that although they are ( sometimes ) quickly appeased , yet during that small time , that their foolish anger doth last , they may infect others , with such an humour , that may bee their destruction . but what will it bee , if they bee head-strong , and that their displeasure doe not depart , but that they sleepe with it , and they dissemble their intentions , and wounded minde , with cheerfull countenances : wee can say no more of these , but this , that ( if wee fall into merriment , ) wee must sow a hose about their legges , as we use to doe to chickens , that wee may know them a farre off . to this purpose doctor villabos , the great physitian , as it is related in a certaine very pleasing dialogue of his , having put a jest upon another physitian , in the presence of the king , hee grew in choler , and to bee revenged spake thus to the king. your majesty may understand , that i value my selfe more , for that i am a phisitian , then to be accompted a merry companion , or a jester , to whom vilabos answered , seignior doctor makes mee to bee very simple ; for hee is so great a master , that he cannot be compted a wity companion , which answer being so readily given , was well taken , and the other received the pay he deserved . and it so falls out , that hee who is jeered , but in mirth , and in a friendly manner , doth often , by inconsideratnesse , take it for an affront and a disgrace . and although it bee so , that quips and jeeres are many times well taken , yet will not i counsell a civill gentleman , to addict himselfe much unto them . nor ought he to occasion them often to be spoken , nor at all times , and upon all occasions . for jestes well scanned , are nothing else , but bould , and subtile deceiptes . and therefore wee should leave the perpetuall making of jests , to those that live by them . who though they jeere never so much , can prejudice none by it , but if they doe it wittyly are to bee rewarded for it . but when a brave gentleman speakes any thing sharply , hee is to consider that every one is offended with him , that telleth him of his fault or error . therefore , for many reasons it seemes that hee that desires to bee well esteemed , should not make himselfe a master of jests , much lesse to esteeme himselfe for his ability , in being satyricall , and scandalous : like those that are full of censuring , although they be very witty , and pleasing in it , nor let them take such jollity in it as to lose a friend thereby . but especially it is worthy blame to make a jeere of the naturall defects of any one . that jests should not bee spoken to prejudice any body . although it hath bin seene in this case , that those who ought to have bin silent in a matter , and yet have spoken it to another , have bin answered sharply , as it was in that which they tell , that an one-eyed fellow sayd to a fellow with a hog-back , who to call him crooke-back sayd thus ; companion , thou hast carried that burden , ever since the morning , to whom he answered , surely that hath not bin long , for it is but very early dayes yet , for you have opened but one of your windows , so that each of them , jeered the other , with the imperfection that nature had marked them with . but satyricall speeches pierce deeper when they touch upon our descent , or honor , like that which one that was newly converted to christianity did speake to another by a jeere , to decipher him out , which other seeing the christian being a cavalleere , sit very back upon his horse , sayd to him , companion , why doe you get up so back upon your horse buttocks ? to whom he answered , if i get up so back , it is because i would not gall him , with the cruz , and so was hee revenged on him by jeering him for being a iew. and so stopped his forward boldnesse . touching this matter , i say : that if our acutenesse , and hability doe vent it selfe , in such prejudiciall sayings , it were better wee should never use it , for it cannot bee done with a safe conscience , but where a man may speake of things without hurt , to our neighbour , and with discretion , and judgement . it is true , that to passe this troublesome life , wee may use some solace and pastime , and that jests and quips are wont to bee used , as instruments to move laughter , and to recreate us withall , and therefore , they are loved , that can move mirth and speake wittily , without offending any body , and there are very few that know how to doe this : therefore there are many things to bee considered , that we fall not into disfavour . and it falls out , that that , which useth to please , and gaine the favour of some , may displease , and loose the favour of others ; and commonly where laughter hath no place , & to be pleasant pleaseth not , there to jest or jibe any body , is not acceptable , for there is no worse jest then truth . 11. by which you may know , that there are some words which bite , and do prejudice , and there are others that doe not . of the first i shall not need to say much : one wise comparision , that a certaine italian lady , called lawreras once spake shall suffice : jests , saith she , must bite those they are givē unto ; like a lamb , and not like a dogge ; for if they bite like a dog , they are not jests , but villanie and wrong ; and as ( by the law ) he is punished that abuseth another in words , so ought hee to be , that by his jests , speakes bitterly and disgracefully of his neighbour : for which reason , discreete and well behaved men ought to consider , that the same law that takes order against wrongs , doth also take order against biting jests ; and therefore , when men jest , they must pricke but lightly . 12. it is likewise to be understood , that a jest sometimes biteth , and sometimes not , and if it be not witty and pleasant , there is no delight taken in it by those that heare it , but proves luke-warm , & grows cold and frozen ; and if peradvēture they laugh , it is not at the jest , but at the sillinesse of the jester ; and because jests are nothing but frauds , and spoken to beguile ; and as it is an artificiall thing , so it cannot bee done , but by persons of a sharpe wit , ( especially upon a sudden ) and therefore it suits ill with dull men and those that have a grosse phansy , except it be , when speaking by chance in such their simplicity , they utter words worth laughing at , which then takes the more , because hee breakes the jest naturally and unawares , & not by witty and feigned art . as a certaine labourer did who being asked by certaine citizens why hee came to them , looked stedfastly upon one of them , that had a thick black beard , and sayd , i come to sell a pig , with reverence to the venerable beard of this gentleman . but why quoth the citizen doe you aske pardon of mee more then of the rest ? hee replyed ( simply and without malice ) because your worships beard is so thick and bushy that it resembles a hogs foote before it is scalded . the sayd citizen could doe noe lesse then laugh with the rest , for company , though hee were somewhat angry at the jest . another biscanoys that was sent for to buy a pullet bought a cock , supposing hee had done well , because the cock was bigger then a pullet : and of this sort , there are infinite jests , that are meerly naturall , and without any malice . but all that have good wits , know not how to jest , for it is a peculiar gift , and readinesse of wit , that all cannot attaine unto , therefore discreete men , understand themselves better , then to thinke to doe it at their pleasure , but are contented , with the talent , and disposition , they are endued withall . of those that make jests and know not of it . and when such men , have once or oftener made triall of the strength of their wits in vaine : they doe finde that they have no faculty that way , and doe forbeare to busy themselves , in exercising it , for it is a certaine faculty , that few are excellent in . some have this property , that no word can passe , but they have a jest , or witty saying , ready to passe upon it . and you must know , that another cannot relate , nor put in writing the jests that another invented , and uttered , with such grace , and delight as the authors of them can , therefore . i hope i shall heere bee excused ( in part , ) if those that i here set downe , for examples sake , doe not give very good content to the reader . formes of jests . 13. and amongst the severall wayes of jests , there is one very good , and pleasing , namely to make sport with a word that hath divers significations . as a cavallere , that was travelling on the way , as hee passed through a certaine village , hee asked what place it was , and how they , called it ; they answered it was called a village , ( which in the spanish tongue , is called casar , which signifies also to marry ) the cavallere answered , in this jest . quien passa por el casar , por todo puede passar . that is , he that can passe through marriage , may passe all places . 14. a certaine ill favoured old woman , saying to a lord of quality , of this court , that shee desired to marry , into baldemoro , being the name of a family in spaine , hee answered her thus , madam , in all ethiopia called in spaine baldemoro , you cannot meet with any so ugly that will have you . 15. also in like manner did a gentleman of valodolid make a jest upon two words that had two contrary sences , though they had the same letters . a certaine ill favored lady had spoken very disdainefully of him , and had reported that shee could not bee perswaded , that any women thought well of men . hee contrived as shee came to walk on the banke of esgueva which is a little streame , whereinto the people empty all their filth , to answer her with this sonnet . in midst of esgeve and the flowers , her pudly streams , pisverga sent where fresh , and new fruits grow all howers , two shepheards th' ayre with shrill notes rent . o nimph whose love procures no flames , whom one sole lover doth not woe . being commandresse of these streames , how can you passe with one or two ? leest thou on bridg i' th ford , or bote , seated among such flowers sweete , powring cleare liquour downe thy throte , must needs be thought for thee unmeete . that thou shouldst have no sutering swaines that thrives by th' peoples backward gaines . 16. to this purpose taking onely the literall meaning , one catedratico in alcala , made a pleasing interpretation being to act a speech which was to begine in castilian ( as the manner is ) spoke the preamble in latine as followes , amplissime rector , gravissimi doctores , nobilis iuventus : which is as much as to say , most bountifull governour , most grave doctors , noble youth : but as he began in latine , they gave many stroaks with their hands , and stampes with their feete , in token that hee should have spoken in castilian , he was bould to bespeake them in this manner , saying , my lords , your honours may perceive , that it sounds not so well in the castilian tongue , as in the latine , and seeing they continued to stampe the more , hee began in the literall sense , in this forme ; magnificent rector , most grave doctours , noble youth , casting his eyes upon the women , that sate in the windows , over against the theater , in which entrance , there was much pleasure taken , and wit , in interpreting the sound only , and so it was received for a jest and a pleasing speech . 17. some desire to do this , but know not how : but speake words , that are frozen and without sence , which are taken very unsavorily . as for example , if you aske them , where such an one is , they will answer you , where his feete stands , or betweene the skye and the ground . so that they speake in another manner , then was expected , and without any ingenuity at all , and with such frivolous answers , they loose the esteeme , of understanding , and well spoken men . if happily they retaine not the credit , that a certaine poore man did ( a credit of a different and more witty sence ) who laying a wager with others , that hee could have credit with the bankers , ( or mony lenders ) for more then thirty thousand duckets , and they asking him how it was possible , he being so poore , and decayed a man ; hee answered them thus . it is cleere my lords , that if i demand of any banker , in this manner , my lord such an one , doe you not believe that to bee rich , and to purchase two thousand duckets a yeare , and to have my house well furnished , that i have neede of thirty thousand duckets , doe you not credit what i say ? surely he will answer mee , i speake great reason : and so will the rest of the bankers . then according to this manner of credit , namely to bee believed of them , i can now say , that i have credit of thirty thousand duckets . and in this manner hee proved his credit , taking the word in a different sence . 18. some others there are that are so setled in this way of jibing , & jesting , that you cannot know , when they speake in earnest , or when in jest , and by the long continuance they have held , in speaking pleasantly , and disguisedly , when they are to speake truth , they are fayne to use oathes , that they may be believed . and therefore that we be not brought to this passe , our earnest must bee more then our jesting . heavy ieeres . and if thou make any jests for mirth sake , let them not bee heavy , or bitter ones . as to take any thing from thy friend which may vex and trouble him , in looking for it , and may make him jealous of any thing or to walke about discontentedly . as little doe i hold it good , to strike or scratch , or pinch men , in jest : for from such jestings , we have seene men fall to earnest . 20. but because it is not our purpose , to dispute heere , what may bee accompted fitting or unfitting jests , and jeeres , nor to urge more to any purpose , then what is needfull , for the illustration of it : i omit many examples , which are extant , of witty sayings , and stories to that purpose . how you may know a good jest . 21. it is sufficient to know that jests doe carry with them , either a certaine testimony of their pleasantnesse , and decency : or of their couldnesse and unpleasantnesse . and to know if a jest be good , or bad , he cannot bee mistaken , that observes this that folowes : and it is this , that hee that jests , be not too confident of himselfe ; for it is plainly seene , that when a jest is good , and pleasing , the company is pleased at the very uttering it , applauding it with the laughter , and jollity they make at it : and when it is not liked of those that heare it , he that makes it , is offended , and avoids making any more , so that the defect being in truth his owne , and not their fault that heares it , and so not being so approved , hee is to rest convinced as by a definitive sentence , for he cannot appeale to himselfe . of making a witty and ready answer . the knowing how to make a ready answer to any question , is no lesse requisite , then to know how to make a witty and pleasant jest , or to speake acutely . and some there are , that are so ingenious , and endowed , with such a gift , that they will answer so quick , to a question , or so wittily apply a pleasant speech , to those that heare them , that you would thinke they had bin studying long to bring it forth . 23. they report of that famous dante 's , that some of his adversaries searching for him , when they could not know him by his face , they sound him out , by his ready and acute answers hee made , to all questions they asked of him : and so three of those that met with him , asked him three questions together to try if they could distract him , one asked him , dove venite ? the second , dove de laqua ? and the third , quanti son di luna ? which is as much as to say , whence comest thou ? whence comes the water ? how old is the moone ? who answered them all three , in three words , saying , davilla , aloulo , in quinta : from the city , from the pitchers , five dayes old . and so was he discovered by his quicknesse . chapter , 12. of speaking set speeches . 1. there is another manner of giving entertaynement , which consisteth in knowledge how to speake , namely , when the pleasure thereof consisteth not in jests , and witty sayings , which are commonly very short , but in speaking a continued speech , which ought to bee done orderly , and with good expressions : so that hee that shall speake knowes how properly to represent , the manner and use , actions , and fashion of him hee speakes of , so that he that heares him speake , thinkes he even sees acted before him , the things which he relates unto him . to know how to speake well . 2. and this knowledge to speake well must consist , not in differencing or extreme altering the voyce , nor in imitating of actors of playes . but it is necessary for him that will speake well , to remember well the matter , story , or history , and to have ready and fitting words , that hee may not speake from the purpose , as some use to doe , after this manner . and so my lords , as i sayd , and to the end , that such an one , or another what doe you call him , helpe mee pray , to name him : tell me his name , &c. all which are ill customes , and are offensive to an understanding audience . and if he repeate an accident , wherein were many names , hee must not speake thus ; such a one sayd thus , another spake so , or such a one answered in this manner , for all of them may bee sayd to bee one or another . and hee that heares it , may easily erre , in not understanding of whom he speakes , and therefore , he that relates such a passage , must recite the names precisely , and therefore must take heede he forget them not . 3. it falls out in like manner , that some are so carelesse , that they forget what they were speaking of , by suffering their thoughts to rome upon other matters , so that they will aske you , what were we talking of , i have forgot what i was saying . this cannot bee done , without blame to him that was thus discoursing : even as he that recites an oration or other speech , and never mindeth what he is doing . for it seemes that he that is thus forgetfull , doth little esteem the content of his auditors . 4. besides this , a man must take heede , that hee speake not superfluities , and things of no substance , or which make nothing to the matter in hand , as if when the auditors are waiting for the successe of the story , he that relates it shall speake thus , such an one that was the sonne of such a man , that went many times , to such a merchants house , that was married to a leane woman , that was called by such a name , did you not know her ? how is it possible you should not ? you had better bin ignorant in another matter : a good old woman , very streight , that had a very thick hayre : and well combed , and such stuffe as this . for if they make not much to the businesse , it is ( at best ) but to wast the time , for by it , they hinder the pleasure , which might otherwise be taken , in their discourse , and is of little benefit to them , that listen to them ; but especially if they bee urgent , and desirous , to know the close of the story ; we ought not to punish them so much in circumloquutions , whereas all such their discourse tends to no more , then that such an one , was the sonne of peter or of iohn . 5. and a famous rhetoritian , was of opinion , that in telling of tales , or storyes , if there must be a relation in them , of many things , in the first place we must order , and dispose of the names , and sirnames , and after it shall be enough , onely to repeate the christian names , because they are given , according to the will of their parents , and the surnames according to the quality and decency of the persons . and if the person bee not very well knowne , in the place where wee speake of him : wee ought to frame our discourse , and story , as if the thing were done in another place : and to fit the names , as wee please , that wee may tell our stories , with relish , and without interruption , or making rubbes , or pawses in them . to use propriety of words . by this meanes , those that heare us are the better moved to attention , and wee remaine satisfyed , and they pleased , and this manner of speaking , is of such force , is so proper , and distinct , that ( many times ) it falls out , that it seemes to please much , though in it selfe , it bee not very pleasing , and so , that which in it selfe , hath much pleasure , may in like manner , be delivered so coldly , that all the mirth is spoiled thereby : and he discredited , that relateth it : and although good gestures , and the grace that a sweete voyce affords , are necessary in this , and is of great effect . yet for all this , he shall not be deficient , to please well , and to bee understood in the dexterity , of the propriety he uses , by him that knowes what belongs to write well , and in a good phrase . of comparisons . examples , and comparisons , must be apparent , because by them is presented to the phātasy , the thing compared , as if it were really beheld : and we ought not make comparisons by talking or doing foolishly , as some who put in the dance of their story those that are their auditors , saying , doth your worship know who such an one is , the other came in this manner , and i shooke him off thus , and in steede of comparisons , they give them such thumpes on the armes , and so strike them with their tongues , that no body can avoid them . there are others that speake a thousand fooleries , insteed of comparisons , so improperly and so grosely , that they force men to laugh at them . as did a priest in a certaine village , who to make some friends , and perswading them to love one another , and seeke one anothers good , sayd unto them , you love one another , not so much as my mule , and antonio , madalenaes horse , who went together to the pasture , and fed together and came home together againe . but if two beasts keepe company , and love so much , why doe you not take example by them ? so that for the propriety of that which is related , and compared , wee finde , that men give eare , with more delight to have that preseuted before their eyes , that is spoken of , and which falls out to persons we know : then that which befalls strangers whom we never saw . and the reason is , for that we know that such an one , of whom hee speakes , was wont to doe so , ( having seene it as a thing present ) so that that which is tould of strangers , is not so well received or accepted of . 6. the words also , in a continued speech , as well as in other discourses , must be cleare , or plaine , that every one of the company , may understand them easily , as well in the sense , or meaning , as in the sound , to be good , and beseeming : therefore if thou canst make thy selfe understood , by saying the mouth or the lippes , it is not good for thee to say , the nose , and thou mayst better say , thy belly is full , then the guts are full , and if thou mayst be understood by saying , the belly is satisfyed , it shall be better for thee to say so , then , the panch is full . chapter . 13. of novellaes and tales . besides the things we have sayd , a gentleman will be sure to tell a tale , or story , that shall bee such , that it shall not have in it , uncivill words , or obscene passages , or so beastly , that they make them loath them that heare it , but such passages must bee related by circumlocutions , and by civill , and honest wayes of expression : not speaking them in plaine termes , especially if women bee in the company , for then wee should bee more reserved , and the plot in such tale , must bee layd so neately , and artificially , that the auditors , may bee fed with pleasure of it , untill that the auditors doe at length remaine fully satisfyed , and out of doubt , with the close and conclusion of the story . and tales and stories should bee such , that besides the entertaynement , and pleasure of them , there may bee also drawn from them , good examples , and moralls , as the ancient makers of fables were wont to doe , who spake very artificially , ( as we may reade in their workes ) and in imitation of them , hee that tells a story , a fable , or such like discourse , ought to provide , that hee doe not often repeate the same words , except necessity force him to it , ( which is that which is called rambling . ) and so , that hee doe not confound his auditors , or perplex their memories , hee must labour to take away all obscurity , especially of many names . so that if in the story , there bee no more , then one prince , or one king , who is named in the beginning ; it is then enough ( afterwards ) to say ( onely ) the king , the captaine , the doctor , &c. and because in all parts of this treatise , wee labour to urge comparisons , and examples to the purpose , in this part which wee are now upon , we will relate a story of which ( it being very pleasing to some comicall persons of good judgement ) there was made a famous tragecomedy . and because in this booke , we would feede most palates with delight , he that shall not take pleasure in it , may skip over the story , ( if it seeme redious , ) and may proceede , in the other matters of this treatise . the tale of the great soldan , and of the loves of the beautifull axa and the prince of naples . in the vast country of tersia , was a soldan , that by his prowesse , and valour , had conquered many lands , who loosing his sight by a mischance that befell him , was more sensible of the great losse thereof , in regard that hee was thereby disabled to prosecute the designes hee had begun , then for any other trouble it put him unto . hee then calling together all the physitians of his kingdome , that they might apply medicines , to cure his infirmitie : his vassalls , ( being desirous of the recovery of his sight ) brought unto him , a famous christian phisitian , whom by misfortune , a basha had taken prisoner : in this man the soldan had great confidence , to receave help , ( he having already cured many of his vassalls , of many dangerous infirmities ) and so with large promises of wealth and freedome he put himselfe into his hands . the physitian , used the best practise hee could , to recover his sight ; but all humane meanes hee could use , not sufficing , hee excused himselfe to his lord , beseeching him , that he would accept of his good will , and intention : but it was not accepted with the like minde . but the soldan was jealous , that because he was a christian , therefore he was regardlesse of his recovery : and commanded that they should put him into a dungeon , and ordeyned , that if within eight dayes following , he prescribed not a sufficient medicine , to recover his sight , that hee should be devoured of his lyons . the physitian , when he had bin seven dayes in the dungeon , and considering , how neere death aproched to him , determined to finde out a way , how to prolong his life , by entertayning the soldan with faigned hopes , and so desired , he might be ( againe ) brought before him , that he might try another medicine upon him ( when hee came into his presence , after he had excused himselfe , that hee had not all this time cured him , ) he spake thus unto him , that he had found out that there was one only cure for him , but that hee must have patience , for a few dayes , wherein he must put off the cure ( but it should not bee long ) till hee might search out ( with diligence ) a yong man of a noble race , valiant , of a pure complexion , faire , wise , and well esteemed of : for , with the blood , and heart of such a one , with the powders , and herbs , that he should adde , he would recover his sight : and that they must ( also ) appoint him a place , to gather certaine herbes , for this purpose . the soldan , approving his speech , gave him liberty , to walke ( freely ) up and downe his court , and possessed with this hope , hee imparted his content , to the suleanesse his lady , and his beautifull daughter , axa , a lady most famous , for her wonderfull fairenesse , and worth . after the soldan , dispatcheth some of his basha●s , to divers kingdomes , that they might finde out a prisoner that might be fitting , for to make the medicine , to recover his sight promising great rewards , to him , that should performe this enterprise . it fell out , that as one of his captaines , touched with one of his gallyes , at a port of the kingdome of naples , and had there bin informed , that certaine yong cavalleeres , were to passe that way a hunting , they lay in ambush to take them , at which very season it fortuned , that the prince of naples went also that way to hunt , who in the hard pursuing of his chase , was severed from his company : he was a yong man of three and twenty yeares old , and endowed with all those qualities , the christian physitian , had mentioned : who being assaulted by the infidells , although he defended himselfe like a valiant cavalleere , after he had slaine some of them , and hurt many more , was neverthelesse ( at last ) with much difficulty , taken , and put into the gally , and carried to the great soldan , and although they knew him not for a prince , yet they guessed by him that he must be a cavalleere of great quality ; you may easily cōceive , what sadnesse did possesse the king , & queene , of this kingdom , this princes father , & all the subjects , for the losse of the prince , and so leaving that , to its proper time , and place , we will now speake of his voyage , w ch was so prosperous , that in short time , they arrived in persia , where he was presēted to the soldan , who much pleased therewith called for the christian doctor , to the end that , ( this cavalleere being such a man , as hee had required to recover him withall ) he might put his medicine in practise . the physitian , seeing himselfe thus cut off of his excuseand confounded in his plot , spoke to the soldan in part after this manner . great sir , i cannot deny , but this yong man , is a man fitting for the purpose to recover your sight : but he is now troubled , and his spirits unquiet , and it his humours bee not setled and his complexion reduced , to its due temper , his hart will not be usefull , for our purpose , hee must therefore repose himselfe , a few dayes , and a way be devised , how this captive may receave content , as by some vaine hope of freedome , or such like meanes ; the soldan thought well of this , and tould it his wife , and his faire daughter axa , who offered him , ( if he would employ them in this service , ) to make him such offers , and promises of liberty , that he should presently be pleased , and contented . which offer the soldan accepted of them . wherefore , afterwards , the prince was brought to the lodging , of the soldana ( which was curiously seated , and had a passage from it , to the banke of a great river , which not farre thence , disburthened it selfe , into the ocean , ) now he was employed for his greater grace , in serving the faire axa , who of purpose , and by the command of her parents , made very much of him , and shewed him , extra ordinary favour . in like manner the doctor , had order , to enter ( when he pleased ) into the chamber of the empresse , and the princesse , to observe , when the christian should bee at the height of his content : that he might give the soldan notice , when it was a fit time to sacrifice him . the prince seeing the good entertainement they gave him , could not imagine , why ( on the suddaine , ) he should bee thus cockered , but suspected , that they had discovered what hee was . and hee being indeed very pleasing , and a perfect courtier , knew ( so well ) to give content , and to performe his service so readily , to his new lady , the beautifull axa , that the faigned , and purposely counterfaited observance , shee made shew of , was turned into a true and sincere love , and the prince was the meane while no lesse taken with her beauty . yet so warily , and secretly they both carried their loves , that when any beheld them , it seemed to be all in jest . the doctor whose thoughts were not all this while idle , seeing what hast was made , devised a way , how he might escape from them . for it was resolved that the fift day following , the christian should be sacrificed , and so , he failing in his cure , should bee devoured of the lyons . about the same time he went out one evening , into the orchard , where the soldana , and her daughter , with the christian , were also walking together , and as they walked , the prince , and princesse went aside , and shee laying her hand upon his shoulder , and looking wishly upon him , conjured him by the great love she bare him , to tell her , who hee was , promising to keepe it secret ; who moved with much confidence of her love , and faith of her promise , and with the sweet words , this lady gave him , tould her the truth , that he was the prince and onely heyre of naples , beseeching her , by all meanes , not to discover him , for the great difficulty , he should thereby finde , for his ransome . but as soone as shee understood , what hee was , and the danger hee was in , shee began to weepe bitterly , yet for feare of her mother shee dissembled it , as much as shee was able : at this instant , the soldana winked upon the doctor , that he should come , and see if the christian were in a good temper , shewing him the great cunning her daughter had used , to deceive him , and to bring him into good temper , and to make him to be well satisfyed : and she in the while stood to behold , at some distance off , in the orchard ; but when the doctor came to the place where the two lovers were , the faire axa begun secretly to curse him , and bad him , that hee should take some course , that hee did not performe , what hee had agreed upon , but that hee should cure her father another way : if not , that hee was to know , that if he did , as he had proposed , though hee should cure him , yet shee would kill him , ( but especially because shee well perceived , that all was but subtilty , to prolong his life , ) and turning to the prince , shee sayd , ah sir , it is now no time to conceale from you , what is determined concerning you , but that we presently study a remedy . and so shee tould him the sentence , that was given against him : and all the passages thereof , and in what manner his death was appointed ( by the consent of this doctor ) but that hee should not be troubled at it , for shee would marke out a way , how he might free himselfe , which was , that they three , ( as they were ) must take their flight , in a little barke , that was in the river , and so commend themselves to their good fortunes . and from thence , she vowed her selfe , to bee a christian , and desired him by the saith of a husband , that hee would take her , to his kingdome , and accept her for the princesse thereof . and shee declared unto them that by meanes of certaine charmes , that shee had learnt of her mother , shee would ( next day ) take order , to cast her mother , and her women , into a sleepe : that in the meane time , they three , might escape , with all her fathers treasure , of which shee kept the keyes . the prince , remayned astonished , when hee understood , what had passed , but much more , at the ready ability , of his lady , and of the great love shee had shewen him . the plot pleased them exceeding well , but it not then being the time , to put this businesse , in execution , they agreed to doe it , the next day , as soon as the soldan had supped , and so they made the appointment , as the faire axa had chalked it out . the next day , shee conveyed her selfe into the chamber , where her fathers tresour was , and there shee tooke out of certaine chests , the best jewells , and pretious stones he had , and tooke also much gold thence to an incredible value , being indeed the greatest part of that the soldan and his predecessors , had bin gathering together for many yeares past , when this was done , shee tooke order how to intercept a barke , one of the best on the river , by an excuse that shee made , that her selfe , and her mother , and some other ladies , were to take their pleasure in it as at other times , they were wont to doe . when night came , and supper was ended , the faire axa , by meanes of the inchantments , and magick , shee had knowledge in , put one in practise , which was to pitch a scedule of partchment written with dragons blood , and to stick it to the gowne of the soldana , which was no sooner done but she fell into adeepe sleepe , and so dead it was , that shee awaked not , till late the next day . then shee commanded all the women to retire , and hid the prince and doctor , in the same chamber , where the tresour was , and when shee knew that they were all at rest , and that the soldana could not be awaked , shee went cheerefully to her husband , and at last all three , helping one another , they put all this wealth , in chestes , and by little and little , put them into the barke , and amongst other things , of great esteeme ; they had taken a sword , which ( besides the richnesse of the stones , it was set withall ) it was of such power , that wheresoever it cut , it dissolved all charmes and inchantments . and in like manner shee tooke a ring of memory all of one diamond , as well the hoope , as the stone , made in two partes , which being joyned together , had a vertue in it , that hee that had it , could remember what ever he had done , or had happened unto him , unto that present time . with this treasure , and rich apparell , that axa had put up , they went all three abroad the bark , who ayded with sailes and oars , they were favoured so much , that being now on the maine ocean , in a happy time , they doubled the cape of naples , which kingdome they discovered one morning at break of day . the joy of all three was great , but especially of the beautifull princesse , who with amorous discourse did solemnize her great content , in behoulding christendome , and for enjoyng the company of her beloved prince . at this very instant , axa behold a farr off a barke appeare , that made towards them , with all speede , and being much troubled , shee turned to the prince , saying , alas my lord , the barke we have discovered , is the soldanas barke , my mother , who with her magick , and enchantments , is able to destroy us without resistance . the prince did comfort her , making it a sport that one woman should bee able to conquer him , but the greatest comfort that shee found , was the remembrance of the soldans sword , that the prince wore , and so ( although with great feare , and many teares , ) shee was perswaded , that there was no other remedy but that they must cut something , which belonged to the bark , and not suffer themselves , to be grapled with , that they might not bee overthrowne ; in the interim the soldana came up to them , with great bravery , reviling them , and calling the prince ruffian , and the princes whore , and threatning them , that now they should never escape her hands : the prince advised her not to come neere him , except shee desired her owne destruction : but the not regarding his counsell , came to board him , and fastening her grapling hands upon part of the princes barke , to leape into it . the prince ( that was very vigilant ) cut them off with as much of the barke , as they had laid hould upon : and so ( by force ) severed her , from them . the soldana , when shee saw that by the vertue of the sword , hee had defended himselfe from her , being able to doe no more , spake in a rage to her daughter , in this manner : well traytresse , though you have such confidence in your ruffian , i will bring it so to passe , that the first woman , that hee shall embrace , hee shall forget thee : and so shee returned as fierce as a lyonesse , with the losse of her fingers . they seeing themselves freed of this danger , and neere the kingdome of naples , got into the heaven with great content : where the prince , dissembling himselfe very much , because hee desired not then to be knowne , made the captaine of the castle there , ( being a man of his old acquaintance ) to be called unto him . to whom onely , ( in private ) he discovered himselfe . the captaine being amazed at this sight , was falling downe upon his knees , to kisse his hands , and feete , but the prince winked upon him , and commanded him to conceale him : and that hee should entertaine him , but as an ordinary cavalleere , because he did not as yet desire , to make himselfe knowne , and so causing the barke to bee unladen of his coffers , they went to refresh themselves at his house ; where he imparted his great joy onely to his wife , and his two daughters . and you may well gesse what joy this was , when as for the losse of this their prince , all the country ( after a most sad manner ) mourned in blacke sack-cloath . but being come thither , the first thing axa did , was to bee christend , by the hand of a bishop , to whom they were faine to discover themselves , for this purpose . and at the same time the prince was also married to the faire axa . and so the next day , the prince commending the care of her , to the captaine , and his wife , and daughters , he and the doctor departed in strangers habites , to present himselfe to his father , that himselfe might bee the first , that might 〈◊〉 the reward , for this newes : promising his new married lady to come back againe to her thither , and to receive her into the country with great solemnity . shee suspecting the successe , bestowed on him , and put upon his finger halfe the diamond ring of memory before mentioned , and kept the other halfe by her selfe . in this manner , they went to the court , where his parents , the king and queene were , and entred into the palace . then the teares trickled from this good princes eyes , as well for joy hee received to see his parents , as for the griefe , that his absence had caused so great sorrow throughout the kingdome , and after telling the waiters , that hee had a businesse of importance , to impart unto the king , he was admitted into the presence : and there being full of content , after he had passed a thousand jests , and passages of mirth , with the cavalleeres , hee discovered himselfe unto them : that they might ( by degrees , ) make his father understand of 〈◊〉 comming ▪ least excesse of joy by the suddaine knowledge of his 〈◊〉 cause some dangerous 〈◊〉 in him . all this 〈◊〉 well caryed , & so at length the father , & sonne received one the other , with many teares , and embraces . and as the prince was relating to the king , all the discourse of his captivity , and how by meanes of the faire axa , hee was delivered , in comes his mother , trembling , and much altered , with her suddaine joy , and imbraced him , shedding many teares , untill the king interrupted her and sayd to the queene ; as you love my life be stille . that my sonne may proceede , in the most exquisite story , ( of his travells ) that ever was heard : and so hee requested him to proceed , and to declare , where hee had left the faire axa hee spake of . the prince wholy forgetfull what he had sayd , as if he were astonished , at some new accident , made answer , that he knew not axa , nor whether there were such a one , or no , nor did he ever see any such person . and the more the king wondered at it , the more the prince denyed it : so that the queene 〈…〉 king , and encreated him to leave this discourse , and 〈…〉 to him of 〈…〉 nothing then but to 〈…〉 they all possessed . and so was the newes divulged , and great expressions of joy were made through the whole kingdome ; and because the king had ( formerly ) bin upon treaty of a marriage for the prince with the queene of cicily , ( which by reason of his being lost , was hitherto stayd ) hee now againe sent his embassadors to her , with the consent , and liking of his sonne , the prince , who without thinking of his lady axa , approved well of it . but when the doctor saw this , and that the prince did not onely forbeare to proceede , with his great entertaynement for his lady axa : but did not so much as thinke of her : being much grieved , he returned , to the place , where she remayned , but he found that she was not much altered by this accidēt , but shewing a good semblance , to the captaine , commanded him , and the doctor to goe to the court , and to provide her the best lodging , which was to be had , without the pallace , giving them much gold , and silver , out of her treasure , and licence to spend a great part of it , in furnishing of the sayd lodging : shee also sent a messenger to the king , to let him understand , that a princesse of a strange country , was comming to his court , about an important businesse , and that his majesty should take order , for her entertaynement , according as was suiting to her quality , and estate . the king , wondering from whom so great a lady , could come , commanded shee should bee receaved , by the cavalleeres of his court : requiring her to discover whom shee was , that he might not fall short , in giving her the honour due unto her ; the faire axa answered , that his majesty should know from her owne mouth , who she was ; so the captaine , having provided a stately house , adorned with curious furniture , and well furnished with servants , and officers , fitting for the house of a queene , the king tooke order to receave the faire axa , with great preparation , curiously trimming the streets through which shee was to passe , and providing the best inventions , playes and dauncing that could be thought on to entertaine her withall . in this manner shee made her entry , being habited in as rich a fashion , as ever queene or princesse was beheld attired with , and being indeede ( for beauty ) the paragon of the world , so shee seemed to all that beheld her , to be more then a humane creature . the king and the queene , stood privately and by themselves , where they might behold her , as shee passed from her house to the court , and so did the prince , who as shee passed by him , vailed his beaver , and shee returned her complementall respect to him , looking wishly and affectionately upon him , as one that had not yet forgot him . who although that shoe appeared to him , to be the most curious creature , that ever hee beheld , yet did he not at all remember her , but he tooke notice how passionately shee had eyed him , by which , and by her wonderfull beauty , he became a fresh enamored . and thus the faire axa , with much astonishment to all the court , made her entry , distributing many rich gifts , and presents , unto the courtiers . the next morning , the king sent to visit her , by his lord high steward , who ( though hee were a brave courtyer , ) when hee entred to deliver the complement , his speech was taken from him , with behoulding her wonderfull beauty , nor could he call to minde what hee was to say . axa entreated him to sit downe , and gave him much respect , with which hee was the more astonished , not knowing , how to dispatch his errand , nor how to depart thence : the princesse , ( feigning that shee de red much his company , and that his good intentions did well satisfy her ) gave way he might sup with her . and by this favour , shee encreased his blindnesse so much , that hee desired , that shee would suffer him , to lye there that night , though it were but upon a bench , because hee could not finde the way thence . to whom the beautifull axa answered , that he should not only lye there , as he desired , but that he should lye in her own chamber . the high steward , much pleased with this , accepted of it , and when bed-time was come , hee asked for a combe and a brush to combe himselfe withall saying to the princesse , that hee alwayes used to doe thus , and that it was the custome of the country so to doe : then the princesse presented him a combe with her own hand , and he begun to combe himselfe therewith , while shee sat confidently by him , for hee did nothing but call her , to sit by him , and sayd the good of the high steward , might excuse her , so he stood ( thus ) combing himselfe , so long , that hee much galled his head , for hee continued so doing till morning without ceasing . at what time , the prince came thither , and saw this , and tooke out of his hands the combe and brush , sending him away like a block-head , telling him , he had neede to combe himselfe , because she would not doe it for him . in this manner the poore steward , much ashamed , went to the king , with his armes very weary , and the skin galled off his head , with the much combing it , complayning , what wrong the strange princesse had done him , for which hee was well laughed at by the king queene , and prince , who did nothing , but jeere him for it ; but much more the queenes lord chamberlaine telling him , that because hee was thus finely combed ; they durst not keepe him company . wherefore the queene commanded , that he should bee employed on the same businesse , that shee might see , what successe he would have . he was very well contented with it , but there happened a like misfortune to him , that did to the former , but by another way . for when he had dyned and supped , and troden the same steps , that the other had done , the princesse offering him a combe , and a brush , he excused himselfe ( thinking thereby , he had overcome all ) answering that hee had no neede of combing , but he had a very great longing , to put out the candle , that was there burning , and so he went to blow it out , and still as he put it out , it was lighted againe , and hee still renewed his blowing of it , and thus he continued all night , who still when the princesse called him , answered , i will come madam , when i have put out the candle , which shall never get the victory of mee . at which the princesse , and many of her ladies , that were there , with her , made much mirth : and thus exercised , he passed the whole night , and in the morning shee sent him away , much ashamed . hee returned to the king , and the queene , who desired to bee satisfyed , why he stayd so long ▪ the lord steward that was so combed , was so much pleased , to see him so much troubled , that his owne vexation was thereby much lessened : and the rather for that his head did now begin to be better , and ( the king , queene and the prince , standing in doubt , from whence so faire , and wise a woman , should come ) there came a message , from her , requesting the king , to give her audience , in the businesse she came for , which was granted her , & he forth with commanded shee should come thither , and when she ascended the pallace , the queene , and her ladies were ready to receive her ; and so shee entred most gloriously , and richly , desiring to kisse the kings hands , which might not bee granted , before hee knew what shee was , and what shee desired . shee prostrated her selfe before him , and tooke them by force , saying , that presently they should see , whether they might give her them , with a good will ; and with that , shee required justice of the king , to cause halfe a ring of memory , that the prince had robbed her of to bee restored unto her , which ring she sayd , the prince did then weare upon his finger . the prince much blushing sayd , that it was true , that hee had such a ring ; but that he did not remember that hee tooke it from her : then the princesse pulled off that which shee had upon her owne finger , and putting it upon the princes finger , and joyning , and fitting it , into the other , the prince came to himselfe , as if he had awaked from a dream ; and his eyes being opened , and seeing his lady axa , before him , first falling downe upon his knees , before her , he ( presently ) went and tooke her in his armes , and sayd unto her ; o my lady , and true spouse , and my greatest blisse : and then he proceeded , to tell the king , and queene , his parents , his story : and how much he was engaged , to this faire princesse , who with joy embraced , and received her for their daughter , and being in the middest of their joy , there entred the embassadors , that came from sicily , and declared , that the queene was already married , to another king her neighbour : who at the very time , they were in treaty , came with a great navy , and carried her to his owne country , and there married her , at which they were much pleased , seeing how happily all things fell out , and so the prince , and the most wise , and beautifull axa , succeeding their parents , in the kingdome , did long reigne , with happy peace , and prosperity . the end of the tale , and proceeding of the author , in his matter . he ought also that takes upon him to tell any story or tale , ( like this ) although hee have many to tell , and that they heare him willingly , to give way , that every one , may tell his owne story , and not to exceede his lymits ( so farre , ) in this kinde , that hee should bee accompted tedious or troublesome : nor to invite men to be alwayes telling such stories , for the principall use of them , is but to fill up idle time . 2. one must also take heede in this , as in all other manner of discourses , that hee observe the propriety , and purity of words , and not leaving the common use , and true castilian tongue , rather striving for plainenesse , then curiosity , so that if in common discourse , we be to say the sunne , we should not say , the light of the world , nor to say he stood in the frontispice of his house , when we should say he stood in the porch , or entry thereof . nor when one should say , he tooke the fresh ayre of the morning , to say that hee received the zephirus of aurora , nor in ordinary things , to use words , which are strangers , in our language , like some , that thinke they shew great learning , in drawing old words , out of use , into their discourses . 3. but what shall wee say of the coyned phrases , of some i deots , that labour to speake in metaphors , and high and excellent straynes , as they conceive . 4. a student , one christmas comming home to see his parents , and kindred , as he stood with them , by the fire , thinking to shew his learning by speaking in an extraordinary manner , insteed of saying , lay this wood on the fire , sayd thus , lady nurse , apply these materialls , to the consumer of all things , for you see , that the biting tooth of nature , makes me in a walking temper . his father that was well studyed , and a good speaker , replyed to this , mee thinkes my sonne , that the want you felt in the castilian tongue you have as well met withall in the latine , and that in a worse manner , for you might have expressed more in a plaine song , then you have done , in the counter point . i say then , that our words ought to be such , as may bee significant , and plaine to bee understood , according to the custome of the place , where thou art , and not so obsolete , that they are growne rusty , ( as the proverb goes . ) for it is better to say tapiz , which is tapistry or french cloath , then paramentos , which is an old word , that signifyes the same thing , and to say ensenar to teach , then averzar , being an old word , that signifyes the same thing , and accostombrado , accustomed , and not as others use to say , estoy hecho a esto , which signifyes the same thing . i except labourers , and pesants , and other people of poore places , although we make sport of their language : yet it becomes them well , and if they strive to alter their ordinary way , it shewes ill . and according to their accompt , you shall finde such understanding men amongst them , that they may give us fifteene and a fault , as the proverbe goes , that thinke our selves wiser . but it is not to bee doubted , but for the most part , if wee could heare the passages betwixt some of them , in their consultations , and discourses , wee would bee much taken with them . 5. a curious courtier , walking in the habit of a labourer , passed through a village , at the time they were in councell , and so by meanes of his habit , that hee wore , hee was permitted , to behold what passed there , and at that instant , he saw one of the country fellowes , that sat there , stand up , and putting off his cap spake thus to the justices of the place . noble lords , juan gamorro & pedro garcia se quieren chapar por cohadres if it please you . the most ancient of the judges answered him thus . no engemineys tantos in lo c●hadria , que succedera eugobello , so that we cannot determine of it . 6. in another more obscure place he sayd hee saw another judge that being troubled spake thus , come you hither meculas of ana and tell mee why you weare that dagger , meculas de ana answered him , i may weare it for my defence , to which the judge in anger answered as he sat upon the bench , take it from him , and set him on the pillory , and take it for law , that i sentence him and command it . the concept of the author is not to bee understood but in the spanish . 7. returning then to our purpose , i say , that our words must be plaine , and this we may doe , if we know how to use such as have their originall , and naturall signification , from the land we are in : and they ought not to be so old , that they prove hard to be understood , and out of all use : like old clothes , and habites , so that if when wee ought to leave them off , we shall goe abroad with them , we shall bee pointed at , and derided for so doing . and therefore , he that shall say , membrose for acordarse , or ome bueno for hombre bueno , and sincar for que dar , and such like , shall doe very ill . 8. in like manner , our words must be as proper , as may be , to expresse that which we desire to shew by them , and lesse significant , and common to expresse other things by ; as to say , hee was knowne enlas faciones , by his fashion , is more proper then to say he was knowne en la figura o imagen . and it is better to say , reclino le puerta , que no grito la puerta , the dore squeekes , and we may more properly say , et tremblor de quarātana then el frio the shaking of the quartan ague , and many such like as these . 9. none can well speak to another , in the tongue which hee unto whom he speaketh understandeth not , and for this reason , those that are curious , and especially strangers doe labour to understand latine , because it is a tongue so common in the world , and which they teach by art unto those that are to travell , into strange countries . and in my opinion , those who have or may have meanes to learne it , ought not to neglect the knowledge thereof , that they may enjoy the treasure , that is written in that language . and the reason that in spaine , men doe not ordinarily discourse so well , as in other kingdomes , is , because in many places thereof , they teach many rules , and doe very little exercise to discourse , but for a mans ordinary custome , none ought to alter his mother tongue , except necessity require . and if a spaniard be to discourse with an italian , or one of another language , whom hee knowes doth well understand the castilian tongue , he is not bound to speake to him in any other then his owne castilian tongue . neither is an italian , or stranger , that knowes that the spaniard ( with whom hee discourses ) understands him , tyed to speake castilian , or to excuse himselfe for his foolish language : and it hath bin seene that an italian hath spoken in spanish , with a spaniard , for vaine glory , and oftentations sake , and a spaniard to answer him in italian , and both one , and the other , to speake such broken language , that they might easily discover one another to speake ill , and any other , that heard them , must needs laugh at them , to heare the improprieties and fooleries spoken of them . 10. there was after this manner a spaniard that met with an italian his friend , and each of them speaking the others language , when they had spoken much on both sides without well understanding each the other : the spaniard spake to the italian in this manner , sir i am of opinion , that except we change tongues , wee can proceede no farther , therefore let me have my castilian tongue , and doe you take your italian . 11. to this purpose , i can tell you of a great drinker , that called a iew newly become a christian , drunkard , and the other called him iew , and having accused and sued each the other , for the same , the judge being in examination of the businesse , the drunkard sayd , sir he confesseth hee called me iew , and i deny not but that i did call him drunkard , let them therefore passe one for the other , and so we are even : if not , let him returne me my drunkard , i will returne him his iew , and so the judge set them both free , and made them friends . i say then returning to my matter , that wee must take heede of speaking in a strange language , when there is no necessity to doe it . 12. a discreete gentleman must ( in like manner ) bee sure that his words bee modest , and honest and well sounding , i meane that they be well sounding or delivered in a good tone , and have a good signification , for there are some words , that sound in the meaning of them , and not in the letter of thē , as when they say , she recoyled insteed of she fell backward , which as to the meaning of it , is better ; and it may more honestly be sayd , his shee friend , then his harlot , and of a dishonest woman such a one is her servant , then to say , he is ruffian to such a yong queane , and such like or worse words . and when we may expresse things of this nature by one word , it is better to doe it so then with two , as to say , much good may it doe you , and he gained , and enjoyed her . except he chang it into mirth , which a country fellow found , who comming for a dispensation sayd to the justice of the court , sir , they have made mee come hither to buy a dispēsa , or dispensation from the sumo ponfize , meaning the pope , & the notary asking him si avi tēido accesso o copula if he had layē with her or had copulation , hee answered i sr. ya hemos tenido eucientios y popula , and shee is with child , that thankes be to god , they cannot accompt me pro omnipotente , meaning an impotent fellow . there befell a witty accident to a lawyer of this court , from a country fellow , who being of his counsell , after hee had discoursed of his case , hee sayd unto him , master lawyer , i desire with your worships leave , that i may give your wife two blowes on the buttockes , the lawyer was something troubled with this , untill the labourer proceeded in this manner , saying , indeed i am the bolder to give them , because the bacon is good , and so the mistake was , that insteed of saying lunadas de tocino , gammons of bacon , hee called them nalgadas , which signifyes claps on the buttocks . 13. of all these things we ought to be admonished of , in our common discourse , and being to handle a larger subject , every one may make use of the rules and instructions of rethorick . but in that which we heere call good courtship , we must use modest , gentile , and sweete language , that may have no bitternesse in them , and so wee should rather say . i doe not well expresse my selfe , then that you cannot understand me . we will try , if it be so as you say , then to say , you are deceived , or it is not true , or you doe not know it . for it is a courtly and pleasing fashion , to excuse another , even in that that thou knowest he is too blame in . we ought also to make our friends errour , common to our selves , and to take part of it , upon our selves , and after to reprove him , in a seasonable time , saying , we were out of the way and we never thought to doe this , although the truth be , that the forgetfulnesse was in the other , and not , in him that took the fault upon him . and if any one promise thee any thing , & cannot accomplish it , or be forgetfull of it , it is not civill to say , you have broke your credit or promise with me , or you have not kept your word , you have not regarded mee . for such words are pricking , and sharp , and imply in them , some suspition of infamy , or reproach , and those that use such language , are accompted harsh , and simple , and so men avoid them , and their friendship : like unto them that shun to entangle themselves , with briars and brambles , which two to one , ( although it be for things of no weight ) are occasioned to bring us to destruction . and so wee must never speake , except first , we have framed in our minds , what to speake , that thy discourse may be well delivered , and be consonant in it selfe . nor as little oughtest thou , to seeke to bee the speaker , in assemblies , or meetings , nor as little oughtest thou when thou art amongst thy equalls , to be alwayes silent : yet in these two extremes , thou canst lesse erre , in holding thy peace . as they tell of one piobano that was in italy , a very pleasing man , and discreete , that when one gave him many injurious , and opprobrious speeches , he heard them patiently , and sayd nothing to them , and being asked why hee held his peace , and did not answer for himselfe : made answer , that whilst the other was speaking , he was considering , that he never yet repented , for being silent , but for speaking he had often repented him . 14. true it is , that those that speake well , and gracefully , without wronging of others , are blamelesse . yet for all this , it must be done so modestly , that they give way with patience for others to speake , so that they doe not speake out of their course , to the end that they may have all the talke alone . for there be some that in this error of talking too much , are so passionate , that they place all their delight , and pleasure , in them , that will give them leave to talke . 15. and if by chance there be two talkers , at one meeting , it is a wonder to finde them agree well : for each of them will strive , to be the cock of the company , where he is . as it fell out to a cavallero , in this court , that was a great talker , that being to goe to cordova , the day he was to take his journey , he entertayned a lacquay , to accompany him , who ( according to his ability ) was as great a talker as his master . and so it fell out that from the time he went out of madrid , till hee came to the place whither he was to make his first dayes journey , for foure leagues they had travelled , the master never ceased talking , to his new servant asking him questions , and telling him stories , not giving his servant leave to speake one word . for which cause he tooke his leave of him , saying , your worship hath tyred your selfe , and i give you no thankes for it : for your worship is a great talker , and i have the same passion of talking , and if i may not play my play , and take my turne , but must bee forced to goe from hence to cordova , without speaking , i should bee so full that i must burst , and therefore i would goe no further with you , for more then i have agreed with you for . 16. but except thou observe a little these instructions , i advise thee , that when thou art to speake , thou be carefull to understand the minde , of those thou discoursest withall , and sute thy talke to the applause of those that heare thee . 17. be not so confident , to stand , listning , i say hugging and applauding thy selfe , making faces , and mouthes , and antique gestures , alwayes reaching out thy armes , and hands , as if thou wert to act some body . for there are some that all they fancy in their braines , they fashion it out with their hands , playing it upon all their fingers . 18. the voyce must not be hoarse , nor shrill , nor must we be very loud , when we have cause to laugh , or for any other accident , like some , that skreeke like cartes , that want greasing , nor can any speake whilst he makes such a noise . nor to be so heedlesse of our memories as to begin to speake a word , and then to stand stuttering a good while , ere we can utter it . and hee that is hoarse or hath an ill utterance , should not desire to speake much , but let him correct the fault of his tongue , with silence and attention to others , who may also with care , and study , hide his naturall imperfection . as little pleasing is it , to lift up ones , voyce , as one that calles out for help , nor to speake so softly , that he cannot be heard , and except they heare thee at first , thou must the second time raise thy voyce , and not to be always wedded to one tone . yet must thou as little speake too shrill , because they did not before heare thee when thou spakest so softly . thy words must then be well marshalled , according to the use , and custome , and not wound , and wreathen , here and there , nor intricate , ( as some in gallantry use to doe ) as to say my light is dislighted , by your light , which are expressions only fitting for poets . except when with consent of all , and for mirth sake , they are discoursing of poetry , and making verses . then if thou shalt see that those of thine owne profession , and age , doe entertaine , & busy themselves in this , thou oughtest not to bee out of order , or strange : but to say something thou knowest , as it comes to thy turne , and if thou have no faculty in poetry , let it be very little that thou speakest retiring in time like a good sencer . wherfore to conclude , such exercise is not ordinarily to bee used , as we shall hereafter declare . chapter . 14. of those that have no abilities to it , and yet will needs be poets . because we have hitherto treated , of the knowledge how to speake well , and to jest , and of the readinesse which is required therein , and also of those , who without ability of wit , doe adventure to discourse , and entertaine company , more to content themselves , then their auditors . i will now treate of boldnesse that some use , in the subject of poetry . 1. for the which i will first give you for a rule , what warinesse a curious gentleman , is to observe in using of this subject : for his breeding , and gentilenes , binde him not to have skill in it , neither let him spend his time in it , if his naturall inclination doe not helpe him much in it . for though there be many rules to be knowne , the principall to be learnt is , for every one to know his owne naturall inclination , and ability to it , for poetry to make it pleasing , must be very good . for if in any thing , there be no meane , it is in this . true it is , that few make verses , that are not very confident , and that thinke they are the best , that ever were made , and as the palate , and opinion of the people , is divers , so they may ( always ) finde some , that will applaud and hearken unto them , and peradventure some that will preferre them before very good poets , for the novelty , and difference there is betweene them , and those that have gone before them . as in like manner , there are some , that are so wedded to antiquity , that no moderne piece of poetry , doth please them , though it be more quick , and elegant , then those old poems , they have in memory , which were made in their yonger times . for there are some that but one paire of shooes can fit ( as they say ) so that that which they heare first , doth so cloy their pallate , that they have no roome left , for any thing that may follow , although it bee better . onely they inferre , that the goodnesse of common poetry , is all one , as well of that which was written heretofore , as of that which is now in use . but because my intent is not here to make a book of the art of poetry , i refer my self to many ancient , and moderne things , that have bin exceeding well written of it , and i will only say , that a curious gentleman , must know his proportion in it , and if he have a vaine in it , having seene , and read much , let him not governe himselfe , by his own phansy , but by theyrs that endevour to understand him . and in things that are grave and very serious , except he find them ready , and easy , let him not trouble himselfe much to reduce them to harmony . for they , not being very quaint , doe onely please him that makes them , and doe displease those that heare them , especially if they be amorous complaints , or of suffering and dying , without knowing how to end . and therefore poetry that is made for mirth , and pastime , is wont to be well accepted of , and if any small fault be committed therein , it is easilyer winked at , then if it were in grave , and sad matters , as for example a pastorall , or thing of pleasure , that represents ( in its colour ) something acted in a country village ; accordingly as we have seene , many sonnets , and pleasing madrigalls , of which i will set down one for example , which was made of a councell held in a village , that had purchased it selfe to be a towne , or corporation . the hedge , and mill , in councell set , proclaym'd by voyce , of common cryer . lord pasquall , merin , being met , in judgement , with paul their grandsire , they quit apitius , keeping swine , lorenzo charge o're bacon gave , the butcher's bound , as with a lyne , of okes , and ac●●ons , ●are to have . they give each massy brasse his charge , out-rusht , marke-gill , the councell fore , that he o' th pillory at large , might treate of mending , ere they goe . then in a rage sayes gurca gill , all 's ordred wel ; why prate you still ? all such things of mirth , which good wits have made , for mirth , & pastime , doe take much , without prejudice to his good repute , that in such a rude style doth manifest his great ability , and elegancy , and now and then , a flash of this , doth not take ill , like a good musician , who what song soever he singeth ( though it be ordinary , and composed without art , ) can help it , and by his good voyce , and grace in singing , make it shew well . but he that knowes not how to doe it , yet is confident in making of verses , and relying meerly upon his own skill , shall publish his works , to the view of al , shal lay himselfe open to a publique censure . and such as these , when they invite a friend unto their house , they torture him with their meeters and sonnets . and we may all wish , to be delivered , from a worke , or discourse of love , made in as long as long tedious stanzaes : according as his losse or burthē , is great or pressing , so that all you read in two houres is but to play at fast and loose , and though thou desirest it not , yet heare it thou must , because it is the first time that thou sawest him . they say also , that to make verses relish well , we must not look for any meane in them , as we doe in other things so earnestly , but extremes . so that they must either be exceeding good , for to please , or very bad , to cause mirth and laughter . 2. of those that are good , as well ancient as moderne , the books , and writings of the famous laureat poets , ( to which i refer the discreet reader ) are stuffed full . but for those that are very bad , of base and poore conceipt , there might well be made a song-booke , of the dull headed poets , which would not be a bad entertaynement , and pastime , for the discreete sort , to tast of , in passing by , as it were , to relish their palates withall . 3. we have , and may see ( every day ) the humors of most witty men , which because some of them have come to my hands , i will not ( to this purpose ) omit , to put a little in this sallate , and for our musicke , it shall suffice to touch a false string , or ( to speake more properly , ) for this enterlude of mirth , and pastime . one going to toledo , to enquire about some businesse , an ordinante , presuming much of his poetry , spake to the examiner ( thinking thereby by his conceipts to get his good will ) in this manner . 4. your worship may be pleased to understand , that amongst the variety of guifts , the lord hath bestowed upon men , he hath bin so gracious to me ( although far unworthy ) to endue me with the gift of poetry . so that i finde the conceipts of poetry , to spring so fast in mee , that they even treade one another under feete , in thronging to vent themselves , and som divine bymnes i have made , ( after the manner of the church anthemes , ) and thus he began to read the first of them . let us rejoyce , let us rejoyce , it is meete we should rejoyce , let us rejoyce , let us rejoyce . and many such things he repeated in this strayne , which caused much mirth , and pleasure , to see in what earnest , and how confidently he spake them . in like manner , another country fellow in a christmas night sung in this manner . ay dedesme la mano peccadores e salvaros he . and the letter of the words were , ay peccadores del euerpo garrido dedesme le mano y aun in escondido , y salvar vos he . 6. and other things of this nature , which is not ill pastime , being repeated in company , so they be but few , and naturally spoken . 7. he also , that cannot frame himselfe to poetry , and must speake in prose , ought not only to take heede , of speaking incongruous words , but also , that he spake not , in a lofty way , and in the tone of a preacher . for though there be more mastership , and difficulty , to preach then to discourse : yet that must bee reserved for its proper time , as he that is to passe through the streete , must not daunce , but walke through , as all know . though it be granted , that there is more skill , in dancing then walking , yet for all this , it would shew ridiculous , for a man to passe skipping , or dancing , for such gestures , are to be reserved , for weddings , and festivalls . and in like manner , must thou forbeare , to vary thy voyce too much in thy discoursing . 8. take heede also that thou avoyd those that are ever talking , as i have already sayd : for there are some , that are so pleased with their owne discourse , that when the matter is at an end , of that which they had to say , yet will they not be silent , but will begin to repeate what they have sayd , or speake other impertinencies . and if any thing be uttered , that they understand , they will take it out of your mouth , like as one hen doth snatch away the meate that another hen carryeth in her beake . 9. and surely , they cannot choose but displease them from whom they ( in this manner ) doe take their words . and nothing so soone moves a man to anger , as when before he is aware , his minde and pleasure is crossed , bee it never so little . as if a man have but lifted up his hand , to throw a stone , and at the instant , one behind him should hold his hand . 10. all these things must be avoyded : but in discoursing , we ought rather to yield to anothers desire , then to hinder it . and therefore if any bee relating , any story , or accident , it is not good to interrupt him , or to tell him , thou knowest it already : nor as he is in the middest of his story , to mix any trifles , or jests of thine own , with this discourse , nor ( to seeme ) to tax his judgement , by upbrayding speeches , or actions , as wagging the head or squinting , with thine eyes ( as many doe ) saying thou canst not endure , such harsh discourse . nor in like manner ) to rend as it were a mans words , from his mouth , being an ill custome , and is no lesse distastfull , then for a man to be stopped by another as he is running a race . nor when another is discoursing , ought we to behave our selves , in such sort , that others that heare them , be moved to leave them , and to listen to some new discourse & gaine that attention to themselves , which was before lent to another . for it is not seemly , to dismisse one , whom thou didst not invite , but to leave him to the rest , to give him attention . 11. in like manner , thou must be attentive to him that discourses , and therefore , it is not fitting at every turne to say , how was this , i pray , as many use to doe . which is as little pleasing , to the speaker , as to tread upon a mans gowne , as he is walking . 12. so that all this , and generally all things , that may stop , or hinder a man , to proceede in the discourse he hath begun , ought to be avoided of us . and if any be slow in his discourse , thou must not be so cholerick , to prevent him , nor to tell him words to expresse himselfe , although thou be rich , and abound in language , and the other be not so , for many take this ill : and especially those that think they know how to speak well . for they are perswaded , you understand their ability , and that you labour to help them , in their own art . even as a rich merchant taketh it for an affront , for another to offer him mony , as if he needed it , and were poore and beggarly . and you must know , that every one thinkes , he knowes how to speake , though modesty forbid him to say so . 13. and i cannot tell you the reason whence it comes ( yet so it is ) that those that know least , are the most talkative . so that every one should beware of much talking , especially if he know little : for it is a rare thing , for a man to talke much , and not to commit many errors , for he that talkes , seemes ( in a sort ) to exercise some soveraignty over his auditours as a master doth over his schollars , and it is not fitting , for a man to assume more , then his share of this superiority . 14. as much talking is troublesome , so also is much silence . for , for a man alwayes to be silent , where others are discoursing , showes they desire not to interest themselves ( as it were ) in paying of the shot , or discourse . and in this case , to speake , is to open the dore , to entertaine his friendship , that heares thee and on the contrary , to be silent , is to shew , that thou desirest to be unknown , and concealed . and so , in this matter of discoursing , and of the extremes thereof , i conclude ; desiring thee to make use of it as a modell and rule of policy to live in good esteeme , as i found it storied in an ancient cronicle , in this manner . there was in the province of morea , a famous carver , called for his great skill , master clarissimo . he being now very old , made a treatise , wherein he expressed all the rules , and secrets of his art ( as being a man very skilfull ) setting down , how to take the dimensions of the lymbes of a mans body , that they might beare a just proportion , and good correspondency , one with the other : and this booke hee called a rule , or direction , by which booke , according to his directions , therein conteyned , all the figures , of mens bodies , which should ( from thenceforth ) be made , ( by other masters ) should bee proportioned : and the more plainely to demonstrate his skill , hee made a statue of fine marble , so excellent , and wel wrought , that it might ( well ) bee called , the example of his booke , and receive the like name of regla , or rule , with it , which ( together ) with his booke , remained for a perfect patterne , to all the master gravers , that should succeede him . now then if perchance it may bee my good hap , that this little booke may come to bee a rule and patterne for a yong man , to imitate , who desires to bee pleasing , and well reputed of , for his behavioure it will then serve in the place of the carvers treatise or rule he first made . but for the second rule , or statue of marble , which is to put the first rules in practise , i cannot ( like that great master ) leave you a visible example . for it is true , that for the ordering of the manners , and customes of people , it is not enough , to know the art , and to have a rule , how to carry ones selfe : it is required also , to put them in practise , use , and custome . which cannot bee learnt in a little time , but requires many yeares , and by little , and little , & in those things , that a man hath wholly spent his time in , hee can instruct another , the way , that hee erred in himselfe . and so those , who have stumbeld , and fallen , doe far better remember , the deceiptfull , and doubtfull paths , then those that never had experience of them . 16. and if in my tender age , when the disposition is more tender , and flexible ) i had had one to admonish me , of these things , perchance i should have bin as considerate as i now desire to make thee to bee . and you may understand , that though the force of a good nature , is much , yet for all this , it may bee altered , and made worse by ill custome . and so it is convenient , that against this custome , wee oppose good rules , and examples , before it grow too strong , and obstinate : al en hornar se hasen los panes tuertos . the ioaves became mishapen in the oven . 17. this the greater sort doe not observe , but follow their owne minde , and pleasure , and going whither it invites them , obeying their naturall inclination , as if reason were an unnaturall thing unto man. but this reason is a powerfull lady , and mistris , to alter the ill customes , and to helpe , and lift up nature , when shee at any time doth stumble or fal . and as we , ( for the most part ) doe not give eare unto her , so wee may ( for the most part ) bee fitly sayd , to resemble those living creatures ( whom god hath not given reason unto ) such as are brute beasts , in whom sometime wee may notwithstanding observe some worke of reason , but not of their owne , but something which wee have taught them , with our reason . as wee may observe in horses , who naturally are wilde , and fierce , and yet , every master of them makes them gentle , and well conditioned , ( more or lesse ) according to his skill , or experience , for wee see many of them having an uncomly trot , are taught by man , to goe a smooth , and easy amble , and to stand quietly , to runne , to prance and bound , and all this they learne , and are therein subject , to our will , and reason . 18. if then , the horse , the dog , and the birds , and many other creatures , ( though much fiercer then these ) doe submit themselves to the reason of another , and doe obey it , and profit so farre thereby , ( a thing which by nature they know not , but were utterly repugnant thereto ) that they become so ready , and usefull , not by nature , but meerly by custome : how much more ought man , to believe , that hee shall much advantage himselfe , by the rules , and documents , that are drawne from our owne reason , if wee will give care unto them . but sensuall men love present delight , and avoyde that , which troubles them , and detaynes them from it . they doe not therefore reject reason , because they thinke it bitter , the truth being , that they esteeme it in the first place ; nor is the hurtfull pleasure , ( oftentimes ) but even that which is good , noysome and offensive to the depraved , and subdued palate ; for while wee live , according to sense , we are like a sicke man , to whom all foode , though it bee sweete , and pleasant , relishes ill , and seemes naught : and hee finds fault with every one , that giveth it unto him , though the fault be not in the meate , but the bitternesse hee feeles is in his owne tongue ; so that hee tastes not the goodnesse , and sweetnesse of the meate . so reason , which of it selfe is sweete , seems bitter unto us , more by our distemper , then that ( in it selfe ) it is so indeed , and being tender , and delicate , we esteeme it not , but doe dissemble , and cloake our owne errors and weakenesse , objecting , that there are no spurres , no bridle , sufficient , to governe our naturall inclinations . and surely , if wee should meete with oxen , or other unreasonable creatures , they could not affoord us a worse sentence , nor more sencelesse then this . wee then at ripe yeares , yea in old age it selfe would continue to be like yong men , were it not , that reason ( that encreaseth in us with our yeares ) doth turne us from beastes , unto men . and thereby it prevaileth above our senses , and appetite ; and so is it our owne fault , and our owne neglect , and not our nature , that makes us culpable in this kinde . 14. except wee can blame her , by way of mirth , as a witty italian once did , upon the stage , before a great auditory , after this manner , dame nature erred , in placing a mans legges the wrong way , upon his body : for the calves , and the heeles , which should have bin set foremost , were set behind ; by reason whereof , as a man walkes , hee doth often breake his shins , and hurt his toes , ( which is a great paine to him ) which hee could not have done , if the calfe of the legge had stood formost , but especially , in going up a paire of theyrs , our feete standing that way , doe often make us stumble , and fall . a man ought also to have had a doore made in his belly , to open and shut , that when hee should bee costive , or bound in his belly , hee might open it , and unstop the passage , and wash his guts , and then there would bee no neede , to set such battering glister cannons against the postern , nor to make use of so many medicinall bullets , as are used to force the passage open . 20. and it might ( likewise ) serve , that gallants might not cosen their mistresses , but , that when they professe to them , in this manner , my faire mistresse , i here within mee doe carry engraven in my heart , your curious portraiture , shee might ( then ) presently open the doore , and goe in , and see , whether hee spake true or no , and then they durst not be so bould , to lie so incredibly , as they now usually doe , unto their mistresses . 21. but leaving these fooleries , and returning to our purpose , i say , it is false , and perverse to maintaine there is no bridle can restraine nature , nor master that can tutor her . for we have seene ( formerly ) that there are two things that can order her ; the first is custome , and the other is reason ; and that custome must not thwart , that which is in use amongst us . for this use or custome is the sonne and heyre of our times . 22. therefore wee ought , from our very youth , to beginne to learne to bee of a good disposition , first , because then a man hath most time to learne , and to shew it ; and secondly , because that age ( being tender , pure , and incorrupt , ) doth easily receive any colour : and in like manner , the things a man learneth in his youth , are seldome forgotten : but sticke by us as long as wee live . 23. but besides this , we are to consider , that men are passionate , upon beauty , handsomnesse , and good proportion , and on the contrary they are enemies to foulnesse , and things extremly ugly . and this is one especiall priviledge , which irrationall creatures are not partakers of . for they cannot distinguish betweene beauty , and deformity . and therefore , as a thing which is not common , with the beasts , but onely proper to us ; wee ought to value it , and esteeme it , much in it selfe ; and much more , those that are endowed with better understanding , as being those , that are more capable to understand it : and though wee cannot precisely describe , what beauty properly is , nor in what it punctually consists , yet for all that , ( that thou mayst know something of her , ) i desire you to know ; that where you finde a decent proportion of the parts , having relation to themselves , in particular , and to the whole in generall , this is beauty ; and that thing , where this comly , and good proportion is found , ●s a perfect and beautifull thing . which is the greatest beauty , that can bee imagined , as i have bin taught , by a very learned man ; even so as thou mayest behold in the faces of brave , and gallant ladies for the forme of each of whose faces it seemes each part of them hath bin made by the patterne of some one excellent face , on purpose to make them exquisite , which seemes not so in ill favored faces , but the contrary , namely to bee many ugly parts , taken from severall ugly faces , to make them the more deformed . for put case , that an ill favoured lady have great , and goggle eyes , a small and thin nose , hollow cheekes ▪ a pouch mouth , a long chin , an ill complexion ; you would thinke , that this face , was not made by one face , but taken out of many , and made of severall pieces , which you cannot thinke of a well featured face , as i have already could you . 24. it may be , that famous painter that made all the beautifull virgins of calabria , come naked before him , did nothing else , but view the good proportions , that many of them had taken from one excellent creature , ( some of them having one part excellent , others another ) and made them ( every of them ) restore that which they had thus robbed her of , whom hee was to draw . for that the beauty of venus was to bee such , as a creature made up , of such severall , rare , and exquisite parts , would be . 25. i would not have you thinke , that this is to be understood onely , of the beauty of good faces , and comely proportion , of the body . but it falls out in speaking , and in action , neither more nor lesse then , as if thou shouldest finde a noble , and brave lady , very hansome , washing of cloathes , at a brooke , in the open streete , though for any thing else , shee offends thee not : yet even this , thou seest her doing , will make thee loath her , because she shewes not her selfe , one and the same shee appeared , but divers , and her originall , condition and estate , is such , as belong to a neate and noble dame , but her workes , belong to a vile , and poore conditioned woman . and though there come from her , no ill sent , or favour , nor any ill noise , nor hath she an ill complexion nor doth any way offend any of thy sences : yet will this unsutable action , base comportment , and vile worke ( so unsutable to her condition ) bee very unpleasing to thee . 26. thou must therefore , take heede of all things that are unsutable to thee , as of such like disagreeing manners , and behaviour : but with greater care , and circumspection , that thou give no example of scandall , to any by thy actions : but especially take heede of such things as i have tould you of : for it is more hard , to know when one erreth in such things , then in other : for it is true , that the sence is more active then the understanding . yet neverthelesse , it falls out , ( many times ) that that very thing , that distasts the sences , doth also displease the understanding : but this is not by the same occasion , but by divers , as i sayd before , when i shewed you , that a wise man must cloath himselfe , according to the fashion of other men , and not according to his owne humour ; that hee may not shew , that hee desires to reprove , and amend others : which ( to most men ) is a hatefull thing , to those who desire to bee commended . it doth in like manner , offend the judgment , of understanding men , and therefore a man ought not onely to bee contented , to doe things , that are good , but hee must endevour , to doe them bravely , and comly . and this bravery or gallantry , is nothing else , but a lustre , that proceedes from the conveniency , and conformity of those things , that , are well composed , without which comlinesse , even a good thing , is not faire , nor is the beauty thereof acceptable . 27. and even as meate , though it bee good , and wholesome , if it have no relish , will not please the palate : so is it somtimes in the manners of men , which though in themselves they bee not hurtfull , nor dangerous , yet are they ( neverthelesse ) simple , and bitter : except grace , and bravery , be added to them , or that which wee here call pleasantnesse . for which reason , every one must needs displease by committing of faults , and errors , because he doth things that agree not together , and so settled , & reserved dispositions , doe take dislike at their disagreement , or unsutablenesse . so that hee that would be pleasing to the people , in his cariage , must fly all vices ; but those especially , which are most brutish , or beastly : as are luxury , covetousnesse , cruelty , and the like , some of which are base , as namely to bee a glutton , or a drunkard , both of which ( for the evill property of them ) are rejected and abhorred , of most men , as being things dishonourable . but because wee are not , ( heere ) to treate of the nature of vices , or vertues , but onely of pleasing , and displeasing manners , and neglects , into which people doe fall , as was that of count ricardo , and others , of whom i have spoken , i will not dwell upon them . it is onely my intent to speake of that , which civill and well fashioned people must observe , which is , to bee carefull to keepe this beauty , and good proportion , of the things i have told them of . which wee must make use of , in our wordes , and works , in going , standing still , in sitting , and carrying our selves , in our cloathing , in our speech , and in houlding our peace , and in our sleeping , and ( generally ) in what ever wee say , or doe . and this i finde to bee the reason , why a man must not cloath himselfe like a woman , because his person must not bee of one kinde , and his habit of another : as some doe , that crisp their hayre , with hot irons , and lick their faces over , with a painting wash . 28. nor should a man bee either beastly , or else perfumed , for one is proper for a boore , and the other for an effeminate body ; but it is best , for a gentleman , to smell of nothing either good , or ill : this being indeede the best kinde of neatenesse . 29. sometimes hee may use this curiosity , by meanes of some rich perfumed gloves , which hee weares , in a carelesse way . but that which doth please him best , that reckons himselfe for a gallant , is to have his linen sprinkled , with sweete waters , and to have his black cloake or gowne , very fine , and cleane brushed . which things hee that may , yet will not have them , offends the sight of his friend , for slovenlinesse is a vice , and neatnesse a vertue , as was well sayd , by a grave arch-bishop of granado , to his chaplaine , who thinking to get the bishops favour , and so bee the sooner preferred by him , distinguisht himselfe , from the other chaplaines , by his beastly and slovenly going , as with his necke bare , without any appearance of a shirt , and his head hanging in his bosome . the wise arch-bishop , finding his hypocrisy , sayd unto him , father , this is not holinesse , but nastinesse ; goe neate ; and cleanely , or else you get nothing of mee . it would consequently have pleased this prelate , as ill , to see in his servants such extreame curiosity and nicenesse and tricking , that many use , straightning their neckes so with their collers , that if they bee to turne their heades , on one side , they cannot doe it , but they are forced , to turne their whole bodies , and by their trimmings , and embroderies , their cloathes cannot bee distinguished , from the cloathes , which the gallant ladies weare . and so , all disproportion doth ill become : as on the contrary , it beseemes not a pleasing courtier , to goe poorely , or slovenly or carelessely , attyred : never taking care , to button his doublet , or to bee trimmed , or to goe in thrid-bare or torne garments . to this purpose it is storyed of a lords yonger sonne , unto whom his parents never gave any cloathes , but such as his elder brother had left off , that both of them falling sicke , and chickens being provided for them to eate , at the meale time the tenderest chicken was made choyce of for his elder brother : the yonger brother seeing it , spake thus to his parents , how comes it to passe , that i must have the tough chicken , and the tender cloathes ? and for this speech , hee was so esteemed , and got the favour of his parents so much , that ever after that , they gave him as good cloathes as his elder brother . 30. the cloathes as wee have sayd , must bee according to the fashion that others of thy age doe weare their garments in , and in the company of the grave nobility , plumes , and springgs , ( such as souldiers weare in the warres ) are not seemely , to bee worne , nor embroideries , and laced garments ; much lesse armes , or buffe coates , which onely in the warre , doe shew well . for the curious cavaleeres , and souldiers , that are courtly ; when they are in the cities , or court , they lay aside their bravery and they bee such souldiers ( for the most part ) that never were out of the land , or in the warres , that doe use to flant it , in this manner . and in cities , and among quiet people , those that goe armed , ( usually ) and with plumes in their hats , are not pleasing , for they are like nettles , or stinking weeds , in a garden of sweete herbes , and flowers . and so are ill accepted of , by the citizens , being distinguished from them , in their habits . 31. an honourable person must not runne through the street , nor make much hast , like him that goes of an errand , which is fitter for lackayes , and footmen , then for people of worth to doe : and besides this , they make themselves sweete , and put themselves out of breath , to no purpose , there being no necessity for them to doe it . 32. yet ought not one to goe so softly , and slowly , as women , nor so soberly , as a bride ; nor when hee walketh in hast , to goe wreathing his body , or looke smilingly upon every body , like little girles . 33. nor to lift up both his hands , clutched together , or to thrust out his armes , which is , as if a man , were going to sowe corne with them . 34. some in their going lift up their feete like horses , that start : and doe lash out their legges as farre as if they drew them out of the midst of a chest , or some deepe vessell : some drawle their feete so , upon the ground , that a cart makes but a little more noise , then they doe : and some there bee , that east one foote out from them , ill favouredly , and others that rubbe one legge against another , or goe shaking and in a dancing fashion ; all which things , are unseemly , and displeasing . for if ( by chance ) thy horse goes with his mouth open , or shew his tongue , though it take not from his goodnesse , yet for all this hee is the lesse worth , for this ill favoured quality : if then bravery , and neatnesse , bee esteemed so much , in unreasonable creatures , and even in things without sense , as for example , two houses built in one place , and with one charge , if one of them bee more comly and more pleasant then the other , it is therefore accompted more worth : how much more then this beauty , and neatnesse is valued , by men , it is easy from hence to be understood . 35. it is not good , when thou art at the table , to scratch thy selfe ; and a man must at that time , forbeare to spit ; and if hee bee forced to doe it , it is seemely , for him to doe it , very concealedly . i have heard one say , hee hath seene a people , that doe never spit , therefore we may well forbeare it for a little space . 36. wee ought also , to beware of taking our meate so greedily , that by that meanes , there be caused belching or any other unpleasing act , like as those doe , who make so much hast , that they are forced , to fetch their breath strongly , and to puffe , and blow , with trouble to all the company . 37. nor must wee wipe our teeth with our napkin , or with our finger , nor wash our mouth , and so spit out the washing thereof , that all may see thee . 38. nor after we are risen from the table , to stand with a pick-tooth , in our mouth , or any other instrument wee use to make them cleane withall : like a bird , that is carrying strawes , or stickes to her neast ; nor to stick them in our eares , like a barber . 39. and hee that hath a clenser for his teeth , hanging about his necke , let him not draw it out ; for besides that it is strange , to see a gentleman , draw out of his bosome , an instrument , belonging to a tooth-drawer , it argues him , ( also ) to have much thought of his belly . and according as hee weares this , hee may as well also weare a spoone about his neck . 40. wee ought not , to leane with our elboes , or armes , upon the table : nor to stuffe our mouthes , with meate , so full , that our cheekes , may bee swollen ( thereby ) like a bag-pipers , nor to shew any action , by which wee may make it appeare , to another , that the meate pleaseth us very much , or the wine , which is the fashion of vintners , and of pratling drunkards : nor to call to them , that are at the table , in this manner ; you eate nothing to day , or heere is nothing you can eate , i pray eate of this . which ( mee thinkes ) is not fitting , though hee thou hast invited , bee one of thy kindred , or very familiar friend : for though thereby , it seemes thou hast a care of him , yet many times , it is an occasion , that thy guest cannot use his owne liberty , in his dyet , and so may get hurt thereby . and therefore i hould it not fitting , to offer another any thing , that thou hast upon thy trencher , except thou bee a farre better man , then hee : so that , hee that receives it , may take it , for an honour done unto him . for amongst equalls , hee that thus offers it , seemes to make himselfe better then him , to whom hee offers it ; and it may offend him , that the other should thus ( seeme to ) undervalue him . yet notwithstanding this , thou must not refuse , or returne , that which hee presents thee withall , that thou mayst not seeme , to take it ill , or to finde fault with him . chapter , 15. of compotations or drinkings . an invitation to drinking by a strange word , wee call brindis , which is to drinke a health to one ; of it selfe , it is an ill , and clownish fashion ; and though some ( in our country , ) doe use it , and entertaine it , yet wee ought to avoyd it ; and if any invite thee to it , thou mayst refuse his invitation , and acknowledge thy weaknesse , giving him thankes , and accepting friendly the wine , without drinking it . these drinkings , or healthes ( for so wee may interpret them ) are sayd to have bin much used ( of old ) in some parts of greece , where i have herd say , there have bin some , that were very famous for this manner of drinking : it is sayd of a famous man , of that time , called socrates , that hee sat up bouldly , a whole night , to drinke with a famous drinker , called aristophanes : and the next morning , hee drew a curious geometricall figure , without missing a hayre , in its true proportion , whence you may gather , the wine had not stirred him : and the reason was , because hee had so much used to adventure himselfe , in this bould way of drinking . and though many shew their strength , in drinking much , and use to drinke for wagers , that they will not bee made drunke , yet wee ought to accompt of their victories , if they win but as of an infectious vice , and a brutish sin . 3. shew not thy selfe troubled , at any thing thou canst not helpe , and if thou repentest of any thing thou hast done , let no body know it , that none may discover thy weakenesse ; yet by way of mirth , i will tell you a jest that befell a gallant , and it was not an ill one , of whom it is sayd , that being desired ( by a lady , ) to come to a tilting in blew cloathing , hee promised to doe it , but because hee had no mony , nor other thing to provide himselfe this livery withall , hee sould a more that hee highly esteemed , and having worn his blew cloathes , and being afterwards sorry for the error , he had committed , his more broke this jest upon him , of blacke comes blew . none ought to put off his cloathes before another , especially his shoes : for it may fall out , that the partes of thy body , which should bee hid , may bee discovered , to thy shame , and his , that sees it . nor must thou combe thy head , or wash thy hands , before people of worth , but thou must doe them in private , in thy lodging , and not in publike , excepting that washing of the handes , may bee done before any body , when thou art to sit downe , to thy meate , for in that case , though one bee cleane already , yet ought every one then to wash , that he that eateth with him , may have assurance of his cleanelinesse , nor must thou come before company , with the cap thou wearest a nights , or with thy night geere on , or come out , tying or untying it , nor to speake to any thou seest in thy house , in the manner as many usually doe . o sir , pray stay there a little ; nor is it a good fashion at night to dresse thy selfe , or to binde up thy head , as i have seene some doe , with as great curiosity , as if they were women : except there bee some extraordinary necessity for it . 4. a new married gentleman , used this curiosity , who being a smooth faced youth , without a beard , being with his wife , in his chamber , a messenger came in thither , to looke for him , that had a message to deliver to him : and being there , and seeing them both so trimmed up , and one as well as the other , without a beard , hee asked , which of their worships was the gentleman to whom hee was sent to , that hee might not bee mistaken in his message ? then the husband put off his night-geere , and resolved , no more to put it on , till hee should have a beard . 5. there bee some , that hold it for great ingenuity , often , to wreath their mouthes into divers fashions , to rowle and glance with their eyes , to swell their cheekes , like bagpipes , to stand puffing , and blowing , and making of variety of faces : and some others there bee that are so discomposed when they doe some certaine things , that they put out their tongues , almost a hand-breadth , as they are in doing it : these should altogether avoyde the doing of such things : as it is storyed of the goddesse pallas , who was sometimes delighted in playing on the cornet , till it happened , that ( one day ) playing thereon , for her pleasure , by a fountaine side , shee beheld her selfe in the water , and beholding those new & strange faces , which shee must necessarily make , while shee played , was ashamed of her selfe , and presently broke the cornet , in pieces . and indeede , it was well done of her , it not being an instrument , fitting for ladies , nor yet for men , except for those that make it their profession . and that which shewes ill in the face does as bad in the rest of the members , and therefore it becomes not a man , to shew his teeth , except hee laugh , nor much to scratch the beard , or to rubbe one hand against another , nor to sigh much , or to seeme much discontented , and to complaine of his misfortune as many doe , more out of a custome they have gotten , then for any just occasion they have to doe it . or to stand stretching , or rowsing up himselfe : nor to cry out , woe , woe unto mee , as i have seene some to doe . nor is it good to make a noyse with the mouth , in token , that wee wonder at , or dislike any thing : or to counterfeit a foule matter , for things counterfeit are not very farre differing from truth . one ought not to laugh sleepily making ugly faces , or to laugh more for custome then necessity . nor must thou bee much taken with thine owne speech , or gestures , which is to commend thy selfe , for laughter belongs to him that is a hearer , and not a speaker . thou must then take care of the cariage of thy body , especially when thou speakest , for it falls out , that some are so besotted upon their owne discourse , that they regard nothing else . and some there are , that wag their heades , or turne their eyes or shrinke up their eye browes , to the midle of their foreheads , or else let them ( skowlingly ) hang downe over their eyes . and some there are , that make wry mouthes , others that spit , and even sprinkle their faces , with whom they discourse ; you may finde others , that use such action , and quick motion with their hands , as they talke that you would thinke , they were driving flyes away , all which customes , are very offensive . and as pindar saith , every thing that is done sweetly and relisheth well , is performed in a free , and conformable way . what then may i say of him , that goes into company , with a pen in his eare , or a ruler in his mouth , or of him , that layes one legge upon the table , or that spits betweene his fingers ? and of innumerable other sottish cricks , which men may by observation finde to bee used ? concerning which i heere intend not to enlarge my selfe , because i know there be many , will say , i have sayd farre too much . and so i conclude , giving thee to understand , that thou must not thinke that of these little things one can make but a small fault , but that by many little ones , a great one may at last bee committed . and that the lesse they are , the more care thou hadst neede to take to leave them , because they are so hardly discerned , nor doth he that doth them consider , that like as small vnthrifty expences , which by their continuance doe consume our estates before we are aware of them ; even so doe these little faults , by their great number , spoile our good behaviour . therefore they being of so great moment , wee ought not to make sport of them . finis . imprimatur tho. wykes . 